Pakistan Institute of International Affairs

THE LAHORE CONFERENCE

Author(s): Report of the Pakistan Delegation
Source: Pakistan Horizon, Vol. 7, No. 1 (March, 1954), pp. 37-44
Published by: Pakistan Institute of International Affairs
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41392598 .
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 37

in many countriesthe radio has been mainlyresponsiblefor the great

increasein adult educationin the past twentyyears.

Now let me sum up by sayingthat as a politicalforcethe radio is,

I think,on the whole,ineffective; and that for it to have any influence
at all it needs an audience that wants to be influenced. With a hostile
or indifferentaudiencethe poweris negligible. And in the fieldof wider
educationit stillneeds theco-operationof thelistener.

When used forformaleducationof adults it can usuallyrelyon the

listenermeetingthe broadcastermore than half way, and so it is in this
field,whenit is used in the way thatI have describedas the technique
of farmingbroadcasts,thatthe radio exertsits greatestinfluence.

THE LAHORE CONFERENCE

Reportof the Pakistan Delegation

The CommonwealthRelations Conference,held in Lahore, from

March 17 to 27, 1954,was unanimouslydeclared,by all who attendedit,
to be a success. The aim of this reportis to determinein what that
successconsistsand what kind of pictureof the Commonwealthemerges
fromtheConference.

At the outset,an atmospherewas establishedthat enabled every

speakerto expresshimselfin forthright, measuredand balancedlanguage.
It is true that the delegateswere non-officialand those who addressed
the Conferencedid so in theirpersonalcapacities. But theseconsidera-
tionscannotalterthefactthatthedelegateswerepersonswho individually
enjoyan eminencein affairslendinga weightto theiropinionswhichno
unofficialstatuscan diminish. As a result,if ever there were doubts in
themindsof member-countries as to theviewsof theircolleagueson major
questionsof strategy, economics,colonialism,racialismand othermatters
of equal importance,therecan be no doubt now. The level of debate
was high,whichis perhapsthe main reason that out of the Conference
accurateconclusionscan be formed.

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 38

The chiefmeritsweretheinclusionof mostCommonwealthproblems,

of theirexplosivenature,and the calm, frankand forbearing
irrespective
manner in which such problems were discussed. The racial problem
of South Africaprovidesa distinctinstanceand one could not avoid a
comparisonwith the rancorousbickeringson the subject which at the
UnitedNations pass fordebate. The atmosphereat Lahore was certainly
not achieved by a placid and meaninglessunanimity. The racial pro-
blem again providesthe example. The plea of the South Africanrepre-
sentativesthat the word "apartheid" should occupy no place in the dis-
cussion and that,instead,the Conferenceshould viewthematterin terms
development"and "culturebar not colour bar" carriedno
of "differential
acceptance. Such phrases were held to be euphemismsfor something
in its naturerepugnant.

Nevertheless,to pursue the South Africanproblema littlefurther,

the interestingpoint emergesthat perhaps the fundamentaltroublelies
with the politicalimmaturity of the whiteAfrikanersand theirlack of
confidencein themselves and of faith in the future. Consideringthe
historyof theBoers,it is morethanpossiblethatthisis so and theirmental
confusionexpressesitselfin a racial policy that is not only wrong,but
also certainto fail. If thisassessmentis correct,it means that in South
Africaa glimmerof lightis visibleand the chance of a solutionexists.

It is regrettablethat although,withrespectto the Union, thereare

•some groundsfor supposingthat the difficulties may in time be over-
come, no such conclusioncan be reachedwithrespectto Kashmir. This
intractableproblem yielded nothingto the deliberationsof the Con-
ference. There was a reaffirmation of Pakistan's willingnessto accept
any proposal that would take the dispute to a just settlement,which
means nothingmore than the decisionof the people of Kashmir,arrived
at by a freeand fairplebiscite,and a willingnessto accept an adverse
decision of that plebiscite,if such should ensue. On the part of India,
therewas the familiardemonstration of Fabian tactics,skilfulmaybe in
themselves,but shatteringto any claim of a high moral standpointon
this,or any other,question. And India's plea fortime,afterseven years
of it and no offerof other assurances,was recognizedas dilatorystra-
tegy. The highlightof the discussionon Kashmirwas the New Zealand

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 39

delegate'sproposalthattroopsfromhis countrymightbe invitedto help

duringthe plebisciteperiod. This was approvedby most delegations,
acceptedby Pakistanbut rejectedby India.
It is the differencebetweenIndian preceptand Indian practicethat
makes the foreignpolicy of that nation the object of suspicionin more
than one countryof the world,and whichcontributedto a decision in
Pakistan to accept militaryaid fromAmerica. This decision has the
approval of the Commonwealth,althoughIndia enteredcaveats, more
satisfactory,it must be admitted,in tone than the intemperatesugges-
tionsof PanditNehruthatPakistan'ssovereignty was in peril. It is un-
questionable that Pakistan's acceptance of American militaryaid in no
respectrunscounterto thegeneralviewsof the Commonwealthand is, in
fact, perfectlyconsistent with the policies of other Commonwealth
nationson thesame subject.
But if furtherreasons were requiredto supportthe decisionswhich
Pakistanhas taken withrespectto its own defence,the Conferencepro-
vided themduringthe discussionson security,whichweretheleast satis-
factoryof all the debates. It is evidentthat the Commonwealthno
longerdisposesof forceswhichwill ensureits defence;it seemsalso that
the possibilityof a commondefencepolicyforthe Commonwealthis re-
mote. To some extent,however,there is a common denominatorof
defence. All nations of the Commonwealthare trained in similar
weapons;theyhavesimilardoctrinesof strategy and tacticsand theyshare
a militarytraditionwhichno nationwould be foolishenough to under-
estimate. But it is otherand important aspectswhichweakenthe solidity
of the Commonwealthin termsof defence.
It is clear thateach memberdoes not attachthe same weightto the
same things. India is loath to irritateChina and would like clearer
indicationsof the intentionsof the Malenkov Government. Pakistan
entertains a fearof aggressionand looks askance at India. The Common-
wealthcountries,whichhave a European origin,view theentiredefence
problemas a pure question of Communistaggression,with Australia
keepinga waryeye on Japan. This divergenceof outlook is expressed
also in themeasureswhichvariousCommonwealthnationshave adopted
in the way of security. India pursues a policy of neutralism;Pakistan

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 40

afterlong hesitationseemsabout to join the UnitedStatesin a schemeof

•defence;Australiaand New Zealand have alreadyjoined withthe United
Statesin the ANZUS Pact; and Canada, along withthe UnitedKingdom,
is entirelycommittedto the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. In
addition,the United Kingdom findsitselfinvolvedin the European De-
fenceCommunityand its special responsibilities.
One thingis certain. None of the Commonwealthmembersattaches
any great importanceto the abilityof the United Nations to maintain
peace and thatis whyeach memberhas chosen a path whichit considers
best suitedto its peacefulinterests. It can be argued that ANZUS and
NATO and EDC have so weakened the United Nations as to make it
in the maintenanceof peace; alternatively,
ineffective it can be said that
it is because the United Nations is weak that these arrangements
became necessary. Yet anotherview is that regionalarrangements are
entirelyconsistent with the United Nations and indeed necessary the
for
fulfilmentof its purposes. What is far more importantis the effectof
pacts such as NATO, with theiraffiliations externalto the Common-
wealth, on certain issues which members the Commonwealthfeel to
of
be of great significance.
It can be taken as grantedthat in order to maintaintheiralliance,
membersof NATO must accommodateeach other fromtime to time
and some Commonwealthnationsfindin thisa gravedanger. The Asian
members,in particular,foreseethatthe necessityforthisaccommodation
may well resultin thestrengthening of thosecountries,whichare reluctant
to give up colonial possessions,even althoughthejustification forholding
them,if ever there were any,has long passed. It will,in fact,be difficult
to preventalliances,such as NATO, frombeing the indirectinstrument
of prolongingcolonialism. To Asian membersthis seems a self-evident
propositionand thereforeeveryprecautionis necessaryso that NATO
and similarpacts shall not be exposedto thisdangerouscriticism. Yet,
at thisConference,forthe firsttime,it seemsthatCanada, whichis fully
committedto NATO, learned with dismay, that her membershipof
NATO mightbringin its trainthe charge that indirectly colonialismis
a
being supported, charge that is entirelyrepugnant to the spirit and
outlook of theCanadian people.

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 41

The pointis not trivial,eitherin its Commonwealthaspect or in its

world aspect. The Asian membersdo harboursuspicionthat the spirit
of colonialismis by no means dead and thisis not surprising in view of
theirown experience. Theycannotforgetthattheirown nationalaspira-
tions did not come to fruitionuntil long afterthose of othermembers
of the Commonwealth,whose stock is of Britishor European origin,
and thetransfer of powerin the Indo-Pakistansubcontinent was preceded
by a periodof reluctancewhichfinallygave way duringthe tense days of
WorldWar II. Nevertheless, it is admittedthat threreis no precedent
in historyto the voluntaryrelinquishmentof power by the Britishin
in India, Pakistanand Ceylon. The Asian membersare disposed to
ask whyit is thatthedesperatenihilismof the Mau Mau came to grow
up in Kenya and to ask, not whetherself-rulewill be grantedto colonial
peoples,but how soon?

Admittedlythereare signs of progressand the outlook expressed

fromRhodesia gave cause for satisfaction, but even there,it is doubtful
whetherthe rate of progresswill sufficeand the suggestionthatit might
be necessary,at a laterstage,to moderatethespeed of thatprogressby an
of
adjustment franchisequalifications,arouses misgiving. It may be
thatthe peoples of Asia and Africa,long subjectedto foreignrule,feela
littletoo impatientbuttheyare entitledto regulatetheirown destiniesand
it is betterto err on the side of libertythan on the side of repression.
The plain factis that in all thoseterritories,
wherethe whitepopulation
now constitutesa dominantminority,the day must be foreseen,when
that sectionof the communitywill yield its presentpoliticalsupremacy
to a coloured majorityand justifyitselfby its skill and, as has been
suggested,by its abilityto act as a creativeminority.

That a spiritof co-operationand mutual help does exist among

Commonwealthnationswas bestprovedduringthediscussionson aid for
under-developed countries. The more advanced and prosperousmem-
bersunanimously recognisedthatto helptheless advancedwas not merely
a question of politicalexpediency,but a humanitarianduty. There is
no doubtthatunder-developed countriesmaylook forwardto continued,

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 42

and even increasing,assistancefromtheircolleagues in the Common-

wealth. From Canada a clear desire was expressed to contributein
muchlargermeasurethroughtheColombo Plan and the UnitedKingdom
was fullyamenable to everysuggestionthat would help the under-deve-
loped nations to advance theireconomies and cure the poverty that
oppressesmillionsof people withinthe Commonwealth.
On theirside, the Asian memberswho, in this matter,are receivers
ratherthangivers,wereable to showthattheyhave endeavouredto requite,
by theirown exertions,the help theyhave received. Their effortsare
not negligibleand duringthe Conferencetheywere recognised. During
one of those informal,but frequentlyimportant,talks which take place
otherwisethan at the Conferencetable, the interestingpoint emerged
that instances have occurred in which nations, receivingforeignaid,
have used the moneyfor purposes other than those for which it was
intended. It was certainlynot suggestedthatany Commonwealthnation
had been guiltyof this misappropriationwhich, later enquiriesshow,
has actuallyhappened. But no one now believesthat such a possibility
could everexistwithany memberof the Commonwealthand in thisres-
pect the Conferenceservedyetanotherusefulpurposein dispellingwhat
might have remaineda lurkingsuspicion.
On the questionof assurancesforthe securityof capital investedin
the under-developedcountries,the position was somewhatless certain
and it may well be that Asian membersshould reconsiderthe termson
which theyare preparedto accept such capital. The problemis not a
simpleone. The Asian countriesdo not want to findthemselvesin the
hands of foreigncapitalistsand theycannot affordthe risks involved
in a flightof capital, should theyallow freemovementof foreignmoney
broughtinto theircountries. Such violentmovementsof capital have
happened within the Commonwealthin recent years, particularlyin
South Africa,when the Labour Governmentcame into power in 1945
in the United Kingdom and subsequentlywentout of office. The right
given to repatriatecapital is an assurance of honestintention,but it is
not as great an encouragementas many people are apt to think. An
investoris not as unxious to have his moneyhanded back to him,as to

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 43

have a steadyand remunerative investmentenjoyingequality of treat-

mentwithrespectto local law and administration.Local participation-
and the employment of local nationals,in the higheras well as the lower
grades, are evidentlyquite acceptable; but equality of treatment,and
securityof the investment itself,ratherthan the money put into it,are
clearlymatters weighingheavilywith likelysources.
FromPakistancame thesuggestionthatthe CommonwealthDevelop-
ment Finance Company should open its shareliststo Commonwealth
citizens,a proposal which will undoubtedlyfindits way to the city
of London, althoughin this particularinstancetheremay be difficulties.
But the CommonwealthDevelopmentFinance Companyhas no mono-
polyand thereis no reasonto preventanother and similarorganisation
being floatedwithsimilarobjects. We are told that the policy of the
PakistanGovernment is to accumulatereservesof foreignexchangeand
presumably those reserves must be investedsomewhere. There could
scarcelybe a bettermethodthanbytakingsharesin a prudently managed
finance corporation,establishedperhapsin London, whichis an excel-
lentcentreforbusinessof thiskind. Such an organisationwould under-
take investments in fast-growing countries,likeCanada, and thedividends
would provide regularadditions to the foreignexchange reservesof
vulnerablecountrieslike Pakistan,whichare obliged to depend almost
exclusivelyon the sale of raw materialsfor foreignexchangeearnings.
No doubt,thisis a matteron whichthereis much to be said on both
sides; but the proposal has undoubtedattractionswhichshould not be
ignoredand the amountto be investeddoes not have to be verylarge.
Quite appropriately,the Conferenceended witha discussionon the
Commonwealthitself. That the bonds unitingthe membersseem to be
tenuouswas hardlyin dispute,and yet everymemberseemed content
withits membership. Not one of themshowedany desireto leave and
thereare, of course,good reasons for this. In the firstplace, the mere
factthat thereis freedomto go at any timeproves that no one stands
beneathany irksomeobligation. The membersof the Commonwealth
are, for historicreasons,permeatedwithsimilarand congenialideas on
many, though by no means all, mattersimportantin life. Between

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 44

Commonwealthmembersthereexists a specialrelationship,which pro-

vides a special channelof approach,and, withoutthis special channel,
theremightin many cases have been no approach at all. It would be
unrealisticto deny that thereare dangersto the unityof the Common-
wealthand perhapsit is not now necessaryto enumeratethem,and yet
the consciousnessthat such dangersexist is itselfevidenceof the desire
thatthisunitybe preserved.

A good deal was said to show that the Commonwealthis valuable,

not onlyto its members,and to the colonies,whichare not yetfullmem-
bers, but to the world at large; and the justificationfor its continued
-existencewas well set forth. And yet, it seems in retrospect,that this
was less well statedin the wordsof delegates,thanin the fact
justification
of the Conferenceitself.

From thepointof viewof Pakistan,the Conferencewas of advantage

also because it providedan opportunityforher problemsand attitudesto
be understood by important leaders of world opinion and thought.
Pakistan'sproblemsare verydifficult ones fora new country. Her atti-
tudes have been widelymisrepresented. There is no externalproblem
of Pakistanthatwas not discussedthreadbarein the Conference. There
was no attitudeof hers whichdid not elicit the outspokensympathyof
most delegations. The Conferenceshowed great keenness as well as
forebearancein having a detailed discussionof the Kashmir question.
As for our internalproblems,thedelegatesby movingaround, saw them
for themselves.
If the fact of the Conferencehavingbeen held at all was the most
importantfor the Commonwealth,the fact of its having been held in
Pakistan was the most importantfor Pakistan. The eminentmen who
gatheredat Lahore wenthappyand satisfied. However "the efficient but
quiet managementof the Conferencefromthe beginningto the end", on
whichwe wereso generously could nothave been achieved,
complimented,
butforthedelegates'own patience,good humourand cooperation.

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