Masturbation or, autoeroticism is a normal phenomenon, and studies from all

over the world have shown that both boys and girls masturbate. Kinsey et al.
found that, for adolescent boys, masturbation provides a form of sexual outlet
which alleviates their nervous tensions (Abramson, 1973; Kinsey et al., 1953).
.FEMALE AND MALE MASTER........They have also found that most females
masturbate for the sake of immediate sexual satisfaction, and as a means of
resolving the physiologic disturbances which arise when they are sexually
aroused, but are restrained by social customs from having sociosexual contacts
(Kinsey et al., 1953; Ellis, 1955; Bhatia & Malik, 1991). Thus, in orthodox and
conservative societies, where premarital sexual activities are still unacceptable,
masturbation offers the only means of sexual outlet for adolescents. There have
been a few studies on masturbation among young boys in India (Sharma et al.,
1996; Bhatia & Malik, 1991; Savara & Sridhar, 1992; Bhende, 1994) but there is a
paucity of data with reference to the status of masturbation among girls in our
country. We observed that almost one-third of the girls studied by us were
masturbators.

A number of scientific studies has conclusively demonstrated the intimate

relationship between exposure to different types of mass media and the sexual
behaviour of an individual (Heine, 1980; Brown et al., 1990; Bearinger, 1990;
Abramson, 1983; Lottes et al., 1993; Wilson & Abelson, 1973).SOURCE OF
LEARNING ABT MANSTER:... Our observation that girls with access to cable
television are more likely to be masturbators, confirms this hypothesis.
However, it is pertinent to note that there are various other confounding factors
(such as a high socioeconomic status, better educational status of parents, etc.)
which are associated with access to cable television, and which can influence the
sexual behaviour of an individual independently.

This figure seems low when compared with data for girls from Western
countries, where a prevalence ranging from 58% to 70% has been reported
(Abramson & Mechanic, 1983; Hyde, 1990; Kelly, 1994; Leitenberg et d., 1993;
Michael et al., 1994; Reinisch, 1990). This may be explained on the basis of
differences in the sexual mores and norms in these societies or, alternatively, it
could merely be a consequence of underreporting in our study. However, this
finding merits attention because it belies the general assumption that girls in
puritanical and orthodox societies, such as India, do not practise masturbation. It
may also be regarded as a development of the weakening of social control
mechanisms and the relative liberalization of social norms regarding sexual
behaviour in modern Indian society.

GUILT:.........Masturbation has for centuries been variously labelled as a

degenerate perversion and a pleasant, self-indulgent pastime. The pairing of
these two strongly emotional responses, viz. the physical pleasure and the
learned disgust for it, provides the basis for a sexually guilty conscience (Kelly,
1983; Bullough, 1997; Greenbank, 1961; MacDonald, 1967; Hare, 1962; Arafat &
Cotton, 1974). We found that all the girls who were masturbators had
developed a strong feeling of anxiety and guilt. Moreover, a large number of
them associated masturbation with the causation of diseases, infertility and
marital disharmony. This is a cause as well as a consequence of the
perpetuation of myths and misbeliefs. Masturbation is a normal physiological
phenomenon, which permits people to satisfy their sexual urges and desires,
without indulging in socially prohibited sexual relationships (Davidson, 1984). It
is indeed ironic that, in this era of sociocultural and economic liberalization,
adolescents should suffer from guilt and shame because of masturbation. Our
findings reiterate the significance of incorporation of some form of sex education
in the school curriculum

RELIGION:........The religion of the girl had no significant impact on her

masturbational status. Similarly, we did not find any differences in the
prevalence of masturbation among girls from different religions. This finding is
consistent with studies conducted in other parts of the world (Sheeran et al.,
1993; King et al., 1976). It appears that during the period of adolescence, peer
influences, socioeconomic factors and familial factors have a much greater
impact on the sexual orientation and behaviour of an individual compared with
religious factors.

This study revealed profound conflicts,and striking gender differences,within

the masturbation ideologies and beliefs of many young adults.This research
demonstrated that many young adults held strong scripts out lining the
appropriateness of masturbation that were specific to gender and reflected
traditional double standards. However, this study also illustrated multiple
discourses, showing masturbation as a site of ideological conflict. The cultural
scenarios and social contexts that inform these scripts and ideologies appeared
to pivot on the silence of families and draw heavily on peers and the media.
Theories of discourse and ideology can provide a helpful lens to interpret these
findings. Although ideology has traditionally been seen as a tool to facilitate
hegemony, non-
dominantgroupscanalsoputforwardideologiesasaformofresistance (Connell,
1995; Rose,2007; Wodak & Meyer, 2001). Groups in power must respond to
shifts in discourse and
incorporateelementsofcompetingideologies.Thus,thedominant ideology can be
reconfigured through the negotiation of discourse as it competes with other
resistant ideologies. This results in the non-static nature of lived hegemony
(Kates & Shaw-Garlock,1999;Wodak&Meyer,2001).However,responding to social
trends does not necessarily signify reversals or upheavals in hegemony. Rather,
these gradual and small changes can still maintain the bulk of the dominant
ideology (hegemonic accommodation) (Hall, 1982). Ideologies concerning
sexuality and gender are increasingly recognized as in motion and fractured in
ways that may present today’s
youngadultswithmorechoicesabouthowtobehaveandmay open new possibilities
for movement towards equality (Connell, 1995; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005;
Schwartz,2007). These shifting ideologies and approaches to gender and
relationships may also result in confusion or uncertainty among young adults
about sexual experiences (Banker, Kaestle, & Allen, 2010). Many of the young
adults in this study cited the media, peers, and partners as important contexts to
their developing understanding of masturbation. These influences reflected a
range of traditional and disruptive discourses on gender and masturbation.
Traditional gendered scripts of sexual aggressiveness for men and of passiveness,
gate-keeping, and relationshipprioritizingandmaintenanceforwomenarecommon
inmedia(Kimetal.,2007).Eventheshownamedinseveralof our study narratives as
particularly informative, Sex and the
City,hasbeenfoundtoultimatelyconformtothetraditionally
genderedscriptofwomenasrelationshipmaintainers(Markle,
2008).Womenalsomentionedsextoypartieswithpeersasan important context for
peer interactions about masturbation. Such parties may reflect a radical shift in
attitudes toward masturbation and female sexuality by promoting products
traditionally not available to most women and by assuming that a woman
deserves pleasure. However, some parties may leave the impression that women
are responsible not only for their partner’s orgasm but for their own orgasm as
well (McCaughey & French, 2001), and thus may not necessarily disrupt the view
of women as relationship caretakers. In
contrast,reportsinthisstudythatmalepartnerswereinstrumental in teaching some
women how to masturbate show a dramatic shift in traditional gendered
relationship caretaking roles, indicatingthatthe connection men may feelwith
their female partners and their desire for those women to have better lives
mayoutweightraditionalmasculineideologies(Connell,1987). Although a mix of
peer and media influences on masturbation ideologies and beliefs were abundant
in our study narratives,silenceaboutmasturbationathomewasnearuniversal, and
schools rarely addressed the topic. Previous studies have
documentedtheinfluenceofparentsinshapingsexualscripts,
notjustinwhattheysaydirectlybutintheirreactionstobehaviors and their use of
language and symbols (Crouter & Booth,
2006;Kimmel,2007).Perceivedparentaldisapprovalisalsoa consistent predictor of
sexual behaviors (Halpern, Waller,
Spriggs,&Hallfors,2006),whichispertinentasourstudynarrativesconsistentlydescrib
ednotonlythepervasivesilenceof
familiesonthetopicofmasturbationbutalsoreflectedtheassumption by participants
that this silence implied disapproval.
Giventhepaucityofreputablesourcesofinformationonmasturbation, young adults
were left to cobble together their own interpretations and understandings of the
topic. Some adopted traditionalstigmatizeddiscourses,whileothersslowlymodified
theirviewstoseemasturbationasnatural.Ithasbeentheorized that masturbation
normalization is a developmental landmark of adolescence (Shapiro, 2008).
However, our narratives
illustratedthatthisconceptualizationmaybetoolimitingintermsof
timingandscope.Normalizingmasturbation,andpossiblygoing one step further to
appreciating the positive aspects of masturbation, appeared to be developmental
tasks that continued intoyoungadulthoodandatwhichonlysomesucceed.Evenin the
absence of overt learning about any positive aspects of
masturbation,someyoungadultsinourstudyeventuallyredefined sexual health for
themselves in a way that included a strong positive view of masturbation.
Theseparticipantsnotonlyrejectedstigmabutdevelopeda discourse embracing
masturbation as a critical part of sexual development and self-discovery that was
necessary for safe and satisfying sexual lives. Not only did positive healthy and
beneficial outcomes of masturbation permeate these narratives, but many of
these young adults described masturbation as a fulfilling substitute for riskier
sexual activities. This idea onlyappeared innarrativesthatembraced
masturbationwithoutstigma,raisingtheprovocativequestionofwhetherefforts
toreplacetheshamingdiscourseonmasturbationduringdevelopment with one that
was more accepting of its role in healthy sexualitycouldincreasethe use of
masturbationasaneffective substitute for risky behavior. These young adults
realized that masturbation can be
relational.Manywomeninourstudywroteabouttheprofound influence their sexual
partners had in helping them learn how to masturbate. Further, these narratives
indicated that it was not just relationships that influenced masturbation, but that
masturbation can advance and may be critical for the
developmentofhealthysexualrelationships.Masturbationwasseen
asanimportantwaytoexploreone’sownpreferencesandcommunicate those
preferences to partners, especially for women. Most strikingly, our study
highlighted the continued gendered nature of masturbation. Although our original
question did not ask about or even mention gender, participants consistently felt
compelled to discuss gender issues at length and with great passion. They
described male and female masturbation as having very different scripts and
levels of stigma. Furthermore, male and female participants differed substantially
in their own discourse development, with nearly twothirds of the men in our
study using a health and benefits
discourse,comparedtoonly16%ofthewomenusingthisdiscourse. This demonstrates
that discourses continue to reflect men feeling a greater allowance to pursue
pleasure as a positive goal (Petersen & Hyde, 2010). Despite the influence of what
some saw as radical or progressive factors, such as Sex and the City or sex toy
parties, women still used more conservative or ambivalent masturbation
discourses compared to men. More research is needed o determine if such
discourses havelastingeffectsontheirsexualandrelationaldevelopment
bylimitingtheirrepertoireofsafe,satisfying,andempowering sexual options when
they are making sexual decisions.
Thenarrativesreflectedawistfulnessonthepartoftheyoung
adultsforbettersourcesofinformationaboutmasturbationfrom schools and parents.
In particular, young adults described how
differentlytheywouldapproachtalkingtotheirownchildrenin the future to create a
more open and accepting family
environment.Thisstatedgoalmayopenopportunitiesforsexualhealth educators to
address masturbation. Past research indicates that including masturbation in
sexuality education can improve
attitudestowardmasturbationanddebunkmythsorfalsebeliefs
(LoPresto,Sherman,&Sherman,1985).Perhapsbecauseof the prevalence of sex-
negative approaches in sex education
(Russell,2005),manyyoungadultsfeltthatitwasnotuntilcollegethattheyhadaccessto
moreaccurateinformationaboutmasturbationandenteredamoreacceptingatmosph
eretoexplore its role in their sexual development. However, about 90% of
youngadultsarealreadysexuallyactive(Halpernetal.,2006), so college is a relatively
late time to be learning basic facts about masturbation. Also, young adults who
are not college bound may not obtain access to the information nor the
environment that a college student has available.
Oneoftheprimarylimitationsofthisresearchwasthatitdid not include young
adultswho werenot incollege so we could
notcomparetheirdevelopment.Thiswillbeanimportantnext step in research on the
development of masturbation discourses. College students may differ in
important ways from non-collegiate young adults, and students who choose to
register in a human sexuality course and agree to participate in related research
may also be more curious or less inhibited
(Wiederman,1999).Contextualcuesfrominteractionswith
theinstructorsmayhaveproduceddemandcharacteristicsthat influenced the essays
submitted, with students attempting to
conformtowhattheyperceivedasinstructorexpectations.Our sample had more
women than men and was primarily white;
bothofthesecharacteristicsmayhaveprofoundeffectsonthe sexual scripts that
guide young adults (Mahay, Laumann, &
Micheals,2000).Moreresearchisneededintotheinfluenceof race, ethnicity, and
gender on masturbation issues. However,our study had a relatively large sample
size and the inclusionofbothmenandwomenenabledustouncoverapattern
ofgenderinequitythatwasbothobservedbyparticipantsintheir narratives and
observed by the researchers in comparing the discourses of men and women. The
use of qualitative methods and
groundedtheoryallowedustogivevoicetothelivedexperiences
ofyoungadultsandexplorethemesthatemergedorganicallyfrom
thedata.Demographicsurveymethodshaveadvantagesinterms of generalizability
and influence on the field of sex research, but existing studies tend to focus on
risk as conceptualized by
researchersratherthanonexperiencesofpositivesexualdevelopment (Russell,
2005). Future research would benefit from a mixed methods approach, using the
nuances uncovered through qualitative inquiry to inform larger-scale surveys.
Fifty-two percent of parents had given consent for their children to fill up the
questionnaire. It could be because either they were not shown the consent form
by their children or that they were apprehensive of it. However, it was heartening
to note that 78.10% children of consenting parents completed the questionnaire,
implying that adolescent students per se were not much averse to it. Others could
not as they were absent on the day of survey.

Femininity and masculinity or one’s gender identity refers to the degree to which
persons see themselves as masculine or feminine given what it means to be a
man or woman in society. Femininity and masculinity are rooted in the social
(one’s gender) rather than the biological (one’s sex). Societal members decide as
to what being male or female means e.g. dominant or passive, brave or
emotional. Males will generally respond by defining themselves as masculine
while females will generally define themselves as feminine.[17] The concept of
masculinity in India usually implies having good physical looks and penis size. It is
usually is associated with sexuality that often involves coercive sexual
behaviors.[18] It was thus not surprising to find in our study that a large number
of boys agreeing to the fact that sexual act proves their masculinity (∼29% of
boys) [Table 1]. Barker & Lowenstein reported in a study from Brazil that
becoming sexually active is perceived as an easier way of ascertaining masculinity
rather than by proving their productivity and ability to financially support
family.[2] Verma et al reported that many young men indulged in unwarranted,
unsolicited verbal comments, whistling, jostling, touching, and harassing girls as a
form of proving their masculinity.[18]

The concept of femininity generally inculcated into girls in India is that of being
submissive, being coy about their sexuality, and being obedient.[3] In the present
study therefore, it is not very surprising to find that only 17.64% of girls agreed
that having sex proves their femininity and of those who have had sexual contact
only 13.5% agreed to such a view, whereas among boys the percentage was
significantly higher on both accounts (46.25% and 27.55%, P=0.004) [Table 1].

Impett et al had reported that increasing femininity is associated with less sexual
self-efficacy. Sexual selfefficacy is a girl’s conviction that she can act upon her own
sexual needs in a relationship. Diminished self-sufficiency in turn predicted less
sexual experience and less use of protection.[19] However, in our study we had
not asked for their ability to use protection during sexual acts. Tolman reported a
significant association between early adolescent girl’s espousals of more
conventional beliefs about femininity and diminished positive sexual health. It is
not quite common for women to assert their femininity by indulging in sexual
activity. When they have poor social skills, they may offer sex for social support or
staying in marriage.[20] Such behaviors put both boys and girls at risk of HIV
infection/STDs/pregnancy. Therefore, they should be encouraged to assert their
masculinity/femininity by engaging in pursuance of good social skills, improving
their intellectual assertiveness rather than sexual assertiveness. Further studies
are warranted to understand the construct of femininity among our
adolescents.

Sexual abuse of a child is defined as involvement of a child in a sexual activity

that he/she does not fully comprehend, is unable to give informed consent, or
to those acts that violate the laws or social taboos of society.[12] While we had
found that 7.84% boys and 13.53% girls having had experienced sexual abuse, it
is not surprising as Patel et al also had reported sexual abuse from educated
high school students.[21] Stewart et al had in a study found that such children
are likely to indulge in risky sexual behavior, be unable to use contraception
correctly, and are prone to various STDs/HIV infections.[14]In our study we
found a significant association of sexual abuse with sexual contact but only
among boys (P=0.0017) [Table 2]. We had not asked for the time of abuse so
cannot say if the sexual activity preceded or followed sexual abuse. More
comprehensive longitudinal studies are hence needed as the number of those
reporting abuse is not small. This is especially so as Sobtia et al in a cross-
sectional study found that one fourth of the students surveyed had been
sexually abused and had long-term psychological impact on the victim but they
had not looked for any increased sexual activity among them.[13] Risky sexual
behavior could often be a manifestation of the abuse victims’ inability to cope
up with the shame and guilt and to distinguish sexual behavior from
affectionate behavior.[14]
The human species is probably the only one to practice masturbation and often
is regarded as an appropriate sexual outlet for them.[4] Masturbation is
universally practiced ranging from 10% to 33% among girls and 39.7% to 63%
among boys.[3,5] However, masturbation has also been associated with sexual
activity in that earlier the age of initiation more the sexual activity.[22] Sathe &
Sathe had reported that 44.6% of males felt that masturbation made them feel
more masculine, so it is not surprising that we also found a significant association
between masturbation and having sexual contact among boys (P=0.00) [Table
3].[7] Yeong et al had also found diminished sexual activity (coital rate) among
non-masturbators when compared to masturbators.[22] However, there was no
such association among girls. This probably is due to the fact that only small
number of them actually reporting masturbation (12.7%) and much smaller
number of sexual activities (17.18%). It therefore becomes imperative that
educational programs on sexuality should also deal with issues related to
masturbation.

Adolescent pregnancy can lead to cascading health and psychosocial

consequences in the girl. In our study we found that up to 40.2% of students
(41.9% girls and 53% boys) had no knowledge that a single intercourse can lead to
pregnancy [Table 4]. But this awareness was much better that that reported by
Shittu et al, who found that 80% of students from urban schools did not know
about it.[23]

Partying together for fun or to celebrate an occasion is not quite uncommon

among school going adolescents. When girls do attend parties they do so in a
group and stay as a group. This helps them in keeping boys at bay and prevents
them from making sexual advances. However, as the party prolongs the group
tends to break up and leads to a let up in such defense.[24] In this context we
wanted to know if these adolescents believed that partying late into the night
would lead to increased indulgence in sexual activity. We found that 40.8% girls
and 50.45% boys agreed that such parties do lead to increased chances of
indulging in sexual activities. On further analysis we found a significantly larger
percentage (P=0.001) of those having sexual contact agreeing to such a view
(58.6%). Further among those having such a view point 31.9% had sexual contact,
while among those who did not hold such a view only 19.7% has sexual contact
[Table 5].

Late night parties are often associated with use of alcohol by students. Alcohol
has been varyingly related to indulgence in sexual activity among adolescent boys
and girls, but many do agree that alcohol increases indulgence in sexual
activity.[8,25,26] We studied the view of the students in regard to role of alcohol
in increasing the chances of indulgence in sexual activities. We did not find any
significant association between having sexual contact and professing the view
that consumption of alcohol increases the chances of indulgence in sexual
activity. It could probably have been due to consumption of alcohol not being a
significant issue among these students or that they have not been exposed to
such situations. This lack of association is evidence of good health of our students
as the concoction of early initiation (preteens) of alcohol ingestion, smoking, and
sexual intercourse represents an important predictor of later suicidal ideation and
attempts irrespective of gender.[27] It was found that only 33.6% agree that
alcohol increases the chances of indulgence in sexual activity [Table 6]. This is in
much variance to findings from various studies that have found such an
association. These studies have found that often the availability of alcohol in a
setting where girls are present itself is an indicator that sex would be also
available, alcohol is known to increase both desire to communicate to have sex
and in initiating/participating in sex. Alcohol use is more likely in new sexual
relationships and among those who are not much committed to the relationship
and lead to risky/unsafe sexual practices.[8,10,24,28]

This survey was planned estimate the age at first masturbation or orgasmic
experience among male individuals who were completing the adolescent age and
entering into adulthood. Table 1 shows nearly 80 % of participants in this study
were aged less than 24 years. The male individuals in the age of 24 years and
above were in the Degree courses includes the post graduate students. This has
not going to influence on information sharing on their sexual activity practices.
Most of the studies were conducted among university students and in general
population were aged between 20 and 50 years (Aksoy et al., 2012, Alanko et
al., 2013, Giulia Rastrelli et al., 2013). The majority of individuals were Hindus
and negligible (less than 5%) were belonging to other religions in this study and
hence the analysis was not done separately. The non response rate for age at
masturbation was 20% (137 of 686) which is less compared to other studies
(Ibtihaj S Arafat et al., 1974, Moscucci, 2005). The non response to both
questions by the same individual was 15% of the total respondents. Even in the
developed countries the response rate this kind questions among male was
observed to be 75% suggesting shyness, inhibitions sharing the information or
failure to recollect the information or remaining abstinence for masturbation. The
differences in socio environmental factors in those countries could be an
important issue of exposure rate, disclosure of information, myths, religious
practices, etc within the similar age groups. The large number of non response
rate of 25% to age at nocturnal ejaculation could be due to failure to recollect
the event that has happened few years back or possible evidence of retro grade
ejaculation and anorgasmia, few may be having the disorder or ejaculation and
orgasm as pathological condition (Chris G. McMahon et al., 2013, Hovav et al.,
1999). Similarly 20% of non response rate to age at masturbation could be due to
disorder of penile erection, inhibited ejaculation or retrograde ejaculation, an
ejaculation (Chris G. McMahon et al., 2013, Moscucci, 2005) at least few
individuals may have failed to recollect the event that has happened or suffering
from sexual dysfunctions. The non response rate was 17.8% among urban
residents compared to 23 % among rural l resident’s individuals. The similarly the
non response rate was 19% (53 of 271) among hostelites and 20%among (83 of
411) among residents at their home. There are no possible reasons for this but it
could attribute to the exposure of knowledge and background and resident
status. The difference between mean age at first masturbation was different am
courses individuals was found to be statistically significant (p<0.001).

The mean age at first orgasmic experience or masturbation among male was
observed to be 15.4+1.6 years (95 % CI 15.21 – 15.55). The mean age at
masturbation or orgasmic experience in diploma found to be 14.5+1.4 years
compared to 15.3+2.1 years among engineering, 15.2+2.0 in medical and degree
courses was 15.7+1.7 years and 16.2+2.4 years among law students. The mean
age at masturbation was found to be statistically significant between the
resident s for the hostel and home (p<0.003) where as such difference
was observed between residents of urban and rural areas. The relationship
between first nocturnal emission and masturbation was explained by Alfred
Kinsey that the onset the frequency of nocturnal emission not been linked to
onset and frequency of masturbation some male credit the frequent emissions do
not masturbate or may be true otherwise (Kinsey Alfred C et al., 1948). The first
ejaculation as nocturnal emission is usually experienced 13% of males. Males
experiencing the first nocturnal emission older than those experience first
ejaculation through manual solitary masturbation. There is delay in nocturnal
emission in case of individual’s development possible through physical stimuli.
The age at first masturbation as documented among men in different studies
(Jenny A. Higgins et al., 2010, Aksoy et al., 2012, Schuster et al., 1996,
Shashikumar et al., 2012, Smith et al., 1996) are similarly to the findings on this
survey. One of the online survey on 10,641 males usernet of computer in 2007
shows that those masturbated to orgasm were 12.2 years (range .17 to 21.1)
(online survey 2013). 27 percent first masturbated at age 11 or younger, 28
percent while they were 12, 23 percent while they were 13 (this means 78
percent started masturbating before their 14th birthdays), 12 percent while
they were 14, 6 percent while they were 15, and 2 percent while they were 16.
98 percent were masturbating before their 17th birthdays. However the age gap
between nocturnal ejaculation and masturbation was narrow in this survey
compared to the above mentioned studies done during the last five years.

Conclusion This survey highlights the experience of age at first nocturnal

ejaculation and masturbation (Orgasmic experience) suggesting the onset of
sexual maturity among men as almost same. There is no much importance of
education, cultural, residential status factors in the early onset of sexual
maturity and the findings of this study can be generalised to the population.

Limitations
Study on sexual behaviour is subjected to both social stigma and recall, few
individuals might have under or over reported their response to the questions
which is difficult to verify. Due to the social stigma attached to the sexual
behaviour, there is no adequate space for exploring the factors depth in this
study. The study subjects were small in number is some of the courses and the
participatory response rate among engineering students could have been
improved if repeated briefing was done to the participants. The educational,
intelligent background and understanding of the terms used in questionnaires
could have been difficult to some of the participation and left the questions
unanswered deliberately rather than wrong answering on masturbation and
nocturnal emission. The multi variance analysis and other tests could have been
applied to study in detail with other variables but this study restricted to only the
important variables.

Women’s narratives about masturbation collectively point to the advantages and

disadvantages of the cultural silences surrounding women’s masturbation. As one
advantage of the invisibility of women’s masturbation, no single precise norm
dictates to women how often they should masturbate and what method they
should use to masturbate. Women routinely said they did not converse with
partners, friends, and family members about masturbation, even for women
(like Dessa) who felt relatively shameless about masturbation in their private
lives. This lack of communication may indeed allow women to explore their own
pleasures without precise norms about the scripts they should use during
masturbation. That said, a clear disadvantage of not having scripted norms about
women’s masturbation is that women easily and readily internalize easily
accessible, traditional patriarchal scripts, particularly the imperative for
penetrative intercourse (manifested here as women’s belief that most women
self-penetrate), concern about men feeling inadequate or undermined (leading
women to masturbate either for a partner’s pleasure or in secrecy), and goal-
oriented and outcome-oriented labor directed toward orgasm as a product. This
does not preclude women finding these aspects pleasurable—indeed, many
women enjoy penetration and a drive toward orgasm— but it does suggest that
women’s masturbation experiences link up with traditional understandings of
gender, power, and pleasure. When no clear scripts exist for how women should
masturbate, other baggage from the culture at large seeps into women’s
consciousness, leading to clear gender imbalances about the purpose and
meaning they assign to sexual self-pleasure. Because the cultural lexicon largely
ignores women’s masturbation, and because the legacy of thinking about,
studying, and theorizing masturbation often derives from the context of
deviance (e.g., masturbation as ‘‘immature,’’ associated with sex guilt, and
driven only by the lack of a readily available penis), women have had to script
their own stories about masturbation and its meaning. This has resulted in wide
diversity of interpretations. While the majority of women incorporated
traditional gendered scripts about sexuality in their descriptions of masturbation,
particularly the idea that goal-oriented, penetrative sex guides women’s sexual
pleasure, many women also had different interpretations for how they wanted to
engage in masturbation. Some built masturbation into their lives as a routine and
nonemotional experience; they brushed their teeth, masturbated, and went to
work. This, too, could mimic the ‘‘detached sex’’ model of hegemonic masculinity
(i.e., that men only need to ‘‘get off’’ rather than feel emotions during sex, or that
men masturbate for simple physical release), or it could signal (as mentioned
frequently in these narratives) that women, too, have fairly straightforward goals
when masturbating: they want stress relief, physical relaxation, and a sleep aid. In
terms of social identities, while no clear patterns emerged for race, age, or class,
some patterns did emerge for sexual identity, as heterosexual women far more
often described masturbation as a threat to male dominance in comparison with
lesbian or bisexual women. This finding that there may be a link between
heterosexuality and the belief that men feel threatened by women’s self-pleasure
clearly warrants further research. As masturbation (and its focus on clitoral
stimulation) has historically threatened men’s dominance over women—as
women no longer needed the penis for sexual satisfaction—it makes sense that
heterosexual women (particularly partnered heterosexual women) might feel
more concerned about their masturbating signaling a threat to a male partner’s
sexual prowess and sexual skills. Heterosexual women also seemed particularly
invested in narratives of self-penetration (even when they prioritized clitoral
stimulation), again reinforcing the heterosexist notion that ‘‘normal’’ sex—even
during masturbation—required penetration. Further, given the way women
discussed orgasm, perhaps the goal-oriented focus of many (hetero) scripts has
infected women’s masturbation activities as well, as orgasms become the
‘‘product’’ women seek (often with great frustration) while masturbating. Several
scholars have expressed concern that traditional sexual scripts often require men
to invest labor into women’s bodies, while women produce orgasm (real or fake)
as a kind of product (Hyde & DeLamater, 1997; Roberts, Kippax, Waldby, &
Crawford, 1995), a process that may now appear in women’s sexual exchanges
with other women (Fahs, 2011b) and in their own masturbation scripts.
Nevertheless, looking broadly at women’s stories about masturbation, we argue
that the work of making women’s masturbation more visible could become a
double-edged sword. While women have, to some degree, scripted masturbation
norms for themselves, remarkable diversity appeared in women’s stories about
how they masturbated and what it meant for them. For some, masturbation
allowed them to rebel against conservative childhoods (with the taboo and
prohibition against masturbation possibly fueling the eroticism); for others,
masturbation stimulated their (male) partners even if it did not yield personal
orgasms. For still others, masturbation triggered feelings of ambivalence and
nervousness, while other women embraced masturbation as an effortless
inclusion in their morning routine. For some, the silences surrounding
masturbation have allowed (patriarchal) norms to infiltrate their masturbatory
experiences, while for others these silences have generated room for resistance
and creativity. Additional qualitative research on men’s masturbation may serve
as an interesting counterpoint to this diversity; perhaps men would discuss
masturbation more similarly to one another (e.g., a physical release and nothing
more) or may show similar variability to women. Future research comparing
men’s and women’s subjective narratives could provide useful insights about the
different interpretations people have, depending on the cultural visibility or
silence around masturbation. The rupturing of norms of silence can make visible
all sorts of ‘‘inner workings’’ of how social and cultural scripts trickle down into
women’s lives, just as the direct confrontation of visible norms for men could
prove useful. The study of women’s masturbation also has direct links to other
areas of sexuality and body research. The study of sex toys, for example, has also
received far too little attention, particularly outside of theorizing the phallic role
of dildos in lesbian sex play (Bolsø, 2007; Findlay, 1992) and linking vibrators to
health behaviors (Herbenick et al., 2009; Herbenick et al., 2010); only recently
have researchers addressed women’s subjective narratives about using sex toys in
masturbation and partnered sex (Fahs & Swank, 2013). Women’s narratives about
masturbation may also link up with their stories about other ‘‘taboo’’ bodily
experiences, such as growing body hair (Fahs, 2011a; Toerien & Wilkinson, 2004),
menstruation and menstrual sex (Allen & Goldberg, 2009; Fahs, 2011c), genital
self-image (Berman, Berman, Miles, Pollets, & Powell, 2003), and feelings about
childbirth (Martin, 2001). Of these, the question of how women feel about their
genitals seems particularly relevant. If women learn that their genitals compare
unfavorably to men’s, that their genitals ‘‘smell’’ or seem ‘‘dirty,’’ and that
touching their genitals and (autonomously) providing themselves with pleasure is
an inherently negative experience, how can women then associate positive
feelings with masturbation? In an age when plastic surgeons target women’s
genitals for ‘‘rejuvenation,’’ ‘‘trimming,’’ and ‘‘enhancement’’ via ‘‘G-shots,’’
labiaplasties, tightenings, and fresh hymens (Braun & Tiefer, 2010), women may
feel ever more concerned about the normality of their genitals even during
private experiences with masturbation (Herbenick & Reece, 2010).

Limitations and Future Directions

As with all sexuality research involving self-selected community samples, our

study had some limitations worth noting. Women who participated in the study
self-selected for a variety of reasons, but all shared a willingness to disclose
personal information about their sexual behaviors, feelings, and attitudes. This
study likely excluded more conservative and reserved women and emphasized
women whose openness to sexuality stood at the forefront of their decision to
participate. In addition, while the wording of questions was designed to provide
maximum comfort to participants, this may have biased participants’ perceptions
of comfort with masturbation and encouraged them to consider the more
positive aspects of their masturbation experiences. Lack of geographical diversity
may also have impacted the findings, as all participants in this study resided in a
large Southwestern city; differences between urban and rural women may prove
paramount when discussing sensitive subjects like masturbation and sexual
pleasure. Moving forward, this study helps debunk some of the common
mythologies surrounding masturbation: women do masturbate whether
partnered or single; some women view masturbation as highly practical rather
than shameful and guilt laden; women largely do not self-penetrate (even though
they believe others do) and largely do not quest for penises in their private
masturbatory experiences; and many women feel joy, pleasure, and comfort from
masturbation, seeing it as a tool for self-reliance and autonomy. That said,
women still tend to construct masturbation in relationship to patriarchal and
gendered norms and values, as their private sexual experiences often still
perpetuate the notion of masturbation as threatening to men, in service of men’s
pleasures and desires, or as uneasy and ambivalent. By confronting stereotypes
and mythologies about women’s masturbation and giving voice to women’s
experiences of their bodies, we hope future studies will continue to create new
spaces for critical inquiry and embodied resistance.