Coombs e PDF

T HE WORLD EDUCAT I O NAL C RISIS
A Systems A n a ly s i s
By Philip H. Coombs
NEW YO R K
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1968

LONDON TO RO N TO
COPYRIGHT © 1968 BY PHILIP H. COOMBS
L I B R A RY OF CONGRESS CATALOGUE CARD NUMBER: 6 8-2 9 7 1 6
PRINTED IN THE LIMITED STATES OF A M E R I C A

P re fa c e
This book has two main aims. The fi rst is to assemble in one place the ro o t
facts about an unfolding wo rld crisis in educat i o n , to make explicit the
tendencies inherent in these fa c t s , and to suggest the elements of a strat e-
gy for dealing with them. The second aim is re l ated to the fi rst but go e s
b eyo n d. It is to present a method for looking at an educational system not
p i e c e m e a l , wh e re eve ry facet stands alone, but as a system, whose inter-
acting parts produce their own 'indicat o rs' as to whether the interaction is
going well or badly.
Both aims call for the use of a lens with a wider angle of vision than is
o rd i n a ri ly trained on educational topics. Th ey also call for the use of ana-
lytical terms and concepts drawn from other fi e l d s , s u ch as economics,
e n gi n e e ri n g, and sociology. These alien terms may at fi rst confound and
even ex a s p e rate some of our colleagues in the educational wo rl d — bu t
h o p e f u l ly they will re s e rve judgment long enough to hear us out. Th e
wo rld of educat i o n , as we see it, has become so complex and is in so
s e rious a state that no one vo c abu l a ry — i n cluding that of pedagogy — c a n
d e s c ribe the whole of it. Hence we need languages and ideas from many
intellectual disciplines and spheres of action to widen our view of the ed-
u c ational pro c e s s , to see the whole ever more cl e a rly, and thus accompli-
sh more and benefit more.
Our use of the wo rd 'crisis' to describe education's state of affa i rs may
also evo ke initial dissent, even by some who accept the ge n e ral thrust of
the analysis presented here. This was the case with European educat i o n a l
l e a d e rs who rev i ewed an earlier draft of this book in late 1967. Th ey re a-
d i ly agreed that other nat i o n s , e s p e c i a l ly the developing ones, no doubt
faced a cri s i s , but not their nation—it simply faced educational 'pro bl e m s . '
The violent events since then in leading unive rsities of Cze ch -
v
vi P re fa c e
o s l ova k i a , Fra n c e, the Fe d e ral Rep u blic of Germ a ny, I t a ly, Po l a n d, S p a i n ,

the United Stat e s , and Yu go s l avia have put the matter ab ru p t ly into sharp e r
focus. Having examined the facts of the situation at large, we are more
i n clined than ever to call it by its right name—and 'crisis' seems entire ly
fi t t i n g.
A brief ge n e a l ogical note should be added here. This book had its start
as the basic wo rking paper for the Intern ational Confe rence on the Wo rl d
C risis in Educat i o n , held at Wi l l i a m s bu rg, Vi rgi n i a , in October 1967. Th e
i n i t i at ive for this confe rence came from an ers t while elementary teach e r,
P resident Lyndon B. Jo h n s o n , but its actual planning and manage m e n t
we re in private hands, led by Cornell Unive rsity's president James A .
Pe rkins. As ch a i rm a n , he requested the Intern ational Institute for Educa-
tional Planning (established by Unesco in 1963 in Pa ris) to prep a re a pap e r
wh i ch would set the intellectual fra m ewo rk of the confe rence; his re q u e s t
was accep t e d, and as the institute's director I pers o n a l ly undertook to be its
a u t h o r, aided by my colleag u e s .
The participants in the confe rence—some 150 leaders from fifty 'de-
veloping' and 'developed' nat i o n s — i n cluded ministers of educat i o n , u n i-
ve rsity heads, p ro fe s s o rs , re s e a rch e rs , adult educat o rs , and social sci-
entists. Th ey, t o o , we re there in a private cap a c i t y, without 'official' con-
s t ra i n t s , f ree to speak their minds. In this setting, the wo rking paper wa s
put to the test of critical scru t i ny and deb at e, f rom wh i ch the pre s e n t
book—a gre at ly revised ve rsion of the ori ginal pap e r — p ro fited gre at ly. It
p ro fited also from the suggestions of nu m e rous other info rmed critics wh o
k i n d ly consented to rev i ew it lat e r, and from ex p o s u re to a series of fo l-
l ow-up meetings to the Wi l l i a m s bu rg Confe re n c e, held in va rious parts of
the wo rld in late 1967.
It would stre t ch the truth to say that all the Wi l l i a m s bu rg confe re e s
e n d o rsed eve ry element of the wo rking pap e r — mu ch less the whole of
wh at is stated in this book. Yet it seems fair to say that its method of ap-
p ro a ch and the main bu rden of its argument and conclusions we re ge n-
e ra l ly accepted by the confe rence participants. In all eve n t s , h aving ex-
amined the pap e r, the confe rence spoke its own mind, t h rough the voice of
its ch a i rm a n , whose admirable Summary Rep o rt is rep roduced here as the
E p i l og u e.
No man, and cert a i n ly no author, is an island unto himself. A c c o rd i n g ly,
I wish to ack n ow l e d ge my gre at indebtedness and gratitude to the many
i n d ividuals and orga n i z ations who contri buted in a host of ways to the pre-
p a ration of this book. In particular I owe an immeasurable debt to the
I n t e rn ational Institute for Educational Planning—to wh i ch , in ap p re c i a-
P re fa c e vii
t i o n , a ny earnings of this book will fl ow—and to its parent orga n i z at i o n ,

Unesco. My immediate colleagues at the IIEP who lent a helping hand are
too nu m e rous to name—but four in particular who played major roles fro m
the outset must be mentioned: S i d n ey Hyman, Jacques Hallak, Jo h n
C h e s swa s , and Ta Ngoc Chau.
This said, I also wish to ack n ow l e d ge full personal responsibility for all
the view s , i n t e rp re t at i o n s , and conclusions set fo rth in the pages that fo l-
l ow. Wh at is said should in no way be construed as the official position of
U n e s c o , the Intern ational Institute for Educational Planning, or any other
o rga n i z ation. Still, in line with the broad purposes of such orga n i z at i o n s ,
it is hoped that these pages will contri bute to a wider dialogue about the
grave pro blems and ch a l l e n ges facing educational systems all over the
wo rld today, to the better ori e n t ation of young people who are prep a ri n g
t h e m s e l ves to be tomorrow's custodians of educat i o n , and to the unleash-
ing of gre ater energies to advance the progress of this most important of
social enterp ri s e s .
Pa ri s P. H C.
June 1968
Contents
I Angle of Vi s i o n , 3
II The Inputs of Educational Systems, 1 7
Students Vi ewed as Inputs, 1 7

Te a ch e rs : An Issue of Quality and Cost, 3 4
M o n ey : E d u c ation's Purchasing Powe r, 4 5
III The Outputs of Educational Systems: Fitness for Needs, 6 4
Finished ve rsus Unfinshed Pro d u c t s , 6 4

Fitness for Manpower Require m e n t s , 7 4
E m p l oyment and Unemploy m e n t , 8 3
Attitudes and Social Change, 9 1
IV Inside the Educational System, 9 8
Aims and Pri o ri t i e s : The Road Map of the System, 9 8

Quality and Content: The Main Object of the System, 1 0 4
Te ch n o l ogy, R e s e a rch , and Innovat i o n , 1 1 0
M a n age m e n t : The Operation of the Sy. s t e m , 1 1 9
Costs and Effi c i e n cy : Wh e re the System Pinch e s , 1 2 5
V N o n fo rmal Educat i o n : To Cat ch Up, Ke ep Up, and Get A h e a d, 1 3 8
ix
x Contents
VI I n t e rn ational Cooperat i o n : A Key to Meeting the Cri s i s , 1 l E 5
E d u c ation's Wo rl d-Wide Common Marke t , 145

E x t e rnal Assistance and the Cri s i s , 149
Special Tasks for Unive rs i t i e s , 1 5 6
VII C o n clusions for Strat egy, 1 6 2
E p i l og u e : H ow Wo rld Educational Leaders Vi ew the Cri s i s , 1 7 4

Ap p e n d i xe s , 1 8 4
A Guide to Further Study, 2 1 7
I n d ex , 2 2 7
I
Angle of Vi s i o n
NAT U RE O F T H E W O R L D - WI D E E D UC AT I O NA L C R IS IS • I T S BA S I C ,
C AU SE S • R E QU I R EM EN TS F O R OV E R CO M I N G I T • C O NC E PT UA L V I E W O F
E D U C AT I O N A S A ' S Y S T E M' , S U BJ E CT T O ' S Y S T E MS A NA LY SI S ' • C AV E AT S
B EA R IN G O N T H E A NA LY S I S.
In the early 1950's, e d u c ational systems the wo rld over began a pro c e s s
of expansion without precedent in human history. Student enro l l m e n t s
m o re than doubled in many places, ex p e n d i t u res on education rose at an
even faster rat e, and education emerged as the largest local industry. Th i s
graphic process held out the promise of continued educational progre s s .
H ow does the matter stand at pre s e n t ?
A partial answer lies in a dry fa c t — d ry as gunpow d e r. Despite this gre at
e d u c ational ex p a n s i o n , a parallel population growth has led to an incre a s e
in the aggregate number of adult illiterates in the wo rl d. The fi g u re fo r
Unesco's member states curre n t ly exceeds 460 million illiterate adults, o r
almost 60 per cent of their active population. 1 But a larger answer to the
question sounds in the wa rning note now being stru ck with increased fre-
q u e n cy by wo rried leaders in many lands. Th ey caution that crisis condi-
tions are encro a ching on educational systems eve ry wh e re and alre a dy hold
m a ny countries in their grip. This book joins in that wa rn i n g.
It is true that national educational systems have always seemed tied to
a life of crisis. Each has peri o d i c a l ly known a short age of funds teach e rs ,
cl a s s ro o m s , t e a ching mat e rials—a short age of eve rything ex c ept stu-
dents. It is also true that these systems have usually managed somehow to
ove rcome their ch ronic ills or else have learned to live with them. Th e
1. Unesco, 'Unesco's Contri bution to the Promotion of the Aims and Objectives of the
United Nations Development Decade: R ep o rt by the Dire c t o r-G e n e ral,' General Con-
fe re n c e, Fo u rteenth Session, 25 October - 30 November 1966, Pa ri s , S eptember 1966,
14 C/10.
3
4 The Wo rld Educational Cri s i s
p resent case, h oweve r, d i ffe rs pro fo u n d ly from wh at has been common-

place in the past. This is a wo rl d e d u c ational cri s i s — m o re subtle and less
graphic than a 'food crisis' or a 'military crisis,' but no less weighted with
d a n ge rous potentialities.
Because of special local conditions, the crisis va ries in fo rm and seve-
rity from one country to the next. But its inner lines of fo rce appear in all
n ations alike, whether they are old or new, ri ch or poor, whether they have
s t able institutions or are stru ggling to build them in defiance of heav y
o dd s .
The nat u re of this crisis is suggested by the wo rds 'ch a n ge,' 'adap t at i o n , '
and 'dispari t y.' Since 1945, all countries have undergone fa n t a s t i c a l ly
swift env i ronmental ch a n ge s , b rought about by a number of concurre n t
wo rl d-wide revolutions—in science and tech n o l ogy, in economic and po-
litical affa i rs , in demographic and social stru c t u res. Educational systems
h ave also grown and ch a n ged more rap i d ly than ever befo re. But they have
a d apted all too slow ly to the faster pace of events on the move all aro u n d
them. The consequent disparity—taking many fo rm s — b e t ween educat i o-
nal systems and their env i ronments is the essence of the wo rl dwide cri s i s
in educat i o n .
Th e re are assorted specific causes of this dispari t y, but four in part i c u-
lar stand out. Fi rst is the s h a rp increase in popular aspirations for educa -
t i o n , wh i ch has laid siege to existing schools and unive rsities. Second is
the acute scarcity of re s o u rc e s, wh i ch has constrained educational systems
f rom responding more fully to new demands. Th i rd is the inherent inert i a
of educational systems, wh i ch has caused them to respond too sluggi s h ly
in adapting their internal affa i rs to new ex t e rnal necessities, even wh e n
re s o u rces have not been the main obstacle to adap t ation. Fo u rth is t h e
i n e rtia of societies themselve s—the heavy weight of traditional at t i t u d e s ,
re l i gious customs, p re s t i ge and incentive pat t e rn s , and institutional stru c-
t u re s — wh i ch has bl o cked them from making the optimum use of educa-
tion and of educated manpower to foster national deve l o p m e n t .
If the crisis is to be ove rcome there must obv i o u s ly be substantial mu-
tual adjustment and adap t ation by b o t h e d u c ation and society. If these are
not fo rt h c o m i n g, the growing disparity between education and society
will inev i t ably cra ck the frame of educational systems—and, in some
c a s e s , the frame of their re s p e c t ive societies. This is inev i t abl e, b e c a u s e
as the educational needs of national development continue to grow and
ch a n ge, and as pre s s u res on the demand side of the educational systems
Angle of Vi s i o n 5
c o n t i nue to bu i l d, it will not be possible to meet the situation by incre a s-

ing at will the re s o u rces made ava i l able to the systems.
To do their part in meeting the cri s i s , e d u c ational systems will need
help from eve ry sector of domestic life, and in many cases, mu ch more
help also from sources beyond their national boundaries. Th ey will need
m o re money. But money will be harder to get since education's share of
n ational incomes and bu d gets has alre a dy re a ched a point that re s t ri c t s
the possibilities for adding on further increments. Th ey will need the re a l
re s o u rces that money buys. Th ey will especially need a fuller share of the
n ation's best manpowe r, not mere ly to carry on the present woIk of edu-
c at i o n , but to raise its quality, e ffi c i e n cy, and pro d u c t iv i t y. Th ey will
need bu i l d i n g s , e q u i p m e n t , and more and better learning mat e rials. In
m a ny places, t h ey will need food for hungry pupils, so that they will be
in a condition to learn. A b ove all, t h ey will need wh at money alone can-
not buy—ideas and courage, d e t e rm i n at i o n , and a new will fo r
s e l f-ap p ra i s a l , re i n fo rced by a will for adve n t u re and ch a n ge. This in turn
means that educational manage rs in particular must face up to the way the
re l evance of their systems is being ch a l l e n ge d. No more than a grow n
man can suitably wear the clothes that fitted him as a ch i l d, can an edu-
c ational system successfully resist the need to ch a n ge itself when eve ry-
thing around it is ch a n gi n g.
E d u c at i o n , of cours e, is not a cure for all the ills of the wo rl d, a ny more
than it is re s p o n s i ble for causing them. Education at best has at its dis-
posal only limited time and means for satisfying all the ex p e c t ations that
i n d ividuals and society bring to the educational process. It is a hopeful
act of fa i t h — faith that education is doing wh at is best for the indiv i d u a l
and his society, and that it is not wasting too mu ch of its scarce re s o u rc e s
and eve ryone's time (the scarcest of all re s o u rces) in doing things that are
w rong or irre l evant. The question to be asked in this connection is wh e-
ther a bl i n d, d og m atic faith guides any particular system, or whether it is
a faith enlightened by rational analy s i s , re fl e c t i o n , and imagi n at i o n .
An educational system can lose the power to see itself cl e a rly. If it
clings to conventional practices mere ly because they are tra d i t i o n a l , if it
lashes itself to inherited dogmas in order to stay afl o at in a sea of uncer-
t a i n t y, if it invests fo l k l o re with the dignity of science and exalts inert i a
to the plane of fi rst pri n c i p l e s — t h at system is a sat i re on education itself.
I n d ividuals showing authentic gifts may still emerge from such a system.
But they will not have been produced by it; they will mere ly have sur-
v ived it. More ove r, f rom the standpoint of society, the re s o u rces inve s t e d
in perp e t u ating such a system are misused re s o u rces—misused because a
high pro p o rtion of its students will emerge ill-fitted to serve well either
t h e m s e l ves or their society.
On the other hand, a ny society, h owever limited its means, m a kes a wise
i nvestment in an educational system that has the courage to heed the
S o c ratic injunction: ' K n ow thy s e l f.' It invests wisely if that system is
o b j e c t ive in judging its own perfo rm a n c e, if it ceaselessly examines the
l iving testimony offe red by its own fo rmer students in order to determ i n e
wh at it has done re a s o n ably we l l , p o o rly, or not at all—and if it then cor-
rects itself in the light of that testimony. The manage rs of such a self-
awa re system will be able to cat ch and deal with erro rs befo re the erro rs
h a rden into habits able to resist even the stoutest hammers later used
against them.
As things stand, the educational pro fession itself, v i ewed in the mass,
s h ows no gre at propensity for searching self-c riticism. Nor is it quick to
s e i ze opportunities for innovations that will help teach e rs ach i eve more in
cl a s s ro o m s , wh e re they are now subject to so many distractions that they
h ave little time to think. Indeed, the wo rl d-wide educational crisis is shot
t h rough with iro ny. While the crisis has occurred amid a virtual ex p l o s i o n
of know l e d ge, e d u c at i o n , as the prime cre ator and conveyor of know l e d ge,
has ge n e ra l ly failed to ap p ly to its own inner life the re s e a rch function it
p e r fo rms for society at large. It has failed to infuse the teaching pro fe s-
s i o n , for transmittal into the cl a s s ro o m , with the new know l e d ge and
methods that are re q u i red in order to correct the present disparity betwe e n
e d u c ational perfo rmance and needs. Education thus places itself in an
ambiguous position. It ex h o rts eve ryone else to ch a n ge his way s , ye t
seems stubb o rn ly resistant to innovation in its own affa i rs .
Why should there be this resistance to ch a n ge ?
It is not that teach e rs are more conservat ive than anyone else. Th e re wa s
a time when fa rm e rs , even in the more advanced countri e s , resisted inno-
vation in agri c u l t u re, and the way their outlook was ch a n ged points to an
a n a l ogy and a moral for education. A gri c u l t u re, l i ke educat i o n , is a va s t
' i n d u s t ry' of many small and widely scat t e red 'fi rms,' each with its ow n
d e c i s i o n-m a ke rs and implementers. Like educat i o n , it lacked scientifi c
methods to analy ze its affa i rs , and scientific re s e a rch to improve its pra c-
t i c e s , e ffi c i e n cy, and output. Scat t e red small fa rm s , l i ke sch o o l s , s i m p ly
did not have the means to conduct their own scientific inve s t i gat i o n s , t o
ch a l l e n ge their traditional practices and develop new and better ones.
Traditional practices thus tended to perp e t u ate themselves as sacred doc-

t ri n e, and from one ge n e ration to the next they we re clung to for securi t y.
E ve n t u a l ly, h oweve r, gove rnments and unive rsities orga n i zed agri c u l-
t u ral re s e a rch and development on a large and economical scale on behalf
of scat t e red fa rm e rs , supplemented by efficient info rm ational and ad-
v i s o ry services wh i ch transmitted to individual pra c t i t i o n e rs the tested and
useful results of re s e a rch. Only then did the fa rm e rs break out of the gri p
of traditional methods.
While this development (with some ex c eptions) has unfolded only in the
agri c u l t u ral context of today's more advanced countri e s , t h e re has been
nothing like it as yet in educat i o n , even in the ri cher countries. Edu-
c ation's tech n o l ogy, by and large, has made surp ri s i n g ly little progre s s
b eyond the handicraft stage, wh e reas re m a rk able strides have been made
m the tech n o l ogy and pro d u c t ivity of many other sectors of human ac-
t iv i t y, s u ch as medicine, t ra n s p o rt at i o n , m i n i n g, c o m mu n i c at i o n s , a n d
m a nu fa c t u ri n g. Yet perhaps this should not be so astonishing, for educa-
tion is sure ly among the most complex of all human endeavo rs. Educat i n g
a nat i o n , and ke eping that nation's educational system in step with the
t i m e s , seems to be many times harder than putting a man on the moon.
We noted ear]ier that in addition to re s o u rce scarcities and the inertia of
e d u c ational systems, society itself is a cause for the present disparity bet-
ween its own needs and the state of education. The point here needs ampli-
f y i n g.
When a society decides—as many have lat e ly done—to tra n s fo rm its
'elitist' educational system into one that will serve the mass of people,
and when it further decides to use that system as an instrument for nat i o-
nal deve l o p m e n t , it is beset by many novel pro blems. One is that wh i l e
m a ny more people want more educat i o n , t h ey do not necessari ly want the
kind of education that under new circumstances is most like ly to serve
both their own future best interests and the best interests of nat i o n a l
d evelopment. Most students nat u ra l ly hope that education will help them
get a good job in their developing society. But their job pre fe rences are
often dictated by a pre s t i ge-c a rrying hiera rchy of jobs, set in the past,
wh i ch does not fit the new hiera rchy of manpower re q u i rements beari n g
on economic growth. When the incentive stru c t u re and the employ m e n t
demands of the market place also re flect the old hiera rchy of pre s t i ge,
t h e re is a serious disjunction between the nation's manpower needs and
its actual manpower demands. Such a disjunction is usually a signal that
the nation is not dep l oying its ava i l able educated manpower in ways most
c o n d u c ive to development. Thus the student in choosing an academic

fi e l d, and the educational system in trying to ch a n ge its student fl ows to
m at ch the re q u i rements of national deve l o p m e n t , a re both caught in the
c ro s s-tensions between the stated development goals of society and so-
ciety's antidevelopment pat t e rns of pre s t i ge and incentives. In a large r
s e n s e, t h e re fo re, the crisis in the fo reground is not simply a crisis of edu-
c at i o n , but one that embraces the whole of society and the economy.
A gainst this back gro u n d, at this point we can usefully re s t ate the main
aims of this book as set out in the Pre fa c e. The fi rst is to assemble in one
place the root facts about the wo rld crisis in educat i o n , to make ex p l i c i t
their inherent tendencies, and to suggest some of the possible elements fo r
a strat egy to deal with the crisis. The second aim is to present a method
for examining an educational system, not piecemeal wh e re eve ry fa c e t
stands alone, but a s a system—a system with interacting parts that pro d u-
ce their own 'indicat o rs' as to whether the interaction is going well or
b a d ly.
C h a rts I and II, b e l ow, fo rm a conceptual model for a 'systems analy s i s '
of an educational system. In contrast to the meaning wh i ch the phra s e
'systems analysis' has in some other contex t s , it should at once be stre s s e d
t h at its use here does not entail the mat h e m atical ex p ression and measure-
ment of all that is invo l ve d. Rat h e r, it functions as a wide-angled lens tra i-
ned on an organism so that it can be seen in its entire t y, i n cluding the re l a-
tionships among its parts and between the organism and its env i ro n m e n t .
A 'systems analysis' of education re s e m bl e s , in some re s p e c t s , wh at a
doctor does when he examines the most complicated and awe-i n s p i ri n g
'system' of all—a human being. It is never possibl e, nor is it necessary, fo r
the doctor to have complete know l e d ge of eve ry detail of a human being's
system and its functional processes. The strat egy of the diagnosis is to
c o n c e n t rate upon selected critical indicat o rs and re l ationships within the
system and between the system and its env i ronment. The doctor, for ex-
a m p l e, is concerned especially with corre l ations between such cri t i c a l
i n d i c at o rs as heart b e at , blood pre s s u re, we i g h t , h e i g h t , age, d i e t , s l e ep i n g
h ab i t s , u ri n a ry sugar content, white and red corp u s cles. From these he
ap p raises the way the total system is functioning, and pre s c ribes wh at may
be needed to make it function better.
Wh at the doctor does in his analysis of the human body, m o d e rn man-
agement does in its 'systems analysis' ap p ro a ch to the operations and
plans of eve rything from dep a rtment stores to military establ i s h m e n t s .
The 'indicat o rs' differ from context to contex t , but the strat egy re m a i n s
mu ch the same. By ex t e n s i o n , this is also true of a systems analysis ap-

plied to an educational system.
Th e re is no incompatibility between looking at an educational system
in this way and the time-h o n o red view that educat i o n , though a means to
m a ny ends, is fi rst and fo remost an end in itself. This is not at issue here.
Wh at is at issue is the orga n i zed process by wh i ch a society pursues edu-
c at i o n , and whether that process and its results can be made more re l e-
va n t , e ffi c i e n t , and effe c t ive within the context of the particular society.
In our use of the phrase 'educational system' we mean not mere ly the
s eve ral levels and types of fo rmal education (pri m a ry, s e c o n d a ry, p o s t -
s e c o n d a ry, ge n e ra l , and specialized) but also all those systematic pro-
grams and processes of education and training that lie outside 'fo rm a l '
e d u c ation. Th e s e, called non-fo rmal educat i o n , i n cl u d e, for ex a m p l e,
wo rker and fa rmer tra i n i n g, functional litera cy tra i n i n g, o n-the job and
i n-s e rvice tra i n i n g, u n ive rsity extension (ex t ra mu ra l ) , p ro fessional re-
f resher cours e s , and special youth programs. The fo rmal and non-fo rm a l
e d u c ational activities collective ly comprise the nation's total orga n i ze d
e d u c ational effo rt s , i rre s p e c t ive of how such activities may be financed or
a d m i n i s t e re d.
E ven beyond these wide limits, of cours e, t h e re are a my riad of other
m at t e rs wh i ch , in any broad view of learn i n g, a re educat ive in nat u re,
often pro fo u n d ly so. Th ey include things that are often taken as mu ch fo r
granted as the air we bre at h e — b o o k s , n ew s p ap e rs , and maga z i n e s ;
m ov i e s , ra d i o , and television broadcasts; and ab ove all the learning that
goes on daily in eve ry home. For the pre s e n t , h oweve r, we must confi n e
our view to those activities wh i ch are consciously orga n i zed fox the ex-
p ress purpose of ach i eving certain pre s c ribed educational and tra i n i n g
o b j e c t ive s .
An educational system, a s a system, o bv i o u s ly diffe rs gre at ly ilrom the
human body—or from a dep a rtment store—in wh at it does, h ow it does it,
and the reasons why. Yet in common with all other pro d u c t ive under-
t a k i n g s , it has a set of i n p u t s, wh i ch are subject to a p ro c e s s, designed to
attain certain outputs, wh i ch are intended to satisfy the system's o b j e c -
t ive s. These fo rm a dy n a m i c, o rganic wh o l e. And if one is to assess the
health of an educational system in order to improve its perfo rmance and
to plan its future intellige n t ly, the re l ationship between its critical com-
ponents must be examined in a unified vision.
Th i s , h oweve r, is not the way we customari ly view an educational sys-

tem. We call it a system but we do not tre at it as one. The school board
meets to deal item by item with a laundry list of things. Each item is take n
up and examined seri atim on its own terms. The daily calendar of the ove r-
wo rked school administrator is typically a similar melange of 'items to
h a n d l e.' He moves as ex p e d i t i o u s ly as he can from one to the nex t , h av i n g
little time to re flect on how they impinge on each other, or on ye s t e rd ay ' s
and tomorrow's calendar of things.
C h a rt I—to deal with it bri e fly — p resents a simplified diagram show i n g
some of the more important internal components of an educational system.
H ow they interact on each other can be illustrated by the fo l l owing two
ex a m p l e s :
Let us assume that a decision is made to alter the system's aims or pri-
o rities in some fa s h i o n — for ex a m p l e, a decision to dive rsify secondary
e d u c at i o n , to include a new 'technical' tra ck to higher education and new
' t e rminal' programs with a vo c ational bias. To implement this decision
m ay re q u i re fa r-re a ching ch a n ges in the system's academic stru c t u re, i n
the curriculum and teaching methods, in facilities and equipment, and in
the distri bution of teach e rs and the fl ow of students within the stru c t u re.
In short , v i rt u a l ly eve ry component is substantially affected by such a
ch a n ge.
S i m i l a rly, without any ch a n ge of basic aims or pri o ri t i e s , a signifi c a n t
i n n ovation in the curri c u l u m , s u ch as the adoption of 'new mat h e m atics' in
place of traditional mat h e m at i c s , m ay entail substantial alterations in tea-
ching and learning methods, wh i ch in turn may re q u i re ch a n ges in the
d ep l oyment of time, in physical facilities and equipment, and in the nu m-
ber and kind of teach e rs re q u i re d. This chain reaction may thus have
c o n s i d e rable consequences for the system's input re q u i rements and for the
quantity and quality of its final outputs.
C h a rt I, h oweve r, does not show the whole of wh at must be looked at in
a systems analysis. The ch a rt is confined to the internal components of the
s y s t e m , d e t a ched from the env i ronment. Yet since it is society wh i ch sup-
plies the educational system with the means of functioning-just as the edu-
c ational system in turn is expected to make vital contri butions to society—
something more must be added to the picture of systems analy s i s .
E d u c ation's inputs and outputs must be examined in their ex t e rnal re l at i o n-
ships with society, for these reveal both the re s o u rce constraints that limit
the system and the fa c t o rs that ultimat e ly determine its pro d u c t ivity to
s o c i e t y. Hence Chart II shows the multiple components of the inputs
Angle of Vision 11
Chart 1. The major components of an educational system
f rom society into the educational system, fo l l owed by the multiple outputs
f rom that system wh i ch fl ow back into society, upon wh i ch they ultimat e-
ly have many dive rse impacts.
To illustrate how things intera c t , suppose that an educational system is

called upon to produce more scientists and tech n o l ogists. For this it needs
m o re specialized teach e rs , but they are in scarce supply because they are
being underp roduced by the system, re l at ive to market demand. To ra i s e
its pro d u c t i o n , e d u c ation must get back from its own limited output of
s u ch people enough of them to serve as inputs. But to this end its offe rs to
s u ch qualified personnel must be able to meet the market competition
f rom other users. This may re q u i re a considerable ch a n ge in its teach e r-
s a l a ry policies and stru c t u re.
C h a rts I and II raise many questions but these will be dealt with lat e r.
Th ey include such mat t e rs as the meaning of 'management,' the ;nat u re of
e d u c ational 'tech n o l ogy,' the meaning of 'effi c i e n cy' and 'quality,' and
doubts about the re l i ability of re s o u rce inputs as indicat o rs of the quality
of educational outputs. Th ey include the need to define the diffe rence bet-
ween the internal and ex t e rnal ways of judging the quality and pro-
d u c t ivity of an educational system's perfo rm a n c e, and to suggest how
these diffe rent angles of vision can lead to diffe rent judgments. Th ey also
i n clude the need to identify key and re l i able indicat o rs of an educat i o n a l
system's perfo rmance on both the input and output side.
Though all these mat t e rs will be discussed lat e r, it is in point here to
e s t ablish a cl e a rer re l ationship between the two ch a rts—the fi rst dealing
with the internal aspects of an educational system, and the second with its
ex t e rnal linkages. The re l ationship can be put in a capsule by postulat i n g
the fo l l ow i n g : Fi rs t , if ex t e rnal conditions lead to ch a n ges in the inputs
ava i l able to the system—as when a national manpower short age and an
u n favo rable salary stru c t u re result in a short age of teach e rs—the effe c t
within the system may be a decline in the size and quality of its outputs.
On the other hand, t h e. input stri n ge n cy may conceivably provo ke a ch a n-
ge in 'tech n o l ogy' and in the use of re s o u rces calculated to ave rt a decl i n e
in the size and quality of the outputs. The systems analysis thus shows that
t h e re need be no ri gid pat t e rn of internal re s p o n s e s to wh i ch an educat i o-
nal system must adhere in meeting ex t e rnal stri n gencies. Aided by such an
a n a ly s i s , the system is in a position to choose its own re s p o n s e, and the
choice it actually makes can have a considerable influence on the quanti-
ty and quality of its output, and on its internal effi c i e n cy and ex t e rnal pro-
d u c t iv i t y.
C h a rt III adds an intern ational dimension to the systems analysis. It
assumes that country X has been analy zed in the combined lights of
C h a rts I and II. But it adds to the analysis the inputs into its educat i o n a l
system of components imported in diffe rent fo rms from a number of fo r-

eign countries wh i ch enter into the process of country X's educational sys-
tem (such as fo reign teach e rs or students, fo re i g n-made equipment or tea-
ching mat e ri a l s , n ew teaching methods developed ab road). Similarly, i t
a dds outputs from country X's educational system (teach e rs , s t u d e n t s , n ew
c u rriculum ideas, e t c.) wh i ch are ex p o rted to become input components of
a fo reign educational system, completing the circuit of intern ational edu-
c ational tra d e.
So mu ch for the moment about a systems analysis. The sch e m at i c
models ske t ched ab ove will provide the analytical fra m ewo rk for the
balance of this book. Within this fra m ewo rk , the va rious elements and
re l ationships thus far mentioned only bri e fly will be examined in gre at e r
detail.
Wh at remains to be added are some cave ats about the mat e rial to be pre-
sented in these pages. No spre a d-e agle claims are being made-or can be
m a d e — for the mat e rial. We are ke e n ly awa re of the sparse facts and tools
ava i l able for examining and comparing educational systems. For all sort s
of reasons well known to ex p e rienced educational stat i s t i c i a n s , o ffi c i a l
fi g u res on mat t e rs such as enro l l m e n t s , d ropout and rep e ater rat e s , ex p e n-
d i t u re pat t e rn s , and unit costs must be taken (part i c u l a rly in deve l o p i n g
c o u n t ries) with a grain of salt. This is nobody's fault in particular; it is
s i m p ly the 'state of the art.' Indeed, while wo rking on this study, it occur-
red to us many times that if the wo rld's financial systems we re fo rced to
guide their decisions on the basis of facts no better than those by wh i ch
e d u c ational systems live, a financial panic would sw i f t ly seize all wo rl d
c apitals. The raw mat e rial we have drawn on has consisted of bits and
pieces of recent and current dat a , some info rmal ex p e riences by pra c t i t i o-
n e rs in the field of educat i o n , along with their personal observat i o n s .
M a ny other sources have also been tap p e d. But we have, in part i c u l a r,
d rawn heav i ly on Unesco's mine of dat a , and on the field re s e a rch conduc-
ted by the Intern ational Institute for Educational Planning
A mosaic of ge n e ra l i z ations fo rmed of so many diffe rent sources is vul-
n e rable from two sides. Fi rs t , as the passing ye a rs reveal wh at the day s
n ow hide, the ge n e ra l i z ations may prove to be wide of the truth. Second,
no ge n e ra l i z ation can cover all the ex c eptional aspects of individual cases.
S t i l l , as between ch o i c e s , would it be better to abandon all attempts at
rational analysis in planning and entrust the future to the play of accident?
Or would it be better to move into the future with some sort of rat i o n a l ly
c o n c e ived road map? We make the latter ch o i c e.
We make another choice as we l l .

Since mu ch of the mat e rial to be presented here does not convey a ro s y
p i c t u re of things to come, this book could be wro n g ly understood as a cry
of hopelessness and a call to stoic re s i g n ation in the face of impending
doom. The risk of being so misunderstood is nonetheless accep t e d, for the
a l t e rn at ive is wo rse still. The altern at ive is to corrupt the integrity of
wo rds by affi rm i n g, c o n t ra ry to re a l i t i e s , t h at all is well with educat i o n a l
systems around the wo rl d. As a matter of fa c t , in the ve ry act of pre s e n t-
ing the kind of bleak mat e rial that will appear in these page s , we place
o u rs e l ves among the optimists, not through a prejudice of the heart , bu t
t h rough a conviction of the mind. We fi rm ly believe that the wo rld cri s i s
in education can be ove rc o m e — i f : If the people concerned candidly and
s y s t e m at i c a l ly diagnose their educational pro blems and plan their educa-
tional future in the light of wh at they uncover in their self-d i agnosis. If
t h ey do that , and especially if nations will do it toge t h e r, the action will
ge n e rate the national energies and the will power re q u i red to deal with the
findings of fact that appear in the pages that now fo l l ow.
II
The Inputs of Educational Systems
Students Vi ewed as Inputs

S W I F T R I S E I N S O C I A L D E M A N D F O R E D U C AT I O N • RI S E I N
E N R O L L M E N T S A N D PA RT I C I PAT I O N R AT E S • G A P B E T W E E N S O C I A L
D E M A N D A N D E D U C AT I O N A L C A PA C I T Y • I M B A L A N C E D G R O W T H R AT E S
D E T E R N AT I O N A L D E V E L O P M E N T • I M PA C T O F P O P U L AT I O N ” E X P L O S I O N ”
I N D E VE L O PI N G C O U NT R IE S • A LT E R N AT I V E S T R AT E G I E S F O R D E A L I N G
W I T H E D U C AT I O N A L G A P.
We begin with students because they are the prime inputs of any educa-
tional system. Their development is its prime object, their attitudes gre at-
ly affect its pro c e s s , and in the end they are its prime outputs.
When we send ch i l d ren to sch o o l , we expect that the ex p e rience will
m a ke a desirable diffe rence in their lives. Th ey are also moulded, of cour-
s e, by their fa m i l i e s , f ri e n d s , ch u rch , and other env i ronmental fo rc e s , e a ch
in its own distinctive way. But we expect the school to give them things
t h ey cannot get elsewh e re. Among others , we expect the school to endow
ch i l d ren with the means to lead fuller, m o re satisfying lives and to enjoy
the 'humanistic' aspect of education as an end in itself. All this compri s e s
wh at may be called the 'consumption' dimension of education. We also
expect the school to endow ch i l d ren with the means to be better citize n s ,
to get a better job, and to contri bute more to society's we l fa re— this com-
p rises wh at may be called the 'investment' dimension of education. Th e
t wo dimensions are not mu t u a l ly ex cl u s ive.
The number of students trying to enter sch o o l , or trying to stay in and go
f u rt h e r, re flects society's social demand for education. This is not the same
as society's m a n p ower re q u i re m e n t s for economic and social deve l o p m e n t .
The two may intera c t , yet behave quite indep e n d e n t ly. Social demand
for educat i o n , for reasons to be stated pre s e n t ly, has a way of grow-
17
ing faster than manpower re q u i re m e n t s , leading on some occasions to

' u n e m p l oyment of the educat e d. '
H e re, fi rs t , we shall view students as 'inputs,' while holding in, re s e rve
a view of them as the 'outputs' of the educational system. We will ask:
Wh at fo rces account for the recent ex p l o s ive growth in the social demand
for education? Have school systems been able to meet that demand? If not,
h ow have they coped with the consequent demand-s u p p ly gap? Looking
a h e a d, wh at can we re a s o n ably expect will happen to the trend of social
d e m a n d, and for wh at re a s o n s ?
Th e re are three main reasons why the social demand lSor education has
been rising rap i d ly since the end of Wo rld War II. The fi rst is the mount-
ing educational aspirations of parents and their ch i l d ren. The second is the
n ew stress of public policy almost eve ry wh e re on educational deve l-
opment as a precondition for ove r-all national deve l o p m e n t , and the par-
allel stress on the democratic imperat ive of increased 'educational part i c i-
p ation rat e s ' — wh i ch means sending a higher pro p o rtion of each age gro u p
to sch o o l , and for more ye a rs. The third reason is the population ex p l o-
s i o n , wh i ch has acted as a quantitat ive multiplier of the social demand.
The interaction among these fo rces since 1950 accounts for the phe-
nomenon that is depicted in Chart IV. Wo rl d-wide pri m a ry school enro l l-
ments have increased by more than 50 per cent, and secondary and
higher education enrollments by more than 100 per cent. Since the de-
veloping countries stra rted from a smaller base, their p e rc e n t age i n c re a-
s e, e s p e c i a l ly at the pri m a ry leve l , has been mu ch gre ater than is the case
in the developed countries. In absolute nu m b e rs , h oweve r, the deve l o p e d
c o u n t ries have had a mu ch gre ater increase in secondary and higher edu-
c ation. l
The whole of these enrollment fi g u re s , s h owing that compared with a
ge n e ration ago , twice the pro p o rtion and number of the wo rld's ch i l d re n
a re today being exposed to fo rmal sch o o l i n g, fo rms the bright side of the
c a s e. The fi g u re s , h oweve r, a re silent about the dark side. Th ey do not
reveal the vast social waste and the human trage dy in the high rate of dro-
pouts and fa i l u res. Th ey hide the large number of costly 'rep e at e rs.' A n d,
most import a n t , t h ey say nothing about the nat u re, q u a l i t y, and usefulness
of the education re c e ive d.
M o re will be said later about all these mat t e rs. Wh at must be noted
h e re is a dual aspect of the increased demand for education. The ri s i n g
e n rollment curves re flect the compounded effect of an ove r-all ex p a n s i o n
1. See Appendix 1.
The Inputs of Educational Systems 19
Enrollment
in the absolute size of each age gro u p , and a rise in the p e rc e n t age of each
age group part i c i p ating at each educational leve l .
It is true that viewed re t ro s p e c t ive ly, most countries show a slow ri s e
in their educational part i c i p ation rates. In recent ye a rs , h oweve r, the rat e

of the rise has been sharp ly accelerat e d. Why? One crucial reason is that
e d u c ational demand, feeding on itself, c re ates its own dy n a m i c. A popu-
l ation that sudd e n ly starts getting more education soon wants still more.
An A f rican child of illiterate parents who learns to read and do sums in
p ri m a ry school wants to go on to secondary school; from there, he wa n t s
to go on to the unive rsity if he can make it. But even if he gets no furt h e r
than pri m a ry sch o o l , he will insist that his ch i l d ren do better. Thus the
social demand for education is inex o rably compounded, rega rdless of
wh at may be happening to the economy and to the re s o u rces ava i l able to
e d u c ation. This phenomenon is not unique to developing countries. It has
s h own itself marke d ly in the postwar ye a rs in we s t e rn Europe and Nort h
A m e ri c a , at the secondary level and especially in higher educat i o n .
Wh at are the implications for the future, of this tendency of educat i o n
to ge n e rate its own demand? A hint of wh at is in store for other industri a l
c o u n t ries can be found in the educational histories of the United Stat e s
and the Soviet Union. In the United States the population increased 24
times from 1900 to dat e. This alone would have boosted educat i o n a l
e n ro l l m e n t s , even if part i c i p ation rates had stayed constant. But publ i c
d e m a n d, if nothing else, would not allow the rates ito stand still. The pro-
p o rtion of the age group attending secondary school jumped from 12 per
cent in 1900 to over 90 percent in 1967, while in the same peri o d, h i g h e r
e d u c ational enrollments rose from 4 to 44 per cent of the corre s p o n d i n g
age group. Wh at this, in addition to the postwar baby boom, has meant fo r
e n rollments in United States higher education is shown in Chart V. To t a l
e n rollments in all educational institutions now exceed 57 million—we l l
over one-q u a rter of the whole population. The United States has thus
become an 'educational society,' with education its largest industry. 2
In 1967 the Soviet Union, c o m m e m o rating the fiftieth annive rs a ry of
the October Revo l u t i o n , had good reason to celeb rate its ach i evements on
the educational front. Starting from a ve rt i c a l ly developed but narrow
e d u c ational system in 1914, the number of pri m a ry and secondary stu-
dents per 10,000 inhabitants in the Soviet Union more than trebled in
1 9 6 6 , while in higher educat i o n , this same ratio multiplied more than
t we n t y-one times, all concurre n t ly with a substantial population ri s e.3
2. See Appendix 2.
3. K. Nozhko , et al., E d u c ational Pl anning in the USSR, i n cluding a rep o rt by an
IIE P mission to the USSR, he aded by R. Poignant (Pa ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 8 ) , s e e
also Appendix 3.
Chart V. Effect of postwar baby boom and rising participation rates on U.S. college and university
enrollment, 1939-1965
1954 = 100
Source : U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Digest of Educational Statistics, Washington, D.C., Office of
Education, 1965 and 1966.
We s t e rn European countries have belat e d ly been moving in the same

d i rection since Wo rld War II. While the fi g u res for diffe rent countries in
Table 1 below are not entire ly comparabl e, in each case they show a sub-
stantial rise in part i c i p ation rat e s .
TABLE 1.
G rowth in educational part i c i p ation rates in We s t e rn Euro p e
S o u rc e s : U n e s c o , S t atistical Ye a r b o o k , 1 9 6 5 ( Pa ri s , 1966); R. Po i g n a n t , L’Enseignement dans les

p ay s du Marché commu n ( Pa ri s : Institut pédagi gi que na t i o n a l , 1965); OECD, E d u c ational Planning
and Economic Growth i n Au s t ri a , 1 9 6 5 - 1 9 7 5 ( Pa ri s : D i re c t o rate for Scientific A ffa i rs , 1968); OECD,
E d u c ational Po l i cy and Planning. Swe d e n ( Pa ri s : D i re c t o rate for S cientific A ffa i rs , 1 9 6 7 ) .
a Inclu des st udents yo u n ger and/or older than the popul ation ”age gro u p ” on wh i ch the enro l l m e n t
ratio i s based.
b Fi g u re for 1965
c Fi g u re for 1964
d Fi g u re for 1957
Because of the vital re l ationship between education and economic
grow t h , a two-sided point is wo rth inserting here. On the one side, t h e
i n d u s t ri a l i zed countries of Europe ach i eved mu ch of their present eco-
nomic growth with quite low educational part i c i p ation rates ab ove the pri-
m a ry level. Howeve r, it did take them a long time to get wh e re they now
a re economically. On the other side, t h e re is reason to believe that the
higher part i c i p ation rates of the United Stat e s , the Soviet Union, a n d
Jap a n , at re l at ive ly earlier stages of their deve l o p m e n t , paid substantial
d ividends in promoting their present high level of economic and tech-

n o l ogical advancement. 4 Recent participants in the deb ate over the 'tech-
n o l ogical gap' and the 'management gap' between we s t e rn Europe and the
United States have cri t i c i zed lags in European education as one of ro o t
causes. 5
TABLE 2
Rising enrollment ratios in a sample of developing countri e s
S o u rc e : U n e s c o , S t atistic al Ye a r b o o k , 1 9 6 5 ( Pa ri s , 1 9 6 6 ) , pp. 117-137.

a Public educati on only.
b Not including West Iri a n .
As for the developing countries of A s i a , L atin A m e ri c a , and A f ri c a , t h ey

h ave lat e ly been driven by motives of economic growth and social equity
to fo l l ow hard on the educational tra cks of the advanced countries. Fo r
t h e m , i n c reased part i c i p ation rates have been a matter of high pri o ri t y, a n d
the results of their effo rts since 1950 are re flected in Table 2. (The fi g u re s
s h own should be taken as indicat ive only, since there is a tendency
4. See, for ex a m p l e, E. F. Denison, ' M e a s u ring t he Contri bution of Education ( and

the Residual ) to Economic Growth' in The Residual Factor and Economic Grow t h
( Pa ri s : O E C D, 1964); T. H. Sch u l t z , E d u c ation and Economic Grow t h ( C h i c ago :
U n ive rsit y of Chi cago Pre s s , 1961); Th. W. Sch u l t z , The Economic Value of Educa -
t i o n ( N ew Yo rk and London: Col umbia Unive rsity Pre s s , 1964); S. Str u m i l i n , ' Th e
Economi cs of Education in the USSR' in I n t e rn ational Social Science Jo u rn a l , Pa ri s ,
U n e s c o , X I V, no. 4 (1962) .
5. See, for ex a m p l e, J.-J. Serva n- S ch re i b e r, Le Défi américain ( Pa ri s : D e n o ë l
1967) ; and OECD, T he Ove r-all L evel and Stru c t u re of Research and Deve l o p m e n t
E ffo rts in OECD Member Countri e s ( Pa ri s : O E C D, 1 9 6 7 ) .
for official enrollment fi g u res in developing countries to ove rs t ate the re a-

l i t y. )
Wh at up to this point has been implied can now be stated ex p l i c i t ly. Th e
c rucial re l ationship between social demand and an educational system's
c apacity to satisfy it is a key indicator in diagnosing any educational sys-
tem. Political leaders , for their part , need no statistics to measure a wide-
ning gap in this re l ationship; they sense it intuitive ly from the mounting
p rotests they face each day.
By the test of the key indicator just set fo rt h , the wo rl d-wide educa-
tional picture looks like this. Despite the re m a rk able rise in school enro l l-
ments after 1950, the rise did not ke ep pace with an even faster grow i n g
social demand for education. The gap between the desire for educat i o n
and school admission is gre atest in developing countries wh e re, even now,
e l e m e n t a ry school part i c i p ation rates are often below 50 per cent. But in
these countries the gap is fre q u e n t ly even gre at e r, p ro p o rt i o n at e ly, at the
s e c o n d a ry and higher leve l s , due part ly to an earlier pri o rity given to pri-
m a ry education. The latter pri o rity has alre a dy set in motion the powe r f u l
dynamic wh e reby educational demand is rap i d ly feeding on itself.
An the developing countries thus face a seve re pro bl e m , wh i ch lies at
the heart of their educational crisis. The encouraging fact that their peo-
ple are enthusiastically demanding education is offset by the nerve-ra ck-
ing fact that grave political and social consequences can ensue if that de-
mand is not sat i s fi e d. How can they bri d ge the gre at and growing gap
b e t ween the bu rgeoning aspirations of their people for more educat i o n
and the limited ability of their educational systems to fulfill those
a s p i rat i o n s ?
In a less acute but still marked degre e, m a ny of the advanced countri e s
face the same pro blem. The point was ex p l i c i t ly voiced by the Fre n ch
minister of educat i o n , M. Christian Fo u ch e t , at a meeting in Caen late in
1 9 6 6 , wh e re leading science pro fe s s o rs we re unsparing in their cri t i c i s m
of Fre n ch educational conditions:
No F re n c h M i ni st er o f E du c a t i o n , n o Fr e n ch u n iv e r sit y h as ever h ad to
fa c e s o m a ny pr o bl e ms a s y o u an d L I t w as no t un t il 19 4 i 0 t hat th er e wa s
a ri s e i n p op u la t io n ; un t il t h en , n o re a l s o ci al d e ma n d fo r e du ca t i o n , n o
s c i e n t i fic revo lu t io n . Du ri n g t h e p a s t t w en t y y e a rs , o n th e c o n tra r y, t h e r e
h ave b e e n ex p lo si on s in a l l s e cto r s. 6
The reality of the same dilemma has been ex p ressed in diffe rent way s
by other industri a l ly advanced countries. British unive rs i t i e s , for ex a m p l e,
6. Bulletin quotidien du Colloque de Caen ( N ovember 1966)

h ave been fo rced by a short age of places in recent ye a rs to turn away more
than one-q u a rter of the qualified candidates ap p lying to them. Au s t ri a n
s e c o n d a ry and technical trade schools between 1955 and 1965 re f u s e d
admission to as many as 2.7 to 22.2 per cent of qualified ap p l i c a n t s .7 I n
the winter term of 1966-6 7 , 6500 qualified candidates applied for entry
into Fe d e ral Rep u blic of Germ a ny medical faculties; only 2800 places
we re ava i l abl e. In 1966 about one-q u a rter of the applicants to unive rs i t i e s
of Vi c t o ria State in Au s t ralia was re j e c t e d. 8 Examples could be mu l t i p l i e d
f rom other advanced countri e s .
Is there any reason to believe that this boom in education's market will
subside in coming ye a rs? On the contra ry, the signs indicate that the
fo rces of the recent past wh i ch account for the increased social demand
for education will not only continue but may even accelerat e. Furt h e r, t h e
signs say that the intensity of ie human pre s s u res embraced by these
fo rces will undergo a kind of 'quantum jump' in the case of the deve l o p i n g
c o u n t ri e s — t h i s , because of the ex t ra o rd i n a ri ly high rate of incre a s e,> in
their youth populat i o n .
The latter point wa rrants calm and objective ex a m i n ation. Many deve l-
oping countries show a marked but re a d i ly unders t a n d able sensitivity to
a ny comments about their ex t ra o rd i n a ry population growth. A ny such
comments ring in their ears as unwelcome toplofty outside interfe rence in
the most private aspects of their own fa m i ly life. It is import a n t , t h e re fo-
re, to define pre c i s e ly wh at is re a l ly at issue. The issue is not wh e t h e r
these countries can ultimat e ly have a mu ch larger? better-e d u c at e d, a n d
b e t t e r- fed population than they now have. Many have the basic nat u ra l
re s o u rces to support larger populat i o n s , given ample time to develop these
re s o u rces. The issue, rat h e r, i nvo l ves the question of timing and re l at ive
rates of growth. It is part of a broader pro blem of unbalanced grow t h
a ffecting the whole national development pro c e s s , as suggested by the fo l-
l owing pro p o s i t i o n s :
If population grows faster than food pro d u c t i o n , e a ch year there will
be less ava i l able on the ave rage for each person to eat .
If the educational system grows faster than the Gross National Pro d u c t ,
7. See Appendix 4.
8. Committee on Higher Educat i o n , Higher Education The Demand for Places in
Higher Education. Appendix One to the Rep o rt of the Committee Appointed by the
P rime Minister under the Chairmanship of Lord Robb i n s , 1 9 6 1-63 ( L o n d o n : H M S O
1 9 6 4 ) , Pt. IV, p. 120; Commonwealth of Au s t ra l i a , Th i rd Rep o rt of the Au s t ra l i a n
U n ive rsities Commission, Au s t ralian Unive rsities 1964-69 ( C a n b e rra : C o m m o n we a l t h
G ove rnment Pri n t e r, 1 9 6 6 ) .
and it has been doing so for some time, it will sooner or later have to
s l ow its growth until the economy cat ches up.
If the educational system turns out gra d u ates faster than the economy
can give them jobs, u n e m p l oyment among the educated will incre a s e.
If the child population expands faster than the educational system can
absorb them and give them a decent educat i o n , t h e re will be either a
l ower part i c i p ation rate than desired or ove rc rowded schools of poor
q u a l i t y.
If a l l these critical rates of grow t h — e c o n o m i c, agri c u l t u ra l , d e m o-
grap h i c, and educat i o n a l — get seri o u s ly out of balance, the nat i o n ' s
whole development process will be in tro u bl e, not mere ly economical-
ly, but socially and politically.
We will re t u rn to the issue of imbalance when we consider the fi n a n c i a l
inputs into an educational system, and after that , the fitness of educat i o n ' s
outputs to manpower needs. Here, the main proposition to be adva n c e d
about population growth subdivides into a present and future tense. As to
the pre s e n t , the rise thus far in sch o o l-age population in most deve l o p i n g
c o u n t ries plainly exceeds wh at their educational systems can digest wh i l e
still doing an accep t able education job. As to the future, c e rtain cru c i a l
fa c t s , wh i ch are concealed in the gross statistics of population grow t h ,
point to an even more seve re state of imbalance between the pro s p e c t ive
demands on school systems and the capacity of the systems to cope with
them.
One set of facts shows that in many developing countri e s , the yo u t h
p o p u l ation has been growing more rap i d ly than the population as a wh o l e
because improved health measures have led to a sharper decrease in infa n t
m o rtality rates than in adult mortality rates. Thus in Central A m e ri c a , fo r
ex a m p l e, t o t a l p o p u l ation is estimated to have been growing at a rate of
3.25 per cent in recent ye a rs , wh e reas s ch o o l-age p o p u l ation has been gro-
wing at a rate of 3.75 per cent. A broader wo rld picture is given in Chart
V I . 9 Wh e rever such a disparity ex i s t s , the ove r-all fi g u res of populat i o n
growth may seri o u s ly unders t ate the growth in the educational system's
potential cl i e n t e l e.
A second set of facts tells us that the alre a dy rapid growth of the sch o o l -
age population in developing countries is like ly to grow even more rap i d ly
in the future. For despite the dra m atic decline in infant mortality rates in
recent ye a rs , t h e re still exists a large potential for further decl i n e. To illus-
t rat e : the infant mortality rate ave rages 20 per 1000 in we s t e rn Euro p e,
9. See also Appendix 5.

Chart Vl. The school-age population in developing countries is growing very rapidly . . .
1960 = 100
Source: See Appendix 5.
. . . and more rapdly than the total population
Source: Unesco, Statistical Y earbook, 1965 (Paris, 1966).

a These seem to be the ‘exceptions that prove the rule,’but may instead simply result from dubious population data.
Chart VII. Scools must expand fast to stay even with population growth—the example of
U g a n d a ’s primary scools
Note: Nonscooling gap equals total scool-age group in the population minus those enrolled in scool.
Source: IIEP estimations, prepared from data of the Uganda Government, in Educational Statistics, 1965 (Kampala:
Ministry of Education) and Work for Progress.The Second Five-year Plan, 1966-71 (Entebbe: Governmebt Printer).
wh e reas Latin A m e rican countries have lat e ly been in the ra n ge of 8P per

1000. Recent ave rages in A f rican countries have been im the neighbo-
rhood of 100 per 1000.10 Th e re is a revealing contrast between Burm a ' s
i n fant mortality rate of 128 per 1000, and a rate of less than 30 per 1000
in Hong Kong and Singap o re.11
We can get an idea of wh at these population fo rces do to school enro l l-
10. United Nat i o n s , D e m ographic Ye a r b o o k ( N ew Yo rk , 1961 and 1964).

11. See Appendix 6.
ments by glancing at seve ral illustrat ive cases. One is provided by Uga n d a
( C h a rt VII). Uganda and many other countries similarly situated will have
to expand their pri m a ry school enrollments ve ry considerably in the nex t
fifteen ye a rs just to ke ep their part i c i p ation rates from fa l l i n g. Th at is,
t h ey will have to expand even faster in order to prevent a rise in the ab s o-
lute number of yo u n g s t e rs who are not getting any pri m a ry schooling at
a l l , and are thus condemned to permanent illitera cy.
Another view of how rising population p l u s rising part i c i p ation rat e s
will affect future school enrollments is provided by Chart VIII. It show s
the projections contained in the 1966 rep o rt of the Indian Educat i o n
C o m m i s s i o n . l2
Yet another view of the same phenomenon ap p e a rs in Table 3, b e l ow,
TABLE 3
Recent and projected trends in enrollment in industrial countri e s
( in thousands )
S o u rc e s : ( France) R. P o i g n a n t , E d u c a tion and E conomic and Soc ial Pl anning in Fra n c e ( Pa ri s :

to be published); (Netherl a n d s ) : O E C D, E d u c a tional Po l i c y and Planni ng. Net herl a n d s ( Pa ri s :
D i re c t o rate for Sc ie ntific A ffa i rs , 1967); (A u s t i a ) : O E C D, E d u c ati onal Planning and Ec onomic
G rowth in Au s t ri a , 1 9 6 5 - 1 9 7 5 , op. cit.; ( I re l a n d ) : O E C D, I nvestment in Educati on. Ire l a n d ( Pa ri s :
D i re c t o r ate for S ci enti fic A ffa i rs , 1966) ; (United Sta t e s ) : U. S. D ep a rtme nt of Hea lth, E d u c at i o n
and We l fa re : ( p a s t ) , D i gest of Educational Stat i s t i c s ( Wa s h i n g t o n , D. C . , 1 9 6 5 ) , pp. 114-116; ( pr o-
j e c t i o n ) , P rojection of Educ ational Stat i s t i c s , 1 9 7 3 - 7 4 ( Wa s h i n g t o n , D. C . , 1 9 6 4 ) , p. 3.
a Compul sory educat i o n .
12. See Appendix 7.

Chart VIII. The projected impact of rising youth population and rising participation rates on
enrollments in India (1950 = 100)
Source: Prepared from data given in: Government of India. Report of the Education Commission (1964-66). Education
and National Development (New Delhi; Ministry of Education, 1966)
ap p lying to certain industri a l ly developed and educat i o n a l ly adva n c e d

c o u n t ries. Their postwar 'baby boom' has now subsided somewh at. It put
gre at pre s s u res on their elementary schools in the 1950's, but it is still put-
ting gre at pre s s u res on the higher echelons of their educational systems.
Th i s , h oweve r, is not the end of the mat t e r. When these postwar bab i e s
s t a rt having babies of their own—as they are even now doing—this will
c re ate yet another population bu l ge for the educational systems to cope
with. Th i s , t ogether with rising educational part i c i p ation rat e s , ex p l a i n s
the rising trends projected in Table 3 ( wh i ch may well prove to be on the
l ow side) .
Th e re are diffe rent strat egies an educational system can use to deal with
the demand-s u p p ly gap. It can, at one ex t re m e, t h row open its doors , l e t
eve ryone in who wishes, a l l ow them to stay in for as long as they like, a n d
go as far as they please. If this is done within a compressed peri o d, it leads
d i re c t ly to bu l ging enro l l m e n t s , c rowded cl a s s ro o m s , and pro b ably a sharp
dip in quality. This strat egy may satisfy social demand, or at least ap p e a r
to do so, but at the price of a storm of protests about high dropout rat e s ,
poor quality, and the waste of public re s o u rces. India and Lat i n - A m e ri c a n
c o u n t ries have had this ex p e ri e n c e.
At the opposite ex t reme from this 'wide-open' system, t h e re is the policy
whereby everyone ( if it can be affo rded ) is given a chance for a pri m a ry
e d u c at i o n , but a seve re ly selective process gove rns who goes on from there.
In this way, element a ry education serves to screen the academically bri g h t ,
the students in secondary and higher education can be held down to a mana-
geable number, and quality can more re a d i ly be maintained. This policy of
competitive selectivity and pro m o t i o n , based on individual academic per-
fo rm a n c e, seems at fi rst glance to be fair and democrat i c. It makes the ex a-
mination the impartial arbiter of who will continue into secondary and
higher education; it accepts the 'ablest' and ru t h l e s s ly rejects the re s t , t h e re-
by, incidentally, stamping more young people with the identifying mark of
' fa i l u re' than 'success.' The strat egy is designed to produce an 'educat e d
elite,' which will provide society with its essential leadership. It is in fa c t
admirably efficient for this purpose—up to a point—and for a long wh i l e
worked well for many of today's advanced nat i o n s .
The same strat egy, h oweve r, is now in deep tro u ble almost eve ry wh e re,
and the reasons for this bring us back full circle to the matter of incre a s e d
social demand for education. For one thing, families will not take no fo r
an answer when they are convinced that ch i l d ren need at least a secondary
e d u c ation to rise in the present wo rl d. And in industri a l i zed countri e s
m o re people are becoming convinced that even a secondary education is

not enough. Second, a highly selective system, entailing open competitive
ex a m i n at i o n s , o n ly s e e m s to be democrat i c. In practice it is not—because
of the inherent social bias of the academic system, wh at ever the political
d o c t rines of the nation. Its 'standards' and ex a m i n ation systems inev i t ably
tilt the scales on the side of ch i l d ren whose parents are educated and wh o
thus provide their ch i l d ren with a good vo c abu l a ry and a cultura l ly ri ch
e nv i ronment. Schools judge students especially by their verbal dex t e ri t y,
and this is large ly acquired o u t s i d e the school. The youngster who bri n g s
a good vo c abu l a ry to sch o o l , and all else that this implies, has a stro n g
head start , and for the same reasons is like ly to ke ep his lead all thro u g h
the system, over an equally bright youngster with a cultura l ly impove r-
ished back gro u n d.
The social bias of educational systems wh i ch are seemingly demo-
c ratic has been rep e at e d ly shown in studies made of the socio-e c o n o-
mic ori gins of European students who have managed to get thro u g h
s e c o n d a ry school and into the unive rs i t y. 1 3 In Fra n c e, for instance,
the chances of re c e iving a unive rsity education are 58.5 per cent fo r
ch i l d ren of pro fe s s i o n a l s , against less than 2 per cent for ch i l d ren of
agri c u l t u ral and other wo rke rs. l 4 The bias is part i c u l a rly marke d, i n
fa c t , in older nat i o n s , s u ch as in Europe and Latin A m e ri c a , t h at have
long had a substantial educated elite and a highly stru c t u red social
system. It is mu ch less of a pro blem in A f rica today, for its educat e d
elite has been so small that any substantial expansion in education is
bound to re a ch ex t e n s ive ly into the educat i o n a l ly handicapped fa m i-
lies. In later ge n e rat i o n s , h oweve r, when A f rica has fo rmed a bro a d e r
e d u c ated elite, the pro blem of bias is bound to crop up there too, a s
it has even in the socialist countries of eastern Euro p e.
Th e re is yet another reason why a highly selective, elitist educat i o n a l
s y s t e m , unless dra s t i c a l ly modifi e d, is bound to be in deep tro u ble these
d ays in industrial countries. It is that the same elitist system wh i ch does
well by the young people it favo rs , wastes the human re s o u rces rep re-
sented by those of its rejects wh o , if given an authentically fair chance fo r
a dvanced educat i o n , would pro fit considerably and pass the benefits on to
s o c i e t y. No modern economy, if it is to pro s p e r, can affo rd such waste of
human talent. 15 Nor will any democratic people, if they can find a way
o u t , t o l e rate fo rever an educational system wh i ch denies equality of op-
13. See Appendix 8.
14. P. Bourdieu and J. Pa s s e ro n , in Les Héri t i e rs. Les étudiant s et la culture
( Pa ri s : Editions de Minu i t , 1 9 6 4 ) .
15. See Appendix 9.
p o rtunity to yo u n g s t e rs of inhere n t ly equal intellectual ability but unequal

social back gro u n d. To state the pro bl e m , h oweve r, is far easier than to
s o l ve it; and certain types of effo rts to solve it can re a d i ly damage the
whole educational effo rt .
Wh at has just been said shows a diffe rent face in the case of ;~ country
t h at is at an early stage of its educational and economic development. A
s e l e c t ive system for such a country is no easier to manage from a political
s t a n d p o i n t , but its adoption can be justified on practical gro u n d s : fi rs t , t h e
c o u n t ry is not in an economic position to affo rd a more open system; sec-
o n d, by trying to adopt one, it may slow its economic growth and thus
postpone the day when can in fact affo rd one.
The case of Tanzania is illustrat ive. Tanzania has been trying to hold
p ri m a ry schooling to the quantitat ive level of 50 per cent of the age
group; the object is to conserve scarce re s o u rces for use in ex p a n d i n g
s e c o n d a ry and higher educat i o n , both being vital preconditions for eco-
nomic grow t h . 1 6 As things stand in that country—and elsewh e re in East
A f rica— only about one out of ten pri m a ry school gra d u ates can find a
place in secondary schools. Prospects are no gre ater for secondary sch o o l
gra d u ates getting into the unive rs i t y. Curbing pri m a ry school ex p a n s i o n
and ap p lying highly selective admission to secondary and higher educa-
tion are not, in Tanzania's case, a permanent policy. Th ey are viewed as
being only a transitional necessity for building a balanced educat i o n a l
s y s t e m , for safeg u a rding its higher levels from being crushed by a land-
slide of students, and for accelerating economic growth. The ultimate aim
is unive rsal pri m a ry educat i o n , and higher part i c i p ation rates beyo n d
t h e re. Such a strat egy, h oweve r, aimed at re a ching long-t e rm goals more
q u i ck ly, is bound to encounter ex t reme pre s s u res in the shorter run fro m
those whose educational opportunities have been ab ru p t ly cut short .
We can put ve ry simply in capsule fo rm the wo rl d-wide outlook for 'stu-
dent inputs.' Vi rt u a l ly eve ry wh e re, m o re and more students will be knoc-
king on education's door each ye a r. In the industri a l i zed countries the pre s-
s u res will be gre atest beyond the secondary level; in the developing coun-
t ries they will be gre at at all levels. Even in the ex t re m e ly unlike ly eve n t
t h at birth rates sudd e n ly dropped sharp ly all over the wo rl d, this wo u l d
p rovide little relief to education's 'nu m b e rs pro blem' for many ye a rs to
c o m e. In all countries the die is alre a dy cast. The pri m a ry school pupils of
the next 6 to 12 ye a rs , the secondary school pupils of the next 12 to 18
16. See, for ex a m p l e, G. Sko rov, I n t egration of Educational and Economic Planning
in Ta n z a n i a, A f rican re s e a rch rn o n ograp h s , No. 6 (Pa ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 6 ) .
ye a rs , and the college students of the next 18 to 24 ye a rs , a re alre a dy with

us. We can count their little noses.
Te a ch e rs—An Issue of Quality and Cost

E D U C AT I O N ’ S C O M P E T I T I V E D I S A D VA N TA G E • R E A S O N S F O R T E A C H E R
S H O R TA G E S • I M P R OV E D S U P P LY P R O S P E C T S • A M B I G U O U S S A L A RY
P RO S P E C T S • E F F E C T S O F T E A C H E R S A L A RY S T R U C T U R E S • T E AC H E R
T R A I N I N G C A PA C I T Y • H I G H L O S S R AT E S • RU R A L T E A C H E R P RO B L E M .
Te a ch e rs , n ext to students, a re the large s t , most crucial inputs of an edu-

c ational system. Th ey are also, by all odd s , the most ex p e n s ive inputs,
even when they are underp a i d. Te a ch e rs , in fa c t , lie at the heart of the edu-
c ational cri s i s , and for many reasons. Here we look at fa c t o rs pert a i n i n g
to teacher supply and specifi c a l ly at such mat t e rs as the salari e s , s t at u s ,
and costs of teach e rs. Later we will examine other fa c t o rs having to do
with the job of teaching itself—how teach e rs spend their time.
Wh at needs to be said in pro l ogue is that the pro blem of teacher supply
is not one of simple nu m b e rs. It is fi rst and fo remost a pro blem of quali-
ty —of getting a large enough quantity of the right quality. One sch o o l-
man put the case ters e ly. 'We can,' he said, ' u s u a l ly find enough willing
wa rm bodies to ke ep order in the cl a s s rooms. Our pro blem is to fi n d
enough who can also teach . ' L o o ked at in this light—and in the full
c o n t ext of a nation's ove r-all manpower position—the teacher supply pro-
blem is seen to have its ori gins in three hard fa c t s .
The fi rst fact is that education is a mass pro d u c t i o n , l ab o r-i n t e n s ive i n-
d u s t ry, still tied to a handicraft tech n o l ogy.
The second fact is that educational in contrast to other industri e s , i s
both a producer and a consumer of high-l evel manpower; if it is to serve
all other consumers of manpower well—and each ge n e ration better—it
must constantly recoup enough of its own best output to rep roduce a go o d
f u rther cro p .
The third fact, tied to the other two , is that in the competition to win back
enough of its own best quality pro d u c t s , e d u c ation is usually at a disadva n-
tage. It often ends up with a high pro p o rtion of 'second choice' candidat e s .
E d u c ation is at a disadva n t age because other competitors with large r
p u rses set the standards for at t ra c t ive salaries. This applies especially to
c ap i t a l-i n t e n s ive modern industri e s , whose new tech n o l ogies a]ld ri s i n g

l abor pro d u c t ivity permit steady increases in wages and salaries without
c o rresponding increases in the real costs of production. A 10 per cent sala-
ry increase for educat i o n , on the other hand, u s u a l ly tra n s l ates into a 7 to
8 per cent increase in its total 'costs of pro d u c t i o n . '
These hard economic facts have fa r-re a ching rep e rcussions on the social
s t atus and ge n e ral at t ra c t iveness of teach i n g. Th ey have tile power to set
in motion an educational va riant of Gresham's Law — m e a n i n g, t h at too
m a ny poor teach e rs will drive good ones out of the market. Th e re are, o f
c o u rs e, m a ny hap py ex c eptions to the ge n e ra l i z ation just made. But the
l a rger ge n e ra l i z ation stands fi rm. As the educational enterp rise grow s
i n c re a s i n g ly larger re l at ive to the whole economy, and as it retains its la-
b o r-i n t e n s ive ch a racter while competing enterp rises become more cap i t a l -
i n t e n s ive, it is progre s s ive ly more difficult for education to mat ch com-
p e t i t ive salaries at t ra c t ive to topflight personnel. In the degree to wh i ch it
fa i l s , it contri butes to a dow n wa rd spiral of teacher stat u s , and thus furt h e r
compounds the difficulty it has in at t racting pre c i s e ly the kind of people
it needs to improve education's quality and pro d u c t iv i t y.
A set of specific questions intrude themselves at this point. Wh at has
been happening to teacher supply in the past ten ye a rs , and wh at are the
f u t u re prospects? Is the potential supply of teach e rs like ly to improve, a n d
if so, will enough of the best people comprising that potential be willing
to teach? Can the present stock of poorly qualified teach e rs be upgra d e d ?
Wh at will this cost, and can it be affo rd e d ?
It is an open secret that in the last decade most countries have been pla-
gued by teacher short ages. This condition has ge n e ra l ly re flected both an
ove r-all short age of we l l-q u a l i fied manpower and the competitive dis-
a dva n t age of education. In many places it has also re flected a Lag in the
expansion of teach e r-t raining cap a c i t y. The most acute short ages of we l l -
q u a l i fied teach e rs have cropped up in the sciences, m at h e m at i c s , and va ri-
ous technical fi e l d s , wh e re ove r-all manpower short ages have also been
gre atest. The net result of these va rious fa c t o rs has been a widespre a d
d e cline in teacher qualifi c at i o n s .
Fo rt u n at e ly, modest improvements can be rep o rt e d. In a good number of
c o u n t ries the combined effects of an improving high-l evel manpower sup-
p ly, of teacher 'upgra d i n g,' and of earlier initiat ives to expand teach e r
t ra ining have begun to increase the quantity and pro p o rtion of qualifi e d
t e a ch e rs .l 7 But there is a 're l at ivistic' air to this picture of improve m e n t ,
17. See Appendix 10.

since the take-o ff point for the expansion and upgrading wvas a poor
s i t u ation. And there is something more. Wh at may seem in stat i s t i c a l
t e rms to be an upgrading of teacher stock , m ay in reality be only an upgra-
ding of labels. This is by no means always the case. But it does hap p e n ,
for ex a m p l e, when in-s e rvice training programs endow teach e rs with
higher grade cert i fi c ates without a commensurate improvement in their
p ro fessional competence.
Th e re is good reason to hope that in the coming ye a rs the teacher sup-
p ly will improve. Yet the hope rests on an ambiguous center pre m i s e : t h at
as education's own output in many countries closes the supply-d e m a n d
gap for higher level manpowe r, e d u c ation will be able to claim a large r
s h a re of this output for its own needs.
The strong side of this premise can be seen in evidence drawn from the
d eveloping wo rl d. In India, for ex a m p l e, the supply of secondary and uni-
ve rsity gra d u ates has caught up with (and indeed has exceeded) the effe c-
t ive market demand for their serv i c e s , ex c ept for certain specialized fi e l d s .
This happened in parts of Latin A m e rica as well. Then aga i n , an A f ri c a n
c o u n t ry like Nige ri a , wh i ch once seemed to face unsolvable manpowe r
s h o rt age s , has re c e n t ly begun to wonder how it will place its gre at ly enlar-
ged supply of unive rsity gra d u at e s . 18 In many industri a l i zed countri e s , t h e
ove r-all manpower supply-demand balance and hence the teacher supply,
also seem to be improving steadily. France is an ex a m p l e. It is past the
time of gre atest strain when its 'thin' population born in prewar ye a rs had
to provide teach e rs for the postwar bumper crop of babies. By now these
b abies are almost old enough to be teach e rs themselve s , and the margi n a l
b i rth rate has receded somewh at . 19 A dd to this another ex a m p l e, though it
is in the fo rm of an opinion lather than a concrete fact. Specifi c a l ly, a pro-
minent United States educator has re c e n t ly fo recast that the 'seller's mar-
ket' for Ph. D.'s for college teaching is due to
18. L. Cery ch , The I ntegration of External A ssist ance with Educational Planning
in Nige ri a , A f rican re s e a rch monograp h s , No. 14 (Pa ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 7 ) .
19. Bro a d ly speaking, we may say that students who are in school now (1988), i n
p ri m a ry, s e c o n d a ry, or higher educat i o n , we re born af ter 1945, while teach e rs in all
l evels of education we re re c ruited among ge n e rations born befo re 194S. This fa c t
m ay be important for some countr ies. In Fra n c e, for instance, i n addit ion to the defi-
cit of bi rths during the two wo rld wa rs , t h e re was a sharp decline in the birth rat e
f rom 1922 to 1940. Since Wo rld War II, on the contra ry, t h e re has been a marke d
i n c rease in the birth rat e, wh i ch re c e n t ly began subsiding.
Thi s important ch a n ge in the birth rate can by it self account for the re l at ive shor-
t age of t each e rs. Of cours e, this situation is only tempora ry and will cert a i n ly impro-
ve in the future when it wil l be possible to re c ruit teaching staff from the mor e nu m e-
rous ge n e r at ions born after 1945.
be reve rs e d. He sets the time at around 1968 to 1970, when supply will
mount rap i d ly against a possible leveling in the demand, as shown in
C h a rt IX.
So fa r, so go o d. Howeve r, t h e re is a weak side to the premise being con-
s i d e red here. Th e re is no guarantee that education will, in fa c t , at t ract a
growing share of the best quality part of an expanding high-l evel man-
Chart IX. Ph. D.'s available versus number required to rnaintain faculty quality at 1963-64 level in
the United States
Source: Allan M. Cartter, The journal of Human Resources, Madison, University of Wisconsin(sUMMER, 1966), I, no. 1.
p ower supply. The doubt arises in connection with teacher salari e s , t h e

ch a racter of teacher salary stru c t u re s , and their re l ationship to each na-
tion's ability to pay for mounting teacher costs per pupil. Beyond this,
t h e re are other complicating fa c t o rs , s u ch as teach e r-t raining cap a c i t y, t e a-
cher loss rat e s , the pull of the cities and the push of ru ral are a s , s p e c i a l
s h o rt ages in special fi e l d s , and the heavy dependence of some countri e s
on ex p at ri ate teach e rs .
The future quality of the teacher corps in eve ry country will be deci-
s ive ly influenced by wh at happens to teacher salaries re l at ive to other
s a l a ries. We must there fo re here ask a crucial question. Wh at can hap p e n ,
and wh at is like ly to hap p e n , to those salaries? The answer will va ry enor-
m o u s ly from country to country depending on an assortment of fa c t o rs —
the level and speed of economic deve l o p m e n t , the behavior of competing
s a l a ri e s , the pri o rity given to expanding and improving educat i o n , and the
rate of infl ation. A b ove all, it will va ry depending on the supply-d e m a n d
balance for high-l evel manpower ge n e ra l ly.
We noted a moment ago that the supply-demand balance promises to
i m p rove in many countri e s — owing to education's increased output, bu t
owing also in some unfo rt u n ate cases to a slow rate of economic grow t h ,
along with a bad stru c t u ring of the employment market and incentive s .
But leaving the fine points out of account, the case of India provides an
example of wh at happens to teach e rs' salaries once the scarcity value of
e d u c ation diminishes. In India the rather early emergence of a so-c a l l e d
' e d u c ated manpower surplus,' combined with price infl at i o n , has plainly
had a dep ressing effect on teacher salari e s , though the impact has been
u n eve n ly distri bu t e d. After adjustment for a 65 per cent rise in the cost of
l iving between 1950 and 1966, p ri m a ry school teach e rs gained only 9 to
16 per cent in real income during this whole sixteen-year peri o d, s e c-
o n d a ry teach e rs lost 6 per cent, while pro fe s s o rs in higher education either
gained or lost 5 to 10 per cent according to wh e re they we re teach i n g. 20
The race against infl ation and the effects of a 'softening' manpower po-
sition are by no means confined to India. In most of Latin A m e ri c a , t h o u g h
t h e re are ex c ep t i o n s , the typical pat t e rn has been for the real income of
t e a ch e rs to fall behind the onrush of infl at i o n a ry pri c e s , then to cat ch up
b ri e fly through a grant of salary increases to teach e rs , o n ly to fall behind
again. To make ends meet, m a ny teach e rs have been fo rced to combine
t e a ching with other jobs (something wh i ch also happens in many coun-
t ries of Asia and the Middle East). It is safe to say ge n e ra l ly that if infl a -

The Inputs of Educational systems 39
tion does not subside—especially in Latin A m e ri c a — e d u c ation will be the

l o s e r.
The blunt reality that confronts a good many developing countries is
t h at the prospect for substantial increases in the real incomes of teach e rs
in the next seve ral ye a rs is not go o d. A 'softening' manpower market and
bu d get stri n gencies will deter such increases. Infl at i o n , wh e rever it
o c c u rs , will make the matter wo rs e. For reasons to be considered lat e r, t h e
b ra kes on teacher salary rises will be stro n gest wh e re such salaries are
a l re a dy a high multiple of ave rage per capita income, as they are thro u-
ghout most of A f ri c a .
Th e re are brighter prospects for such increases in the industri a l i zed na-
t i o n s , though even here a wo rd of caution is in ord e r. The study of supply -
demand prospects for Ph.D's in the United Stat e s , just cited, c o n cl u d e d
t h at 'academicians may ex p e rience again [as in the 1940's] a decline in
their re l at ive income position.' How the matter actually wo rks out in the
case of individual nations will depend on whether the improvement in
m a n p ower supply will be more than offset by the upwa rd pre s s u re exe rt e d
by competition from rising pro d u c t ivity industries. In the long view, t e a-
cher salaries in developed countries undoubtedly will ri s e, as they have
b e fo re, as part of the progre s s ive rise of real incomes ge n e ra l ly thro u g h o u t
the economy. But, if the rise in teacher salaries continues to lag behind
other salari e s , e d u c ation will continue to get the poorest pickings of the
ava i l able manpower supply. Timing is of gre at import a n c e. It is not
enough for teach e rs' salaries to rise; they must also rise soon enough.
So far we have considered only the ge n e ral level of teacher salaries. But
the stru c t u res of these salaries also have a strong bearing upon teach e r
re c ruitment and turn ove r, and upon teacher costs to the educational sys-
tem. For one thing, the typical teacher salary stru c t u re in most countri e s
has bu i l t-in automatic increases and re t i rement prov i s i o n s , based on ye a rs
of serv i c e. So long as the ave rage age of the teaching fo rce remains con-
stant or is fa l l i n g, this does not produce significant annual cost incre a s e s .
But a young teaching fo rce starts to grow older as soon as educat i o n a l
expansion starts to slow down. At that point, wh i ch has alre a dy been re a-
ched in many countri e s , ' a u t o m atic increments' and re t i rement pay m e n t s
t a ke a larger bite out of each year's ove r-all bu d ge t .
E ven more import a n t , h oweve r, for many developing countries espe-
c i a l ly, is the ex t reme spread in salary stru c t u res between the starting leve l
for poorly qualified teach e rs and the pay of fully qualified teach e rs. In
s u ch situat i o n s , the upgrading of a poorly qualified teacher through in-
s e rvice tra i n i n g, or his replacement by a qualified one, raises the cost to

the system considerably. A ga i n , A f rica is the ex t reme case but an instru c-
t ive one, as exe m p l i fied in the salary stru c t u res of Nort h e rn Nige ria and
U ga n d a . 21 In both these places, for ex a m p l e, a 'standard t ra i n e d p ri m a ry
t e a cher' who re a ches the maximum salary, e a rns four times as mu ch as an
e n t e ring 'standard u n t ra i n e d p ri m a ry teach e r.' In Uga n d a , a unive rsity gra-
d u ate teaching in secondary school can re a ch a maximum of nearly thre e
times the salary of an entering secondary teacher who is trained but lack s
a full unive rsity degre e. It re q u i res no imagi n ation to see wh at hap p e n s
when an A f rican educational system makes rapid progress in 'upgra d i n g '
its teaching staff. This is tru e, on a lesser scale, of virt u a l ly all educat i o-
nal systems. These teacher salary stru c t u res are pro t racted devo u re rs of an
e d u c ational bu d get. The full implications are only beginning to be re a l i-
ze d.
The hope is sometimes ex p ressed that in the long run A f rican countri e s
can counteract rising teacher costs by replacing ex p at ri ate teach e rs with
local ones. To a degree perhaps they can, but the possibility should not be
ove re s t i m ated; and for some it could conceivably wo rk in reve rs e. In the
fo rmer British colonies in A f ri c a , for ex a m p l e, a hired ex p at ri ate teach e r
often costs about 40 per cent more than a local one; his rep l a c e m e n t
should save money. But a volunteer ex p at ri ate teach e r — f rom the Pe a c e
C o rp s , for instance—typically costs the host country less than a local tea-
ch e r. Many Fre n ch-speaking A f rican countries are now libera l ly supplied
with regular Fre n ch teach e rs. Their cost to the host country is about the
same as for a local teacher; the Fre n ch gove rnment typically prov i d e s
most or all of any necessary supplement. Th ey, t o o , h ave less ex p e n s ive
volunteer teach e rs , whose eventual replacement may raise costs. A l l
things considere d, the ultimate replacement of both hired and vo l u n t e e r
ex p at ri ate teach e rs may make re l at ive ly little diffe rence in the educat i o n a l
costs of many A f rican countri e s .
In any eve n t , this process is like ly to take a good wh i l e. A f rican coun-
t ri e s , conscious of their heavy dependence on ex p at ri ate teach e rs , m a i n ly
in secondary and higher educat i o n , h ave tried hard to produce more of their
own. Some have alre a dy succeeded in increasing the perc e n t age of local
t e a ch e rs in the system, but even so the total number of ex p at ri ate teach e rs
has continued to grow, owing to the rapid expansion of education. In
N o rt h e rn Nige ri a , for ex a m p l e, in the period 1961-1 9 6 4 , ex p at ri ate tea-
ch e rs in the secondary schools declined from 68 to 56 per cent, but they

i n c reased nu m e ri c a l ly from 670 to 785.22 The duplication of this type of

case elsewh e re underlines the fact that , despite the stre nuous effo rts of
A f rican countries to A f ri c a n i ze their sch o o l s , m a ny of them will continu e
to have a sizable need for ex p at ri ate teach e rs for many ye a rs to come. Th i s
applies part i c u l a rly to many of the Fre n ch-speaking A f rican countri e s .
We have thus far considered the implications of prevailing teacher sal-
a ry stru c t u res for the future costs of educational systems, and we saw that
for developing countries especially they imply ve ry sizable increases. But
n ow shifting the fo c u s , wh at can be said about their implications for re-
c ruitment? Will they help or hamper the re c ruitment of good teach e rs ?
The answer is a mixture of good and bad, s p rinkled with a va riety of
'ifs.' The typical provisions in teacher salary stru c t u res for automatic in-
c rements based on ye a rs of serv i c e, for re t i rement benefi t s , and ge n e ro u s
va c at i o n s , and for permanent tenu re in some circ u m s t a n c e s , all wo rk in a
favo rable direction for re c ruitment—if competing types of employment do
not offer even more favo rable terms. The wide spread in teacher salari e s
b e t ween diffe rent levels of qualifi c ation provides an incentive for able and
ambitious young people to wo rk their way up—if they have re a dy access
to good in-s e rvice training programs. Similarly, the wide spread betwe e n
p ri m a ry, s e c o n d a ry, and unive rsity salaries should be appealing to such
young people—if a re a s o n able chance re a l ly exists for promotion fro m
one educational echelon to the next. All these 'ifs' are crucial. How they
a re re s o l ved will va ry from place to place, as will their net effect on
re c ru i t m e n t .
But now a qualifying reality must be imposed on this ap p a rent bit of
optimism. In most countries a teacher ra re ly breaks the chain wh i ch binds
him to his peers and jumps ahead of them up the promotion scale. Special
p romotion is more like ly to come—if it comes at all—by leaving cl a s s-
room teaching and entering administrat i o n , at the same echelon m the sys-
tem. Meanwh i l e, those of similar 'qualifi c ation' who stay behind in the
cl a s s room—outstanding and mediocre alike — c o n t i nue to ride up the sala-
ry escalator at the same speed, s o l e ly because they got on it at the same
t i m e. Excellence in cl a s s room teaching is not rewa rded by these mech a-
nistic salary stru c t u re s , nor is mediocrity discourage d. The implied
assumption wh i ch underlies them—and wh i ch eve ryone knows to be
false—is that all teach e rs are equally good and will remain so, ex c ept fo r
the few who are more equal than the rest and escape to a higher pay i n g
a d m i n i s t rat ive post.

It would be hard to conceive of a salary stru c t u re better calculated to

d i s c o u rage the ablest and most ambitious students from considering a
t e a ching care e r, or more like ly to induce the best teach e rs to get out of
t e a ching and into administration. Saying this, h oweve r, we must also
c o n fess that there is no easy altern at ive arra n gement. The issue of 'meri t
p romotion' has been deb ated in many countri e s , with teacher orga n i z a-
tions usually stoutly opposed, and not without some good arg u m e n t s .
Some systems have tried the principle of promotion based on merit and
claimed success, but they are in a decided minori t y. Many unive rs i t i e s
h ave found a partial way around the pro bl e m , with their system of dive r-
s i fied pro fessional ra n k s , but often this has led to pro blems of its ow n .
The plain fact is that as long as sch o o l t e a ch e rs are all assigned essen-
t i a l ly the same job, it is difficult to discri m i n ate in their rewa rd s — h owe-
ver mu ch they may va ry in quality and results. We will re t u rn to this
m atter at a later stage.
Th e re is another and special respect in wh i ch the teacher salary stru c-
t u res of most countri e s , d eveloping and industri a l i ze d, m i l i t ate aga i n s t
solving the most serious types of teacher short age. As the ge n e ral teach e r
s h o rt age begins to ease in any country, relief can be expected fi rst in the
case of 'ge n e ral' teach e rs and in such fields as the arts and social studies.
S h o rt ages will endure mu ch longe r, h oweve r, in the fields wh e re they have
been most acute all along—in science, m at h e m at i c s , and technical fi e l d s .
A kind of vicious circle is at wo rk here. Education's policy of paying tea-
ch e rs unifo rm ly, rega rdless of subject, imposes a seve re competitive han-
d i c ap in bidding for these particular cat ego ries of teach e rs , who are usual-
ly rewa rded mu ch better elsewh e re. A striking illustration comes fro m
Au s t ri a , wh e re a 1967 rep o rt predicted that in the future 'mat h e m at i c s ,
e s p e c i a l ly ge o m e t ry, will be the discipline for wh i ch it will be most diffi-
cult to find enough [secondary] teach e rs.' The rep o rt goes on to note that
'a unive rsity gra d u ate in mat h e m atics starts as a grammar school teach e r
in 1967 with 3450 Au s t rian schillings a month. In one of the intern at i o n a l
fi rms wh i ch have subsidiaries in Au s t ri a , his beginning salary would ra n ge
b e t ween 6000 and 6500 schillings a month.’ 23 This is called an ex t re m e
c a s e, yet disparities of this order exist in many countries today, i n cl u d i n g
the United Stat e s . 24
23. OECD, Au s t ri a : S t u dy on the Demand for and Supply of Te a ch e rs ( Pa ri s :

D i re c t o rate f or Scientifi c A ffa i rs , 1 9 6 8 ) .
Wh at are educational systems to do about this type of pro blem? Th ey

l a ck the means to pay all teach e rs wh at it would cost to get enough go o d
m at h e m at i c s , s c i e n c e, and technical teach e rs. On the other hand, t h ey can-
not get enough of these types of teach e rs at the unifo rm price wh i ch they
can affo rd to pay. Fa i l u re to solve the pro blem simply aggravates it fur-
t h e r, by re t a rding the increase in output of students in these fields wh o
would eve n t u a l ly re l i eve the short age. Two ex p e rts who examined the im-
pact of education's unifo rm salary policy on re c ruitment of mat h e m at i c s ,
s c i e n c e, and technical teach e rs in the United States came to this concl u-
s i o n : ' We know of no other industry that pays so little attention to the mar-
ket situation when establishing salari e s . 25
The ge n e ral teacher short age—and not mere ly these special cases—is
f u rther aggravated by conditions prevailing at the root source of supply,
the teacher training colleges. Neglected earlier in the enrollment 'boom,'
t e a cher training capacity now seems to be expanding more rap i d ly. Th e
nu m e rical output can be expected to grow considerably, but again we
come hard up against the issue of quality. If there is to be an improve m e n t
in respect to quality as well as nu m b e rs , t h e re must be an increase of in-
put into the teacher training colleges of fi rs t-rate tra i n e rs and of good tra i-
n able human mat e rial. Th at , p re c i s e ly, is the bl i s t e ring rub in many coun-
t ries. Th e re is a dearth of able pro fe s s o rs for training teach e rs , p a rt ly
because training colleges are so often isolated from re s e a rch and from the
m a i n s t ream of education. The consequent low standing that teach e r-t ra i n-
ing institutions have in the eyes of those who might make the best teach-
e rs , d e t e rs them from a personal association with the enterp rise of educa-
tion. The deterrence can be re m oved only by a sustained counterat t a ck on
the conditions wh i ch induce good students to avoid the teacher tra i n i n g
i n s t i t u t i o n s , and hence to bypass the teaching pro fession as a care e r. Some
c o u n t ri e s , s u ch as Fra n c e, do not appear to suffer from this pro bl e m , but a
gre at many countries ev i d e n t ly find it a most serious pro bl e m .
Yet another factor complicates the question of teacher supply. It is the
high loss rate' among trained teach e rs in some countries ( though, fo rt u -
25.'...I t is quite ge n e ra l , p a rt i c u l a rly in uni fied school districts but not only in
t h e m , for unified salary schedules to prevail. Th at is to say, for teach e rs with the
same amount of training and ex p e ri e n c e, s a l a ries are identical. The fi rst grade tea-
cher there fo re, is paid the same as the l2th grade physics teach e r. All teach e rs ge t
s a l a ry increases automat i c a l ly as they gai n ex p e rience (or as tim e passes), and they-
also improve their incomes as they take more courses . . . ,' from J. Ke rs h aw, and R.
M c Ke a n , Sy s t e m s A n a ly s i s a n d Ed u c a t i o n , R e s e a r ch m e m o r an d u m n o . 2 473 - F F
( S a n ta Mo n i c a , C a l i f. : Ra n d C or p o r a t i o n , O c to b e r 1 9 5 9 ) , p. 5 9 .
n at e ly, not in all). A recent study in Norway finds 'indications that dro p-
out from the teaching pro fession has increased im recent ye a rs .’26 In the
United Kingdom, 'out of eve ry 1000 women who enter teach i n g, o n ly 193
a re still doing school wo rk six ye a rs later—out of 1000 men who start
t e a ch i n g, o n ly 677 are still doing so after six ye a rs (wh i ch is perhaps the
m o re startling fi g u re ) . ' 27 This in turn is part of a larger story. Specifi c a l ly,
the manpower short age of recent ye a rs , along with shifts in social policy,
p rompted some educational systems to turn more heav i ly to woman p owe r.
Women comprise thre e-fifths of Au s t ria's pri m a ry teacher staff, 2 8
t h re e-q u a rt e rs of the United Kingdom's (two-fifths at secondary leve l ) , 29
and they play a comparable role in United States schools. But the merit in
the arra n gement is diminished by the fact that education loses out heav i ly
in the competition with marri age and ch i l d re n .
Th e re is a further complication when a country's social policy prov i d e s
t h at men and women teach e rs should be given equal pay for equal wo rk .
This would seem a highly desirable social policy. But suppose the rest of
the economy is not bound by that policy? Suppose it pays men substan-
t i a l ly higher salaries than it pays women for similar wo rk? Then it fo l l ow s
t h at the teaching salaries wh i ch are high enough to at t ract able wo m e n
m ay not be high enough to draw equally able men into teach i n g, or to hold
them once they are in it. Th e re is an iro ny here. By taking the lead in
a c t u a l ly ap p lying wh at most people would agree in pri n c i p l e to be a desi-
rable social po]icy, e d u c ation—and hence pupils—may end up with a
s e l f-i n flicted wo u n d.
We come lastly to a ge ographic pro blem of teacher supply wh i ch will
c o n t i nue to plague many countri e s , even after they have ach i eved a go o d
ove r-all teacher supply-demand balance. It is symbolized by the rhetori-
cal question asked in an old A m e rican song: ' H ow are you going to ke ep
'em down on the fa rm?' Educational systems in heav i ly ru ral countri e s
face the perennial human pro blem of getting enough qualified teach e rs to
s t a ff the schools of ru ral areas wh e re they are urge n t ly needed, but wh e re
the ru ral life holds little appeal for teach e rs; so little in fact that the best
t e a ch e rs tend to congregate in the cities, while the education of ru ra l
youth is often left in the hands of infe rior teach e rs. Here again the salary
s t ru c t u re and status symbols often wo rk against a solution, by at t a ch i n g
26. OECD, A Case Study i n the A p p l i c at ion of Te a cher Demand and Supply
M odels in Norway ( Pa ri s : D i re c t o rate for Scientific A ffa i rs , 1 9 6 8 ) .
27. Ti m e s ( London ), 20 June 1967.
28. S ee OECD, A Case St udy . . ., op. cit.
the highest rewa rds and status to urban teach i n g, rather than giving spe-
cial incentives to ru ral teach i n g.
Most of the pro blems we have just rev i ewed rega rding 'teacher inputs'
fi n a l ly tra n s l ate into one ove ra rching question: Will educational systems
be able to a ffo rd m o re and at the same time better teach e rs? To this ques-
tion we now turn our at t e n t i o n .
M o n ey : E d u c ation's Purchasing Powe r

C O M P E T I T I O N A N D P R I O R I TI E S • K E Y FAC TO R S A F F E C T I N G
E D U C AT I O N S F I N A N C I A L P O S I T I O N • R I S I N G E X P E ND I T U R E S P E R S T U D E N T
• E D U C AT I O N ' S R I S I N G S H A R E O F T O TA L R E S O U R C E S • TRENDS IN
I N D U S T R I A L I Z E D N AT I O N S • F I N AN C I A L A GO N I E S F OR D E V E L O P I N G
N AT I O N S • I M P L I C AT I O N S O F T H E I R P O P U L AT I O N G R O W T H .
The issue of financial re s o u rces has lurked in the back ground of almost
eve rything said up to this point. We come now dire c t ly to the matter and
a s k : Is money—or the lack of it—at the root of the educational cri s i s ?
H ow mu ch will be needed, wh e re will it come fro m , wh at are the ch a n c e s
of getting enough, and wh at happens if getting enough proves impossibl e ?
We can ap p ro a ch these questions with a cl e a rer head if we pro m p t ly
b rush aside the old cl i ché that 'nothing is wrong with education that more
m o n ey won't fix.' This half-t ruth too easily dive rts people from diggi n g
d e eper to the other sources of education's pro blems. Th e re are, in fa c t ,
i m p o rtant constraints besides money wh i ch can limit the speed at wh i ch
an educational system can ex p a n d, ch a n ge, and improve—and sometimes
these prove even more unyielding than the money fa c t o r. This said, h ow-
eve r, we are still left with the fact that money is an ab s o l u t e ly crucial in-
put of any educational system. It provides the essential purchasing powe r
with wh i ch education acquires its human and physical inputs. With too
little money, e d u c ation can be helpless. With an ample supply, its pro b-
lems become more manage able even though they do not va n i s h .
The questions about financial re s o u rces posed ab ove cannot be di-
vo rced from their env i ronment; education is but one part of a seamless
web of things that make up life in a society. At any given time, the so-
ciety's economy has just so mu ch income to dep l oy. The amount that go e s
to education is subtracted from the amounts ava i l able for other purp o s e s .
For these re a s o n s , the claims of education on national re s o u rces encoun-
ter the competitive counterclaims of important mat e rial needs, s u ch as in-
vestment in agri c u l t u re and industry, roads and housing, and import a n t
social needs, s u ch as health, old age securi t y, and unemployment re l i e f.
R egre t t ably, e d u c ation's toughest adve rs a ry in more than a few countri e s
is the military bu d get. But education even divides against itself in a com-
petition for re s o u rc e s — wh e re the rivals may be pri m a ry education ve rs u s
s e c o n d a ry, or secondary ve rsus unive rsity; expanded teacher training ve r-
sus expanded construction of cl a s s rooms; and, of special import a n c e, fo r-
mal education ve rsus non-fo rm a l .
This competition demands the fo rmu l ation of an order of national pri o-
ri t i e s , whether ex p l i c i t ly or implicitly. The settling of national pri o ri t i e s ,
h oweve r, e s p e c i a l ly wh e re equally strong arguments produce a deadlock
in reason itself, is a notori o u s ly painful affa i r. The matter can be gre at ly
aided by solid fa c t s , rat i o n a l ly analy ze d. But in the end the pri o rities are
fi n a l ly set, not by a planner's slide ru l e, but by a political process —a pro-
cess sometimes marked by ro u g h-a n d-t u m ble bu d get battles among minis-
t ri e s , or between them and legi s l at u re s , or within legi s l at u res. Wh at fi n a l-
ly emerges usually re flects a blend of the values of the society, and the
c o m p a rat ive strengths and strat egies of contending pre s s u re gro u p s .
I n d e e d, p re c i s e ly on this account, it is important for educational leaders to
master not only their own field but the language and techniques of econo-
mists as we l l , in order to be better armed for the defense of their own pro-
posals in the annual 'battle of the bu d get.' Good rhetoric is no substitute
for facts and analysis in winning these bat t l e s .
Because eve ry case of national pri o rities is a distinctive case, the an-
swe rs to the questions asked ab ove will not eve ry wh e re be the same.
These diffe re n c e s , with their nu a n c e s , must be noted. But in any contex t ,
the financial dimensions of the educational crisis can come into sharp e r
focus if three key indicat o rs fo rm the lens trained on wh at has been hap-
pening and wh at is like ly to happen. These indicat o rs incl u d e : the tre n d s
in ex p e n d i t u res and costs per pupil; the trend of ove r-all educat i o n a l
ex p e n d i t u res; the trends in the perc e n t age of total national pro d u c t , a n d
total public reve nu e s , spent on educat i o n .
Let us take the fi rst of these. 'Hard' evidence on the behavior of educa-
tional costs per student is spars e. More re s e a rch is needed here, and could
p ay high dividends. But, h a rd or soft, all the evidence we have been abl e
to collect points mainly in one direction. In the industri a l ly advanced and
d eveloping nations alike, e d u c ational costs per student, at eve ry leve l ,

whether measured in current or constant pri c e s , seem to have been ri s i n g
in the past fifteen ye a rs. The main reason for this is the upwa rd trend of
t e a cher costs noted prev i o u s ly.
An economist would infer from this that education is 'a rising cost in-
d u s t ry ' — t h at its input costs ( at constant prices ) for each similar unit of
output fo l l ow an upwa rd trend line over the ye a rs. If this is the case, as it
seems to be, the implications are serious and fa r-re a ch i n g. It means, i n
e ffe c t , t h at each ye a r, ad infi n i t u m , an educational system needs more
finances simply to accomplish the same results as in the previous ye a r. If
it wants to do more, and to do it better, it will need a still larger bu d ge t a-
ry increase—all this ap a rt from ke eping up with infl ation. We shall re t u rn
to this matter later on when discussing the inner wo rkings of educat i o n a l
systems. Right now we turn to a closer ex a m i n ation of the evidence at
h a n d.
The industri a l i zed countries offer the most consistent evidence of the
u p wa rd trend of ex p e n d i t u res per pupil. This is indicated in Chart X. Some
of these increases doubtless re flect an improvement in the quality of edu-
c ation's product from year to ye a r. But there are clear cases wh e re fa l l i n g
quality and rising costs have gone hand-i n-h a n d. Either way, it seems fa i r-
ly clear that a net increase in quality by no means accounts for the full ri s e
in the real costs per student.
Does anything on the hori zon indicate that the past upwa rd trend in unit
costs will be halted or reve rsed in the industri a l i zed countries? The answe r,
regre t t ably, is no. In theory it could be slowed down by a growing abu n-
dance of manpower qualified to teach , coupled with a slackening demand
for such manpower by other employe rs. But as long as labor pro d u c t iv i t y
in other fields continues to ri s e, as it promises to do, e d u c ation will have
to maintain a re a s o n able parity between its salaries and those paid by
o t h e rs if it is to win an adequate share of we l l-q u a l i fied manpowe r.
M e a n wh i l e, if the pro d u c t ivity of teach e rs is not rising apace with teach e r
s a l a ries—and there is little reason to believe that it is—costs per student
will ke ep ri s i n g. This ex p e c t ation is re i n fo rced by a recent pioneeri n g — i f
c o n t rove rs i a l — s t u dy in the United Kingdom, wh i ch concludes that educa-
tion's pro d u c t ivity in England has actually been decl i n i n g. 3 0 Its author
m a kes no claim to infallibility or to the unive rsal ap p l i c ability of the
30. See Maureen Wo o d h a l l , ' P ro d u c t ivity Trends in Br itish Secondary Educat i o n

1 9 5 0- 1963,' draft paper presented at t he Seminar for Pro fe s s o rs of Educat i o n a l
Planning ( Economics ), 5-16 June 1967, I I E P, Pa ris ( mimeogr aphed ) .
findings. But there is good cause to suspect that if similar studies we re

made elsewh e re, t h ey might re a ch similar concl u s i o n s .
In the case of the developing nat i o n s , the scat t e red evidence ava i l abl e
a dds up to a mixed and confusing picture, as will be seen in Chart X1.
The weight of this evidence indicates rising costs per student, but in cer-
tain situations the ev i d e n c e, t a ken at face va l u e, i n d i c ates declining costs,
at least over a short peri o d. Unfo rt u n at e ly, we can find little solace in
s u ch instances. From wh at we know of them, it ap p e a rs that the ap p a re n t
d e c rease in costs per student is tra c e able in the main to five fa c t o rs : ( 1 )
the lag of teacher salaries behind a rampant price infl ation; (2) the ex t e n-
s ive use of unqualified teach e rs whose salaries are well below those of
u n q u a l i fied teach e rs; (3) an increase in the pupil-t e a cher rat i o , re fl e c t i n g
the ove rc rowding of cl a s s rooms; (4) a shift in the educational 'mix'
t owa rd a higher pro p o rtion of lowe r-cost types of educat i o n , s u ch as
fewer secondary boarding schools and more day students; and (5) the
d o u bl e-shift system. Given the nat u re of most of these five fa c t o rs , i t
seems fair to conclude that in most cases wh e re unit costs appear to be
fa l l i n g, the decline is illusory. Wh at is being measured over a period of
time is not the self-same object, but a declining quality of product or a
ch a n ging product 'mix.'
This concl u s i o n , h oweve r, n ow needs to be qualified by noticing some
s c at t e red instances wh e re there appear to be ge nuine cost reductions fo r
the same or a better quality of product. Pe r h aps the cl e a rest cases of this
kind are to be found in a few new A f rican unive rs i t i e s , whose costs per
student are rep o rted to have fallen as low initial enrollments rose towa rd
the planned capacity of these institutions. Th i s , h oweve r, is a one-t i m e -
o n ly kind of economy, not the onset of a trend destined to continue dow n-
wa rd. And even with respect to these re d u c t i o n s , the per-student cost of
most A f rican unive rsities are still stri k i n g ly high when judged by two cri-
t e ri a : fi rs t , the economic ability of the A f rican countries concerned to sup-
p o rt them; and second, the costs of a comparable education in Euro p e.
In the future, d eveloping countries could conceivably fight off ri s i n g
costs per student, as they have to some degree in the past, by seve ral ex p e-
d i e n t s — p roviding they we re willing to pay a heavy price in quality. Th ey
could do it, for ex a m p l e, by maintaining a high pro p o rtion of unqualifi e d
t e a ch e rs in the lowest salary bra cke t s , by avoiding ge n e ral teacher salary
i n c re a s e s , by fo rgoing ex p e n d i t u res on textbooks and other essential lear-
ning mat e ri a l s , by continuing to ove rc rowd their cl a s s ro o m s , and by
extending the doubl e-shift system. But all these ex p e d i e n t s , ap a rt
Chart XI. Mixed trends of recurrent expenditures per pupil in developing countries

f rom their adve rse implications for quality, h ave practical limitations. Th e
c rowding of cl a s s rooms re a ches a physical maximum when litera l ly not
another student can be squeezed in. Likewise the double shift can be ex-
tended just so fa r, b e fo re it breaks into a triple shift. If there are few tex t-
books to begin with, little can be saved by not doubling the nu m b e r.
Ke eping unqualified teach e rs will be difficult to justify when teacher tra i-
ning institutions and unive rsities are turning out better qualified teach e rs
in larger nu m b e rs. And resisting the powerful demands of teach e rs fo r
s a l a ry increases—to ke ep even with infl ation or with increases granted to
other parts of the public or private sector—will be no easy mat t e r.
O rga n i zed teach e rs in developing countries can be a more potent pre s s u re
group than in the industri a l i zed countri e s , p re c i s e ly because they compri-
se a large fraction of the small and powerful educated elite. The concl u-
sion would there fo re seem to be that developing countries have alre a dy
l a rge ly exhausted the main conventional escape routes from rising unit
costs.
A larger conclusion fo rced upon us, e s p e c i a l ly when we recall ,,vur ear-
lier discussion about the bu i l t-in cost increases in teacher salary stru c-
t u re s , is that in the ye a rs ahead, unit costs and ex p e n d i t u res per student in
d eveloping countries are destined to rise even more rap i d ly that : in the
i n d u s t ri a l i zed countries. A l t e rn at ive ly, q u a l i t y, instead of ri s i n g, m ay tum-
ble to the point wh e re the educational 'investment' will in fact be disin-
ve s t m e n t .
On these gro u n d s , we believe that a re s p o n s i ble educational planner in
a ny country faces a moral imperat ive. He must have the courage to allow
for marked increases in unit costs when he computes the t;nancial price of
re a ching bold future targets for educational ex p a n s i o n , e s p e c i a l ly wh e n
these are coupled with a policy for improving quality. To assume that costs
per student will be held at a standstill by fa r-re a ching economy - p ro d u c i n g
i n n ovations still to be introduced is to indulge in fa n t a s y. Such fantasy can
p roduce a further decline in quality; it can dange ro u s ly mislead higher
a u t h o rities and the ge n e ral publ i c, and be fo l l owed by disenchantment and
cy n i c i s m .
The unpleasant fo recasts we have felt obl i ged to make are based on the
assumption of educational 'bu s i n e s s-a s-usual.' It is conceivabl e, on the
other hand, t h at there could be gre at cost-reducing educational innova-
tions that would make our fo recasts read like a giant misprint. If so, we
would be the fi rst to hail the hap py event. Regre t f u l ly, h oweve r, we as ye t
see no gre at thrust of innovation wh i ch promises to rescue educat i o n a l
systems from the serious financial plight facing them in the next ten ye a rs.
This plight becomes even cl e a rer when we look at the second and third
i n d i c at o rs—the trend in the growth of educational ex p e n d i t u res and in
their re l ation to economic output and public bu d gets. Vi rt u a l ly eve ry-
wh e re, e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u res have been rising sharp ly for the past ten
to fifteen ye a rs , not only in absolute amounts, but as a perc e n t age of GNP,
n ational income, and total public reve nu e s .
The bright side of this picture says that all nations and peoples have
come to assign a gre ater value and a higher pri o rity to education. But the
d a rk side tells us that educational ex p e n d i t u res cannot continue to grow at
this pace indefi n i t e ly. National bu d gets must meet other important needs
as well. Education cannot continue to command a rap i d ly increasing share
of ava i l able re s o u rces without producing serious stresses and distort i o n s
in the whole society and economy. This is not a question of philosophy or
v i ewpoint; it is a matter of elementary ari t h m e t i c.
The arithmetic does not insist, of cours e, t h at educational bu d gets mu s t
cease to rise altoge t h e r. Rat h e r, it says that there is a stage when the rat e
of education's bu d ge t a ry increase must be set more cl o s e ly in line with the
ove r-all rate of growth of the economy and of total public reve nues. A s
this slackening occurs , e d u c ational systems will re c e ive- smaller annu a l
bu d get increments than earlier—and the more so if the nation's economic
growth rate is slow. More ove r, a large fraction of each year's bu d get incre-
ment will be committed in advance to cover inescap able cost increases in
o n-going programs. Educational manage rs will thus have a smaller area of
m a n e u ver for expanding and improving educat i o n , and for re d ep l oy i n g
e d u c ational re s o u rces to improve the balance and pro d u c t ivity of the sys-
tem.
It is impossible to ge n e ra l i ze about the point at wh i ch this fl at t e n i n g-o u t
p rocess will set in. Th e re will obv i o u s ly be gre at diffe rences in timing and
l evels among countri e s , d epending on their re s p e c t ive tra d i t i o n s , va l u e s
go a l s , a n d, ab ove all, on their stage of development and rate of economic
growth. But that a point will be re a ched by all, sooner or lat e r, is inev-
i t abl e. Indeed, it has alre a dy been re a ched in a number of countri e s , b o t h
d eveloping and deve l o p e d.
A cross section of wh at has been happening to educational finance in
i n d u s t ri a l i ze d c o u n t ries is shown in Chart XII. The countries included are
fa i rly rep re s e n t at ive. Most have moved from a point wh e re they we re
spending between a and 4 per cent of GNP on education in 1955 ( a
c o n s i d e rable incre a s e, for many, over 1950), to the point of spending
Chart XIl . Over-all educational expenditures by industrialized nations
1. Have more than doubled in ten years 2. Have risen as percentage of GNP
3. Have risen as percentage of total public budgets
per cent
b e t ween 4 and 6 per cent by 1965. Th e re is reason to expect that these per-
c e n t ages in industri a l i zed countries will continue to climb for some ye a rs
to come, though at a slower pace, if their economic growth remains stro n g.
This ex p e c t ation is consistent with recent projections ;made for seve ra l

d eveloped countries. The phenomenon in France is perhaps in some mea-
s u re tra n s i t o ry. France has been—and still is—undergoing an ex t ra o r-
d i n a ry expansion of facilities for education at all leve l s , costing each ye a r
about 1 per cent of the GNP. Although these capital outlays may lat e r
d e c re a s e, t h ey will be more than offset by the increased outlays re q u i re d
to operate and maintain all these new facilities. To an outside observe r,
t h e re fo re, it seems inev i t able that ove r-all Fre n ch educational ex p e n d i-
t u res will re a ch or exceed the mark of 6 per cent of the GNP soon after
1 9 7 0 . 3l Recent projections for the Netherl a n d s — wh i ch may well be on the
l ow side —imply a rise in educational ex p e n d i t u res from 5.7 per cent of
GNP in 1965 (up from only 2.9 per cent in 1950) to 6.3 per cent by 1970. 32
In the United Stat e s , e n rollment fo recasts published by the Office of
E d u c ation imply an increase in total educational ex p e n d i t u res from 6.3 per
cent of GNP in 1965 to 6.7 per cent or higher by 1975. 33
The fo regoing and other evidence points to the likelihood that by 1970,
or soon there a f t e r, a majority of we s t e rn European and North A m e ri c a n
c o u n t ries will find themselves spending B to 7 per cent of their GNP on
e d u c ation. Because of sizable diffe rences in definition and measure m e n t
of GNP as between We s t e rn countries and the Soviet Union, c o m p a ri s o n s
a re difficult and can be misleading. But from the ava i l able evidence of
past tre n d s , it ap p e a rs that Soviet outlays on educat i o n , in re l ation to total
n ational income and output, a re at present ro u g h ly comparable to the
United States and to the highest levels in we s t e rn Euro p e. As with other
i n d u s t ri a l i zed countri e s , it would seem re a s o n able to expect a gradual fur-
ther increase in the Soviet Union's educational effo rt , despite its alre a dy
high leve l .
Most industri a l i zed countries should be able to nego t i ate this furt h e r
u p wa rd climb of educational ex p e n d i t u re, but not without considerabl e
d i fficulty in some cases. The United Kingdom, for ex a m p l e, is in seri o u s
t ro u ble right now. Until its economic growth speeds up and its balance-
o f-p ayment difficulties untangle, it will be hard pressed even to maintain
its present educational serv i c e s , mu ch less to enlarge and improve them
in line with announced goals. 3 4 S eve ral continental European countri e s
h ave lat e ly announced major pri m a ry and secondary school re fo rm s

34. See, for ex a m p l e, Ti m e s ( London ), 22 June 1967.
and bold plans for unive rsity ex p a n s i o n , o n ly to discove r, when they tar-
d i ly 'costed' them, t h at they would have to be postponed because of fi n a n-
cial stri n gencies. More such unpleasant surp rises are doubtless in store fo r
other countri e s .
S t i l l , even though industri a l i zed countries may be delayed and incon-
venienced by financial constra i n t s , the crux of their educational crisis is
not their short age of re s o u rces. It is, as we observed earl i e r, the ove r-
p owe ring inertia of their traditional educational systems, fo rt i fied by some
s e c t o rs of public opinion, wh i ch slows their adap t ation to their env i ro n-
m e n t , making them progre s s ive ly obsolete and irre l eva n t .
The story for d eve l o p i n g c o u n t ries is ve ry diffe rent. Their educat i o n a l
a u t h o rities incre a s i n g ly find that they are moving onto rougher and ro u-
gher financial gro u n d, wh i ch for some may soon become impassabl e. Th e
economic growth rates of these countri e s , though they va ry widely, h ave
on the whole been disap p o i n t i n g. 3 5 A gainst the 5 per cent growth targe t
set for the United Nations Development Decade—wh i ch many cri t i c i ze d
at the time (1961) for being too modest—the actual perfo rmance has ave-
raged out at an estimated 4.25 per cent, but with many well below this
l evel. 36 Even small perc e n t age va ri ations in their economic growth rat e s
can make an enormous diffe rence—in either direction—in the ability of
d eveloping countries to strengthen their educational systems. This cru c i a l
fact cannot be ove r- s t re s s e d. On the one hand, t h ey must improve their
e d u c ational perfo rmance in order to accelerate their economic grow t h ,
but on the other, t h ey cannot gre at ly increase their investments in educa-
tion until and unless their economy grows. It is a 'ch i cke n-a n d - egg' situa-
tion. Regre t t ably, o n ly a small minority of the nations facing this pro bl e m
h ave yet re a ched the 'take-o ff' point, f rom wh i ch self-sustained economic
growth can be re a s o n ably assure d.
The situation for many such countries looks even grimmer when one
examines wh at has been happening to the pat t e rn of their ge n e ral bu d ge t-
a ry ex p e n d i t u res and to their accumu l ated financial commitments. Th e
'social services' sector of their public bu d gets has pro l i fe rated rap i d ly, l e a-
ving precious little room for essential development investments. Civil ser-
vice establishments have similarly pro l i fe rated and become ve ry ex-
p e n s ive. Their debt service obl i gations on fo reign loans have grown stea-
d i ly and in many cases have alre a dy re a ched ominous pro p o rtions. A

36. Unit ed Nat i o n s , The United Nati ons Development Decade at Mid-Point. A n
Ap p raisal by the Secre t a ry-G e n e ra l ( New Yo rk , 1965 ) .
Chart XIII. Enlarging youth population increases school costs—the example cf primary education
in Uganda
S o u r c e : See Appendix 22.
growing number of countries have become tragi c a l ly saddled with large

m i l i t a ry and police costs. And lat e ly the critical food pro blem has pushed
d ra m at i c a l ly into the fo regro u n d, demanding urgent at t e n t i o n .
With these facts now in full view, one needs no crystal ball to see that
most developing countries will find it more and more difficult to enlarge
the share of their total re s o u rces going to education. Many will find it
i n c re a s i n g ly difficult even to maintain the present share. Their leaders will

need gre at wisdom and courage to make a successful passage over the dif-
ficult economic terrain ahead. And they will need more than this. Th ey
will need even more help from the outside than they have alre a dy been
ge t t i n g. The altern at ive for many is a wo rsening cri s i s , the rep e rc u s s i o n s
of wh i ch could send shock waves all around the wo rl d.
Ap a rt from the ge n e ra l financial stri n ge n cy of developing countri e s ,
their educational systems have some additional special pro blems. Th e
fi rst is the effect of their population explosion on their bu d gets. We
h ave alre a dy alluded to the example of Uganda and have indicated the
race its elementary schools must run in the next fifteen ye a rs just to
s t ay ab reast of their expanding cl i e n t e l e. Chart XIII shows estimates of
wh at this population grow t h , by itself, can do to Uganda's pri m a ry
s chool bu d get. (The underlying assumptions and methods used in this
ch a rt 3 7 m ay suggest a method by wh i ch other countries may diag n o s e
their own situation in this rega rd.) One estimate for Uganda shows the
cost of maintaining the recent 'part i c i p ation ratio' (about 47 per cent) ill
coming ye a rs. The other (labeled the 'non-part i c i p ation gap') shows the
cost of maintaining constant the absolute number of ch i l d ren not go i n g
to school at all.
Another thorny pro blem for developing countri e s — wh i ch applies with
special fo rce to A f ri c a — i nvo l ves the re l ationship between teacher sala-
ries and the ave rage per capita income. In the latter ave rage we have a
rough indicator of a nation's economic ability to support education and
other serv i c e s , since the means for paying for these services must come
in the main from the incomes of the whole population. A picture of how
this indicator stands in va rious places can be seen in Table 4. But the
ge n e ral point can perhaps best be illustrated by a single contrast. In the
United Stat e s , the typical pri m a ry or secondary school teacher earns just
over twice the ave rage per capita income. Thus when one more teacher is
a dd e d, the school bu d get must be expanded by an amount ro u g h ly equal
to the ave rage income of two members of the population. In an A f ri c a n
c o u n t ry, h oweve r, a dding one more teacher means expanding the sch o o l
bu d get by an amount equal to the ave rage income of any wh e re from 20 to
30 members of the population. A dding a unive rsity pro fessor cost con-
s i d e rably more. Or, s t ated another way, re l at ive to wh at the ave rage of
their countrymen re c e ive, t e a ch e rs in A f rica are mu ch better paid than
t e a ch e rs in the most advanced industrial countries. Ye t , at the same time,

their standard of living is typically lowe r. Though to a lesser degree than

in A f ri c a , the same applies in many other developing countri e s .
TABLE 4
R atio of sch o o l t e a ch e r ’s salaries to per capita income
S o u rc e s : Uni ted Nat i o n s , M o n t h ly Bull eti n of Stat i s t i c s ( May, 1967); Wo rld Confe d e ration of
O rga n i z a ti ons of the Te a ching Pr o fe ssion (WCOT P ) , S u rv ey of the Status of the Te a chi ng Pro fe s s i o n
in A s i a ( Wa s h i n g t o n , D.C . 1963); W C OT P, S u rvey of the St atus of the Te a ching Pro fess ion in the
A m e ri c a s, p re p a red by Marga rita Davies (Wa s h i n g t o n , D. C . , 1964); W C OT P, S u rv ey of the Status of
the Te a ching Pro fession in A f ri c a ( Wa s h i n g t o n , D. C . , no da te); P. G uillaumont , D. Garbe, P. Ve rd u n ,
Les Dépenses d’enseigne ment au Sénéga l , M o n ogra phies afri c a i n e s , no. 5 (Pa ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P,
1967); J. Hallak, R. Po i g n a n t , Les Aspects fi n a n c i e rs de l’e nsei gnement dans le s pays africains d’ex -
p ression fra n ç a i s e, M o n o graphies afri c a i n e s , no. 3 (Pa ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, 1966) ; OECD E d u c at i o n a l
Pl anning and Economic Growth in Au s t ri a , 1 9 6 5 - 1 9 7 5 ( Pa ri s : D i re c t o rate for Scientific A ffa i rs ,
1968); Unite d Kingdom, D ep a r tment of Educ ation and Sc ienc e, S t atistic s of Educat i o n , 1 9 6 5
(London) pts. I and I I; United Stat e s , D i gest of Educ ational St at i s t i c s ( Wa s h i n g t o n , D. C . , 1 9 6 5 ) .
a GNP per cap i t a .
b Ave ra ge for pri m a ry and secondary c ombine d.
These ex t reme income ratios between teacher salaries and ave rage per
c apita income have no doubt helped to draw people into the teaching pro-
fession. But they cannot last. Th ey cannot last, t h at is, if education is
going to ke ep ex p a n d i n g. For one thing, e d u c ational systems simply will
not have the means to ke ep hiring more teach e rs at these rat e s , wh i l e
c o n t i nuing to upgrade present rates. More ove r, as education! ex p a n d s , i t s
ex t reme scarcity va l u e, on wh i ch these high salaries are based, will gra d -
u a l ly diminish. All this, h oweve r, does not alter our basic point. Educat i o n
will remain a ve ry ex p e n s ive commodity in developing countries for a
long time to come—re l at ive to the population's ability to pay for it.
This same point can be seen from another angle, t h rough the prism of
p o p u l ation fi g u res. These fi g u res show that developing countries are mu ch
' yo u n ger' than developed countries. Ty p i c a l ly, half of their population is,
19 ye a rs or yo u n ge r, wh e reas the median age for most industri a l i zed coun-
t ries is 30 to 35 ye a rs. This means that the wo rk i n g-age population in
d eveloping countri e s , being pro p o rt i o n at e ly smaller, must carry a mu ch
l a rger bu rden of support — i n cluding educational support — for those below
wo rk i n g-age. To illustrat e : in France and the Fe d e ral Rep u blic of
G e rm a ny there are about five wo rk i n g-age people for each sch o o l-age
ch i l d. In Ghana, I n d i a , and Moro c c o , t h e re are only half this number; or
t wo and a half wo rk i n g-age adults for each sch o o l-age ch i l d. 38
Ye t , despite the heavy bu rd e n , e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re trends have
m oved up even more dra m at i c a l ly in the developing countri e s — re l at ive to
their re s o u rces—than in the more advanced countries. Chart XIV offe rs , a
sample of the ev i d e n c e. Many of the fi g u res shown have a wide margin of
p o s s i ble erro r, but the ge n e ral picture they convey is re a s o n ably re l i abl e.
A majority of these countries have doubled or even trebled their educat i o-
nal ex p e n d i t u res within a period of only five to ten ye a rs .39 M a ny Lat i n
A m e rican countries that we re devoting only 1 to 2 per cent of GNP to edu-
c ation in the early 1950's are today spending between 3 and 4 per cent.
S o m e, l i ke Mexico and Hondura s , a re now spending as mu ch as 25 per
cent of their total public reve nues on education. At the same time, , s o m e
A f rican countries have re a ched the re m a rk able point of spending on edu-
c at i o n , i n cluding substantial fo reign aid, the equivalent of 6 per cent or
m o re of their GNP, and one-fifth or more of their public funds Even so,
t h ey are still a ve ry long way from meeting their educational needs and
goals. One cannot help wo n d e ring how long they can ke ep this up, wh i l e
at the same time desperat e ly hoping that they can.
The leaders in many developing countries are by now well awa re of the
fo rm i d able facts of economic life facing them. Th ey re a l i ze that it will
t a ke a longer time to re a ch their educational goals than was earlier hoped,
but they are undaunted in their determ i n ation to re a ch them. It re q u i res a
full measure of personal and political brave ry for these leaders to speak
c a n d i d ly to their peoples, s aying that educational aspirations must be

Chart XIV. Over-all educational expenditures in developing countries
1. In absolute amount 2. As percentage of GNP or national income
3. As percentage of total public budgets
per cent
a d apted to more realistic levels and to a more realistic time schedule fo r

their fulfi l l m e n t .
For its bearing on wh at has just been said, it is wo rth examining fo r
a moment the ambitious regional educational targets wh i ch we re
adopted a few ye a rs ago by Unesco confe rences of the ministers of
e d u c ation in Latin A m e ri c a , A s i a , and A f rica. These regional targe t s
h ave unquestionably helped to spur the educational effo rts of many
c o u n t ries Stat i s t i c a l ly, mu ch progress has alre a dy been made towa rd
a ch i eving these long-t e rm enrollment goals. In the case of secondary
e d u c at i o n , the progress has even run ahead of sch e d u l e. Recently,
h oweve r, Unesco statisticians estimated the financial re q u i re m e n t s
i nvo l ved in ke eping on schedule towa rd these targets up to 1970. Th e
a n a lysis showed that to meet the schedule A f rican nations as a gro u p
(though with va ri ations among them) would have to spend nearly 7
per cent of GNP on education by 1970. To the same end, the Lat i n
A m e rican group would have to spend 5.43 per cent of GNP and the
Asian group 4.26 per cent. By then, p ri m a ry school part i c i p at i o n
would be 71 per cent of the total age group in A f ri c a , 74 per cent in
A s i a , and 100 per cent in Latin A m e ri c a . 4 0 But even these imposing
fi g u res may unders t ate the case, because the economic assumptions
u n d e rlying the estimates just cited favo red the optimistic side. It wa s
a s s u m e d, for ex a m p l e, t h at there will be a sustained annual grow t h
rate of 5 per cent in Latin A m e rica and A s i a , and of 4.39 per cent in
A f rica. It was further assumed that economy-p roducing innovat i o n s
and va rious other educational adjustments would in the main ke ep
unit costs from rising (ex c ept for moderate rises for pri m a ry edu-
c ation in A f ri c a , and pri m a ry and higher education in Asia). Th e s e
e s t i m at e s , of cours e, do not predict wh at will happen nor do they pre-
tend to be a plan of action. But they stri k i n g ly reveal the mag n i t u d e
of the economic and the economizing tasks re q u i red in order to ach i e-
ve the targets set seve ral ye a rs ago .
We cannot resist citing once again the case of India, wh i ch all along
sheds mu ch useful light on the pro blems being considered in these page s .
The recent Indian Education Commission not only had the boldness to set
fo rth the large enrollment increases and quality improvements wh i ch it
c o n s i d e red essential up to 1985 but it had the courage to spell out their
fo rm i d able financial implications. These are summari zed in Chart XV. To
a ch i eve the Indian goals will re q u i re an estimated sixfold increase in

Per cent Rupees
Billions of rupees
total educational ex p e n d i t u res (at constant prices) from l965 to 1985, a n d

a five fold increase in per capita ex p e n d i t u res. On the favo rable as-
sumption that India's economy will grow at 6 per cent annu a l ly thro u g h-
out this peri o d, e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u res will have to expand from 2.9 per
cent of GNP in 1965 to 6 per cent by 1985. A nation awa re of these
h a rd facts must be animated by a passionate conv i c t i o n , c o u rage, a n d

c o n fidence to set itself so ambitious an educational cours e.
The evidence that we have been able to collect and assess on the cru c i a l
m atter of financial inputs and cost tre n d s , has led us, regre t t ably, to a dis-
turbing picture of the future, e s p e c i a l ly as it applies to developing coun-
t ries. If enough people become awa re of these difficulties and become
d e t e rmined to do more about them, then this somber picture could acqui-
re a brighter cast. This would be the case, for ex a m p l e, if the fo l l ow i n g
c o m b i n ation of developments we re to occur: a sharp rise in ex t e rnal assis-
tance to developing countri e s , plus a vast cutback eve ry wh e re of pre s e n t
high military ex p e n d i t u res and their re d ep l oyment for peaceful uses, p l u s
a quickening of economic grow t h , plus gre at improvements m the effi-
c i e n cy of educational systems. But given the looks of things at the pre s e n t
t i m e, s u ch a hap py conjunction seems only a distant dream. It is not a re a-
listic basis for immediate educational planning and policy.
So mu ch for the input side of educational systems. We turn now to an
ex a m i n ation of wh at has been happening—and is like ly to hap p e n-on the
output side. Lat e r, we will inspect the process that lies in betwe e n .
III
The Outputs of Educational Systems:

Fitness for Needs
Finished ve rsus Unfinished Pro d u c t s

D I F F I C U LT I E S O F M E AS U R I N G E D U C AT I O N A L O UT P U T • G R E AT E R R I S E
I N N U M B E R O F U N F I N I S H E D P R O D U C T S • FA I L U R E S A N D D RO P O U T S •
CONSEQUE N CE S OF D IF FE R EN T P OL I CI E S O F AD MI S S I ON • T HE O U T LO OK .
It is impossible to measure with any pre s e n t ly known ga u ge the full out-

put and eventual impact of an educational system. Some sense of wh at is
i nvo l ved can be grasped if we imagine a school whose whole output
consists of a single student. On the day he gra d u at e s , wh at kind of an out-
put does he embody? The answer is that he embodies a multiplicity of out-
p u t s — rep re s e n t e d, for instance, in the facts and concepts he has learn e d,
the style of thinking he has acquire d, and also such ch a n ges as may have
o c c u rred in his outlook, va l u e s , a m b i t i o n s , and personal conduct. If one
then asks how all this will affect the future life of this student, his fa m i ly,
and society, the difficulty is seve ral times compounded. Such cause and
e ffect re l ationships are often as indistinct as a line drawn through wat e r.
But if these mat t e rs are hard to get at in the case of a single student, t h ey
a re infi n i t e ly more elusive when the matter to be judged is the output
rep resented by multiple streams of indiv i d u a l s , fl owing through diffe re n t
e d u c ational channels for diffe rent lengths of time.
A full and precise judgment on the outputs of any educational system is
n ext to impossible; howeve r, an ap p rox i m ate and useful judgment can be
fo rm e d. The useful, though imperfe c t , basis we choose here is a com-
b i n ation of seve ral possible indicat o rs of the output, fi t n e s s , and pro-
d u c t ivity of an educational system, wh i ch will be dealt with below.
The easiest measure of output is the number of students emerging fro m
64
The Outputs of Educational Systems 65
the system. Some make their exit pre m at u re ly, b e fo re completing a stan-
d a rd cy cl e. These are the dropouts and the fa i l u re s — d epending on wh e-
ther they have left vo l a n t a ri ly or been rejected by the ex a m i n ation and
m a rking mechanism of the system. Other students stru ggle through and
complete the cy cl e, then either dep a rt into 'the real wo rld' or stay on
t h rough the next cy cl e.
It is important to distinguish between 'finished' and 'unfinished' pro d-
ucts. Gra n t e d, the nonfi n i s h e rs are not a dead loss. Th ey carry something
useful away, m o re or less in pro p o rtion to how long they stayed in the
s y s t e m , even though the system has not given them all that it intended to.
But the important point is that societies and educational systems them-
s e l ves make a sharp distinction between finished and unfinished pro-
ducts. In many developing societies, of cours e, even to have gone to
s chool at all, to have learned to re a d, , sets a person ap a rt , puts him in the
m o d e rn wo rld and gives him a special status. To have attended seconda-
ry school or a unive rs i t y, even without finishing one's cours e, m ay bri n g
one within the priv i l eged fold of the small 'educated elite.' A n d, in a
society wh e re educational at t a i n m e n t s — s y m b o l i zed by cert i fi c ates and
d egrees—ale cl o s e ly linked to pre fe rred cat ego ries of employment and to
social stat u s , the student who finishes has mu ch more promising care e r
p rospects. The one who drops out or fa i l s , on the other hand, bu rn s
i m p o rtant badges to the future. When so mu ch is at stake, i n cluding the
whole fa m i ly's social stat u s , t h e re is little reason to wonder why anxie-
ties mount high as ex a m i n ation and admission times ap p ro a ch , whether in
D a r-e s-Salaam or Pa ris or Oak Pa rk , Illinois. These ve ry anxieties and
a s p i rat i o n s , as we saw in our discussion of social demand, we re the main
fo rce that sent enrollments and educational output soaring all over the
wo rld in the past ten ye a rs .
The rise in 'finished' outputs in recent ye a rs is shown for a sample of
c o u n t ries in va rious regions of the wo rld in Charts XVIa-d. As would be
ex p e c t e d, p ri m a ry school output rose steep ly in the developing regi o n s ,
for they started the decade with something far less than unive rsal sch o o l-
i n g, and still have a long way to go. But in all the regi o n s , s e c o n d a ry and
higher level output rose sharp ly. In many countri e s , the 'educational py ra-
mid' wh i ch planners speak of became more full-b o d i e d, and the midd l e
and upper heights began to re s e m ble more cl o s e ly the slopes of a re a l
py ra m i d, in contrast to their previous re s e m blance to a narrow spear per-
ched upon a bro a d, l ow box. 1
1. See Appendix 26.

This gre at ly increased outpouring of gra d u ates has alre a dy had a mar-
ked impact on the 'educational pro file' of the labor fo rce in most coun-
t ri e s , raising considerably its potential pro d u c t ivity for the ye a rs ahead.
H oweve r, most educational systems, as near as we can judge from the
i m p e r fect ev i d e n c e, h ave had an even larger increase in output of 'unfi-
nished' products in this peri o d. This fact comments in its own way on
The disparity between educational systems and their env i ronment. Th e

m atter deserves at t e n t i o n .
It will be recalled that when we discussed student inputs, we contra s t e d
the 'wide open' and the 'highly selective' types of systems. :[t must here be
a dded that while both produce large nu m b e rs of unfinished pro d u c t s , t h ey
do so with a diffe rent psychic and physical impact.
Fi rs t , the selective system. This system is inclined to wo rry less ab o u t

those who leave pre m at u re ly, b e c a u s e, as we noted, its traditional mis-
s i o n , ab ove the pri m a ry leve l , has been to winnow out the most pro m i s i n g
and fo rm them into an educated elite wh i ch will guide the affa i rs of so-
c i e t y. Th rough its screening and rejecting pro c e s s , it stamps large nu m-
b e rs as 'fa i l u res' befo re they even have the chance to choose for them-
Chart XVId. Rise in output of 'completed' students in various industrialized nations
s e l ves whether they will stru ggle on or become dropouts. In such circ u m-
s t a n c e s , a 'fa i l u re' may be crippled for life.
S e c o n d, the 'wide open' system. This system has far fewer fa i l u res bu t
m a ny more dropouts. Its stated mission is to give eve ry child a chance to
d evelop his potential to the full, wh at ever it may be. But when the dro p o u t
rate is high, the manage rs of such a system can be tormented by a sense of
g u i l t , suspecting that they may have been the hand that cut off the dro-
pout's future ch a n c e.
We s t e rn European countries such as France and England are making the
d i fficult transition from wh at was once a highly selective system to a
m o re open one. So far the social philosophy and goals have ch a n ged more
than the educational system's stru c t u re s , ex a m i n at i o n s , and practices. Th e
Fre n ch system illustrates wh at this can lead to. In recent ye a rs almost half
the lycée students who took the b a c c a l a u r é at ex a m i n ations to enter the
u n ive rsity fa i l e d. On top of this, about 40 per cent of those who conquere d
the 'bac' and gained entry to the unive rsity failed to 'get beyond the fi rs t
u n ive rsity ye a r. 2 These high and cumu l at ive fa i l u re rat e s , and all that they
m a n i fe s t , h ave rather nat u ra l ly been the target of seve re criticism by stu-
d e n t s , p a re n t s , and not a few educat o rs. The pro bl e m , h oweve r, is by no
means confined to Fra n c e. In its diffe rent ve rsions it can be found in most
of Euro p e.
The ve rsion in the United States may be ex c eptional. For many ye a rs ,
A m e rican educat o rs have wo rried about the nu m e rous dropouts among
s e c o n d a ry school students, just beyond the age of compulsory at t e n d a n c e.
Th ey have wo rried also about the low academic motivation of the same
students in the final throes of their 'improvement,' just prior to 'fre e d o m . '
Whether it has been mainly a result of the strong effo rts of the schools to
a m e l i o rate this situation or of env i ronmental fa c t o rs , the earlier high dro-
pout rate among secondary school students has fallen steadily over the
ye a rs. Only 30 per cent of the students entering the fifth grade in the
United States fo rty ye a rs ago went on to complete high school; today more
than 70 per cent do.3 I ro n i c a l ly, h oweve r, as the dropout pro blem eased at
this leve l , it has become a matter of concern at the next level. A m e ri c a n
e d u c at o rs are now wo rried over the fact that ap p a re n t ly more than half of
the students who enter junior colleges do not fi n i s h . 4
Tu rning from the developed to the developing countri e s , one can often
find a mag n i fied fo rm of the same conflict between social goals and edu-
c ational realities. Most of the developing countries have as their ultimat e
goal the attainment of an open system of education wh i ch will serve each
youngster to his fullest potential. Th ey know they cannot have such a sys-
tem ove rn i g h t , and so each is pursuing one or another long-t e rm strat egy
for getting there.
India and many Latin A m e rican countri e s , for ex a m p l e, s t a rted early
with a liberal ap p ro a ch to admissions. The result was that their cl a s s-
rooms became seve re ly ove rc row d e d, the pro p o rtion of nonfi n i s h e rs has
been high, and criticism is widely made of the 'poor quality' of educa-
tion. Th e re are in these countries important ex c ep t i o n s — p a rt i c u l a rly the
2. See R. Po i g n a n t , L'Enseignement dans les pays du Marché commu n , op. cit.

3. See Appendix 27.
4. See Burton R. Clark , The Open Door College : A Case Study ( N ew Yo rk :
M c G raw-H i l l , 1 9 6 0 ) , and L. L. Medske r, The Junior College : P rogress and Pro s p e c t
( N ew - Yo rk : M c G raw-H i l l , 1 9 6 0 ) .
older 'pre s t i ge' secondary schools and the newer tech n i c a l , s c i e n t i fi c, a n d

medical institutions—wh e re admission has been sharp ly reg u l at e d, nu m-
b e rs held down and quality sustained. These pre s t i ge institutions con-
stitute wh at is virt u a l ly a sep a rate system within the educational system
—islands of excellence in a sea of mediocri t y. A good case can be made,
of cours e, e s p e c i a l ly in the light of United States ex p e ri e n c e, for having a
d ive rsity of institutions of widely diffe ring quality. But when quality
d rops below a tolerable minimu m , on a vast scale, the case loses its fo rc e.
In the instance of the East A f rican nat i o n s , we have alre a dy noted how
some are trying to hold back elementary enrollments for the time being m
o rder to build up the secondary and higher levels of their educational sys-
tems. At these post-p ri m a ry levels wh e re a selective policy is purs u e d,
quality seems to have held up we l l , while the rate of dropouts and fa i l u re s
is re l at ive ly low, thanks to the ri go rous screening befo re h a n d. Th e i r
l o s e rs' are not so mu ch rejected from the system; they simply fail to ge t
into it. Th i s , of cours e, is stat i s t i c a l ly intere s t i n g, but no solace to the
u n l u cky ones whose educational aspirations have thus been thwa rt e d.
Ava i l able data on school dropouts in developing countries are notor-
i o u s ly unre l i abl e. For this re a s o n , the statistical samples given in Tabl e
5 are presented only to suggest the order of magnitude of the pro bl e m
H oweve r, one thing can be fl at ly said here. In virt u a l ly all deve l o p i n g ;
c o u n t ri e s , wh at ever their policy of admission at the secondary and
higher leve l s , d ropouts are enormous at the pri m a ry stage and have been
a widespread cause for concern It is not at all unusual for at least half
the ch i l d ren entering the fi rst grade in one of these countries to leave
b e fo re the end of the fo u rth ye a r, without even having acquired perm a-
n e n t : l i t e ra cy. It is doubtful that the investment in their education is enti-
re ly lost, but a large portion of it cert a i n ly is, rep resenting a substantial
f raction of total educational investment made by these countries. W ( h at
is wo rs e, most of these early dropouts are sentenced to join the ranks of
p e rmanent adult illiterates at the bottom of the social-economic heap
Th ey are 'the wasted ge n e ration.' It remains to be added that the ag-
gregate fi g u res about them, s u ch as those in the statistical sample give n
in Table 5, conceal the socially important fact that dropouts tend to ru n
a good deal higher in ru ral than in urban areas. The rate is also often
higher for gi rls than for boy s , d epending on the traditional local at t i-
tudes towa rd wo m e n .
Wh at does the future look like? In the case of finished educat i o n a l
p ro d u c t s , it is safe to predict a continuing increase in their number vir-
t u a l ly eve ry wh e re, because of the large nu m b e rs of pupils alre a dy in the

p i p e l i n e, and the even larger nu m b e rs waiting to get into it. The rate of
i n c rease will dep e n d, of cours e, on such large va ri ables in each situat i o n
as fi n a n c e s , p o p u l ation tre n d s , expansion of educational cap a c i t y, and the
types of admission and ex a m i n ation policies adhered to.
TABLE 5
E s t i m ated pri m a ry school dropouts in certain developing countri e s
S o u rc e s : ( A f ri c a ) : I E D E S, Les Rendements de l’ens eignement du premier degré en A f rique fra n -

c o p h o n e, III (Pa ri s , 1967); (Asi a: Afghanistan and Cey l o n ) : U n e s c o , ” The P ro blem of Educat i o n a l
Wa s t age at the Fi rst Level of Education i n A s i a ” , in Bulletin of the Unesco Regional Office fo r
E d u c ation in A s i a , Vol. 1, no. 2 (Bangko k , 1967); (Phil ippines and Th a i l a n d ) : M i n i s t ry of Educat i o n ,
Jap a n , in co-operation with Unesco, E d u c ation i n A s i a ( To kyo , 1 9 6 4 ) , p. 63; (Latin A m e ri c a :
A rge n t i n a ) : Cons ejo Naci onal de Desarro l l o , E d u c at i o n , re c u rsos humanos y desarrollo economi co y
s o c i a l (B uenos A i re s , 1 9 6 6 ) , p. 42; (Costa Ric a): u n p u blished dat a .
The outlook for unfinished products is less cl e a r. If the ex p e rience of

the United States is any indicat o r, m a ny we s t e rn European systems can
a n t i c i p ate a growing pro blem of dropouts and fa i l u res at the secondary
and higher leve l s , as their part i c i p ation rates rise and their educat i o n a l
py ramid fills out. But they can help counter this if they speed the adap t a-
tion of their educational stru c t u re s , p ra c t i c e s , and ex a m i n ation pro c e d u re s
to their new clienteles. The United Stat e s , for its part , will no doubt conti-
nue to grapple with the pro blem of high school and college dropouts; by
n at u ral extension it will wo rry incre a s i n g ly about the alre a dy nu m e ro u s
cases of ab o rt ive Ph.Ds.
As for the developing countri e s , it is hard to fo resee any rapid decl i n e

in their heavy elementary school dropout rat e s , though for many the rat e
m ay gra d u a l ly decl i n e, p a rt i c u l a rly wh e re a policy of 'social pro m o t i o n '
replaces ex a m i n ation barri e rs. We still know too little about wh at causes
the phenomenon in each situation. How mu ch , for ex a m p l e, is due to
local cultural and economic fa c t o rs? How mu ch to poor, u n at t ra c t ive tea-
ch i n g, e s p e c i a l ly in ru ral areas? The answer to such questions beg fo r
m o re local re s e a rch. Meanwh i l e, one cannot be certain as to wh at mea-
s u res can best be taken to correct the mat t e r, wh at these measures wo u l d
c o s t , and how effe c t ive they might be.
One thing, h oweve r, seems a fair if ironic conjecture. If any deve l o p i n g
c o u n t ry should sudd e n ly succeed in ove rcoming this pri m a ry level dro p-
out pro bl e m , it would be faced with an equally fo rm i d able pro bl e m-t h at of
s t a ffing and financing the educational system to handle the larger nu m b e r
of pupils in the upper pri m a ry gra d e s , and on up the educational ladd e r. If
nothing else good can be said for it, the heavy dropouts low on the ladd e r
h ave thus far lessened the pre s s u res further up.
It is difficult also to see many developing countri e s , wh e re prev i o u s ly
a liberal policy of admission has been in fo rc e, ap p lying the bra kes on
admission to secondary and higher education. Th ey can succeed in ap-
p lying high selectivity to newe r, m o re specialized institutions, t o , ke ep
nu m b e rs within reason and quality up. But this will put even gre at e r
p re s s u re for admission on other sectors of higher educat i o n , wh i ch be-
come the cat chall for those failing to gain entry to more selective institu-
tions. In Latin A m e rica and India, for ex a m p l e, one could make a stro n g
c a s e, based on ex p e rience and economic and pedagogical good sense, fo r
a more selective policy throughout higher education. But the pra c t i c a l
political obstacles to such a policy seem well nigh insurm o u n t abl e. In
most A f rican countri e s , on the other hand, wh i ch have so far clung to
ri go rous selection, quality can be more re a d i ly pre s e rved and a host of
re l ated pro blems ave rt e d. Ye t , with the demand pre s s u res steadily
m o u n t i n g, it may become incre a s i n g ly difficult for them to sustain selec-
t ive admission.
As we re c og n i zed earl i e r, fi g u res on gra d u ates and dropouts are useful
i n d i c at o rs of an educational system's output, but in themselves they do
not provide a sufficient basis for eva l u ating its perfo rm a n c e. Indeed, n o
one type of indicator does; we must examine as wide a va riety of them as
we can fi n d, then base a judgment on the combination. With the search
still on, we move along to ask: H ow well does education's output fit the
m a n p ower needs of national deve l o p m e n t ?
Fitness for Manpower Require m e n t s

I N D I C AT O R S O F F I T N E S S • U S E F U L N E S S A N D L I M I TAT I O N S O F
M A N P OW ER S T U D IE S • T H E I L L - F I T T I N G M I X O F G R A D UAT E S I N
D E VE L O P IN G C O U N TR IE S • T H E P E RV E R S E R AT I O O F P RO F E S S I O N A L S T O
S U B - P RO F E S S I O N A L S • E F F O R T S T O R E M E DY I M B A L A N C E S • POT E N T I A L
F L E X I B I L IT I E S • TH E M I S F I T O F RU R A L S C HO O L PRO G R A M S.
A central assumption underlies the conv i c t i o n — n ow widely shared by

e d u c at o rs and economists—that education is a good investment in nat i o n a l
d evelopment. The assumption is that the educational system will pro d u c e
the kinds and amounts of human re s o u rces re q u i red for the economy ' s
grow t h , and that the economy will in fact make good use of these
re s o u rces. But suppose the opposite happens? Suppose the educat i o n a l
system turns out the wrong 'mix' of manpower? Or suppose it turns out the
right mix, but the economy does not use it well? Wh at then? Doubts then
a rise about education's pro d u c t ivity and the effi c a cy of the inve s t m e n t
made in it.
This is ex a c t ly wh at seems to be happening today in many countri e s .
E d u c ational systems are falling far short of turning out the right nu m-
b e rs and combinations of manpower needed for optimum deve l o p m e n t .
To an equal degre e, their employment stru c t u res and incentives are poor-
ly ge a red to make the best use of educated pers o n n e l , and hence to serve
the real needs of development. We must again admit that our measuri n g
tools are inexact. Still, it is nonetheless possible to spot a number of
p ractical indicat o rs of the disparity between wh at the educational system
is turning out, wh at the economy can use at the moment, and wh at it will
need for future growth. The correspondence between these can never be
p e r fe c t , a ny more than can the fo recast of manpower re q u i re m e n t s , to be
mentioned in a moment. But it need not be perfect. It is enough, or at
least it is a big step fo r wa rd, to identify the major respects in wh i ch the
m at ch between education and the economy is conspicuously poor, or is
l i ke ly to be so in the future. Wh at is thus identified can then serve as a

p ractical basis for altering the educational system's course in order to
enhance its future contri bution to national deve l o p m e n t .
As for manpower surveys and re q u i rement pro j e c t i o n s , these are not
the equivalent of revealed truth. In the present state of the art , t h ey are
i n e s c ap ably shot through with limitat i o n s , u n c e rt a i n t i e s , and imperfe c-
tions. Furt h e r, as is true of many diagnostic indicat o rs , m a n p ower stu-
dies are often more helpful in showing wh at an education system is
doing wrong and should correct than in showing wh at it is doing ri g h t
and should ke ep on doing. Subject, h oweve r, to an active awa re n e s s
about the negat ive aspects of the mat t e r, m a n p ower surveys and re q u i re-
ment projections can be ve ry useful, indeed indispensabl e, to educat i o-
nal planning.
In recent ye a rs wh e rever manpower studies have been made in de-
veloping or industri a l i zed countri e s , t h ey have almost inva ri ably reve a l e d
l a rge discrepancies—both current and pro s p e c t ive — b e t ween the pat t e rn
of educational output and the pat t e rn of manpower needed for economic
growth. In symphony orch e s t ra term s , t h ey reveal the presence of too
m a ny oboe and tuba playe rs and not enough violinists. Specifi c i a l ly, o n
the long' side, the studies have usually shown a re l at ive abundance of
s e c o n d a ry school gra d u ates with a classical unive rsity prep a rat i o n , .and a
c o rresponding abundance of arts and law gra d u ates from the unive rs i t i e s ,
re l at ive to need. In some Latin A m e rican countri e s , t h e re we re also too
m a ny medical doctors who seemed unlike ly ever to practice medicine, o r,
if they did, would not practice in ru ral areas wh e re the need was gre at e s t .
On the 'short' side, the studies show that , both ab s o l u t e ly and re l at ive ly,
t h e re are current and pro s p e c t ive short ages of midd l e-l evel technicians of
va rious sort s , re l at ive to the output of unive rsity engi n e e rs. Th e re is also
s h o rt supply in health, agri c u l t u ra l , and other types of specialized manpo-
we r — m o s t ly in the mat h s-science based fi e l d s — t h at are urge n t ly needed
for national development. The issue here is not whether liberal arts gra-
d u ates are important to these countri e s — t h ey cl e a rly are The issue is one
of balance between these fields and others. To swing too far in the oppo-
site direction could be just as seri o u s .
The existence of such evident discrepancies is underlined without the
help of sophisticated statistical techniques. Their presence is visible to
a ny info rmed observe r. But to correct the existing situation by rat i o n a l
p l a n n i n g, it is adva n t ageous to get as good a measurement as is possibl e
of their order of mag n i t u d e. Th i s , in any eve n t , is the conclusion re a ch e d
by the IIEP after looking at manpower studies in seve ral countries in

A f ri c a , A s i a , and Euro p e. 5
Evidence and testimony from many other scat t e red sources bear out the
s e rious discrep a n cy—not just statistical but qualitat ive — b e t ween ed-
u c ational systems on the one side, and national and local manpower re-
q u i rements on the other. Vi ewing the Indian situation bro a d ly, a member
of the Indian Education Commission re c e n t ly gave this personal assess-
ment:
We [in I ndia] have devel oped a kind of e ducati on wh i ch is not re l ated to the
ne eds of a na tion t hat i s t ry i ng t o tra n s fo rm a tr adi t ional socie ty int o a
m o d e rn s ociet y, to ma ke us e o f scienc e a nd tec h n o l ogy, a nd of all the t ech -
ni qu es that a re ava i l abl e for nat ional deve l o p m e n t . 6
A developing country can land in deep tro u ble by slav i s h ly adhering to

the educational fo rms and rituals of industri a l i zed countri e s , in a contex t
wh e re they simply do not fit. The phenomenon crops up in va rying degre e s
at all levels of education and in all sectors of the curriculum. But a part i-
c u l a rly tro u blesome sector is technical and vo c ational training at the
s e c o n d a ry or post-s e c o n d a ry level. For a va riety of re a s o n s , these kinds of
fo rmal technical training have often been conspicuously unsuccessful and
u n s u i t able in industri a l i zed countries. Ye t , despite their miscarri age in
their countries of ori gi n , t h ey are nonetheless ex p o rted and imported at
gre at expense into less developed countri e s , side by side with shorter and
m o re fl ex i ble nonfo rmal training sch e m e s , d e l ive red by a diffe rent bre e d
of adv i s e rs .
Th e re are many sad stories whose common plot tells of technical tra i n-
ing sch e m e s , e m b raced by all parties with good intentions, yet re n d e re d
i rre l evant in their ap p l i c ation. One A f rican country, for ex a m p l e, w i t h
outside help, has been training cab i n e t m a ke rs in compliance with estab-
lished European standards. Right now, h oweve r, t h at country does not
need cab i n e t m a ke rs. It needs and has plenty of people who can saw ro u g h
b o a rds for concrete fo rms. Th at , in fa c t , is wh at many of the ex p e n s ive ly
t rained cab i n e t m a ke rs end up doing, side by side with young men wh o
5. G. Hunter, 'High Level Manpower for Development' Highest Education and

D evelopment in South-;East A s i a , I I I , pt. 1 (Pa ris Unesco/Intern ational A s s o c i ation of
U n ive rs i t i e s , 1 9 6 7 ) , I L O, R ap p o rt au go u ve rnement de la République Tu n i s i e n n e :
l ' é va l u ation et la planifi c ation de la main-d ' o e u v re ( G e n eva , 196S); G. Sko rov, o p .
c i t .; G. Sko rov, ' The A b s o rp t ive capacity of the Economy,' in M a n p ower Aspects of
E d u c ational Planning: P ro blems for the Future ( Pa ri s- U n e s c o / ] . I E P, 1 9 6 8 ) , R
Po i g n a n t , E d u c ation and Economic and Social Planning in Fra n c e, op. cit.
6. IIEP, The Qualitat ive Aspects of Educational Planning, IIEP/Unesco. Sch e d u l e d
for publ i c ation in 1968.
n ever went to sch o o l , and at the same low rate of pay. Their wage s , in fa c t ,
a re so low that the total income of a lifetime would perhaps not rep ay the
cost of their unu s able technical tra i n i n g. Another country is rep o rted to be
t u rning out we l l-t rained stonemasons. The tro u ble here is that there is no
c o m m e rc i a l ly usable stone in the country.
Not all effo rts at technical training are by any means as unpro d u c t ive
and uneconomic as those just cited. On the contra ry, one finds many
authentic 'success stories.' But they are usually cases wh e re a strong effo rt
was made to a d ap t t raining fo rms to a local need, and not simply to c o py
a fo reign model indiscri m i n at e ly.
Th e re is another aspect to technical training wh i ch should be noted,
wh i ch invo l ves the unsuitability of the unive rsity 'mix.' The fi g u res give n
in Table 6 of the distri bution in selected countries of unive rsity gra d u at e s
by major fields of study reve a l , for ex a m p l e, t h at in most of the deve l o-
ping countries show n , fewer than 4 per cent of the gra d u ates have studied
the field of agri c u l t u re (and there is cause to believe that most of these
become administrat o rs). Indeed, m a ny of the unive rsities do not eve n
i n clude faculties of agri c u l t u re. 7 Yet the need to raise agri c u l t u ral pro d u c-
t ivity is one of the main imperat ives of economic development in most
s u ch countri e s .
In many developing countries also—though fo rt u n at e ly not in all—
e n gi n e e ring and the nat u ral sciences, as shown by Table 6, still account
for only a small fraction of total gra d u ates. Usually, social sciences do
b e t t e r, but the lion's share goes to humanistic studies and law. While the
l atter studies have an undeniable value and import a n c e, n ational deve l o p-
ment re q u i res a good many other things besides, and thus there is an
u n q u e s t i o n able need for a better balance in the student outputs of unive r-
sities.
Another common source of difficulty is the imbalance between the .
output of sub-p ro fessionals and full pro fessionals in associated fields. Th e
p roper ratio may differ by countries and by fi e l d s , yet it is still a unive r-
sal pro blem. If the trained pro fessional is to be fully pro d u c t ive, he mu s t
be backed by sufficient parap ro fessionals and technicians who can per-
fo rm ap p ro p ri ate supporting tasks. Guy Hunter suggests that the optimu m
7. 'The unive rsities in Senegal and the Ivo ry Coast are wh o l ly Fre n ch in stru c t u re, c o n t e n t
and tone . . . Faculties of agri c u l t u re, for ex a m p l e, do not yet ex i s t , though it was possible in
Dakar in 1961 to take a course entitled, " H i s t o ry of Fre n ch agri c u l t u re in the Fo u rt e e n t h
C e n t u ry" . . . ,' Elliot J. Berg, ' E d u c ation and Manpower in Senega l , Guinea and the Ivo ry
Coast,' in F. Harbison and C. Mye rs , e d s . , M a n p ower and Educat i o n : C o u n t ry Studies in
Economic Development ( New Yo rk : : M c C raw-H i l l , 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 26S.
79 The Outputs of Educational Systems
ratio of technicians to unive rsity gra d u ate specialists is between 3: 1 and

5 : 1 , d epending on the country and the subject.8 A gainst this norm , he and
other inve s t i gat o rs have found that in many developing countries this rat i o
is often 2: 1 at best and sometimes only 1: 2. In these circumstances full
p ro fessionals end up doing the tasks wh i ch sub-p ro fe s s i o n a l s , should be
d o i n g.
A good example of this is provided by Chile, in the field of health,,
wh e re an inve s t i gator rep o rts three doctors for each nu rs e, in contrast to
S weden's ratio of five nu rses for eve ry two doctors and the United Stat e s
ratio of seven nu rses for two doctors. To make mat t e rs wo rs e, the nu m b e r
of nu rses gra d u ating in Chile has re c e n t ly been about half the number of
d o c t o rs. And a high pro p o rtion of these nu rses soon dep a rt from the hos-
pital to marry or migrate to the United States for better pay (since the
United States also has been underp roducing nu rs e s ) .
The impression should not be left that educational systems have ignore d
these pro blems of imbalance—they have not. A number of countri e s —
S we d e n , the United Kingdom, N i ge ri a , and India are cases in point—have
c re ated mu l t i p u rpose secondary schools (akin to A m e rican compre h e n s ive
s chools ), designed to prep a re some students for the unive rsity and others
for jobs through vo c at i o n a l ly oriented 'terminal' programs. Likew i s e,
m a ny nations are endeavo ring to strengthen and modern i ze their seconda-
ry level mat h e m atics and science courses in order to prep a re more and bet-
ter qualified candidates for higher level technical and scientific studies,
and to make other students scientifi c a l ly literate in order to live more
e ffe c t ive ly in a scientific era. At the unive rsity level also, m a ny nat i o n s
h ave sought to strengthen their technical and scientific fa c u l t i e s , or have
c re ated new high level institutions in these fields. None of these effo rt s
has been easy, and not all have succeeded, owing to such obstacles as
s h o rt ages of specialized teach e rs , a dve rse student and parent at t i t u d e s ,
and prejudices of teach e rs and administrat o rs in old-line fields and insti-
tutions.
A few more points remain to be made about the disparity between edu-
c ation and manpower needs. Fi rs t , on the encouraging side, the dis-
c rep a n cy is not always as bad as the statistical gaps would suggest. Th e
job cl a s s i fi c ations and corresponding educational qualifi c ations typically
used in manpower studies are, after all, rather art i ficial. Even wh e re they
c o n fo rm re a s o n ably well to the realities in advanced economies ( wh i ch
often they do not), it by no means fo l l ows that they are ap p ro p ri ate fo r
8. G. Hunter, 'High Level Manpowe r,' III, pt. 1, p. 20.

less developed economies-whose training needs are typically less sophis-

t i c at e d. Ye t , when these countries pay too mu ch attention to the pro-
c e d u res of industri a l i zed countri e s , t h ey often ove rt rain people for jobs
wh i ch bear the same label in both types of economy, but wh i ch in fact are
ve ry diffe re n t .
In any eve n t , people and jobs are usually not as ri gi d ly positioned as is
implied by these conventional employment cl a s s i fi c ations and their 'offi-
cial' educational equivalencies. If they we re, m a ny economic systems
might come to a grinding halt. It seems re a s o n able to assume that if a per-
son has a good basic educat i o n , is well motivated and re a s o n ably in-
t e l l i ge n t , and has been endowed by his education with a measure of fl ex i-
b i l i t y, he can adapt quite quick ly to a wide ra n ge of jobs, rega rdless of
wh at the 'book' may pre s c ribe in the way of educational qualifi c ations. Fo r
this to hap p e n , h oweve r, rules for specific academic re q u i rements for par-
ticular jobs must be made more fl ex i bl e, and the content of the re q u i re d
t raining must be made commensurate with the functions actually to be
p e r fo rm e d. In this re s p e c t , d eveloping countries are often more ri gid than
i n d u s t ri a l i zed countries—to their considerable disadva n t age.
But there is a reve rse point that is less encouragi n g. People who emer-
ge from educational systems bearing the proper l ab e l of educational quali-
fi c ation for a particular type of wo rk often are not in fact well qualified to
p e r fo rm it. Either their education was poor and misdirected or their at t i t u-
de towa rd wo rk was poor, or something of both elements affected them. A
complaint to this effect is often sounded by employe rs in developing coun-
t ries and, one should add, in industri a l i zed countries as we l l .
Most of our discussion up to this point, as it applies to developing coun-
t ri e s , has dealt with manpower in the 'modern' sector. Indeed, this by itself
re flects the gre atest weakness of typical manpower studies as a guide to
e d u c ational planning. Th ey focus large ly, often ex cl u s ive ly, on 'high-l eve l '
m a n p ower ( essentially, s e c o n d a ry school gra d u ates and ab ove) in the
' m o d e rn-' sector (large ly u r b a n). In so doing, t h ey ignore the bulk of the
l abor fo rce in developing countri e s , the bulk of the potential educat i o n a l
cl i e n t e l e, and the paramount development need. As a ru l e, in deve l o p i n g
c o u n t ries 70 to 9S per cent of all people live and wo rk in the ru ral are a s .
And it is pre c i s e ly here that the process of modern i z ation has thus fa r
made its smallest imprint. Ye t , if these countries are to pull their wh o l e
e c o n o my and society up by the bootstrap s , the ru ra l-agri c u l t u ral sector,
and not mere ly the more glamorous industrial-urban sector, is wh e re the
d evelopment process must be accelerat e d.
It is in the ru ral areas also that education—hand in hand with other

d evelopment effo rt s — must make a vital contri bution. The question thus
a ri s e s : H ow well do the educational systems of developing countries meet
this hard test of fitness? In other wo rd s , wh at is their contri bution to bri n-
ging agri c u l t u ral and ru ral life towa rd the 'take o ff' point?
P ro fessor Fred Harbison's answer to this question, in the case of Ni-
ge ri a , applies equally to a good many other countries. Nige ria's educa-
tional system, he say s , is almost ex cl u s ive ly oriented towa rd filling city
jobs in the modern sector.
The va l u e s , sub jec t mat ter and ex a m i n a tion c ri t e ria at al l l evels of Nige ri a n
e d u c ation as sume tha t s choo l le ave rs want to b eco me gove rn ment civil s er -
va n t s , t e a ch e rs , and employ ees of re l at ive l y modern a nd indus trial a nd com-
m e r cia l establ i s h m e n t s . 9
M a ny educat o rs might argue that this is pre c i s e ly wh at ru ral sch o o l s

should do—prep a re yo u n g s t e rs to tra n s fer to the city. This we l l-i n t e n-
tioned view, h oweve r, s i m p ly does not square with the realities facing the
l a rge majority of these ru ral yo u n g s t e rs. Harbison points out—as does
G e o rge Sko rov for Ta n z a n i a — t h at the modern urban sector simply cannot
p rovide jobs for more than a small fraction of the total labor fo rc e, a n d
will not be able to for a long time to come. 10 Curre n t ly the fi g u re fo r
N i ge ria is about 5 per cent, and at best it cannot grow ve ry fa s t .
Nor is Nige ria a special case. It ap p e a rs that for well over a decade to
c o m e, in many highly ru ral countries like Nige ri a , the 'traditional' sector
and the 'middle' sector (making its way to the 'modern' sector) will have
to absorb fo u r-fifths or more of the nation's labor fo rc e — i n cluding a
major pro p o rtion of new ly educated young people. Yet almost eve ry wh e re,
e d u c ational systems tend to orient and train young people for wo rk in the
'urban' sector. In this fundamental re s p e c t , t h e re fo re, it must be said that
these educational systems and their basic ori e n t ation seem gro s s ly out of
line with the future needs of their students and with the deve l o p m e n t
needs of their society.
This poses yet another pro blem for education in its present crisis. Most
people would agree that education should imbue its students with modern
c o n c ep t s , k n ow l e d ge, and skills for life in a modern wo rl d, wh e reve r
9. F. Harbison, C ritical Manpower Pro blems in Nige rian A gri c u l t u ral and Rura l
D eve l o p m e n t , E d u c ati on and Wo rld A ffa i rs Ni ge ria Project Task Fo rce (New Yo rk ,
M ay 1967).
10. Ibid.; and G. Sko rov, I n t egration of Educational Economic Planning in Ta n -
z a n i a , op. cit.
t h ey may live. It should not simply fit them passive ly to accept life in a
t ra d i t i o n a l , s t atic economy. Else, why go to school at all? Yet most of
t o d ay's students will in fact spend their lives in ru ral areas wh i ch have
s c a rc e ly been touched by modernizing fo rc e s .
Is there a way out of this dilemma? One way would be for such educa-
tional systems to concentrate on fitting young people to engage con-
s t ru c t ive ly in the wo rk of modernizing agri c u l t u re and ru ral life, rat h e r
than on fitting them to escape from it. In short , instead of prep a ring them
to be sent to the modern sector in the city, t h ey should be prep a red to help
b ring the modern sector to their own ru ral area. Tru e, l i ke most things in
e d u c at i o n , this is far easier said than done. Yet it must be done in order to
c o rrect the present imbalance between educational systems and the re a l i s-
tic needs of their env i ro n m e n t .
In a diffe rent way, the educational systems of most industri a l i zed coun-
t ries are also ill-fitted to the needs of their students and societies, d e s p i t e
their mu ch more modern env i ronment. The issue here is not pri m a ri ly the
u n s u i t ability of the 'subjects' offe re d, but how they are taught, wh at at t i-
tudes and styles of thinking are instilled (or not instilled), and the kind of
p e rc eptions of the wo rld wh i ch are conveyed to students.
The industri a l i zed countries have a ri ch cultural and intellectual heri t-
age, and it is cert a i n ly a proper function of the schools and unive rsities to
pass it on to future ge n e rations. But today, and in the future, t h ey must do
m o re. The reason for this is that the eighteenth and nineteenth-c e n t u ry
l ega cy of wo rld perc ep t i o n s , modes of thinking, methods of inquiry and
a d ap t ation will simply not serve today's young people well enough in a
wo rld of science. Yet there is no denying that the eighteenth and nine-
teenth centuries still hold many European educational systems in their
grip. Stru c t u ral 're fo rms' may be announced. But they will not attain their
o b j e c t ive until the grip of the past is loosened from administrat ive fo rm s
and styles, f rom pedagogical aims and at t i t u d e s , f rom the curriculum and
t e a ching methods, and from the ve ry spirit wh i ch info rms the milieu of
these schools and unive rs i t i e s . 11
11. The fo l l owing is taken from an art i cl e, ' I t a ly's Unive rsities under Fi re,' in Ti m e s
( L o n d o n ) , 18 Ju ly 1961:
' The clash between Italy's antiquated classical educational system and the demands
of a modern industrial society wh i ch needs a highly educated and sophist icated man-
age rial cl a s s , has been documented by a study published by Shell Italiana, a subsid-
i a ry of the intern ational oil company. In 400 pages this cri t i c i zes the classical and
t e ch n i c a l-s c i e n t i fic schools and shows how badly prep a red students are to choose a
u n ive rsity course of study.
' P resenting the study, S ignor Diego Guicciard i , the president of Shell, revealed that
S t a rting with the question of education's fitness for the manpower re-
q u i rements of economic grow t h , we have moved far beyond the norm a l
p u rv i ew of manpower ex p e rt s , and beyond the re l at ive ly simple issue of
re l ating fo rmal educational qualifi c ations to the fo rmal skill re q u i re m e n t s
of particular types of jobs. The plain truth is that fitting an educat i o n a l
system to these needs is comparat ive ly simple, but fitting one to the full
needs of national development (wh i ch is a mu ch broader and more com-
p l i c ated thing than economic development) is a far more difficult and
subtle affa i r. In fa c t , even assuming that the stru c t u re and curriculum of an
e d u c ational system we re to be completely overhauled to make a perfe c t
' fit' in these limited 'manpower' term s , t h e re is good reason to believe that
it still would not be adequat e. It would not be adequat e, t h at is, u n l e s s
t h e re we re a corresponding overhaul of attitudes and status symbols on the
p a rt of students and their fa m i l i e s , t e a ch e rs and administrat o rs , e m p l oye rs
and the ge n e ral publ i c.
E m p l oyment and Unemploy m e n t

M O U N T I N G P R O B L E M O F ‘ E D U C AT E D U N E M P L OY E D ’ • W H AT H A P P E N S
A S A N AT I O N D E V E L O P S • R A P I D P O P U L AT I O N G R OW T H A D D S TO T H E
D I F F I C U LT I E S • D I S PA R I T Y B E T W E E N M A N P O W E R N E E D S A N D M A R K E T
D E M A ND S • I M P L I C AT I O N S F O R E D U C AT I O N I N . D E V E L O P I N G C O U N T R I E S •
G R E AT E R F L E X I B I L I T Y O F A DVA N C E D E C O N O M I E S .
Our main concern thus far has been With the question: 'Can educat i o n —
in respect of its output—ove rcome or ave rt specific human re s o u rce short-
ages that hamper national development?' We turn now to wh at is fa s t
e m e rging as a more serious manpower question, quite the opposite of the
fo regoing one. It is whether enough new jobs of the right sort can be fo u n d
for the new ly educat e d.
The point at issue has a potential political hurricane locked up inside
i t , and economists are not alone in being asked to deal with the mat t e r.
Of more than 20,000 requests for wo rk re c e ived when Shel l opened its new Ta ra n t o
re fi n e ry, almost all came from applicants who we re totally unqualifi e d. "Furt h e r, m o s t
of the L a u re at i ( u n ive rsity gra d u ates) who come to Shell are equally unprep a red fo r
wo rk m a modern company," he said. '
E d u c ation is also a party to the mat t e r, with its attendant disputes ove r
plans and bu d gets. The plain fact is that indiv i d u a l s , e s p e c i a l ly males,
look on education pri m a ri ly as a means of getting a good job. Th ey are
i n t e rested in the 'investment' benefits of education. Hence when an in-
d ividual after hard wo rk and many sacri fices emerges from an educat i o n a l
system with a cert i fi c at e, d i p l o m a , or degree but fails to find the kind of
job on wh i ch he has set his heart or, wo rs e, finds no job at all, he can be
expected to feel fru s t rated or bitter. He obtained his education in order to
p revent his unemploy m e n t , and a socio-economic system that fails him in
this rega rd may easily become the target of his hostility. This is even more
the case if, d u ring his educat i o n , he re c e ived no sound vo c ational guidan-
ce that gave him a more realistic set of employment ex p e c t ations on wh i ch
to base his academic ch o i c e s .
But this gra d u ate is not the only person to be invo l ved in a counter- re a c-
tion. The finance minister, who sits in a hot seat mediating amongst the
rival claimants for bigger shares of the public bu d ge t , is also invo l ve d.
The minister has been re s p o n d i n g, but possibly with increasing re l u c-
t a n c e, to annual demands for a larger share of ava i l able funds to be spent
on education. He has been awa re that other demands have an urge n cy of
their own. So now, when part of the yield on the educational inve s t m e n t
t u rns' out to be a picket line of disgruntled job-s e e ke rs , he is like ly to start
asking searching questions.
The ove rt signs of this ominous pro blem have been clear for some time,
e s p e c i a l ly in the developing nations. Here are a few ex a m p l e s .
In the Philippines, as far back as 1961, fewer than one-q u a rter of all
high school gra d u ates in the age group under thirt y-five had full-t i m e
jobs; another 44 per cent we re looking for wo rk or had only part-t i m e
jobs; the rest had stepped out of the labor market. It seenled to make litt-
le diffe rence whether they had taken ge n e ra l , a c a d e m i c, or vo c at i o n a l
c o u rses; the unemployment rate dealt eve n h a n d e d ly with all. U n ive rs i t y
gra d u at e s we re doing re l at ive ly better, yet still not too well. Two-t h i rd s
had full-time jobs—but over one in four we re unemployed and looking fo r
wo rk , or had only part-time jobs. 12
In the United A rab Rep u bl i c, a re s e a rch study rep o rts that , as of the
m i d-s i x t i e s ,
ab o ut 7 0 pe r c en t o f t he un ive rs i ty en ro ll m ent is in th e Fa c ul ti es o f A rt s
L aw a nd C om me rc e, a nd fo r th e va s t ma jo rit y o f t he se th ere i s no d em an d
12. See Appendix 28 .

. . . [ s uc h ] g r a d u a t e s . . . c o n st i tu t e a l ar g e a n d r ap i d l y g r ow in g g r o u p
w h o se s k il l s ar e l ar g e ly su b s t a n da r d a nd u n wa n t e d . 1 3
In India, b e t ween 1956 and 1962, the number of job-seeking 'mat ri c-

u l ates' and 'interm e d i ates' on the live regi s t e rs of employment ex ch a n ge s
( wh i ch tend to unders t ate the real case) rose from about 217,000 to ove r
644,000.14 In the same seven ye a rs , u n ive rsity gra d u ates on these regi s-
t e rs rose from under 27,000 to over 63,000. The Indian Educat i o n
Commission re c e n t ly estimated that the total of educated unemployed in
all cat ego ries was one million in round fi g u res. 15 From this pool of one
m i l l i o n , of cours e, some we re constantly being drained off to employ m e n t .
But they we re just as constantly being replaced by the next crop from the
s chools and unive rsities. It is especially notewo rt hy in India's case that
t h e re is now signifi c a n t , and ri s i n g, u n e m p l oyment in such a specialize d
' s h o rt age' cat ego ry as engi n e e ri n g.
In Burm a , a c c o rding to Guy Hunter,
t h e r e wa s i n 1 96 2 an d 19 6 3 a 's u r p lu s ' o f u n ive r si ty g r a d u at e s — t h at i s t o

s a y, c o n s i d e ra bl e n u m b e r s ( u p t o 4 0 p e r c en t m so m e m e c h a n i ca l a n d e le c -
t ri ca l b r a n c he s of e n g i n e e r i n g )— o f n ew l y - g ra d u a t e d s t u d en t s w e re u na b l e
t o fi nd e m p l oy m e n t in th e t y p e o f wo r k fo r w h i c h t h ey f e l t t h e ms e lv e s
q u a l i fi e d . S im i l ar l y, t h e re w a s a ' su rp l us ' o f gr a d u a te s f ro m t h e t e c h n i c a l
i n s t i t u t e s , o f ab o u t 2 0 pe r ce n t, a n d ev e n u n em pl o y men t fr om th e t r a d e
s ch o o l s . 1 6
In most of Latin A m e rica there has been heavy unemployment and

u n d e re m p l oyment for some ye a rs among secondary and unive rsity gra d-
u ates. A f rica has seen a heavy accumu l ation of unemployed among those
who have left pri m a ry school (this group used to get cl e rical jobs fa i rly
re a d i ly in the 'old days'). Nige rian authori t i e s , t ro u bled by this pro bl e m
for some ye a rs , h ave now started wo rrying over the prospect of an im-
minent 'surplus' of unive rsity gra d u ates. Production of gra d u ates is shar-
p ly up, but the seemingly unquench able demand for them of only a few
ye a rs ago has eased off, e s p e c i a l ly With the filling up of gove rn m e n t
posts.
Wh at about the industri a l i zed countries? For most of them, the pro bl e m
of 'educated unemployed' still lies mainly in the future. The ex a c t
13. Malcolm H. Ke rr, ' E gypt' in James S. Coleman, e d. , E d u c ation and Po l i t i c a l

D eve l o p m e n t ( P ri n c e t o n , N. J. : P rinceton Unive rsity Pre s s , 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 187.
15. India, R ep o rt of the Education Commission (1964-66) . . ., op. cit.
16. G. Hunter, 'High Level Manpowe r,' III, pt. 1.
fo rm it may take is not entire ly cl e a r, but is full of nuances at present. Th e

E u ropean nations are pulling out of the postwar era of manpower shor-
t ages; their rising industrial and agri c u l t u ral effi c i e n cy saves more jobs
than it cre ates; their postwar bumper crop of babies is re a ching mat u ri t y
a n d, for each year here a f t e r, will add large increments to the labor fo rc e.
AU this points in the direction of a shift from short ages to surpluses in
t rained manpowe r, and to the fact that unemployment among the new ly
e d u c ated could soon ap p e a r.
Wh at causes the para d ox of developing nations who cl e a rly need more
e d u c ated manpower but who are unable to use it when they get it? Is edu-
c ation somehow at fault? Has it expanded too rap i d ly? Has it produced the
w rong kinds of manpower? Or does the fault lie elsewh e re— perhaps in
the economy, or in economic development policies and plans? Wh e re are
the solutions to be found? Indeed, is there any solution?
The earlier history of today's industri a l i zed nations sheds light on cer-
tain of the pro blems and prospects of today's developing countries. Th i s
does not mean, of cours e, t h at the latter countries should fo l l ow pre c i s e ly
the same pat h , or take as long to travel it. But there are certain inescap abl e
s t ages and processes that must be gone thro u g h , wh at ever a part i c u l a r
c o u n t ry's philosophy or fo rm , as it moves from a re l at ive ly low state of
economic development to a more balanced industrial economy.
One of these processes is a gradual ch a n ge in the composition of its
l abor fo rc e. Starting with a large component of unskilled, common lab o r
and a ve ry small component of skilled and high-l evel manpowe r, the pro-
file of the labor fo rce progre s s ive ly alters as it comes to consist less and
less of unskilled wo rke rs and more and more of skilled and high-l eve l
m a n p owe r. To put the same thing diffe re n t ly, a modernizing economy gra-
d u a l ly moves from being a low-wage, l ow-p ro d u c t iv i t y, l ab o r-i n t e n s ive
e c o n o my, t owa rd being a higher pro d u c t iv i t y, higher wage, c ap i t a l-i n-
t e n s ive, l ab o r-s aving economy with a better qualified manpowe r. It is at
best a long transition pro c e s s .
E d u c ation and training play a major role in the progression by deve l o p-
ing an educated labor fo rce that has a higher pro d u c t ivity than uned-
u c ated lab o r. And as the process continu e s , e d u c ation moves from being
a 'scarce' commodity to being an 'abundant' one, f rom being a re l at ive
l u x u ry, ava i l able to only the few, to being a basic need for eve ryone wh o
wants to escape the shrinking unskilled sector of the labor fo rc e.
In the early stage s — ro u g h ly wh e re we s t e rn Europe and North A m e ri c a
we re one hundred ye a rs ago—the national stru c t u re of incomes has a
ve ry large spread between the bottom and top, re flecting among other
things the high scarcity value of education. But with time and the ex-
pansion of both the economy and educat i o n , the bottom incomes move
u p wa rds faster than the top incomes (wh i ch may even move down as a
result of ve ry high inheritance and progre s s ive income taxe s ) .
To d ay, for ex a m p l e, the income spread in A f rica between wh at a com-
mon lab o rer re c e ives and the salary of a top civil servant or bu s i n e s s m a n
m ay be in the ratio of 1 to 100 or higher. The income spread in the United
S t ates has never been as large as it is in A f ri c a , but the distance betwe e n
the take-home pay of an ave rage fa c t o ry wo rker and that of a fa i rly
h i g h-l evel business exe c u t ive has now narrowed to a ratio of something
l i ke 1 to 5. The we s t e rn European income spread is moving towa rd a simi-
l a rly narrow band.
The re l evance of all this to our discussion of employment and unem-
p l oyment is that as more and more people become educat e d, the supply of
n ew t o p jobs becomes scarcer re l at ive to the number of educated people
seeking them. These educated people then adapt to the situation (though
not always gra c e f u l ly) by stepping down on their 'job pre fe rence scale'
until they find a job they can actually ge t , something less than their fi rs t
ch o i c e. If the pre fe rred civil service posts are fi l l e d, for ex a m p l e, t h ey
m ay turn to teach i n g, and education starts getting a better quality man-
p owe r. Eve n t u a l ly, as happened in Jap a n , for ex a m p l e, high school gra d-
u ates ove rcome wh at reluctance they may have had for manual labor and
t a ke fa c t o ry jobs. But they become more pro d u c t ive fa c t o ry wo rke rs b e-
cause of their education. Th ey produce more, and eve n t u a l ly get paid
m o re, and the bottom of the income py ramid moves upwa rd.
The key to this adjustment process is that the jobs become upgra d e d.
Th ey may be called by the same names, but they are no longer the same
jobs because they are now filled by better educated people who make
something more of the job, and make a better living from it. This long
' j o b-u p grading' pro c e s s , we hasten to add, was not, in the case of today ' s
i n d u s t ri a l i zed nat i o n s , a smooth and we l l-planned affair in wh i ch nobody
got hurt. It was far from that. Th e re we re rough bumps along the way and
no small amount of human misery. It is to be hoped that the journ ey will
be somewh at smoother and quicker for today's developing nations. But it
would be naive to expect that it Will not have many serious pro blems and
d i s c o m fo rts. One of the wo rst Will be unemploy m e n t , for the uneducat e d
and educated alike.
It is important to be clear that the development programs of the wo rl d
did not c re at e the unemployment pro bl e m , nor did the rapid ex p a n s i o n

of education. Wh at they did do was to make an ancient pro blem more
v i s i bl e, and more vocal. Vast hidden unemploy m e n t , and more part i c-
u l a rly, vast undere m p l oy m e n t , h ave been the hallmark of stat i c, t ra d i-
tional societies all through history. This curse has now been bro u g h t
to the center of conscious attention. Unemployment has become a mat-
ter of public concern. With the better (though still imperfect) stat i s t i c s
n ow ava i l abl e, it is even possible to make caliper-fine calculations on
the pro blem. And on the behavior of these stat i s t i c s , gove rnments may
stand or fa l l , e s p e c i a l ly if a good many of the unemployed turn out to
be educated unemployed congregated in the cities. For educat e d
u n e m p l oyed are not inclined to suffer in silence, h i dden in the bu s h .
To this ex t e n t , and in a special sense, it can fa i rly be said that educa-
tion has contri buted to the noise level of the pro bl e m , but not to its
q u a n t i t at ive leve l .
The pro bl e m , h oweve r, is mu ch wo rse than it might have been, a n d
the reason for this lies in three important facts. The fi rst fo rces us to
qualify wh at we have just said about development programs not cre a-
ting the unemployment pro bl e m , because it was alre a dy there.
Pa ra d oxical as it may sound, the fact is that modern i z ation tends to
ge n e rate more unemployment than employ m e n t , at least m the initial
s t ages. This is because, in the economic sense, m o d e rn i z ation means
raising human pro d u c t ivity—doing more wo rk , p roducing more output,
with fewer man-hours of effo rt. Tra n s l ated into practical term s , t h i s
means that a given incre a s e — s ay of 10 per cent—in a nation's total
output is accompanied by a lesser increase in employment—the more
so if mu ch of the increase in the GNP comes out of the industrial sec-
tor wh e re labor pro d u c t ivity is rising most rap i d ly. In fa c t , at the early
s t ages of the development pro c e s s , the GNP may be ri s i n g, while paid
e m p l oyment may be fa l l i n g. This is pre c i s e ly wh at happened in
Tanzania and Ke nya in recent ye a rs , though it is hoped they have now
t u rned the corner of this 'wri n ging out' pro c e s s .
The second fact compounds the difficulty of the fi rst. If, at the time a
n ation is making its painful initial adjustments to the modern i z ation pro-
c e s s , it is seized by an ab n o rm a l ly rapid population grow t h , its un-
e m p l oyment pro blem becomes mu ch large r. This is because its labor fo rc e
grows mu ch more rap i d ly than the economy can absorb new employe e s .
And if, on top of this, the educational system's output has expanded con-
s i d e rably, then many of the new c o m e rs onto the labor market who cannot
find jobs will have had an education of some sort. It then begins to look,
at least on the face of things, as if the nation had somehow got itself 'ove-
re d u c at e d.' Such a conclusion is pat e n t ly ab s u rd when one takes into
c o n s i d e ration the pro b ability that the bulk of the population is still il-
l i t e rate and that a majority of yo u n g s t e rs are Still not in pri m a ry sch o o l .
N o n e t h e l e s s , t h e re is a strong temptation at this point for someone in high
a u t h o rity to push the panic button on the educational bu d get. From a
l o n g-ra n ge view, nothing could be more self-d e fe at i n g. Ye t , it can hap p e n .
The third fact points dire c t ly at a major, ubiquitous cause of
e m p l oyment difficulties. It is the unhap py fact that for many histori-
cal re a s o n s , the employment stru c t u res of many developing countri e s ,
their labor market mech a n i s m s , wages and salary stru c t u re, and the
resultant dep l oyment of their educated manpower are all seri o u s ly at
o dds with wh at is necessary to encourage optimum economic grow t h .
M o re specifi c a l ly, t h e re is a wide disparity in most developing coun-
t ries between the manpower n e e d e d for economic growth and the
m a n p ower a c t u a l ly demanded by the market. Likew i s e, t h e re is a
wide disparity between how the economy should use its ava i l abl e
s u p p ly of educated manpower in order to promote economic grow t h ,
and how it actually uses it.
The main causes of these costly disparities incl u d e : (a) inap p ro p ri at e
wage and salary re l at i o n s h i p s , wh i ch tend to draw scarce manpower in the
w rong directions; (b) inap p ro p ri ate and ove rly ri gid re l ationships betwe e n
p a rticular types of jobs and the 'official' educational qualifi c ations fo r
them; (c) traditional prejudices and concepts of status (opposed especial-
ly to manual labor) that repel young people from the ve ry types of wo rk
most needed for deve l o p m e n t , d rawing them instead to re l at ive ly less pro-
d u c t ive jobs; (d) a traditional 'care t a ker' and 'superv i s o ry' concept of
gove rnment—in contrast to the 'activist concept needed to spur deve l o p-
ment; this leads to an infl ation of the civil service establishment and
chains many of the most competent people to paper wo rk when they
should be released for positive development action.
If this is a fair stat e m e n t , wh at are the conclusions for education? One
is that unemployed engi n e e rs , for ex a m p l e, a re not necessari ly a sign that
the educational system has produced too many. For many countries it is
m o re like ly a sign that the economy and the gove rnment have not ye t
l e a rned how to use engi n e e rs—or agri c u l t u ri s t s , or arch i t e c t s , or publ i c
health specialists—in the best interests of national development. Th e
chances are that too many of these often we l l-t rained specialists are be-
hind desks, ' a d m i n i s t e ring' instead of out building roads and sch o o l s , p ro-
ducing more fo o d, i m p roving public health. The chances are, a l s o , t h at the
p ay is too high for 'administering' and too low for 'doing things.'
Should educational planners under these circumstances 'fo l l ow the mar-
ket' and re t re n ch their engi n e e ring program? Or should they fo l l ow the
n ation's true manpower needs and produce still more? Th e re is no simple
a n swe r. The manpower estimates of need can sometimes be as wrong as
the marke t , and in some cases mirror it. Still, to cut back educational out-
put just because the economy and the system of public administration are
not in harm o ny with national development would seem a stra n ge way to
foster development. The answer must obv i o u s ly be left to those on the
scene most competent to judge from all the circumstances. But one thing
is cl e a r — e d u c ational authorities have a strong interest in seeing that the
n o n e d u c ational bottlenecks to development get at t e n t i o n , even though
s u ch mat t e rs lie large ly beyond their own official juri s d i c t i o n .
All this, h oweve r, does not re l i eve the educational system of re s p o n-
sibility for integrating itself, even with an imperfe c t ly functioning econ-
o my or system of administering development. To spin off on its own and
p roduce however mu ch it wishes of wh at ever mix of students would be
i rre s p o n s i ble and ultimat e ly self-d e fe at i n g. An educational system can
p roduce too many engi n e e rs , and too many of other sorts of specialists, at
a ve ry high cost per unit—thereby gre at ly prejudicing other fo rms of edu-
c ation and injuring national deve l o p m e n t .
Th e re are no ge n e ral solutions to the pro blem of education and unem-
p l oyment in developing countries; solutions can only be devised in each
i n d ividual context. It will be at best a ve ry tro u blesome pro blem for a long
time to come. It is one of the inescap able difficulties of taking the passa-
ge to modern i z ation. But the pro blem can be kept from being made wo rs e
than it needs to be if, by understanding its nat u re, those in positions of
responsibility avoid the panicky decision to cut back education at the sight
of some educated unemployed—a decision wh i ch , in the cl a rity of hind-
s i g h t , could prove to have been a serious erro r.
If we dealt only in a glancing way with industri a l i zed nat i o n s , it is not
because they will have no pro blem of unemployment among the edu-
c ated but because they have far better means for dealing with it. Th e i r
economies are large r, m o re dive rs i fi e d, and more resilient. Th ey need to
wo rry re l at ive ly less about mat ching manpower needs cl o s e ly, p a rt ly
because their employment markets come closer to re flecting these needs,
and even more because there is gre ater fl ex i b i l i t y, m o b i l i t y, and con-
ve rtibility within their labor fo rc e. Their educational systems will do we l l ,

h oweve r, to be far more vigilant than they have been im wat ching for evo l-
ving shifts in the employment pat t e rn and for the emergence of new types
of jobs that will call for quite diffe rent educational qualifi c ations. A b ove
all else, t h ey will do most to minimize this pro blem of adjustment to
e m p l oyment if they give pri o rity to producing people who are tra i n abl e
and adap t abl e, and who have the capacity and motivation to continue to
l e a rn and grow. The factor of motivation fo rms a bri d ge to a matter that
will be considered nex t .
Attitudes and Social Change

I N F L U E N C E O F AT T I T U D E S O N E D U C AT I O N A L A N D C A R E E R P R E F E R E N C E S
• B I A S A GA I N S T S C I E N T I F I C A N D T E C H N I C A L S T U D I E S • I N F L U E N C E S O F
S C H O O L S A N D T E A C H E R S • W H AT E D U C AT I O N C A N A N D C A N N O T B E
EXPECTED TO DO.
The baffling question of attitudes has run beneath the surface of many
points made in these pages and occasionally has bro ken into the open.
H owever many other casual fa c t o rs are examined in the context of educa-
tion and its re l ation to national deve l o p m e n t , sooner or later one finds that
attitudes are a major cause behind many of these other causes, and behind
m a ny happenings and non-h appenings. We pause, t h e re fo re, to consider
the matter here.
In ap p ro a ching it, we are conscious of the old wa rning that a subject
should not be fo rced to assume a gre ater degree of precision than the nat u-
re of the subject wa rra n t s — t h at a picture of reality is distorted when nat u-
ra l ly imprecise things are dealt with as though they we re being pre c i s e ly
m e a s u re d. Because this wa rning applies with special fo rce to human at t i-
t u d e s , wh at is to be said next should be read pri n c i p a l ly as an hy p o t h e s i s
ex c ept wh e re evidence can be cited in support of the claims made.
The fi rst question we wish to consider is this: I n s o far as a student has
a free choice in the mat t e r, h ow does he in fact choose an educat i o n a l
p rogram to fo l l ow? It is our hypothesis that in the act of choosing he is
s t ro n g ly influenced by wh at he thinks will do the most for his economic
and social future. He surveys that future in the light of the fa c t s , go s s i p ,
p re j u d i c e s , and info rmed advice he may have picked up. He has a scale of
job pre fe rences and he assesses, ri g h t ly or wro n g ly, wh at his chances are
of getting a type of job corresponding to his fi rst pre fe re n c e. He then
m a kes these pre fe rences the principle according to wh i ch he selects his
e d u c ational progra m .
If this hypothesis is corre c t , a second question fo l l ows from the fi rs t .
Wh at , if any t h i n g, does the educational system itself do to re s h ape the
student's attitudes and ch o i c e s , to make both more comparable with his
real employment prospects and with the development needs of the na-
tion?
Th e re is a gre at mass of impressionistic evidence wh i ch bears on the
a n swer to this question, and it comes from many regions and sources. But
the more concrete evidence is visible in the career choices students
a c t u a l ly make. It seems clear that , re l at ive to needs, too many of the
ablest European students pre fer the kind of employment they can qualify
for with a ge n e ra l , humanistic type of secondary and higher educat i o n ,
while they shy away from care e rs re q u i ring mat h s-science based studies.
To say this is not to discount the importance of two fa c t o rs wh i ch are
often ove rl o o ke d. One is that the attitudes of students towa rd the mat h s -
science based studies may be conditioned by their nat u ral aptitudes; a
talent for one mode of human ex p ression does not imply a talent for all
modes. The second important factor is that students who may have nat u-
ral aptitudes for mat h s-science based studies may have had teach e rs wh o
we re incompetent to handle such studies, and there fo re failed to en-
c o u rage the student.
But once these two points are taken into account, we are left with a wo r-
risome residual phenomenon. Good academic perfo rm e rs — wh o , for re a-
sons stated elsewh e re, tend to come dispro p o rt i o n at e ly from the educat e d
and more affluent sectors of society—seem as a group to show a bias
against mat h s-science studies. This is not to suggest an absolute linkage
b e t ween such an attitude and a socio-economic back gro u n d. Nor is it to
s u ggest indire c t ly that the entire sphere of the mat h s-science studies go e s
by default to students with a less favo red socio-economic back gro u n d.
Lines of mental ab i l i t y, rega rdless of back gro u n d, c ri s s c ross like stre a k s
of light on a photograph taken at night of city tra ffi c. But our observat i o n s
remain as stat e d — n a m e ly, t h at a heavy majority of academically able stu-
dents from the favo red sectors of society, p re s u m ably because of their
e m p l oyment pre fe re n c e s , ge n e ra l ly choose to pursue a humanistic type of
s e c o n d a ry and higher education. This does not entire ly explain why edu-
c ational authorities in Europe have found it so difficult to channel a higher

p ro p o rtion of students towa rd fields of study in the sciences and tech n o-
l ogy in order to ach i eve a better balance. But it seems to explain at least a
fair part of their diffi c u l t i e s .
We have alre a dy cited the difficulties encountered in France and the
United Kingdom of trying to strengthen the fl ow of students into the sci-
ences and tech n o l ogy. To these ex p e riences can be added the comparabl e
d i fficulties Sweden has had in directing more students into educat i o n a l
channels other than the 'theoretical' ones, with their heavy accent on a
h u m a n i t i e s-based curriculum (though they can also lead to mat h s-s c i e n c e
studies ) . Thus a recent Swedish rep o rt stat e s :
One striking trend in the upper dep a rtment has been the ex c e s s ive infl ow into the
five 'theoretical' 9th grade streams that are supposed to lead to theoretical upper
s e c o n d a ry education in the 'gymnasium' and 'fa ck s kola' i.e. 9g, 9 h , 9 t , 9m and 9s.
M o re than 75 per cent of all the students have been selecting these streams. In
1964 the corresponding fi g u re was 74 per cent, a n d, in 1965, 78 per cent, a s
against 54 per cent in 1960. This trend may well continu e. l 7
In the case of the developing countri e s , t h e re is more empirical ev i d e n c e

wh i ch shows a strong student bias in favor of wh i t e-collar 'desk' or 'insi-
de' jobs, because a traditional association has been made in those coun-
t ries between manual lab o r — whether in field or fa c t o ry—and low social
s t atus. More ove r, t h e re is some evidence that , instead of trying to modify
these at t i t u d e s , the schools and teach e rs tend to re i n fo rce them. A typical
result ap p e a rs in a study by Marshall Wo l fe, who concludes that the rap i d
growth of secondary education in Latin A m e rica in the 1950's was entire-
ly unplanned With any view to serving the development needs of the
regi o n , and did little to equalize opport u n i t y. He say s :
W h at the urban middle c lass succe ssfully pressed f or was the kind of sec-
o n d a ry education that would lead . . . to the unive rsi ty and a s te p up on the
social ladd e r, or a t leas t a cert i fi c ate giving acc ess to publ ic or privat e
wh i t e-coll ar employ m e n t . 1 8
This situation is well illustrated by the Indian village teacher in Kasum

Nair's Blossoms in the Dust, who voiced a widely held atiitude when he
told his students:
17. OECD, E d u c ational Po l i cy and Planning. Swe d e n , op. cit., p. 101.

18. Marshall Wo l fe, 'Social and Political Pro blems of Educational Planning in Lat i n
A m e rica,' P ro blems and Strat egies of Educational Planning: Lessons from Lat i n
A m e rica ( Pa ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 5 ) , p. 22.
O n ly education makes men of us. But education and cultivation [of the soil] cannot be
c o m b i n e d. The two must be kept sep a rat e. How can a boy who has been to school do
the hard labour wh i ch cultivation re q u i res ? l 9
E ven when the authorities seek to re-o rient their educational systems
t owa rd national deve l o p m e n t , their effo rts can be undone by the opposing
values widespread in their re s p e c t ive societies. The situation in Burm a , a s
rep o rted by Manning Nash, is a case in point. He observes that
For the Burmese educational planners , the object of education is not in doubt: e d u c a-
tion is to serve as one of the means of tra n s fo rm ation from a raw mat e rial pro d u c i n g
society . . . to a dive rs i fi e d, s o m ewh at industri a l i zed society—a modern nat i o n , a socia-
list democra cy made up of re s p o n s i ble and info rmed citize n s .
But the Burmese village s , Nash add s , see it diffe re n t ly. To them,
e d u c ation should lead to economic success (the village boy will go beyond the fo u rt h
s t a n d a rd to be a cl e rk , a teach e r, or civil servant); it should lead to a display of re fi n e-
m e n t , of common know l e d ge [for that is how a common man earns go n ( v i rtue and re s-
pect)]; and it should help get k u t h ( s p i ritual meri t ) . 2 0
One instinctive ly sympat h i zes with those in the developing countri e s

who view education as an escape route from the low social status of
m a nual lab o r. Unfo rt u n at e ly, t h e re is another side to the mat t e r. Nat i o n s
can only be developed by the kind of stre nuous labor that often entails ge t-
ting one's hands dirty in the fields and fa c t o ri e s , i n cluding many who are
' h i g h ly educat e d,' such as construction engi n e e rs and agri c u l t u ral ex p e rt s .
It is true that able and hard-wo rking people are also needed behind desks
in indispensable administrat ive roles. But if education simply takes bri g h t
people away from hand-soiling labor and deposits them behind desks in
ex c e s s ive nu m b e rs , and if that is the destiny of a large majority of people
with secondary and unive rsity tra i n i n g, h ow can education promote eco-
nomic growth and earn a good yield on its inve s t m e n t ?
G ove rnmental stru c t u res in many developing countries are heav i ly laden
with we l l-t rained specialists of the sort desperat e ly needed to make eco-
nomic development move. But the specialists are occupied large ly with
a d m i n i s t rat ive wo rk , while the manpower studies flash wa rnings of
19. K. Nair and G. Myrd a l , Blossoms in the Dust: The Human Element in Indian
D eve l o p m e n t ( L o n d o n : D u ck wo rt h , 1 9 6 1 ) .
20. M. Nash, The Golden Road to Modern i t y : Vi l l age Life in Contempora ry Burm a
( N ew Yo rk : John Wi l ey and Sons, 1 9 6 5 ) .
s h o rt ages in their specialist cat ego ries. A dra m atic picture of this re a l i t y
is contained in a rep o rt wh i ch makes the fo l l owing observat i o n :
Of India's 2,600 agri c u l t u ral scientists, 90 per cent are in the public sector (i.e. civ i l
s e rvants mainly in offices of the Ministry of A gri c u l t u re ) , wh e reas the country's agri-
c u l t u ral production is almost entire ly in the hands of private cultivat o rs. Hard ly 1 per
cent of the scientists are engaged in fa rming or fa rm manage m e n t , while less than 3 per
cent are in these occupations in the food and dairy industries combined, fields wh e re
k n ow l e d ge of agri c u l t u re can be dire c t ly ap p l i e d. 2 1
This vignette of Indian ex p e rience is given broader dimension by Philip

Foster's studies in Ghana and the Ivo ry Coast of student occupational aspi-
rations and ex p e c t at i o n s , and by an official study in the Philippines of stu-
dent attitudes towa rd manual lab o r. All tend to confi rm the more impre s-
sionistic rep o rts of the way education is widely viewed as a road wh o s e
h o p e d-for terminal point is a wh i t e-collar job. 22
To take note of such attitudes is not to scoff at them. It is important to
u n d e rstand them better so that educational systems can more effe c t ive ly
cope with them in the interest of national development. But wh at , a c t u a l-
ly, can education do about them? Even under ideal circ u m s t a n c e s , it wo u l d
be enorm o u s ly difficult for school systems to instill in their students a set
of at t i t u d e s , m o t ivat i o n s , and career pre fe rences that would pro m o t e
n ational economic and social development—in defiance of so many fa m i-
ly and other env i ronmental fo rces wh i ch incline individuals in -d i re c t i o n s
wh i ch often run contra ry to national aims and needs. In the particular case
of the developing countri e s , the difficulty is all the gre at e r. Their sch o o l s ,
and especially those staffed by teach e rs wh o , t h e m s e l ves only a few ye a rs
away from wo rk on the land, a re but one jump ahead of their pupils, c a n-
not at a stro ke reve rse wh at has been bent by centuries of tradition and
m i s e ry.
If the schools cannot be expected to wipe away these attitudes that are
so unhelpful to national deve l o p m e n t , at least they can be expected not
to entre n ch them furt h e r. With this beginning—albeit a negat ive one —
it may be possible in time to take more positive steps. With the aid of
i m p roved teacher tra i n i n g, a more know l e d ge able system of vo c a -
21. Unesco Research Center on Social and Economic Development in Southern A s i a ,

S o c i o l ogical Considerations in Educational Planning for Economic Deve l o p m e n t ( New
D e l h i , 196S ) ( mimeographed ) .
22. P. J. Fo s t e r, E d u c ation and Social Change in Ghana ( L o n d o n : R o u t l e d ge and Kega n
Pa u l , 1965 ); see also Appendix 30.
tional guidance, a strat egy of education for gi rls who will bear and rear the
n ext ge n e rat i o n , and with progress in the development and dive rs i fi c at i o n
of job opport u n i t i e s , the schools may actually reve rse the bent of the twig
and point it towa rd modern i z ation and progress. But they will never do it
a l o n e : it will re q u i re strong parallel effo rts by others in society.
Students are not born with a pre fe rence for one kind of education or
e m p l oyment as against another. Nor are the able ones simply unconscious
dupes of traditional prejudices that lead them to make irrational educa-
tional and employment choices. On the contra ry, the brighter they are, t h e
q u i cker they re a l i ze wh e re society places its rewa rd s , both economic and
s o c i a l , and wh e re it does not. If society arra n ges its rewa rds unsuitably in
t e rms of wh at is best for national deve l o p m e n t , if it perp e t u ates old pat-
t e rns of incentive s , e m p l oy m e n t , and pre s t i ge — when a new situation calls
for ch a n ge—then young people can hard ly be expected to fo l l ow the pre-
fe rences of ab s t ract planners , or the advice of idealistic teach e rs. The pre-
fe rences of the market place speak more pers u a s ive ly to them.
In a society in tra n s i t i o n , an educational system cannot shift student
fl ows towa rd fields essential to national development as quick ly as man-
p ower planners might wish and as national interest re q u i re s , unless so-
ciety itself (including ab ove all the gove rnment) supports the shift with its
social and economic incentives. Schools cannot get far ahead of publ i c
attitudes on these mat t e rs , nor can they conscientiously encourage stu-
dents to get too far ahead.
The positive proof of this is found in certain developing countries wh e re
real effo rts have been made to give new pre s t i ge to scientific and tech n i-
cal care e rs (as in India), and wh e re this has been re flected in the salary
s t ru c t u re. In these cases there has been little difficulty in at t racting the
best students into such care e rs. In this re s p e c t , some developing countri e s
m ay be ahead of some industri a l i zed ones. Unfo rt u n at e ly, h oweve r, i n
some of the same countri e s , c o m p a rable remedial steps have not yet been
t a ken with respect to the pre s t i ge and rewa rds of sub-p ro fessionals wh o
a re essential to boosting the pro d u c t ivity of full pro fessionals. This helps
explain the lopsided supply re l ation between engi n e e rs and tech n i c i a n s
cited earl i e r. One suspects that in most, if not all, of these tra d i t i o n a l
s o c i e t i e s , the yo u n ger ge n e ration will rather quick ly lose its alleged anti-
p at hy towa rd skilled manual labor as soon as society makes it wo rt h wh i-
l e. A reve rsal of some of the wage re l ationships between skilled manu a l
jobs and low-l evel wh i t e-collar jobs might produce some re m a rk abl e
results and make education's job a good deal easier.
In any eve n t , it is clear that education and society must continue to

p l ay back and fo rth on this matter of attitudes for a good while to come,
and it is hoped that out of the interp l ay there will gra d u a l ly emerge the
kinds of social ch a n ge and economic growth that pre s e n t ly pro cl a i m e d
goals call fo r. But one thing can never be ove rl o o ke d. An educat i o n a l
system and its students cannot be asked to do wh at society itself—and
the gove rn m e n t , by its incentive and pre s t i ge scales—is not prep a red to
do to implement the pro claimed goals. At a minimu m , e d u c ation can be
a s ked to re f rain from re i n fo rcing antidevelopment attitudes and ch o i c e s .
It can try, in add i t i o n , to ke ep one step ahead of society in this re s p e c t ,
in an effo rt to accelerate the pace of social ch a n ge and economic grow-
th. But we rep e at that education by itself cannot take on the whole job
of re fo rming society, its at t i t u d e s , and its rewa rd stru c t u res. Education is
too mu ch a cre at u re of society and too mu ch an ex p re s s i o n of its socie-
ty for this to be possibl e.
S t i l l , within limits, an educational system is also its own cre at u re and
an ex p ression of its own predelictions. This becomes clear as we look into
its internal affa i rs and behav i o r, as we propose to do nex t .
IV
Inside the Educational System
Aims and Pri o ri t i e s : The Road Map of the System

E X PANSION OF EDUCAT I O NAL AIMS • DIFFICULTY IN ACHIEVING ALL
AIMS SIMULTA N E O U S LY • PROBLEMS INHERENT IN DEMOCRATIZI NG
RIGHT OF ACCESS TO EDUCATI ON • CRO S S-TE NSIONS BETWEEN
MODERNISTS AND T R A D I T I O NALISTS • HARD CHOICES INVO LVE D IN
E S TABLISHING PRIORITIES.
We have thus far looked at the educational system from the outside, fi rs t
f rom the standpoint of popular demand and inputs, and then from the
opposite standpoint of education's outputs and their impact on society. We
h ave now re a ched the door leading to an ex a m i n ation of wh at lies bet-
we e n , n a m e ly, the inner life of the educational system.
The inner life of an educational system is shaped in no small degree by
its internal logi c, dy n a m i c s , and habits. It is also ve ry mu ch influenced by
the pre s s u re s , c o n s t ra i n t s , and ch a l l e n ges bearing in upon it from the outer
e nv i ronment. This being the case, b e fo re we pass through the door and ge t
inside the educational system, one comment about the env i ronmental set-
ting seems in order here.
An educational system, as we observed in the beginning of these page s ,
is not a ri gid thing. It has a potential internal fl exibility and an intern a l
p ower of choice among altern at ive responses to ex t e rnal pre s s u res or to
c re at ive internal fo rces. In the past decade, h oweve r, it seems that
ch a n ges inside many of the wo rld's educational systems have been
w rought pro b ably more by ex t e rnal intervention than by internal initia-
t ive. Th i s , by itself, need not be a cause for concern. An educational sys-
tem can be served well by a running deb ate between its internal elements
and its ex t e rnal cl i e n t s , s p o n s o rs , we l l-w i s h e rs , and critics. A system,
h oweve r, s h ows signs of malaise when there is a dispro p o rtion betwe e n
98
Inside the Educational Systems 99
the strength of the ex t e rnal and internal fo rc e s — when the internal fo rc e s

seem too weak to initiate ch a n ges of their own accord, and when the ex t e r-
nal fo rc e s , as someone said, seem to be dragging an educational system
k i cking and screaming into the twentieth century.
Since the inner wo rkings of an educational system make up a ve ry com-
p l ex orga n i s m , p o i g n a n t ly human and shaped by many hands, let us fi rs t
look at the aims Wh i ch educational systems have set for themselve s , o r
wh i ch societies have set for them. At the same time, let us try to re-
c o n s t ruct the way those aims have evo l ved in the turmoil of recent ye a rs .
Since the 1950's, the aims of educat i o n , l i ke other aspects of the edu-
c ational picture, h ave expanded to a revo l u t i o n a ry degre e. A wo rld of
p e o p l e, p rev i o u s ly immobilize d, got hold of a liberating idea: t h at know l-
e d ge is the key to a whole fa m i ly of powe rs — p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c ;
t h at a monopoly of know l e d ge in the hands of the few is but another name
for the rule of the few over the lives of the many; that any people wh o
wish to be the authors of their own history and to develop in their own way
must break up the existing monopoly of know l e d ge. Th ey must make the
right of access to education the common pro p e rty of eve ryone and, by
ex t e n s i o n , must also democrat i ze the right of access to progre s s ive ly
higher levels of instru c t i o n .
The idea, of cours e, was not a new one. In an A m e rican contex t , fo r
ex a m p l e, it was given curre n cy during the A m e rican Revolution wh e n
Thomas Je ffe rs o n , as the wa rtime gove rnor of Vi rgi n i a , submitted to the
s t ate legi s l at u re A Plan for the Discussion of Know l e d ge. Lat e r, in a Rus-
sian contex t , and still lat e r, in an Indian one, Lenin and Gandhi, re-
s p e c t ive ly, though with quite diffe rent ve rsions of the ideal in mind and
of how to attain it, joined in Je ffe rson's conviction that the wide diff u s i o n
of know l e d ge was an essential part of any plan to move any society to
n ew heights. But it was not until after Wo rld War II, when old tra d i n g
e m p i res based on European metropolitan states we re being liquidat e d,
t h at educational aims, d e m o c rat i zed in fo rm , b egan to take hold of the
consciousness of the new ly named 'developing nations.' As the number of
n ew or reb o rn nations mu l t i p l i e d, and as their developmental needs be-
came ap p a re n t , Unesco responded to the new situation mu ch as a skilled
a rcher does who aims his arrow ab ove the target he intends to hit, m a k i n g
due allowance for the dow n wa rd pull of grav i t y. To its cre d i t , U n e s c o
s p u rred the developing nations to raise their sights and active ly seek the
d e m o c ratic aims of education. As a re s u l t , t h e re is now an almost unive r-
sal educational consensus, s u p p o rted by almost all nat i o n s , at all stages of

d eve l o p m e n t , with dive rse political and social systems, and with equally
d ive rse cultural back grounds. All agree on wh at the broad democrat i c
aims of education must be: u n ive rsal pri m a ry education; unive rsal litera-
cy; equal educational opportunities for women; increased secondary and
u n ive rsity part i c i p ation; and broader adult educat i o n .
But a statement of broad aims is not self-exe c u t i n g. Th e re has alway s
b e e n , and no doubt will always be, a gre at gap between the rhetoric and
the deed. If, t h e re fo re, we want to get at an educational system's real aims,
we must look beneath its pre c epts to its practices. Fre q u e n t ly, the two do
not coincide. This does not say that the announced aims we re a contrive d
d e c eption. Rather it is a sign of how long it takes to alter the course of an
o n going educational system, to re d ep l oy its energies in new directions and
to marshal new energies and re s o u rces to take on new tasks and to do old
ones better.
Among other things, a new ly stated set of educational aims pre s u p p o s e s
a cadre of teach e rs willing and competent to pursue such new aims. Ye t
m a ny teach e rs in an educational system may have had no such ori e n t at i o n
or tra i n i n g. Or aga i n , a fo rmal statement of a system's aims by its mana-
ging authorities can be upended by independent social pre s s u res. It has
h appened more than once that educational leaders have laid out a new pat h
to be fo l l owe d, but that students and parents have chosen to head off in
quite another direction. These two points, standing alone, u n d e rline the
d i fficulty of implementing educational aims. And there are other diffi c u l-
ties. The manage rs of a system may ard e n t ly subscribe to its educat i o n a l
aims. The system, n o n e t h e l e s s , can be torn from within by arguments ove r
a mass of specific issues wh e re any one answer or group of answe rs can
a ffect the prospects of attaining the educational aims agreed to. The arg u-
ments can be about pri o rities and planning, costs and re s o u rc e s , s t ru c t u re
and curri c u l u m , quality and methods, facilities and staffi n g, re s e a rch and
i n n ovat i o n , the language of instruction or 'student powe r.' More often than
not the internal deb ate is re a l ly about means rather than ends. In the pro-
cess of argument the two become badly confused.
Wh at has just been said describes actual conditions prevailing within
e d u c ational systems eve ry wh e re. Furt h e r, almost eve ry wh e re the sys-
tems are divided from within by a re s u rge n c e, in a new contex t , of the
old arguments about who shall decide the va rious mat t e rs in dispute, a n d
t h e reby have the final say in setting an educational system's order of
m a rch towa rd its aims. Should the final say be entrusted to the educat o rs
Inside the Educational Systems 101
or to society? If to the educat o rs , wh i ch ones? If to society, wh i ch of its

m e m b e rs? Wh at voice should students themselves have in the mat t e r, a n d
h ow should they exe rcise their fra n ch i s e ?
E a ch nation must find its own answe rs bu t , in some, the argument ove r
wh at the answe rs should be has revealed deep fi s s u res either within the
society or within the educational frat e rn i t y. A narrow-based elite, gov-
e rning a caste-bound society, m ay honor in wo rds the democratic aims of
e d u c at i o n , but in practice may show a marked lack of enthusiasm fo r
a c t u a l ly 'giving education to the masses,' fe a ring that this will lead in time
to the dilution of the elite's own powe r. Conve rs e ly, a gove rning elite,
ge nu i n e ly anxious for social ch a n ge and grow t h , m ay brave ly march at the
head of the drive for expanded educational services for the mass of the
p e o p l e. Yet the educational ex p e rts they depend on for help may be div i-
ded from within by arguments about how soon educational aims can be
re a ch e d, or about how one can best build a mass educational system wh i ch
will meet a given test for quality and effi c i e n cy.
The shape of these arguments can be seen by focusing on a matter alre a-
dy alluded to, n a m e ly, wh at has happened since secondary education wa s
opened to a wider ra n ge of young people than had prev i o u s ly had access
to it, who rep resented a wider ra n ge of fa m i ly back gro u n d, n at ive ab i l i t y,
m o t ivat i o n s , and career aspirations. The event occurred comparat ive ly
e a rly in North A m e rica and in the Soviet Union, and in both places the
consequence was a necessary dive rs i fi c ation in the nat u re of secondary
e d u c at i o n , still in process of perfection. But for most of the wo rl d, i n cl u-
ding most of we s t e rn Euro p e, s e c o n d a ry educational systems opened to a
wide ra n ge of young people are in the main a phenomenon dating from a
s h o rt two decades ago. The result is wh at we now see. It is a head-on cl a s h
b e t ween new needs and the pre-existing aims of secondary schools that
had dominated their role in most places, to the virtual ex clusion of eve ry-
thing else.
Th at ro l e, as we have noted, had been to prep a re students for entry into
the unive rs i t y, by the route of a classical curriculum. As long as the stu-
dents themselves rep resented a favo red minority of the total sch o o l-age
p o p u l at i o n , the school role seemed suited to the future prospects for their
p roducts. But this was no longer true when secondary education wa s
d e m o c rat i ze d, Th e re was a new insistence that the ch i l d ren of wo rke rs
and peasants and shopke ep e rs have an equal opportunity to enter the
p re s t i gious academic route to the unive rs i t y. But since only a fraction of
the whole age group could in fact go to the unive rs i t y, it became neces-
s a ry to provide socially 'rep u t able' progra m s — a l t e rn at ive to those ori e n-

ted towa rd entrance into a unive rs i t y — for the majority of students to
whom a secondary education wo u l d, in all pro b ab i l i t y, m a rk the end of
their fo rmal educat i o n .
This reality pre c i p i t ated a deb at e — wh i ch still rage s — over the kind of
e d u c ational ex p e riences that should be provided for terminal students.
Should the aim be to provide them with a marke t able skill, plus an add e d
i n c rement of ge n e ral education? A l t e rn at ive ly, should ge n e ral educat i o n
c o n t i nue to be the main object, plus the development of the skills re q u i re d
to learn a skill— while re lying on future employment ex p e riences and
i n-s e rvice training to act as sources for the acquisition of specific skills?
If the latter aim was to preva i l , wh at kind of ge n e ral education should be
p rovided? Should it be a pale facsimile of the old pre-u n ive rsity sch o o l
p rogra m , p ap e ring over a mass of students with a common cultural fa c e ?
Or should it be a new kind of ge n e ral education? And wh at ever the
c o n t e n t , h ow could this re fo rmed educational system be made to spre a d
re s p e c t ab i l i t y, q u a l i t y, and pre s t i ge eve n ly among its va rious part s , so that
its student body would not be sharp ly divided between fi rs t - class and
s e c o n d-class citize n s ?
E ven under static circumstances there would be sharp divisions of opi-
nion among educat o rs about how to give concrete ex p ression to educat i o-
nal aims wh e re the object in view is to train students for specific pra c t i c a l
jobs. Th e re would also be sharp divisions about the ways in wh i ch to esta-
blish a system of student counseling (or ori e n t ation) that would help bu i l d
a re l i able bri d ge between students and their nat u ral talents, and betwe e n
both the latter and realistic employment prospects. But the current case
has been made more complex because of the incre a s i n g ly dominant role of
science and tech n o l ogy in the life of individuals and their societies. Can
a ny job-o riented kind of training wh i ch the schools are cap able of prov i-
ding ke ep pace with a wo rld that is rap i d ly and ceaselessly being tra n s-
fo rmed by the impact of revo l u t i o n a ry developments in science and tech-
n o l ogy ?
The question not only haunts educat o rs concerned with vo c ational and
t e chnical education in the secondary schools. It has fo rced a re c o n-
s i d e ration of new and enlarged educational aims with respect to ge n e ra l
e d u c ation itself and the proper role of mat h e m atics and science at eve ry
l evel of educat i o n , i n cluding adult educat i o n .
Wh at is at issue here is not mere ly the production of scientists and tech-
nicians but the production of a scientifi c a l ly and tech n i c a l ly literat e
people who can live safe ly and sanely in a new kind of wo rl d. Indeed,
Inside the Educational System 103
man's gre at ach i evements in science have added a new dimension to the
c o n t rove rsy among educat o rs about the aims of education. The camp of
the 'modernists' argues for a wholesale revision of the earlier cl a s s i c a l
c o n c epts of humanism and 'culture.' Th ey observe that , along with the
gre at humanistic ach i evements of the past in the spheres of the litera ry
a rts and the plastic art s , the human animal has now ex p ressed himself with
stunning power in the cre at ivity that has marked his development of scien-
ce and tech n o l ogy. Th e s e, t h e re fo re, should be accorded their ri g h t f u l
place and value in any humanistic curriculum. The camp of the 'tra d i t i o-
nalists,' on the other hand, resists this argument. Th ey insist on maintai-
ning the older concepts and spirit of humanism both of wh i ch have been
f ro zen in the content of a curriculum and in a faculty stru c t u re wh i ch pre-
d ate by many ge n e rations the recent onset of a new scientific and tech n o-
l ogical revo l u t i o n .
The cro s s-tensions in educational aims are well illustrated by the in-
c reased emphasis in many nations on the teaching of modern fo reign lan-
g u age s , a rising because these nations meet more and more fre q u e n t ly in
the wo rld arena at many diffe rent points of contact—economic, p o l i t i c a l ,
m i l i t a ry, s c i e n t i fi c, and tech n o l ogical. The new need for precise interc o m-
mu n i c ation is acutely felt among the industri a l ly advanced nations. But it
is perhaps even more acutely felt among the developing nat i o n s , who fa c e
the need to commu n i c ate in the languages of the industri a l ly adva n c e d
n ations—in whom they see the arbiters of their fat e. Thus there rises a
clash between the tra d i t i o n a l i s t s — who would continue to teach both an
ancient and a modern fo reign language as a key to the understanding of
their own or another culture and to the ap p re c i ation of its finest literat u-
re—and the prag m at i s t s , who would teach a fo reign language fi rst and
fo remost for its practical utility.
Th e re is a strong case to be made for most if not all of the specific new
tasks that fit into an enlarged frame of educational aims. But is it possibl e
to ach i eve them all? Is it possible to pursue a multiplicity of educat i o n a l
a i m s , while spreading educational opportunities to a larger portion of the
total population—and to do this without suffe ring an erosion of quality
wh i ch will impair all the aims? IS there not a grave risk that in seeking to
adjust its old aims and pri o rities to accommodate new ones, and in its
anxiety to please eve ryo n e, an educational system may find itself with a
confusion of aims, With no pri o rities at all, and fo rced to re s o rt to pap i e r
m â ché to conceal its bare spots? We cannot pretend to have answe rs fo r
s u ch questions, but hopefully wh at fo l l ows will shed a little light upon
them.
To say this is not to anat h e m at i ze the systems. Rat h e r, it is to sym-

p at h i ze with their plight. One of the gre atest difficulties facing an edu-
c ational system and the community it serves invo l ves the task of defi n i n g
its aims and setting its pri o rities in operational terms that are clear and
meaningful. The second and equal difficulty invo l ves the task of deter-
mining how well the system is re a l ly doing when its actual output is we i-
ghed against its pro fessed aims.
The system is always subject to a strong temptation to bu ry its real dif-
ficulties about aims in a compromise among rival views—a compro m i s e
t h at seems on the surface to be a fine wo rk of group diplomacy, but actual-
ly dodges the hard but essential business of making clear decisions ab o u t
p ri o rities. Pa rt of the same temptation is to assume that all educat i o n a l
subjects are of equal import a n c e, t h at no single one should be sub-
o rd i n ated to any other, t h at all are indispensable components of an educa-
tional system, t h at the system is cap able of sustaining the accretions of
n ew subjects without cutting into the old, and that all, t h e re fo re, should be
granted equal time and re s o u rc e s .
In the practice of medicine, s u rge o n s , when fo rced to ch o o s e, will sacri-
fice a limb in order to save a life. Yet in the case of educational systems,
a concept of 'hori zontal pri o rities,' wh e re equal time and equal re s o u rc e s
a re to be allocated to all the aims of educat i o n , can reve rse the order of
values common in medicine. It can find the systems sacri ficing their ow n
l i fe in order to save one of their limbs. Common sense would nat u ra l ly
p rotest against such a topsy-t u rvy ch o i c e. Yet there are disturbing signs
t h at many educational systems appear to be making it in the day-t o-d ay
p u rsuit of their educational aims.
Quality and Content: The Main Object of the System

OPPOSITE CLAIMS ABOUT RECENT CURRICULUM CHANGES • T WO WAYS
OF VIEWING EDUCAT I O NAL QUALITY • NEW PEDAGOGICAL PROBLEMS
POSED BY NEW CLIENTELES • IMPEDIMENTS TO FLOW OF NEW
K N OWLEDGE INTO CLASSROOMS • INFLUENCE OF PRESTIGE PATTERNS ON QUA-
LITY OF T E ACHER INPUTS.
If educational systems we re to be judged solely by the size of student

e n ro l l m e n t s , the question of a crisis in the content and quality of these
systems would not ari s e. But if we agre e, as we obv i o u s ly mu s t , t h at edu-
c ational systems exist to teach students, not produce stat i s t i c s , then in
j u d ging the content and quality of the systems, we must ask: Wh at have
.
105 Inside the Educational System
the students actually been learning? How mu ch have they learn e d, h ow

well and how fast? Is there any diffe rence between wh at and how well stu-
dents are now learn i n g, and wh at and how well their pre d e c e s s o rs learn e d
b e fo re the 1950's?
These are among the most difficult questions that arise in pedagogy. In
t rying to come to grips With them, we can easily go astray if we ove r-
s i m p l i f y, ove rge n e ra l i ze, ove rreact—or if we seek only wh at we want to
fi n d, and find only wh at we seek. It is far better to admit stra i g h t-o ff, a s
we here do, t h at the truth pro b ably lies in a union of two contra d i c t o ry sta-
tements wh i ch bear on the questions just aske d.
One of the two statements goes like this: In many places, the stru c t u-
re, m e t h o d s , and content of the curriculum have been ch a n ged more tho-
ro u g h ly in the past decade than in any previous decades. Th ey have
been updated and made more efficient by being made more re l evant to
the student and his env i ronment. A gre at many students, t h e re fo re, a re
l e a rning more and learning it better than ever their pre d e c e s s o rs did.
M o re has not meant wo rs e. The talk about a decline in quality should
t h e re fo re be met with some skep t i c i s m , for a good deal of it emanat e s
f rom oliga rchical circles as part of their ge n e ral polemical war aga i n s t
the modern i z ation and democrat i z ation of any aspect of the educat i o n
t h ey knew.
The second stat e m e n t , wh i ch dire c t ly contradicts the fi rs t , comes fro m
f ro n t-line ve t e rans of educational wa rs , who deserve a hearing if only out
of a decent respect for their battle scars. The full Swe ep of their cri t i c i s m
of educational systems exceeds in pitch anything heard befo re. In essence,
t h ey argue that mu ch of the present content of education is obsolete and
i rre l eva n t , t h at it does not serve the purposes of students who will live in
the twe n t y-fi rst century. These cri t i c s , it should be add e d, do not say that
m o re inhere n t ly leads to wo rs e. Th ey say it has led to wo rse —in the
i n d u s t ri a l i zed and developing countries alike — p ri n c i p a l ly because of a
c ritical confusion in the standards that educational systems have invo ke d
in trying to provide for more educat i o n .
We can draw a little closer to the common frontier of truth in the con-
t ra d i c t o ry views just ske t ched in, if we fi rst try to cl a rify the meaning of
the two widely used—and abu s e d — t e rm s , 'quality' and 'standard s . '
The Intern ational Institute for Educational Planning put that task of cl a-
ri fi c ation to a symposium it convened on the subject 'The Qualitat ive
Aspects of Educational Planning. '23 In their re s p o n s e, the part i c i p at i n g
23. IIEP, Q u a l i t at ive Aspects of Educational Planning, op. cit.

ex p e rts found it useful to distinguish between two diffe rent ways of view-
ing quality. One way invo l ved a view of quality from within the educa-
tional system in the light of its own internal cri t e ria. An example might be
a pro file of student perfo rmance based on a standard ex a m i n ation such as
the Cambri d ge or the West A f rican School Examination Cert i fi c at e, t h e
Fre n ch ' b a c, ' or the United states 'college boards.' The other way ( as we
h ave noted alre a dy in our discussion of educational outputs) is to view the
q u a l i t at ive perfo rmance of an educational system by ex t e rn a l c ri t e ri a ,
s u ch as its fitness and re l evance to the needs of its env i ro n m e n t .
These two diffe rent angles of vision for assessing a school system can
lead to quite diffe rent conclusions. The quality and effi c i e n cy of a sch o o l
m ay be high according to its own internal standards. But if its teach i n g,
j u d ged by ex t e rnal cri t e ri a , is obsolete and irre l evant for its place and
t i m e, then its quality and effi c i e n cy must be considered poor.
By the route of this analy s i s , the ex p e rienced educat o rs and assort e d
social scientists who took part in the IIEP symposium moved on towa rd a
number of re l ated questions. We re the educational 'standards' of 1900 the
right ones for today? We re the educational standards of an industri a l i ze d
c o u n t ry fit to be ex p o rted to and embraced by a developing one? Should
s t a n d a rds be 'unive rsal,' or should they be ge a red to the special circ u m-
stances confronting a given country or region at a given moment in time?
The symposium participants unanimously answe red that educational stan-
d a rds—if they are to make any sense and serve any useful purp o s e — mu s t
be viewed as being re l at ive to the particular purp o s e, p l a c e, and time of
the student cl i e n t e l e. A ny other basis for judging standards and quality
was pointless in terms of a nation's deve l o p m e n t .
We are persuaded that the view wh i ch dominated that symposium is
right. We are further persuaded that an action-c o ro l l a ry fo l l ows dire c t ly
f rom it. The manage rs of educational systems must set their sights on
a d apting the educational curriculums and standards to the realities of the
s i t u ation they fa c e, a n d, in doing so, t h ey must try to harm o n i ze the inter-
nal and ex t e rnal cri t e ria of quality. This does not mean the substitution of
' s e c o n d-class' for 'fi rs t-class' educational aims and curriculums. It means
raising a standard of ex c e l l e n c e, wh i ch may take diffe rent fo rms as among
n ations but in wh i ch the common cri t e rion for excellence is the extent to
wh i ch the education being offe red fits the real needs and va l u e s , c u rre n t-
ly and pro s p e c t ive ly, of a given country.
Wh at is the altern at ive to this view? It is to cling dog m at i c a l ly to ye s-
t e rd ay's curriculums and standards—to tre at them as absolutes wh e n
t h ey are re a l ly contingencies. Or wo rs e, it is to borrow a curriculum and
s t a n d a rds from another nat i o n — a l re a dy outmoded there, and all the more
unsuited to the situation of the borrowing nation. The idea of 'intern a-
tional standards' is a necessary and proper guide to education in special
cases wh e re unive rsal norms do in fact exist—as in the training of solid-
s t ate physicists or of pilots for commercial jets. With respect to the fi rs t
of these, a nything short of the 'best' would result in sheer waste; with re-
spect to the second, the result would be a disaster. But leaving such spe-
cial cases out of account, wh at is the inex o rable result when a nat i o n
angles the whole of its pri m a ry or secondary school curriculum to another
n ation's pat t e rn , either in the name of progre s s , or to ensure that a fra c t i o n
of its students will qualify for entry into the unive rsities of the other
n ation? The inex o rable result is to divo rce the educational system of the
i m i t ating nation from the real needs, c o n d i t i o n s , and aspirations of its
s o c i e t y. It is to pursue an ab s t raction Wh i ch draws that nation away fro m
an education strat egy that can help its development. It is to waste the scar-
ce re s o u rces invested in educat i o n , and thus make it a concealed sab o t e u r
of national deve l o p m e n t .
To say this is to describe wh at has actually been happening in many
d eveloping countri e s , p a rt i c u l a rly the new ly independent ones. Th ey have
not looked square ly at themselves in order to frame their educational mea-
s u res in the light of wh e re they stand and wh e re they are heading. Instead,
t h ey have too fre q u e n t ly tried to engraft on themselves the educat i o n a l
d o c t ri n e s , fo rm s , c o n t e n t , ri t u a l s , and indicat o rs of quality and standard s
of other countries. It is far easier, of cours e, to point to wh at is irre l eva n t
and wrong in such situat i o n s , than to say wh at would be right and better.
To find out the right and better things to do re q u i res enormous ex p l o rat i o n
and discove ry. But be that as it may, the hard fact remains that until these
n ations extend their decl a rations of independence to their educational sys-
t e m s , the latter will remain in a condition of cri s i s , while the pro d u c t iv i t y
of their educational investment Will remain considerably lower than the
l evels that can and must be at t a i n e d.
The developing countries of A f rica and Asia wh i ch derived their 'fo u n-
ding' educational models from European systems now share with them a
f u rther ch a l l e n ging aspect of educational content and quality. The ch a l-
l e n ge, t o u ched upon prev i o u s ly, a rises from the current effo rts of virt u a l-
ly all educational systems to open their doors wider than befo re and to
s e rve larger nu m b e rs than ever befo re of young people who come fro m
families of lower educat i o n a l , e c o n o m i c, and social stat u s .
As we have alre a dy noted, s chools and unive rsities have a simplifi e d
task when the students they serve have a re l at ive ly homogeneous educa-
tional and social back ground and when they have been fi l t e red thro u g h
s u c c e s s ive fi n e-meshed academic screens designed to filter out a re s i d u e
of the 'best perfo rm e rs.' But enorm o u s ly complex pro blems arise when a
ve s t-p o cke t , ' h i g h-quality' educational system, whose main function has
been to produce an elite, is asked to enlarge itself in order to serve a mass
of students who are dive rs i fied in almost eve ry respect. It is as if a spe-
c i a l i zed gift shop for the we l l-t o-do was summoned to conve rt itself into
a massive dep a rtment store for consumers of eve ry descri p t i o n , i n cl u d i n g
a thrift basement for those in straitened circ u m s t a n c e s .
A small, 'high quality,' elitist-o riented educational system wh i ch mu s t
expand and democrat i ze itself cannot cling to the old logi s t i c s , c u rri c u-
l u m , and hallowed monolithic standards. Unless these are sharp ly altere d
to meet new demands, the system is bound to perfo rm badly while enro l l-
ments expand rap i d ly. Dropouts and fa i l u res will mount unconscionably
h i g h , quality will decline (by the old standard s ) , and fru s t rations will ri s e.
The whole system will then come under heavy fi re from standpat t e rs and
re fo rm e rs alike, i n cluding especially the students. Indeed, all this is
o c c u rring in many of the educational systems of we s t e rn Euro p e, and in
those of the developing nations that took their earlier educational models
f rom European systems. Th ey have not made swe eping adap t at i o n s
c o n gruous with the new needs of a new era. While they mean to become
m o re 'democratic' by serving the ri ch and poor alike in rap i d ly grow i n g
nu m b e rs , t h ey have remained bound to the educational pat t e rns and norm s
ap p ro p ri ate to an earlier age and purp o s e.
H ow to make necessary educational ch a n ge s , and wh at fo rms these
should take, will be questions destined to nag the industri a l i zed countri e s
for ye a rs to come. And it must be emphasized that present pedagogi c a l
k n ow l e d ge and re s e a rch shed but a wan shaft of light on wh at the pro p e r
a n swe rs to the questions should be. But the prospects of the industri a l i ze d
c o u n t ries in this respect seem smooth compared to the plight of the deve-
loping nations. Their educational systems, ch a rged with the task of hel-
ping to bring their ancient societies sudd e n ly into the last third of the
t wentieth century, do not have the adva n t age of ri ch env i ronmental sup-
p o rts for education such as the industri a l i zed countries enjoy. Th ey lack ,
for ex a m p l e, a broad base of adult litera cy, or elab o rate systems of info r-
m at i o n-b e a ring mass media, or an at m o s p h e re irra d i ated by liv i n g
examples of high culture and modern science. In ru ral areas especially,
their schools are called upon to launch a child from a stat i c, a n c i e n t , a n d
i m p ove rished env i ronment into a dazzling new wo rld of modern ideas,
o u t l o o k s , k n ow l e d ge, and ga d gets. At the same time, h oweve r, t h ey
a re cautioned not to alienate the Child from his own cultural heri t age, o r
f rom the practical development needs of his own neighborhood. How can
t h ey meet these dive rse and often clashing ex p e c t ations? To do so wo u l d
tax the wisdom of the wo rld's finest teach e rs in its best-e n d owed sch o o l s .
But these are not found in the ru ral areas of the developing countri e s .
As if the difficulties just described we re not enough to cre ate a crisis in
the content and quality of educat i o n , t h e re is a further diffi c u l t y. In fo rm ,
it is the stra i g h t fo r wa rd pro blem of how to ke ep the content of cl a s s ro o m
e d u c ation up-t o-d ate with the rap i d ly advancing fro n t i e rs of know l e d ge.
In theory, the cl a s s rooms of the wo rld should have re a dy access to the
gre at and growing stockpile of human know l e d ge. In fa c t , h oweve r, a bar-
rier stands between them and know l e d ge. Wh at seeps thro u g h , u s u a l ly tar-
d i ly, comes mainly through two 'know l e d ge conduits'—textbooks and tea-
ch e rs. (Students themselve s , of cours e, a re an important third conduit of
k n ow l e d ge into the cl a s s ro o m , but the know l e d ge they bring often does
not confo rm to wh at the official curriculum calls fo r. ) In an age when the
quantity of human know l e d ge is doubling eve ry decade, the textbook and
the teach e r, for all too familiar re a s o n s , i n ev i t ably become purveyo rs of
obsolete know l e d ge. The obsolete, m o re ove r, not only perp e t u ates itself in
the content of educat i o n , but in the methods for conveying know l e d ge — o r
to add a further point, in the ve ry arch i t e c t u re of the school. Yet all the
wh i l e, in the wo rld beyond the sch o o l , eve rything moves at a swift pace—
ch a n ges in know l e d ge, ch a n ges in tech n o l ogi e s , ch a n ges in job re q u i re-
m e n t s , shifts in populat i o n .
The obvious infe rence to be drawn from these many ch a n ges has been
s t ated in a previous place, but wa rrants repetition here. Educational sys-
tems must undergo a shift of emphasis. The new stress must be not so
mu ch on producing an e d u c at e d p e rson as on producing an e d u c abl e p e r-
son who can learn and adapt himself effi c i e n t ly all through his life to an
e nv i ronment that is ceaselessly ch a n gi n g. If an educational system itself is
not adap t able to ch a n ging env i ronmental conditions, h ow can it expect to
p roduce people who are ?
Wh at has just been asked fo rces US to reconsider the question of tea-
cher input into the school systems, and to do so because of its bearing on
the subject of educational content and quality. Education does at t ract a
c o n s i d e rable number of highly cre at ive, a d ap t abl e, and dedicated people.
On the wh o l e, h oweve r, most educational systems at t ract a teaching fo rc e
wh i ch at best is at the ave rage level of ge n e ral competence of the system's
total gra d u ate output. Th ey can hard ly be expected to be cre at ive, i n-
n ovat ive, and ingenious people, e s p e c i a l ly when the nat u re of their wo rk-
load seldom gives them time to re fl e c t , to re n ew their own know l e d ge, t o

ex p e ri m e n t , and to eva l u ate the results of their effo rts. Nor can mira cl e s
be expected of school systems, given the way they are orga n i zed and staf-
fe d, and their wo rking time and tools.
F u rt h e r, the sociology and pre s t i ge pat t e rns of educational systems are
a major obstacle to ach i eving good quality in the 'newer' bra n ches of lear-
n i n g, e s p e c i a l ly in the 'terminal' and tech n i c a l ly oriented programs of
n ew ly dive rs i fied secondary school systems. The old classical 'pre-u n i-
ve rsity' course remains king. The best teach e rs grav i t ate towa rd its thro n e,
and the best students are drawn to it with them, even though their real fi rs t
choice may lie elsewh e re.
The often unhap py ex p e riences with educational re fo rms of re c e n t
ye a rs , aimed part i c u l a rly at a dive rs i fi c ation of education at the seconda-
ry school leve l , m a ke one thing ve ry cl e a r. The need to deal with the
p ro blems of educational content and quality posed by a ch a n gi n g
e nv i ronment will not be met mere ly by re s t ru c t u ring the educational sys-
tems in a fo rmal way. Th at is, it will not be met mere ly by making ro o m
for new tra ffic pat t e rns of student fl ows and new bra n ches of learn i n g,
ex p ressed in new programs re a ched through new channels. Th e re mu s t
also be a ch a n ge in the teach e rs and their methods. Eve ry means must be
used to end the old 'pecking order' of status wh i ch tends to insist, a u t o-
m at i c a l ly, t h at eve rything new in education is 'second class.' Students
must also be more effe c t ive ly guided into those educational channels that
hold the gre atest promise to them pers o n a l ly, besides serving their
n ation's needs. With this in mind, let us consider next the issues of edu-
c ational tech n o l ogy, re s e a rch , and innovat i o n .
Te ch n o l ogy, R e s e a rch , and Innovat i o n

CLASHING VIEWS ABOUT NEW EDUCAT I O NAL TECHNOLOGIES
• MEANING OF EDUCAT I O NAL TECHNOLOGY ILLUSTRATED • A N C I E N T
ORIGINS OF EDUCATION’S TECHNOLOGY • ARCHITECTURAL IMPEDIMENTS
TO NEW T E ACHING PROCESSES • ROLE OF EDUCAT I O NAL RESEARCH •
SIGNS OF PRO G R E S S.
A re fe rence to tech n o l ogy made in the course of a discussion about edu-

c ation often conjures up either a utopian or a cat a clysmic vision among
m e m b e rs of the audience. In the utopian vision, t e ch n o l ogy means-a ma-
chine with magic powe rs. Tu rn on a sw i t ch , ap p ly the machine to the

ch i l d, and the obstacles of traditional pedagogy melt away. The child in a
twinkling of an eye is infused With know l e d ge whose quantity and quali-
ty will lead to gre ater marvels when he comes of age. Even better, s i n c e
the machine costs so little on a per capita student basis, yet can do so
mu ch for so many on a grand scale, it makes possible a sharp reduction in
s chool costs.
In the cat a clysmic vision, t e ch n o l ogy also means a mach i n e — but a
malign one wh e re education is concern e d. Geared to wo rk in a self reg u-
l ating way, it kills in students the intuitive value judgment, the leap of the
i m agi n at i o n , the way wa rd but luminous question. It stuffs the student only
with facts and allows for no dialog u e. It thus denies him precious educ tio-
nal qualities—attitudes of mind, styles of thinking, d epths of ap p re c i a-
t i o n — t h at can be acquired only by a continuous and direct ex p o s u re of the
pupil to the teacher over long periods. Wo rse still, the machine means that
t e a ch e rs will be put out of jobs.
Th e re is a connection between the utopian vision and re a l-l i fe ep i s o d e s
wh e re educational systems have made hasty, wa s t e f u l , and even harm f u l
i nvestments in 'ga d gets.' Th e re is also a connection between the cat a-
clysmic vision and other re a l-l i fe episodes marked by strong opposition to
a ny suggestion for cri t i c a l ly re-examining education's Customary ways of
doing things, or for developing and testing new educational methods with
the object of improving both the educational and economic effi c i e n cy of
the existing ord e r.
In our own view, h oweve r, both visions conceive of educational tech-
n o l ogy in too narrow a way. Educational tech n o l ogy, b ro a d ly conceive d,
i n cludes all the diffe rent methods, m at e ri a l s , e q u i p m e n t , and logi s t i c a l
a rra n gements employed by education to further its wo rk. These ra n ge
f rom the lecture method to the Socratic dialog u e, f rom the seminar to the
d rill session. Th ey include the bl a ck b o a rd, d e s k , and textbook; the
p u p i l-t e a cher ratio and the layout of cl a s s rooms and corri d o rs; the ch ro n o -
l ogical grade system, the academic calendar, and the school bell that
p u n c t u ates time into modular units; the ex a m i n ations and grades that
i n fluence the students' futures. Each of these is an integral part of a 'sys-
tem' and a 'process' whose ultimate objective is to induce learn i n g.
From this descri p t i o n , it should become ap p a rent that a dispute ab o u t
the tech n o l ogy of education Wh i ch is confined to the question of wh e t h e r
or not to use the 'machines' comprising the 'new media,' poses the wro n g
question. The real issue is whether all the ways of doing things carri e d
over from the past are still re l evant and sufficient to education's needs,
or whether certain subtractions and additions would improve the situat i o n .

In short , the issue is whether it is necessary, d e s i rabl e, and possible to
recast fundamentally the whole of education's tech n o l ogy, combining the
best of the old and the modern in ways that will fo rm am essentially new,
i n t egrated 'system' of teaching and learn i n g, c ap able of yielding better
results for any given level of effo rt .
We can deal with this issue with more élan if we re a l i ze that the basis
for education's tech n o l ogy was not decreed by a voice sounding out of a
bu rning bush. To d ay's tech n o l ogy of education is mainly the! product of a
gre at historical stream made up of trial and erro r, occasional outbu rsts of
gre at individual inge nuity and pers u a s i o n , of long practice and imitat i o n ,
and of sheer habit. Ta ke the pupil-t e a cher ratio as an ex a m p l e. It is one of
the most sacrosanct of education's art i cles of faith. It has withstood the
rep e ated siege of re s e a rch results wh i ch suggest no fi xed re l ationship bet-
ween the size of a class and how mu ch is learn e d. Other va ri ables obv i o u s-
ly have more to do with wh at is learn e d — va ri ables such as the quality of
the teacher and the pare n t s , the supply of teaching mat e ri a l s , the style and
tone of the sch o o l , the health and nourishment of the pupils. Wh e re, t h e n ,
did the concept ori gi n ate that a one to twe n t y-five or one to thirt y
p u p i l-t e a cher ratio was the 'ideal' to be aimed at? An enterp rising histori a n
fi n a l ly traced the matter back to a doctrine derived from the Ta l mud Bab a
B at h ra wh i ch contains this instru c t i o n :
One teacher is to have twe n t y-five pupils; if they be fi f t y, then two teach e rs must be
appointed; if they be fo rt y, the teacher has to have an assistant. 2 4
The talmudic doctri n e, an oral tradition to begin with, was laid dow n
long befo re printed tex t b o o k s , bl a ck b o a rd s , fi l m s , ra d i o , t e l evision and
other modern teaching aids we re heard of. It ap p a re n t ly made a grand tour
of educational systems elsewh e re and persisted in its influence despite all
subsequent ch a n ge s , i n cluding the invention of movable type and the
p e n e t ration of sch o o l rooms and unive rsities by the book:.
S t i l l , the persistence of this doctrine is not surp rising when one re c a l l s
t h at eve ry new tech n o l ogical instrument proposed as a tool of learning has
a lways been opposed. Even the adoption of the written wo rd in place of
the tutorial oral tradition of instruction through a dialectic was stro n g ly
o p p o s e d, and by no less gre at a teacher than Socrates. In wa rning ab o u t
the dange rs of written know l e d ge, S o c rates said::
24. sir Eric A s h by, F. R . S. , ' R e flections on Te ch n o l ogy in Education,' The Jo s ep h

Wu n s ch Lecture, 1966 (Haifa : Te ch n i o n , I s rael Institute of Te ch n o l b gy, 1 9 6 1 ) .
For thi s i nven ti on of yo u r s wi ll produc e f o rg etfulne s s in t he mind s of th ose

who l earn i t, by ca us ing th em to negle ct t h eir me mory ina sm u ch as , f rom the
c o n fiden ce in w ri t i n g, t h ey will re col l ect by the ex t e rnal a id o f fo reign s ym-
bols and not by t he int er nal u se of thei r own f a c u l t i e s .
He objected to written wo rk on another gro u n d :
A nd s o i t i s w i t h w r i tt en d i s c o u rs es . Yo u c o ul d fa n c y t h ey s pe a k a s th o u g h
t h ey w e r e p o s s es se d o f se n se , bu t if y ou w i sh to u n d e rs t a n d so me th i n g
t h e y sa y, a n d q u e st io n t h e m a b o u t it , y o u f i n d th e m eve r re p e a t i n g t he o ne
a n d th e s el f- s a m e s t or y.
G iven this tradition of resistance to ch a n ge, it is not surp rising that ,

while fantastic revolutions have occurred in the last fifty ye a rs in the tech-
n o l ogies of industry, agri c u l t u re, t ra n s p o rt at i o n , c o m mu n i c at i o n s , a n d
we ap o n ry, this has not been the case with education's tech n o l ogy. It is tru e
t h at new things have been add e d, and old things improve d. But for the
most part , these have been superimposed like ge o l ogical strata on the
b e d ro ck methods and logistics that have prevailed for ge n e rations. Th e re
has been no fundamental re s h u ffling and re o rd e ring of ava i l able tech-
n o l ogies to cre ate a new synthesis of educational methods.
E ven when there has been a clear sign of ch a n ge in one mat t e r, a cl o s e
look at it usually reveals that the ch a n ge proceeds on the assumption that
nothing else Will ch a n ge. This is the case, for ex a m p l e, when fi l m s , o r
wo rk b o o k s , or television lessons, or language lab o rat o ri e s , a re simply
a dded to wh at is alre a dy going on, the latter being perp e t u ated with little
if any ch a n ge. Another case in point is the state of school arch i t e c t u re.
Th e re has been an energetic search for ways to build sat i s fa c t o ry sch o o l
buildings more ch e ap ly, t h rough ap p lying modern industrial methods of
p re fab ri c ation and modular dimensions, and a gre ater use of basic designs
t h at can be rep e ated with ap p ro p ri ate modifi c ations. Many of these inno-
vations in arch i t e c t u re and constru c t i o n , h oweve r, h ave implicitly assumed
t h at teaching methods and the internal logistics of schools will re m a i n
mu ch the same in the future. Wh at is actually needed is not simply less
ex p e n s ive bu i l d i n g s , but buildings suffi c i e n t ly fl ex i ble to per[nit new
ways of teaching and learning to go on within them, rather than bu i l d i n g s
wh i ch will bl o ckade new methods.
Some wise person once observe d : ' Fi rst we shape our bu i l d i n g s , t h e n
t h ey shape us.' This is education's whole history. Th e re are beginning to
be interesting dep a rt u res from the old norm s , but the self-contained cl a s s-
room still rules. With its ri gid wa l l s , the self-contained cl a s s room has fo r
ge n e rations been the monk's cell of the educational process. It was and
is still designed, even in the newest sch o o l s , to accommodate one tea-
cher (at a desk befo re a bl a ck b o a rd ) , a pre s c ribed number of pupils (ar-
ra n ged ge o m e t ri c a l ly at desks facing the teach e r ) , wall space for a few
ex h i b i t s , a cabinet in wh i ch to ke ep precious books and other teach i n g
aids. At the sound of the opening bell, the process gets under way. A
whole school of these cells, re s e m bling the space modules of an egg
c rat e, fi rst fills up with yo u n g s t e rs , and soon the familiar teach i n g-l e a r-
ning process begins. At another sound of the bell, the cells flush out
their 'learn e rs,' who swe ep down the wide corri d o rs to other cells and
other subjects. Each subject gets equal time. The corri d o rs cost a gre at
deal and are used but a fraction of the time. The same applies to the
a u d i t o rium and the lunch ro o m .
Once this building is built to fit education's traditional tech n o l ogy, i t
stands fi rm ly for at least two or three ge n e rations to thwa rt any seri o u s
ch a n ges in the traditional dep l oyment of space, t i m e, and students. Th i s
fact adds a note of urge n cy to the innovat ive effo rts now going on, p a r-
t i c u l a rly in the United States (with encouragement from the Fo rd Fo u n-
d at i o n-b a cked Educational Facilities Lab o rat o ry) and through Unesco's
a dv i s o ry program on school constru c t i o n , to circ u m vent these bri ck and
plaster impediments to new educational tech n o l ogi e s — by designing
buildings wh i ch foster learning and invite innovation rather than hampe-
ring them.25
Yet an improvement in the arch i t e c t u ral shell encasing the educat i o n a l
p rocess cannot, by itself, b ring about needed ch a n ges within the pro c e s s
i t s e l f. The triangular disconnection between education's tech n o l ogy on
one side, the tidal wave of new students on a second side, and a teach e r
s h o rt age on the third side, is a deep ly disturbing re a l i t y. Thoughtful lead-
e rs of education have not only taken notice of it but have cri t i c i zed the dis-
connection in the stro n gest language. Thus in speaking of 'methods of tea-
ching and fo rgetting' to a confe rence of educat o rs in India re c e n t ly, D r.
Malcolm A d i s e s h i a h , the Deputy Dire c t o r-G e n e ral of Unesco, s a i d :
L o o k e d a t a s a b u s i n e s s en t e r p ri s e , t h e s c h o o l a n d t h e c o l l e g e p r e s e n t a
w o eb eg o n e s p e c t a c l e. We f i n d i n e d u c a t i o n a n an t ed i l u v i an t ec h n o l o g y
w h i c h w o u l d n o t s u r v iv e f o r a n i n s t a n t i n a n y o t h e r e c o n o m i c s e c t o r.
T h e t e a ch i n g m et h od s a n d l e ar n i n g t e c h n i q u es . . . a r e r u s t y, c ra n k y a n d
a n t i q u at e d .
25. J. Bey n o n , ' E d u c ational A rch i t e c t u re v. Educational Change,' in E d u c ational Costs

and Pro d u c t iv i t y ( Pa ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, December 1967) (mimeograp h e d ) .
Inside the Educational System
115
Nor was this all. Dr. Adiseshiah stressed the linkage between a stand-s t i l l
t e ch n o l ogy and a low-grade quality and content of educat i o n , found espe-
c i a l ly in many developing countri e s :
T he l e a rn i n g t ec h n iq u e s . . . r e m a i n t h e s a me : th e ro t e me t h o d , t h e t e ch -
n i q ue o f c r a m m i n g , a n d , o n c e th e ex a m i n a ti o n m e n a c e i s p a s s e d , o f f o r -
g e t t in g a ll t he s e u s e le s s im p e d im e n t a . Th e ex a m i n at i o n s ys t em i s no t a n
ev a l u at i o n o f a s t u d e nt ' s p e r so n a li t y a n d i n t e l le c tu a l eq u i p m en t , h i s
p o we r s o f t hi n k i ng f or h im se l f , r e fl e c t i o n a n d re a s o n i n g . I t is a c h a l l e n g e
t o r e s o u rc e f u l d e c e p t io n a n d d i sp l a y o f su p e r fi ci al c l ev e rn e s s . 2 6
The solution often advo c ated for conditions such as these is 'more edu-
c ational re s e a rch.' Ye t , i ro n i c a l ly, the absence of a strong innovat ive spiri t
in educational systems is tra c e able in part to the ve ry nat u re of tra d i t i o n a l
e d u c ational re s e a rch. Not only was it starved for re s o u rc e s , both money
and talent, but for ye a rs it tended to stag n ate in quiet intellectual back-
wat e rs isolated from the main stream of scientific re s e a rch and deve l o p-
ment. The dominant ch a racter of educational re s e a rch in Europe for a long
time was more philosophical than ex p e ri m e n t a l , m o re humanistic than
s c i e n t i fi c, m o re theoretical than empirical. In North A m e ri c a , a new bre e d
of 'educational re s e a rch e rs' who grew up in the gra d u ate schools of edu-
c at i o n , chased there by the older disciplines, sought to emu l ate the social
s c i e n c e s , e s p e c i a l ly in the quantitat ive measurement of things. In fa c t ,
h oweve r, the re s e a rch e rs we re mainly ignored by and isolated from the
major social scientists of the unive rsity commu n i t y, and their re s e a rch wa s
a l s o , to a considerable ex t e n t , i s o l ated from the practical pro blems and
e nv i ronment of ord i n a ry schools themselve s .
Th u s , mu ch of 'educational re s e a rch' until ve ry re c e n t ly, though beari n g
the superficial hallmarks of scientific re s e a rch , was essentially phil-
osophical or descri p t ive in nat u re. It was not within the modem scientifi c
t radition of ri go rous analy t i c a l , ex p e ri m e n t a l , and developmental re s e a rch
t h at was producing notable results elsewh e re. Furt h e r, e d u c ational re-
s e a rch for the most part was a fragmented collection of sporadic and in-
e ffectual at t a ck s — e s p e c i a l ly by Ph.D. candidates—either on pro bl e m s
wh i ch by their ve ry nat u re re q u i red a bro a d-scale and sustained at t a ck , o r
else on trivial but manage able topics of little basic signifi c a n c e. Little
wo n d e r, t h e n , t h at for many ye a rs educational re s e a rch was not held in
26. Malcolm A d i s e s h i a h , ' E d u c ation and National Development,' in Unesco Chro n i cl e,

X I I I , no. 2 ( Pa n s : U n e s c o , Feb ru a ry 1967 ) .
high rega rd, even by practicing educat o rs. Little wo n d e r, a l s o , t h at it had

d i fficulty at t racting talent and re s o u rces and, with some notable ex c ep-
t i o n s , had little impact on the practices and course of events in educat i o n a l
systems.
The iro ny is that the educational system, wh i ch has been so mu ch the
home and mother of the modern scientific method, has applied so little of
it to its own affa i rs. The point here is underlined in a recent OECD survey
(see Table 7) showing the magnitudes of total re s e a rch ex p e n d i t u res in
s eve ral of its member countri e s , the re l ation of these ex p e n d i t u res to the
G N P, and the pro p o rtion of re s e a rch conducted within educational institu-
tions ( though most of the latter has had little or nothing to do with edu-
c ation per se).
TABLE 7
Total re s e a rch and development ex p e n d i t u re
S o u rc e : O E C D, I n t e rn ational Statist ical Year on Res earch and Deve l o p m e n t , S t atist ical Tables and
N o t e s , II (Pa ri s , 1 9 6 8 ) .
The bare-bones picture is more stri k i n g ly revealed by glancing at the

s t ate of affa i rs in the United Stat e s , a country wh i ch leads all others in the
recent growth of ava i l able re s e a rch funds. Thanks mainly to the heighte-
ned interest of United States private fo u n d ations and the fe d e ral gove rn-
ment's entry into the field of education on an ex t e n s ive scale, total ex p e n-
d i t u res on educational re s e a rch in the United States are estimated to have
t rebled between 1960 and 1965 (from less than $33,000,000 to ove r
$98,000,000).27 Even so, the amount is minor when compared with the
evident need and the vast sums spent on education itself. Th e re have been
nu m e rous and long-standing proposals to the effect that support for edu-
c ational re s e a rch and development should be at least 1 per cent of total
e d u c ational bu d gets. Yet the 1960 fi g u re for the United states was only
0.12 per cent and the 1965 fi g u re 0.22 per cent. By contra s t , the more
27. Estimated fi g u res from United stat e s , D i gest of Educational Stat i s t i c s , op. cit., 1 9 6 6 .
dynamic industries in the United states spend up to 10 per cent of their

t u rn over on re s e a rch and deve l o p m e n t , to improve their products and pro-
duction processes. Indeed, a single major chemical fi rm is rep o rted to be
spending $110 million a year on re s e a rch — wh i ch is more than is; spent in
the entire nation on educational re s e a rch .28
As education and its pro blems come incre a s i n g ly to the fo re in publ i c
bu d gets and deb at e s , we must hope that the pre s s u res ge n e rated by a
p u blic concern will pierce the inner wo rld of education itself anal make
t h at wo rld more predisposed to accept the need for ch a n ge. By the same
t o ke n , we must hope that the ex t e rnal constraints of parental and publ i c
opinion wh i ch often inhibit desirable educational ch a n ges will be re l a xe d.
In both re s p e c t s , recent signs are favo rabl e, at least in some nations more
p rone towa rd innovat i o n .
In such countri e s , the manifest inability of conventional ap p ro a ches to
p rovide answe rs to the heightened pro blems of education has been the
p rod behind moves in new directions. A number of key subjects-for ex-
a m p l e, m at h e m at i c s , the sciences, and fo reign language s — h ave been
given modern fo rmu l ation and content, n ew ori e n t ation and new and more
e ffe c t ive learning aids. The initiat ive is spreading to the social studies,
and more re c e n t ly to the humanities ( wh i ch many educat o rs consider to
be the last stronghold of resistance to 'heresy'). In add i t i o n , attempts have
been made in many countries to try out the 'new media'— fi l m s , ra d i o ,
t e l evision—and to develop 'programmed learn i n g.' The IIEP re c e n t ly ex a-
mined a number of these effo rts to determine their effe c t iveness and the
p ractical economic and administrat ive feasibility of using them, e s p e c i a l-
ly in developing countri e s . 29 It turned out that most of these ex p e ri m e n t s
a re small scale and at best can have only a fri n ge effect. Most are being
s u p e rimposed upon the previous pat t e rn rather than integrated into new
and more efficient learning systems. Most have been ad hoc, with little
c a reful planning in adva n c e, c a reful eva l u ation in pro c e s s , and rep o rt i n g
of results in a scientific manner. Still, the lessons of these initial endea-
vo rs are important; the cumu l at ive evidence! cl e a rly shows that these 'new
media' and new tech n o l ogi e s , when pro p e rly used, can have a salutary —
sometimes a dra m at i c — e ffect on educational quality, q u a n t i t y, and costs.
A ga i n , on the re s e a rch fro n t , the complex but intellectually ch a l l e n gi n g
p ro blems of education are incre a s i n g ly at t racting the curiosity and energi e s
28. Ti m e, N ew Yo rk , 30 June 1967.

99. W. Sch ra m m , et al., The New Media: Memo to Educational Planners ( Pa ri s :
U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 7 ) .
118 The Wo rld' Educational Cri s i s
of wo rke rs in re l ated fi e l d s , s u ch as economics, p s y ch o l ogy, s o c i o l ogy,

a n t h ro p o l ogy, and public administration. In the context of unive rsity sta-
tus hiera rch i e s , e d u c ation is at long last becoming a 're s p e c t able' area of
i n q u i ry for sch o l a rs in a va riety of disciplines. The isolation of educat i o-
nal re s e a rch is thereby being diminished; a new and fruitful dialogue has
s p rung up among the re l ated disciplines; new educational pro bl e m s , a l o n g
with many older ones, a re being at t a cked from new sides; and in conse-
q u e n c e, n ew insights and useful guides to policy are beginning to emerge.
It must be emphasize d, h oweve r, t h at these new tendencies in re s e a rch
h ave established only a small bri d gehead on the banks of education. Th e
old resisting tradition of descri p t ive re s e a rch remains stro n g. One has only
to make a quick 'content analysis' of leading journals of educat i o n a l
re s e a rch to see that this is so. It is encouragi n g, to be sure, to find more
n ew art i cles than ever befo re add ressed to the urge n t : p re o c c u p ations of
t o d ay's educational manage rs and the critical planning and deve l o p m e n t
p ro blems they fa c e. Yet they are still in the minority; the pre o c c u p at i o n s
of educational re s e a rch of a fo rmer age continue to dominate many jour-
nals as if in laye rs of ove rp ri n t i n g.
I f, as seems like ly, t h e re is a further expansion in the fl ow of funds fo r
e d u c ational re s e a rch , s eve ral things must fo l l ow. It will be necessary to
evo l ve an effe c t ive strat egy, a new ori e n t at i o n , and a clear order of pri-
o rities that will link re s e a rch more pro d u c t ive ly to the basic and pra c t i c a l
p ro blems wh i ch underlie the educational crisis. A b ove all, if larger funds
a re to be well used, it will be necessary to re fo rm and strengthen the ins-
titutional infra s t ru c t u re for getting re l evant educational re s e a rch done, fo r
mobilizing more good talent for the purp o s e, and for ensuring that the
results are quick ly commu n i c ated and put to practical use.
M e a n wh i l e, t h e re has been encouraging evidence that the rate at wh i ch
n ew educational content and practices are being adopted has been step-
ped up. Pro fessor Paul Mort of Columbia Unive rs i t y, m a ny ye a rs ago
s h owed empiri c a l ly that when a useful new educational practice had been
i nve n t e d, it would take about fifteen ye a rs befo re 3 per cent of the
A m e rican school systems adopted it, and fifty more ye a rs befo re it wa s
c o m p l e t e ly 'diff u s e d. '3 0 The latter fi g u re was the equivalent of two full
ge n e rations of students passing through the teacher training college s — o r
—on the basis of a two- to fo u r-year curri c u l u m — b e t ween twe l ve and fi f-
teen training classes. A recent study suggests that the rate of ch a n ge has
q u i cke n e d, though is still quite slow. It dealt with va rious innovat i o n s
t h at have been ava i l able for ge n e ral adoption for at least the last ten
30. To d ay, C h i c ago , N o rth Central A s s o c i at i o n , 72nd Ye a r, XI ( March 1967 ) .

ye a rs. Of the twe n t y-s even specific innovations that we re singled out fo r
ex a m i n at i o n , the survey showed that six had alre a dy been adopted in the
typical A m e rican high school. Th at left twe n t y-one innovat i o n s — o r
ro u g h ly thre e-fo u rths of the total—still waiting in the wings after ten or
m o re ye a rs .
Without ve n t u ring to pass judgment on the substantive merits of the
i n n ovat i o n s , or on their ge n e ral ap p l i c ability in the light of special local
c o n d i t i o n s , the fi g u res cited are of a piece with re m a rks made elsewh e re
about progress in tech n o l ogy and re s e a rch. Th ey show that energetic new
ap p ro a ches to education ( even when promising) are small and tardy, a n d
t h at they spread slow ly re l at ive to the urgent need for ch a n ge all along the
e d u c ational fro n t . 31
Recalling the potential lessons cited earlier wh i ch education might
d raw from agri c u l t u re's ex p e rience with its tech n o l ogical revo l u t i o n , we
might close this particular discussion with the fo l l owing hypothesis. Be-
fo re the cre ation and adoption of innovations can be gre at ly speeded up,
t h e re must be, fi rs t , a widespread tra n s fo rm ation of the attitude towa rd
ch a n ge in educat i o n — by the public and educat o rs alike; second, the cre a-
tion within education of NEW institutional means and personnel wh o s e
p rime concern is to seek improvements and innovat i o n s , and third, t h e
fo s t e ring within teacher training colleges of attitudes that help make
f u t u re teach e rs more re c ep t ive to innovat i o n s , t h e reby enabling educat i o n
to engage in a vigo rous and continuing process of self-re n ewal and
a dva n c e m e n t .
M a n age m e n t : The Operation of the System

A CRUCIAL ASPECT OF THE EDUCAT I O NAL CRISIS • HEAVY GRIP OF
THE PAST • LACK OF MANAGEMENT TRAINING AND RESEARCH •
INBREEDING PROCESS OF RECRUITMENT • NEED FOR MANAG E M E N T
TEAMS • LOW REWARDS OF EDUCAT I O NAL EXECUTIVES • SOME BRIGHT
S P OT S.
A ny pro d u c t ive system, wh at ever its aims and tech n o l ogy, re q u i res man-
agement. It must have leadership and dire c t i o n , s u p e rvision and coord i n a-
t i o n , constant eva l u ation and adjustment. In the case of an educat i o n a l
31. P. H. Coombs, ' The Te chnical Fro n t i e rs of Education,' 27th A n nual sir John A d a m s
L e c t u re at the Unive rsity of Califo rn i a , Los A n ge l e s , 15 March 1960.
s y s t e m , as we said mu ch earlier when we analogi zed it to agri c u l t u re, i t s

p ro blems of management are ex t ra o rd i n a ri ly diffi c u l t , p a rt ly because its
ove r-all size is divided into many small and scat t e red part s .
A host of orga n i z ations and people have a hand in managing at least
some aspects of an educational system. Th ey include gove rnment age n c i e s
at all leve l s , ch u rches and other private bodies, politicians and civil ser-
va n t s , a d m i n i s t rat ive heads of unive rsities and local sch o o l s , p ro fe s s o rs
and teach e rs , students and pare n t s , and endless critics of eve ry stri p e.
H e re, h oweve r, we are less concerned with the fo regoing people than with
the management milieu within wh i ch they function. The issue for us is not
the individual ability and moral wo rth of educational administrat o rs , t h e i r
d evotion to duty, or their taste for hard wo rk. These are often of a ve ry
high ord e r. The issue instead is whether the basic manage rial arra n ge-
ments of educational systems are adequate to the tasks befo re them. A re
t h ey well oriented to these tasks? Do those re s p o n s i ble for major decisions
and direction of the system have the right kinds of specialized help and
i n fo rm ation fl ows? Do they have the ap p ro p ri ate analytical concepts and
tools to know wh at is going on within the system, to assess its perfo rm a n-
ce both intern a l ly and in re l ation to its env i ro n m e n t , to size up its options
and plan its future, and to monitor the implementation of such plans? Does
the management process of the system draw on all the ava i l abl e
re s o u rces—both within and outside the system —for maximum stre n g t h
and effe c t iveness? A re the arra n gements for re c ruitment and career deve-
lopment of va rious sorts of management personnel well suited to the
needs? A re there adequate means for seeing wh e re ch a n ges are needed in
the system, for determining the best sorts of ch a n ge s , then getting them
adopted?
The questions echo their own answe r. The manage rial arra n ge m e n t s
typical of educational systems are gro s s ly inadequate to deal with a cri-
s i s-ri dden set of new ch a l l e n ges and are, t h e m s e l ve s , a crucial part of the
e d u c ational crisis. The main fe at u res of these arra n gements we re cast
d u ring an earlier era when education and the wo rld outside we re mov i n g
s l ow ly by today's pace, and when the size and dive rsity of educat i o n ' s
tasks we re mu ch smaller. Th ey we re not designed for planning in today ' s
sense of the term , or for implementing such planning, or for critical eva-
l u ation of the educational system's perfo rm a n c e, or for a ri go rous pro-
motion of innovation. Th ey have neither the spiri t , nor the tools, nor the
p e rsonnel for these purposes. Nor have they the necessary means of con-
s u l t at i o n , c o m mu n i c at i o n , and co-o rd i n ation. This is true in both in-
d u s t ri a l i zed and developing countries; in gre at measure the latter bor-

rowed their administrat ive practices from the fo rm e r. Th u s , m a ny new ly
i n d ependent countries are still cl i n ging to an old colonial-type school ad-
m i n i s t ration wh i ch was designed pri m a ri ly to serve a care t a ke r, reg u l a-
t o ry, and Superv i s o ry ro l e — wh e reas wh at they need is a more dy n a m i c,
d eve l o p m e n t-o riented fo rm of administrat i o n , c a l c u l ated to take initia-
t ive s , to unleash inge nuity throughout the system, and to bring ab o u t
growth and ch a n ge.
The consequence here—to cite but one example—is re flected in a re c e n t
o fficial Indian rep o rt , wh i ch ch a rged that
a n t i q u a ted and unima gi n at ive admin ist ra tion pro c e d u res di d gre at da mag to
s che mes of scie nce edu cat ion in se cond ary s cho ols; imperfe ct c o-o rd i n at i o n
b e t we en the ob jectives o f the j unior tec hnic al schools and th e nee ds fo r
l ower level t ech nical m an pow er mad e of t hat p ro ject a wa st ef ul a nd ex-
p e n s ive s che me; a bsenc e of a p p ro p ri at e ac tion a t va r ious leve ls h ampe re d
p rog ra mmes of t eac h e r-t ra ining wh i c h should have en joy ed a ve ry high pr i-
o rity i n sche mes of qua lit at ive impr ovem en t 32
The implication in the whole of wh at has just been said is obvious. Th e

needed revolution in education must begin With educational man-
agement. Many able educational administrat o rs are acutely awa re of this
need; if they we re given half a ch a n c e, t h ey would re a d i ly lead the revo-
lution they know is called fo r. But the same administrat o rs are hard pre s-
sed and harri e d, t rying to make the old mach i n e ry serve new purposes and
c a rry new wo rkloads it was never designed fo r. Th ey scarc e ly have time
even to court a new idea, mu ch less to marry it into the system. Th e
c o n s e rvat ive nat u re of the system, m oving by the momentum of its ow n
m a s s , thus grinds down even a wo u l d-be bold administrat ive innovat o r
until even he is absorbed into the conservat ive mass and re flects its
c o n s e rvat ive behav i o r.
A recent study of the legal fra m ewo rk of educational planning in East
A f ri c a , and another in Nige ri a , both show how thoro u g h ly the administra-
t ive tools of a previous era have been carried fo r wa rd and applied to a
va s t ly altered set of aims and circ u m s t a n c e s , often with poor results. 33
32. Asian Institute of Educational Planning and A d m i n i s t rat i o n , ' E d u c ational Planning
and A d m i n i s t ration,' a wo rking paper for the National Seminar, S ri n aga r, 1 2-25 June 1967,
N ew Delhi.
33. J. R. Cart e r, The Legal Fra m ewo rk of Educational Planning and A d m i n i s t ration in
East A f ri c a : Ke nya , Ta n z a n i a , U ga n d a , A f rican re s e a rch monograp h s , No. 7 (Pa ri s :
U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 6 ) , and A. C. R. Wh e e l e r, The Orga n i z ation of Educational Planning in
N i ge ri a , A f rican re s e a rch monograp h s , No. 13 (Pa ri s : Unesco/IIEP 1968 ) .
Yet the case here is not confined to developing countries alone; styles and
methods of school administrat i o n , n ow inadequate or obsolete in many
re s p e c t s , remain deep ly imbedded in many industri a l i zed countri e s .
U n ive rsities in many countries are in even wo rse administrat ive shap e
than the sch o o l s , some coming close to being totally devoid of manage ri a l
m a ch i n e ry with wh i ch to plan, m a ke decisions and implement them. In
L atin A m e ri c a , for ex a m p l e, the ch ronic pre o c c u p ation of most unive rs i-
ties with safeg u a rding their autonomy—as if it we re an autonomous end in
itself—has caused them to neglect their role of leadership for the wh o l e
e d u c ational system, and their obl i gation to society and its deve l o p m e n t
goals. Fra n c e, on the other hand, p resents the picture of unive rsities suf-
fe ring cra cks in their internal administrat i o n , because of the countless
c o n s t raints and pre s s u res fl owing automat i c a l ly to and from a highly cen-
t ra l i zed ex t e rnal administration. The results did not escape sharp comment
at a recent confe rence of Fre n ch unive rsity administrat o rs and pro fe s s o rs
held at Caen. A passage in the confe rence rep o rt re a d s :
If . . . a p r o fe s s or h as t o s p en d tw o d a ys i n B r u ss e l s or Lo n d o n t o w o rk
w it h a c o l le a gu e t h e r e , a c c o rd i ng t o t h e le tt e r of t h e l aw, h e m us t re q u e s t
l e ave of a b s e n c e — a t t h e m i n is te ri a l l eve l — si x w e e k s in a dv a n c e. Fa c e d b y
th e r e al i t ie s o f r e s e a r ch , an d o f a d m i n is tr a t ive de l ay s , s u c h a r u le c a n
m o s t ly n e ve r b e ap p l i e d .
I n d e e d, said the rep o rt , the central administration itself
i s c ru s h e d b y t h e bu r d e n o f d e ta il e d ' i n fo rm a t i o n' wh i c h i t c a nn o t h a n d l e
a n d i ts e ne rg i e s a r e d is p e r se d b y t ri f l i n g d e t a i l s wi t h wh i c h i t wa s n eve r
d e s i g n ed t o c o p e . . . a s ys te m c ri p pl e d b y de l a y s in c o mm u n i c a t i o n a n d
o f te n re n d e r ed l u di cr o u s . 3 4
One root of the difficulty is the absence in most educational systems of

s t rong institutional provisions for doing cre at ive re s e a rch on pro blems of
e d u c ational manage m e n t , and for the continuous development of per-
sonnel to serve va rious manage rial functions in the system. A cl o s e ly re-
l ated source of difficulty is the fact that most such systems have an in-
b reeding process for selecting and developing management pers o n n e l .
The pri m a ry and secondary educat i o n , the top manager has wo rked his
way up from being a teach e r, wh i ch means that his main pro fe s s i o n a l
34. A. Lich n e row i c z , ' s t ru c t u res des unive rsités,' General rep o rt submitted to the Caen
C o n fe re n c e, 1 9 6 6 .
t raining has been teacher tra i n i n g. A n d, because of this, the result is a

re l at ive ly closed system of ideas and practices. At the unive rsity leve l
in many countri e s , the 'top manager' is a pro fe s s o r, elected by the fa c u l-
t y, u s u a l ly to serve for a limited time and then get back to teach i n g. Th e
last thing he is expected to do is manage the institution. If he tri e d, t h e
results might be disastrous. this inbreeding pro c e s s , at wh at ever leve l ,
cuts the educational system off from potential sources of cre at ive
l e a d e rs h i p , exe c u t ive talent, i n n ovat o rs , and specialists—rep resented by
able people who did not decide at an early point in their lives to beco-
me teach e rs , but who may turn out to be well suited to help manage
s chool systems.
It is wo rth recalling here that hospitals in many countries used to ope-
rate on a similar theory. Th ey once assumed that only a trained doctor wa s
q u a l i fied to be a good hospital administrat o r. The way mat t e rs actually
wo rked out bore no re s e m blance to the theory. The pro fessional serv i c e s
of the doctors in their own specialities we re lost to the hospitals when the
d o c t o rs we re installed in administrat ive posts. Wh at the hospitals fre-
q u e n t ly got in re t u rn was poor administration. When enough hospitals
sank into the mire of financial tro u bl e s , this system was ch a n ge d, at least
in some countri e s , b eginning with a ch a n ge in the traditional assumption
t h at underl ay the whole thing. A new breed of specially trained hospital
a d m i n i s t rat o rs was put in ch a rge of the institutions, and they began to
s h ow significant improvements after that .
The fo regoing does not argue by indirection that good teach e rs are not
a sat i s fa c t o ry source for good educational manage rs. Th ey often are. Nor
is the argument being made that , because someone can ably manage a
given enterp rise lying outside the sphere of educat i o n , he can with no fur-
ther prep a ration be shifted into the sphere of education and manage it just
as ably. A we l l-grounded know l e d ge of wh at goes on in education is
o bv i o u s ly indispensable to its effe c t ive administration. Indeed, p re c i s e ly
for that re a s o n , the main bu rden of our argument is as fo l l ow s .
Fi rs t , because educational systems have grown so complex , t h ey need
c a re f u l ly re c ru i t e d, we l l-t rained modern manage rial personnel of many
s o rts. Second, since there is a wo rl d-wide short age of such people, a n
e d u c ational system suffe rs from a self-i n flicted wound if it denies itself
a potential source of manage rial talent lying beyond the products of its
own inbreeding process. Th i rd, because of the complex tasks now fa c i n g
e d u c ational systems, t h ey need not only 'administrat o rs' in the narrow
meaning of the term , but a dive rs i fied 'management team.' A m o n g
o t h e rs , s u ch a team should include good analysts and re s e a rch dire c t o rs —

who are not necessari ly best pro d u c e d, or only pro d u c e d, in teach e rs' col-
l eges and gra d u ate schools of educat i o n .
An educational system, t h e re fo re, must call upon a wide assortment of
its constituent parts to produce the kinds of skills, k n ow l e d ge, and man-
agement instruments re q u i red for its effe c t ive functioning. The manage rs
of space programs draw on and orch e s t rate know l e d ge from all the phy s i-
cal and biological sciences, and skills from all the tech n o l ogi e s , just to put
one man within re a ch of the moon. How mu ch more must education draw
on all the sources of learning to equip itself with men and instru m e n t s
c ap able of managing school systems that can bring millions of yo u n g
people to a place in the sun.
A further wo rd to be added about re c ruitment recalls our earlier dis-
cussion of education's competitive disadva n t age in the talent market. Ed-
u c ation is big business these days. The chief local school administrator is
often the biggest businessman in tow n — p residing over the largest bu d ge t ,
the most employe e s , and the largest bus system and re s t a u rant ch a i n , n o t
to mention the destinies of the community's most precious asset, its ch i l-
d ren. Such responsibilities would logi c a l ly call not only for the best exe-
c u t ive talent any wh e re ava i l abl e, but for rewa rds commensurate with these
responsibilities. Yet salaries of most educational administrat o rs — ab ove
all in the wealthiest countri e s — a re typically more in line with the ear-
nings of a medium-s i zed local merchant than with the earnings of impor-
tant exe c u t ives elsewh e re in the economy. The wonder is that school sys-
tems and unive rsities get as many fi rs t-rate administrat o rs as they do. But
t h ey may not continue to do so, e s p e c i a l ly as the school administrat o r ' s
job grows ever more demanding.
Some mat t e rs shine more bri g h t ly against a dark back gro u n d, and on
this account, one can take heart from the promise of things to be seen
against the sombre back ground picture drawn of the ge n e ral state of the
m a n age rial arts in education. In the United Stat e s , for ex a m p l e, t h e re are
these rep re s e n t at ive bright spots: leading gra d u ate schools of educat i o n ,
wo rking in concert through the Council on Educational A d m i n i s t rat i o n ,
a re breaking new ground by ex p e rimenting with new practices in tra i n-
ing school administrat o rs , by conducting re s e a rch on the pro blems and
n ew techniques of administrat i o n , and by fashioning new instru m e n t s
with the object of improving school administration. Signifi c a n t ly, t h ey are
ex p l o ring for the fi rst time the potential management lessons for edu-
c ation by examining other fields wh e re management practices have leap e d
a h e a d. And they are devising channels for lat e ral entry into school ad-
m i n i s t ration from the outside. Th e n , aga i n , a few unive rsities are deve l o p-
ing new internal info rm ation fl ows and mechanisms for 'operations re-
s e a rch' and 'systems analysis' to improve their decision-m a k i n g, e ffi c i e n-
cy, and ge n e ral perfo rm a n c e. Numerous colleges and unive rs i t i e s , Wi t h
help from private fo u n d at i o n s , h ave fo rmu l ated and applied compre h e n s i-
ve long-ra n ge plans for their future development. Nor are these stirri n g s
c o n fined to the United States. Their counterp a rt s , or movements in other
p i o n e e ring dire c t i o n s , a re visible in the Soviet Union, C a n a d a , Fra n c e,
E n g l a n d, and the Scandinavian countri e s .
S t i l l , the fact remains that while these signs of a mu ch-needed man-
age rial revolution in education are indeed hopeful, t h ey are neve rt h e l e s s
ex c eptional. Taking mat t e rs in a wo rl d-wide aggregat e, the manage m e n t
side of educational systems is entangled in a shroud of attitudes and
methods carried over from the quiet, simpler past into a turbu l e n t , s e e t h-
ing present wh e re new demands bra n ch and fl a re on all sides. The gre at
m a j o rity of nations have yet to establish their fi rst programs for the pro-
fessional development of manage rial personnel and for re s e a rch to im-
p rove manage rial Practices for education. The majority of unive rsities in
the wo rld have yet to install a modern system of internal management in
wh i ch administrat o rs , t e a ch e rs , and students all play ap p ro p ri ate ro l e s .
And most of the wo rld has yet to take the matter seri o u s ly enough to
t re at top educational administrat o rs on a parity with other top exe c u t ive
talent.
Costs and Effi c i e n cy : Wh e re the System Pinch e s

MEANING OF EDUCAT I O NAL EFFICIENCY AND PRODUCTIVITY • LAC K
OF INCENTIVES TO IMPROVE • REASONS FOR RISING COSTS •
I L L U S T R ATION OF THEIR IMPACT • NEW BUILDINGS COMMIT FUTURE
BUDGETS • DRO P-OUTS AND REPEATERS • EFFICIENCY PRO M OTED BY
SYSTEMS A NA LYSIS • SEVEN BASIC PRINCIPLES • SOME ENCOURAG I N G
EXAMPLES • NEED FOR UNCONVENTIONAL A P P ROAC H E S.
Our earlier discussions of teacher and financial inputs and fitness of

outputs to the env i ronment showed that it is imperat ive for educat i o n a l
systems to improve both their internal effi c i e n cy and their ex t e rnal pro-
d u c t ivity—in short , to get bigge r, b e t t e r, and more useful results fro m
their ava i l able re s o u rces. It will help our further discussion if we pause
h e re bri e fly in order to define these important terms more pre c i s e ly.
A dve rting to the sch e m atic view of education as a 'system' given in
C h a rts I and II in the opening ch ap t e r, we can here define the i n t e rnal effi -
c i e n cy of the system as the re l ationship of its output to its inputs. E f-
fi c i e n cy increases when any ch a n ge is introduced in the process wh i ch
causes this ratio to improve. Even though it is impossibl e, as we have said
e a rl i e r, to get a full and precise measure of a whole educational system's
o u t p u t , this manner of looking at the matter can lead to new insights ab o u t
h ow to improve the system's perfo rm a n c e. In pra c t i c e, it is mu ch easier to
assess the effi c i e n cy of particular sub-s y s t e m s , whose objectives are more
limited and defi n abl e, and whose results are more suscep t i ble to eva l u a-
tion. These might include the sub-systems for learning ari t h m e t i c, a fo re i-
gn language, s p e l l i n g, re a d i n g, or a science at one or another school leve l ,
or the sub-system for learning mechanical engi n e e ring at the unive rs i t y. If,
for instance, some new method or some improved learning mat e rials are
i n t roduced into the process wh i ch result in more learn i n g, without a pro-
p o rtional increase in costs, the sub-system has been altered and its effi-
c i e n cy incre a s e d. In this contex t , it should be noted, unit costs become an
i m p o rtant indicator of effi c i e n cy.
E x t e rnal pro d u c t iv i t y, m e a n wh i l e, can be defined as the ultimate bene -
fits accruing to students and to society from earlier educational inve s t -
ments (inputs). These benefi t s , of cours e, a re even less pre c i s e ly meas-
u rable than the immediate learning 'outputs' wh i ch students carry away
f rom the system on the day they leave it. Yet the concept itself is useful in
making a common-sense search for ways to improve ex t e rnal pro d u c t iv i t y.
A ch a n ge in the curri c u l u m , for ex a m p l e, wh i ch substitutes something
re l evant for something irre l evant to the student's life and society, or wh i ch
puts up-t o-d ate content in place of obsolete content, has a high pro b ab i l i-
ty of raising ex t e rnal pro d u c t iv i t y. It should be noted that in this case,
although the action taken was internal to the system, the ultimate effe c t
was ex t e rnal to it. In pra c t i c e, t h e n , ch a n ges made inside an educat i o n a l
s y s t e m — p rovided they are the right ch a n ges—can benefit b o t h i n t e rn a l
e ffi c i e n cy and ex t e rnal pro d u c t iv i t y.
Wh at we have just said applies to the system's pro d u c t iv i t y, v i ewe d
f rom an ex t e rnal va n t age point. But there is another meaning of the pro-
d u c t ivity concept wh i ch applies to the way in wh i ch any p a rt i c u l a r t y p e
of input of the system is used—such as its teach e rs or its buildings. Th i s
is analogous to the economist's meaning of 'factor pro d u c t ivity' (re fe rri n g
to the diffe rent 'fa c t o rs of pro d u c t i o n ' ) , when he speaks of the 'pro d u c-
t ivity of lab o r,' or of capital. In this sense, we may define the pro d u c t iv i-
ty of a particular educational input as the total output of the system re l a-
t ive to the amount of that particular factor used. The pro d u c t ivity of the
va rious fa c t o rs combined, o bv i o u s ly determines the effi c i e n cy of the sys-
tem as we have just defined it. 35
To ke ep all this from sounding too ab s t ract and theore t i c a l , let us show
h ow it applies to the case of 'teacher pro d u c t iv i t y.' If teach e rs are give n
better tools to wo rk with—such as more and better textbooks and other
t e a ching mat e ri a l s , or language lab o rat o ri e s , or a teacher's aide to handle
cl e rical and houseke eping ch o re s , or good quality instructional radio or
t e l evision progra m s — t h ey may be able to teach more pupils, and the
pupils may succeed in learning more in a given hour or academic year than
under the previous combination of fa c t o rs. The teacher himself may not
' wo rk' any hard e r. Howeve r, he may enjoy his wo rk a good deal more.
With better tools, his pro fessional cap abilities are more fully utilized and
he accomplishes larger and better results. His 'pro d u c t ivity' incre a s e s .
It is pre c i s e ly in this way that the pro d u c t ivity of wo rke rs and pro fe s-
sionals in other fields has been increased over the ye a rs , p e rmitting them
to enlarge their output per hour and to earn better salaries. Consider how
m a ny fewer patients today's doctor could handle if he we re denied a car to
m a ke his ro u n d s , and how mu ch less he could do for their health if sud-
d e n ly he we re without his modern instru m e n t s , l ab o rat o ry serv i c e s , a n d
p re s c riptions. The fa rm e r, the fa c t o ry wo rke r, the engi n e e r, the arch i t e c t ,
the business exe c u t ive have all increased their pro d u c t ivity— and their
incomes—in the last two ge n e rations by adopting new tools and methods,
and by subdividing tasks between themselves and their subord i n ates or
o t h e rs .
This modern i z ation process has not yet gone far in education. No one
who has objective ly observed the educational process at wo rk , or wh o
has actually wo rked in it, can doubt for a moment that eve ry educat i o n a l
s y s t e m — i n cluding the most 'modern'—has abundant room for im-
p rovement of its effi c i e n cy and pro d u c t iv i t y. Improve m e n t , of cours e, i s
far easier called for than ach i eve d. As we observed in connection with
m a n age m e n t , e d u c ational systems lack the institutional means and the
35. Economists will re c og n i ze, we hope sympat h e t i c a l ly, t h at in the interests of

c o nveying the essential concepts of effi c i e n cy and pro d u c t ivity to noneconomists, we
h ave simplified the matter by avoiding questions such as marginal pro d u c t iv i t y. We
h ave also tried t o define these concepts in ways wh i ch educat o rs will see as re l evant to
their own enterp ri s e.
m o d e rn analytical tools for identifying potential improvements of this sort

and then taking adva n t age of them. More ove r, s u ch improvements often
i nvo l ve ch a n ging familiar routines and adopting new techniques and new
d ivisions of lab o r. Such ch a n ge s , a ffecting many participants in the sys-
t e m , e a s i ly inspire resistance among many people who tend to see in a
p roposed innovation either a device for ex t racting more wo rk from them
for the same pay, or one for making their own job obsolete.
This points up the gre at importance of incentives to ch a n ge. It also
u n d e rlines another pro found diffe rence between education and other
' i n d u s t ries.' These other industries ord i n a ri ly sell their output on a marke t
—the fa rmer his potat o e s , the manu fa c t u rer his shoes. The fa rmer or
m a nu fa c t u rer thus has a simple means for ch e cking his effi c i e n cy : he can
m e a s u re his 'earnings' by the diffe rence between his input costs and sales
receipts. Since his object is to maximize his 'earnings,' he has a stro n g
i n c e n t ive to introduce wh at ever ch a n ges of process or product promise to
i m p rove his 'output-input' rat i o .
E d u c at i o n , u n fo rt u n at e ly, has no such handy ya rd s t i ck of its effi c i e n cy.
Nor does it have any such bu i l t-in incentive to ch a n ge. Such indire c t
i n c e n t ives as one might conceive for an educational system, to improve its
e ffi c i e n cy and pro d u c t iv i t y, a re easily outweighed by the disincentives and
the sheer inertia of the process. A good example of this has alre a dy been
re fe rred to in another connection. It is the fate of va rious attempts to adopt
' m e rit' systems of teacher pay and pro m o t i o n , aimed at providing more
i n d ividual incentive. While there are practical difficulties with any such
s chemes—and while particular 'merit pay and promotion' schemes have
been favo red by teach e rs' orga n i z ations in a few places like Yu go s l av i a —
t e a ch e rs' orga n i z ations in ge n e ral have stro n g ly opposed 'merit' systems.
Th ey claim that there is no objective way to judge a teacher's meri t , or that
the particular scheme being contemplated might be abused by administra-
t o rs , or in any eve n t , is 'undemocrat i c. '
Wh at ever the pros and cons of the 'merit pay' ap p ro a ch , t e a ch e rs' or-
ga n i z ations eve ry wh e re could gre at ly serve their pro fession and students
if they re s o l u t e ly searched for ways to cre ate strong incentives to impro-
ve educational effi c i e n cy—and yet to protect other legi t i m ate aims of the
t e a ching pro fession. The sugge s t i o n , we think, is not fa r fe t ch e d. In a quite
d i ffe rent contex t — n a m e ly, t h at of the United States coal-mining in-
d u s t ry — p re c i s e ly such an improvement scheme was supported by the
United Mine Wo rke rs' Union, wh i ch helped re s t o re health to the sick coal
i n d u s t ry by collab o rating with the mine ow n e rs on introducing innova-
tions to increase the effi c i e n cy and labor pro d u c t ivity of the mines. Th e
a n a l ogy should not be pressed beyond its nat u ral limits. Yet if innovat i o n s
raised teacher pro d u c t ivity and incomes as dra m at i c a l ly as they did in the
case of coal miners , the educational crisis would be well on its way towa rd
a solution. But, of cours e, p roducing good students is a good deal more
c o m p l i c ated than mining coal.
S aying this, let us here re c ap i t u l ate the main reasons why educat i o n
n ow faces its gre atest crisis of effi c i e n cy and pro d u c t iv i t y, as revealed in
the way rising costs thre aten to undo the fondest hopes of educat o rs .
Wh at is to be read into the reasons is nothing more or less than wh at the
wo rds say. Th ey do not say, for ex a m p l e, t h at larger classes are a cure fo r
all ailments. Nor do they say that the particular causes of rising costs are
either good or bad per se. Th ey simply state the fo l l owing objective re a-
lities:
E d u c ation is a lab o r-i n t e n s ive' industry, using large amounts of high-

l eve l , h i g h-cost manpowe r. In competing with less lab o r-i n t e n s ive in-
d u s t ries whose effi c i e n cy and labor pro d u c t ivity are steadily ri s i n g,
e d u c ation will continue to lose the ra c e, b a d ly, until it does more to
i m p rove its own effi c i e n cy and the pro d u c t ivity of the human talents it
e m p l oy s .
On the fo regoing gro u n d s , if education is to maintain a competitive
position in the manpower marke t , e d u c ational salaries must ke ep on
ri s i n g, even though educational effi c i e n cy and pro d u c t ivity do not.
When education fa i l s , for bu d ge t a ry re a s o n s , to maintain such a com-
p e t i t ive position, it re c e ives poor teach e rs instead of good ones. Th e n
the educational 'Gresham's Law' goes to wo rk , and the system sinks
l ower into mediocri t y.
The need to strengthen teacher tra i n i n g, plus the substantial leakage' of
t rained teach e rs from the system, impose high 'capital costs' for each
t e a cher who actually enters teaching and stays on.
Au t o m atic salary increments and re t i rement benefi t s , wh i ch have their
own justifi c at i o n , can nonetheless ke ep pushing up costs as the ave rage
age of the teacher corps ri s e s , wh i ch it does when the expansion of the
c o rps slows dow n .
The ex t reme spread between lower and upper salary scales in teach e r
p ay stru c t u re s , based on fo rmal qualifi c ations and the ve rtical ech e l o n s
of the system, causes large increases in unit costs per student wh e n eve r
p o o rly qualified teaching staff are upgraded or replaced by better quali-
fied staff.
Costs per student enlarge quick ly as ove rc rowded classes are bro u g h t
b a ck to normal size. and as the more costly secondary and higher

l evels of the system's 'py ramid' flesh out in re l ation to the pri m a ry
l eve l .
I n c reased emphasis on scientific and technical studies at the seconda-
ry and higher leve l s , wh i ch have inhere n t ly higher unit costs, f u rt h e r
a c c e l e rate the rise in the ove r-all ave rage of costs per student for the
whole system.
TABLE 8
Impact of rising costs on the elementary school bu d get of a hy p o t h e t i c a l
d eveloping country over ten ye a rs
A country of 5 million inhab i t a n t s , with a national income of $200 million ( $40 per
c apita income )
The combined effect of a few (not all) of the fo regoing cost-i n c re a s i n g

fa c t o rs is demonstrated in the model presented in Table 8. While this
model is fi c t i t i o u s , it is based on authentic data from seve ral A f rican coun-
t ries. It suggests the order of magnitude of wh at could happen to elemen-
t a ry school costs alone in such situations over the next ten ye a rs , given the
fo l l owing assumptions:
In Case A : (1) the national student 'part i c i p ation rate' stays constant at
33 per cent while the total age group in the population grows at 2.5 per
cent each year; (2) the 'qualifi c ations pro file' of the teacher corp s
i m p roves moderat e ly; (3) basic teacher salary levels remain unch a n ge d ;
and (4) the ove r-all pupil-t e a cher ratio improves from 50 to 1 to 40 to 1.
In Case B: the same assumptions hold, ex c ept that (1) the pupil 'par-
t i c i p ation rate' moves up to 50 per cent, and (2) the level of teach e r
s a l a ries rises at an ave rage of 2.5 per cent per year in line with incomes in
the rest of the economy.
These are conservat ive assumptions, yet their consequence over ten
ye a rs is to raise total re c u rrent costs of elementary sch o o l i n g, in Case A ,
f rom $6 million to $14.5 million, and in Case B, f rom $8 million to ab o u t
$28 million. And half or more of the nation's ch i l d ren would still not be in
e l e m e n t a ry school. These bu i l t-in fo rces of cost increase are like a time
bomb ticking away under educational bu d gets. A ny school system wo u l d
be well advised to construct an ap p ro p ri ate cost model of this sort to fit its
own situat i o n .
Two further important points must be made about education's cost
dilemma.
The fi rst is the simple but often ove rl o o ked fact that a new bu i l d i n g
commits the system to sustained future re c u rrent costs, a dding up quick-
ly to more than the building itself costs. More re s e a rch is needed on wh at
this ratio (of initial investment costs to subsequent annual re c u rre n t
costs) actually is under diffe rent circumstances. But in Fra n c e, for ex-
a m p l e, it seems at present to run in the neighborhood of 8 to 1 at the pri-
m a ry and secondary leve l s , and of about 7.5 to 1 at the unive rsity leve l .
In other wo rd s , once a new school is bu i l t , the costs of running it each
year thereafter are at least one-sixth of the ori ginal cost. A spot ch e ck in
the Ivo ry Coast suggests a ratio of 5.8 to 1 at the pri m a ry leve l , 3 6 and in
U ganda a similar ratio seems to hold for ge n e ral secondary sch o o l s .
R atios in other places may well va ry widely from these, But the essential
point still holds. New capital investment in educat i o n — f ree or paid fo r —
puts a mort gage on the system's future income. This needs to be wat ch e d
with special care by developing countri e s , lest the new school bu i l d i n g
o ffe red on easy term s , with the best of intentions, should turn out, as in
the fabl e, to be a 'white elephant' wh i ch later will eat the recipient out of
house and home.
The second point concerns the heavy cost impact of dropouts and re-
p e at e rs , and of 'fi n i s h e rs' who end up never ap p lying their ex t e n s ive
t raining to wh at was intended. The ave rage cost per student, a rrived at
by dividing total enrollments into total costs, m ay gro s s ly unders t at e
the actual cost of turning out one 'completed' student, and even more
so the cost of those fi n i s h e rs who fi n a l ly make good use of their tra i n-
i n g.
36. J. Hallak and R. Po i g n a n t , Les Aspects fi n a n c i e rs de l'éducation en Côte-d'Ivo i re,

M o n ographies afri c a i n e s , no. 8 (Pa ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 6 ) .
In many developing countri e s , as we have said, fewer than half of those

who enter pri m a ry school ever finish. Of those who do fi n i s h , m o re than
half take more than the 'normal' time. In Gab o n , I vo ry Coast, and Mali, fo r
ex a m p l e, of the students who completed the sixth gra d e, fewer than
o n e-t h i rd made it in only six ye a rs; 40 per cent took seven ye a rs and the
rest took eight or nine. 37
The actual total cost per gra d u at e, when the full costs of dropouts and
rep e at e rs are imputed to the fi n i s h e d p ro d u c t s , is shown in Table 9. It
c o n t rasts the 'nominal' cost of a cy cl e, if each entering student actually
finished 'on time,' with the 'actual' cost per gra d u ate when total costs of
rep e ating grades and of 'nonfi n i s h e rs' are taken into account.
TABLE 9
Unit cost by educational level in a Central A m e rican country in 1963/64
S o u rc e : u n p u blished dat a .
Evidence of this sort makes it clear that educational manage rs eve ry-
wh e re must mount major campaigns aimed at raising educational ef-
fi c i e n cy and pro d u c t iv i t y. But how can they best go about this? Wh at are
the main points within their educational system wh e re they should dire c t
their at t a ck? Wh at options are ava i l able to them?
A two-p a rt answer suggests itself. The fi rst part enjoins them to plan
their campaign on the basis of a systems analysis and seve ral basic pri n-
c i p l e s , and the second, to exploit the practical lessons of ex p e rience wh i ch
a l re a dy exist We will look bri e fly at each of these.
As to the fi rs t , the same sort of systems analysis wh i ch we have used
in these pages on a global scale can be pro fi t ably brought to bear on the
s p e c i fics of any particular educational system. It is true that the tech-
niques for doing so still re q u i re further re finement. This need not delay
37. J. Pro u s t , 'Les Déperditions scolaires au Gabon,' and I. Deblé 'Rendements scolaire s
dans les pays d'Afrique d'ex p ression fra n ç a i s e,' in Et udes 'Ti e rs-M o n d e,' P ro b lèmes de
p l a n i fi c at ion de l 'éducat i o n ( Pa ri s : I E D E S, 1 9 6 4 ) .
the mat t e r, for the essential logic and method of the systems ap p ro a ch are
a l re a dy at hand. But it is necessary to ap p ly them to the best facts alre a dy
ava i l able in any given situat i o n , while the search goes on for more and
better facts and for more sophisticated tech n i q u e s .
In thus ap p lying a systems analysis as an aid to fashioning a strat egy of
a c t i o n , it will be rewa rding to ke ep in view the seven principles listed
b e l ow. Some of these are familiar to any fi rs t-year student of economics,
for they have been at the heart of all modern advancement in human pro-
d u c t iv i t y. Others are familiar to students of modern psych o l ogy and peda-
gogy, but have never been put to full use. Combined, these principles can
be powerful wo rking tools for re s h aping and improving any educat i o n a l
system in an almost infinite va riety of way s .
(1) The principle of individual diffe re n c e s tells us that students va ry
e n o rm o u s ly in their individual ap t i t u d e s , rates of learn i n g, and ways of
l e a rning; hence each will learn best when the means and conditions of
l e a rning are fl ex i bly adapted to his particular pace and style. Conve rs e ly,
when a 'teach i n g-l e a rning' system is ex t e n s ive ly used wh i ch tacitly
i g n o res these wide individual diffe re n c e s , the educational effi c i e n cy in
s u ch a situation is bound to fall well below the optimu m .
(2) The principle of self-i n s t ru c t i o n s ays that eve ry student, wh at eve r
his ap t i t u d e s , has an inherent curiosity and capacity for learning a gre at
deal on his ow n , p rovided he is pro p e rly motivated and guided, and is
given access to the 'stuff of learning' in at t ra c t ive and dige s t i ble fo rm .
C o nve rs e ly, a youngster's nat u ral curiosity and will to learn can be sup-
p ressed and even killed if he is exposed over long periods to conditions
wh i ch cause him to associate learning' with fe a r, m o n o t o ny, d e fe at , o r
i rre l eva n c e.
(3) The principle of combining human energy and physical re s o u rc e s
s t ates ve ry simply that the 'wo rk' accomplished by a human being ( tea-
cher or student) can be gre at ly increased by placing more and better tools
and tech n o l ogies at his disposal, and teaching him how to use these to best
a dva n t age.
(4) The principle of economies of scale reminds us that wh e rever ex-
p e n s ive educational facilities and equipment are invo l ve d, the costs per
student are like ly to decline—with no loss of quality and effe c t ive n e s s —
as things are done on a larger scale, until the point wh e re d i s-e c o n o m i e s
of scale may set in. Wh at may be pro h i b i t ive ly ex p e n s ive on a small scale
m ay be economically fe a s i ble on a large scale, and indeed may be the
l owest cost ap p ro a ch .
(5) The principle of division of lab o r s ays that if people with diffe ri n g
kinds and degrees of special competence break a complex job into its com-
ponent part s , and if each person then handles the parts that best mat ch his
c o m p e t e n c e, e a ch perfo rms at his highest pro d u c t iv i t y, and the total re s u l t
will be gre at e r.
(6) The principle of concentration and critical mass s ays that it is wa s-
teful to embark upon certain learning objectives unless they are going to
be pursued beyond some minimum point of intensity and continu i t y, s h o rt
of wh i ch the effo rt will have little if any wo rt h while 'pay-o ff. '
(7) The principle of optimizing s t ates that wh e n ever seve ral diffe re n t
components are combined in a pro d u c t ive 'system,' it is never possible fo r
eve ry component to be used to its theoretical maximum pro d u c t iv i t y, bu t
the o p t i mu m ove r-all results will be ach i eved when the components are
combined in such pro p o rtions as to use the scarcest and more ex p e n s ive
components most intensive ly, and the ch e aper and more abundant ones
less intensive ly. Optimizing an educational system or sub-system invo l ve s
a process of 'tra d e-o ffs' designed to ach i eve the best combination of go o d
l e a rning results on the one hand, and tolerable economic costs on the
o t h e r. The optimum arra n gement from a pure ly economic point of view
ra re ly coincides with the optimum arra n gement from an educational point
of view; thus in practice the most sat i s fa c t o ry compromise must be
sought.
These pri n c i p l e s , s t ated in ab s t ra c t , m ay seem inert , but they can be
b rought to life and given practical meaning as we turn to the second side
of the answer to the question asked ab ove. Numerous educational systems
h ave, in fa c t , made significant attempts over the past ten ye a rs to improve
their effi c i e n cy and effe c t iveness. Their ex p e riences wa rrant closer ex a-
m i n ation and wider dissemination. Here, for ex a m p l e, a re some of the
things they have tri e d, f rom wh i ch others might get useful cl u e s :
Reduction of school construction costs, t h rough the ap p l i c ation of
modem planning, e n gi n e e ri n g, and production methods, s u ch as the we l l -
k n own British and Mexican ex p e riences; and methods now being en-
c o u raged by Unesco school construction centers in developing regions; 38
R e d ep l oyment and more intensive utilization of ava i l able space, s u ch
38; Educational Facilities Lab o rat o ri e s , I n c. , The Cost of a Sch o o l h o u s e ( New Yo rk ,

1960); Inters t ate School Building Serv i c e, E conomies in Sch o o l C o n s t ru c t i o n
( N a s h v i l l e, Te n n . : G e o rge Pe ab o dy College for Te a ch e rs , 1962); Mex i c o , R egi o n a l
S ch o o l-building Centre for Latin A m e ri c a , CONESCAL (Mex i c o , 1965 to date) United
Ki ngdom Dep a rtment of Education and Science, Building Bulletin (London 195S to
d ate ); and Unesco, va rious publ i c ations of the Regional Sch o o l-building Centers fo r
A f rica and A s i a , K h a rtoum and Colombo.
as ye a r-round academic schedules adopted by certain United States uni-

ve rsities; double shifts in pri m a ry schools in developing countri e s , s u ch as
Tunisia and seve ral Latin A m e rican countri e s . 39 The latter is not con-
s i d e red a desirable long-run solution educat i o n a l ly, yet as an interim ex p e-
d i e n t , still heav i ly used by the U. S. S.R. and, in some cases, the United
S t at e s , it has permitted more ch i l d ren to get proper sch o o l i n g, ev i d e n t ly
without serious injury to quality;
C o m mu n i c ation by radio and television of excellent teach i n g, and of
n ew and more up-t o-d ate subject mat t e r, and the extension of these means
of educational services to new clients prev i o u s ly unserve d, at mu ch lowe r
costs than by conventional means; 40
Lengthening of school hours to provide more time for teaching and lear-
ning (in certain developing countries wh e re school hours and the sch o o l
year we re mu ch too brief to ensure sat i s fa c t o ry re s u l t s ) ;
S h a ring of ex p e n s ive school facilities and specialize d p e rs o n n e l by two
or more neighboring institutions (e. g. , l ab o rat o ri e s , athletic or eating fa c i-
l i t i e s , a u d i t o ri u m s , c o u rses of study, e t c.) when this is possible without
i n c u rring heavy offsetting costs in tra n s p o rt ation or boarding ac-
c o m m o d at i o n s ;
S h a ring of specialized high-cost unive rsity progra m s 4 l by neighbori n g
s t ates or nat i o n s , who can affo rd to accomplish together wh at they can-
not affo rd to do alone ( e. g. , the Unive rsity of East A f ri c a , C e n t ral A m e r-
i c a , the Southern Regional Education Board, and seve ral cooperat i n g
c o l l ege groups in the United Stat e s , the Unive rsities of Dakar and A b i d-
jan);
Use of teacher aides in the cl a s s room (i.e. , p a rap ro fessional 'helpers ' )
39. A m e rican A s s o c i ation of School A d m i n i s t rat o rs , Ye a r-round Sch o o l ( Wa s h i n g t o n ,

D. C . , 1960); G. Odd i e, S chool Building Resources and Their Effe c t ive Use. Some Ava i l abl e
Te chniques and Their Po l i cy Implicat i o n s ( Pa ri s : O E C D, 1 9 6 6 ) , W. H. Stickler and M. W.
C a ro t h e rs , The Ye a r-round Calendar in Operat i o n ( A t l a n t a : S o u t h e rn Regional Educat i o n
B o a rd, 1963); D. J. Vi cke ry, A Comparat ive Study of Multipurpose Rooms in Educat i o n a l
B u i l d i n g s ( B a n g ko k : Unesco Regional Office for Education in A s i a , 1964); D. C. Webb,
Ye a r-round Operation of Unive rsities and Colleges ( M o n t re a l : Canadian Fo u n d ation fo r
E d u c ational Deve l o p m e n t , 1963); J. T. Shap l i n , and H. F. Olds, Team Te a ch i n g ( N ew Yo rk ,
E va n s t o n , and London: H a rper & Row, 1964); and J. L. Tru m p , I m ages of the Future : A New
Ap p ro a ch to the Secondary Sch o o l ( Urbana, I l l i n o i s : Commission on the Experi m e n t a l
S t u dy of the Utilization of the Staff in the Secondary Sch o o l , 1959) .
40. W. Sch ra m m , et al., op. cit. (in part i c u l a r, the summing up to Chapter 4, ' Wh at do the
n ew media cost?' ) .
41. Consejo Superior Unive rs i t a rio Centro a m e ri c a n o , Plan para la integracion regi o n a l
de la educacion superior centro a m e ricana (Costa Rica, 1963); and Unesco, Th e
D evelopment of Higher Education in A f ri c a ( Pa ri s , 1 9 6 3 ) , pp. 219, 2 3 8 .
to handle cl e rical and houseke eping ch o re s , t h e reby helping the reg u l a r

t e a ch e rs to do more direct teaching ( e. g. , nu m e rous public schools in the
United States ) ;42
G re ater emphasis on we l l-planned self-i n s t ru c t i o n— for ex a m p l e, use of
p rogrammed learning mat e ri a l s , ' t e a ching machines,' language lab o rat o-
ri e s , and good books, all of wh i ch enable students to move at their ow n
pace and teach e rs to serve more students (e. g. , nu m e rous examples in
N o rth A m e rica and Europe; a few in developing regi o n s ) ; 43
I n c reased ex p e n d i t u re on textbooks and other 'learning aids,' to enabl e
students to learn more on their ow n , to raise teacher pro d u c t iv i t y, and to
' p rotect' students against poorly qualified teach e rs. (Unfo rt u n at e ly the
reve rse trend exists in many developing countri e s , wh e re pre s s u re of
rising teacher costs has the counteracting effect of dep ressing allotments
for instructional mat e rials and school libra ries );
Ap p l i c ation of modern management practices to school serv i c e s , i n cl u d-
ing the running of bus services and cafe t e ri a s , p ro c u rement and stock i n g
of textbooks and other supplies, building maintenance, and so fo rt h .
Simple operations analysis in a number of school systems and unive rs i t i e s
h ave revealed wide room for improving such services and lowe ring costs.
C o n s o l i d ation of unders i zed educational institutions into large r, m o re
e fficient and better quality units. This applies especially to secondary
s chools and small teacher training institutions. (But seve ral Latin A m e ri-
can countries have run the other way in pro l i fe rating astonishing nu m b e rs
of 'mini-u n ive rsities,' wh i ch cannot possibly hope to be either educa-
t i o n a l ly or economically viabl e. )44
R ationalizing the location and size of sch o o l s to serve a scat t e red stu-
dent population best, at least cost (e. g. , re s e a rch in the Netherlands ap-
p lying location theory' to education; the allocation of specialized sec-
42. M. Blair, and R. G. Wo o dwa rd, Team Te a ching in A c t i o n ( B o s t o n : Houghton Miffl i n

C o m p a ny, 1964); Central Mich i gan College, A Co-o p e rat ive Study for the Better
U t i l i z ation of Te a cher Competencies (Mount Pleasant, M i ch . , 195S); K. Lovell Te a m
Te a ch i n g ( L e e d s : U n ive rsity of Leeds Institute of Educat i o n , 1967); and J. L. Tru m p ,
I m ages of the Future, o p. cit.
43. P. K. Ko m o s k i , and E. J. Gre e n , P rogrammed Instruction in West A f rica and the A rab
S t at e s , a rep o rt on two training wo rkshops (Pa ri s : U n e s c o , 1964); A. A. Lumsdaine, and R.
G l a s e r, Te a ching Machines and Programmed Learn i n g, I (Wa s h i n g t o n , D. C.: N at i o n a l
E d u c ation A s s o c i ation of the United Stat e s ) , 1 9 6 0 , I- 1965 II; and Fund for the A dva n c e m e n t
of Educat i o n , Four Cases of Programmed Learn i n g ( New Yo rk , 1 9 6 4 ) .
44. Inters t ate School Building Serv i c e, S chool C o n s t ru c t i o n , op. cit., and Unesco
' P rovisional Rep o rt of the Meeting of Experts on Higher Education and Development in
L atin A m e rica,' Unive rsity of Costa Rica, San Jo s e, 1 5-24 March 1966, in Higher Educat i o n
and Development in Latin A m e ri c a ( Pa ri s : U n e s c o , 196B ), pt. II, p. 8.
o n d a ry vo c ational training facilities among diffe rent Lebanese tow n s , o n

the basis of comparat ive cost studies of altern at ive pat t e rn s ) .
E ven this brief and assorted list makes clear that there are many op-
p o rtunities for ach i eving improvements in educational effi c i e n cy. It also
m a kes clear that there is no single panacea. The task must be ap p ro a ch e d
f rom many angles, at many points, and with enormous determ i n at i o n .
Most of the fo regoing types of action invo l ve no striking dep a rt u re s
f rom conventional pra c t i c e. Th ey can unquestionably, when imagi n at ive ly
and vigo ro u s ly ap p l i e d, a ch i eve considerable gains. But the question re-
mains whether conventional measures such as these will suffice to solve
the pro blem. Our own guess is that something more is needed. We need a
f u n d a m e n t a l ly new strat egic ap p ro a ch wh i ch breaks the shackles of
c o nvention and dares to contemplate innovations of a sort we re a d i ly ac-
c ept in other realms of life but wh i ch , for lack of courage or imagi n at i o n ,
we have scarc e ly yet dreamed of in the vital realm of human learning and
d eve l o p m e n t .
C u ri o u s ly enough, it is far harder to innovate in fo rmal education than
to do the unconventional thing in nonfo rmal education—the topic to
wh i ch we now turn .
V
N o n fo rmal Educat i o n : To Cat ch Up,

Ke ep Up, and Get A h e a d
A MOTLEY BUT V I TA L LY IMPORTANT A S S O RTMENT • NO CLEAR

I N V E N TO RY OR ASSESSMENT AVAILABLE • SCATTERED SPONSORSHIP A N D
A D M I N I S T R ATION • MAJOR SHADOW SYSTEMS OF EDUCATION HAVE
P RO L I F E R ATED IN INDUSTRIALIZED COUNTRIES • THEIR IMPORTANT
ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL AIMS • NEEDS AND PRIORITIES OF DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES ARE DIFFERENT • RURAL AND AG R I C U LTURAL DEVELOPMENT
MERITS A HIGH PRIORITY • SOME PRACTICAL OBSTACLES • COMMON
NEEDS OF ALL NAT I O N S.
Up to this point we have made only occasional re fe rence to that be-

w i l d e ring assortment of nonfo rmal educational and training activities that
constitute—or should constitute—an important complement to fo rm a l
e d u c ation in any nation's total education effo rt. These activities go by dif-
fe rent names—'adult education,' 'continuing education,' 'on-t h e-job tra i n-
i n g,' 'accelerated tra i n i n g,' 'fa rmer or wo rker tra i n i n g,' and 'extension ser-
vices.' Th ey touch the lives of many people and, when well aimed, h ave a
high potential for contri buting quick ly and substantially to individual and
n ational development. Th ey can also contri bute mu ch to cultural enri ch-
ment and to individual self-re a l i z at i o n .
Th e re is, t h e re fo re, a wide ge n e ral agreement that this shadowy 'other
system' of education is important and wa rrants gre ater attention. Yet one
gat h e rs from the scanty evidence that the many bold wo rds about the mat-
ter have seldom been mat ched by equally bold deeds. One evident re a s o n
for this is that in contrast to the re l at ive neatness and coherence of the
fo rmal education system, n o n fo rmal educational activities are an untidy
m e l a n ge that defies simple descri p t i o n , or the diagnosis and meas-
u rement of systematic planning. Few nations have even a moderat e ly
138
N o n fo rmal Educat i o n 139
good inve n t o ry of their present activities in this re a l m , mu ch less an as-

sessment of future needs and how best to meet them. (IIEP attempted such
an inve n t o ry in Tanzania and Senegal. ) 1
The aims of these activities are often uncl e a r, their clienteles undefi n e d,
and responsibility for their management and funding scat t e red acro s s
d o zens of public and private agencies. Th ey spring up spontaneously,
come and go , at times succeed bri l l i a n t ly but just as often die unnoticed
and unmourn e d. Nobody in particular is in ch a rge of monitoring them, o f
ke eping their evolving pat t e rn in ove r-all pers p e c t ive, of identifying gap s
t h at need filling and projecting future re q u i re m e n t s , or of suggesting pri o-
rities and better ways of harmonizing them and boosting their effi c i e n cy
and effe c t ive n e s s .
The matter is further beclouded if one fails to distinguish cl e a rly be-
t ween the needs for nonfo rmal education of the more industri a l i zed coun-
t ries and those of the less advanced ones.
The Case of Industri a l i zed Nat i o n s
The industri a l i zed countries of Europe and North A m e rica have incre a s-
i n g ly come to re c og n i ze that fo rmal education—to wh at ever leve l — mu s t
be fo l l owed by ap p ro p ri ate fo rms of 'continuing education' thro u g h o u t
e a ch person's life. 2 L i fe-long education is essential in a rap i d ly progre s s-
ing and ch a n ging society for three pri m a ry re a s o n s : (1) to ensure the
e m p l oyment mobility of indiv i d u a l s , and to make unemployable 'dro p o u t s '
of the past employable; (2) to ke ep alre a dy we l l-t rained people ab reast of
n ew know l e d ge and tech n o l ogies essential to their continued high pro d u c-
t ivity in their re s p e c t ive fields; and (3) to improve the quality and sat i s-
faction of individual lives through cultura l ly enri ching their ex p a n d i n g
l e i s u re time. In this pers p e c t ive, the continuing education of teach e rs , at
all leve l s , is of special strat egic significance; if they fail to ke ep up with
the fro n t i e rs of know l e d ge they will be giving ye s t e rd ay's education to
t o m o rrow's citize n s .
In response to these seve ral re q u i re m e n t s , t h e re has evo l ved ve ry
rap i d ly in most industri a l i zed countries an astonishing netwo rk of 'con-
t i nuing education' programs. It is entire ly possible that m some countri e s
1. See J. King, Planning Non-fo rmal Education in Ta n z a n i a , A f rican re s e a rch mono-

grap h s , No. 16 (Pa ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 7 )- and P. Fo u gey ro l l a s , F. Sow and F.
Va l l a d o n , l ' E d u c ation des adultes au Sénéga l , M o n ographies afri c a i n e s , no. 11 (Pa ri s :
U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 7 ) .
2. See Appendix 31.
( e. g. , the United States and the Soviet Union) the aggregate of economic
re s o u rces and human energies alre a dy committed to these part-time pro-
grams ap p ro a ches the total invo l ved in full-time fo rmal educat i o n .
The full truth of the matter here is unknow n , but an effo rt by Pro fe s s o r
H a rold Clark of Columbia Unive rsity to take stock of the situation in the
United States led to some startling conclusions. He found that , in add i t i o n
to the 'fo rmal' education system, t h e re we re at least three 'info rmal' edu-
c ational systems, l a rge ly hidden from view but ex t e n s ive ly engaged in tea-
ching many of the same things. One was run by private bu s i n e s s , a second
by the military establ i s h m e n t , and the third embraced a motley assort m e n t
of educational activities sponsored by private vo l u n t a ry orga n i z at i o n s . 3
Some giant industrial fi rm s , as nearly as Pro fessor Clark could calculat e
(the accounting re c o rds are never clear on these mat t e rs ) , we re spending
about as mu ch on the high-l evel training of their employees and customers
as the instructional bu d gets of some of the nation's largest unive rs i t i e s —
often on the ve ry same subjects. He found also that the amount of 'Sunday
s chool' space in the ch u rches of some communities equaled the cl a s s ro o m
space of local public schools. An incidental discove ry he made was that
p rivate ya cht clubs we re giving the same nav i gation courses as the Nava l
A c a d e my at A n n ap o l i s , and that their students often did better than the
f u t u re naval offi c e rs in the same ex a m i n ations. The military serv i c e s , o n
the other hand, we re providing such good civilian technical training to
m i l i t a ry personnel that they we re rap i d ly losing them to privat e
e m p l oye rs .
M u ch the same phenomenon has occurred in we s t e rn Euro p e, t h o u g h
not yet to the same extent as in the United Stat e s .4 The accomplishments
of the Scandinavian countries in the field of adult education have been
n o t ewo rt hy. The Fre n ch gove rnment has lat e ly given increased attention to
special training and re t raining programs for adults.5 Adult educat i o n
3. See H. F. Clark , and H. S. Sloan, C l a s s rooms in the Fa c t o ri e s (Institute of Re-

s e a rch , Fa rl eigh Dickinson Unive rs i t y, R u t h e r fo r d, N ew Je rs ey, 1 9 5 8 )- H. F. Clark , H .
S. Sloan, C. A. Heb e rt , C l a s s rooms in the Store s ( Sweet Spri n g s , M o . : R ox bu ry Pre s s ,
I n c. , for the Institute for Instructional Improve m e n t , I n c. , 1 9 6 2 )- and H. F. Clark , a n d
H. S. Sloan, C l a s s rooms in the Military ( N ew Yo rk- B u reau of Publ i c at i o n s , Te a ch e rs
C o l l ege, Columbia Unive rs i t y, for the Institute for Instructional Improve m e n t , I n c. ,
1964).
4. See A. A. Live ri g h t , ' O b s e rvations on Developments in the Field of Higher A d u l t
E d u c ation in 1965,' limited circ u l ation statement at the Center for the Study of Libera l
E d u c ation for A d u l t s , B o s t o n , Feb ru a ry 1965.
5. See 'La Fo rm ation pro fessionnelle des adultes,' in Notes et études documentaire s
no. 3104, 9 Ju ly 1964, Pa ri s , S e c r é t a ri at général du go u ve rn e m e n t , D i rection de la
d o c u m e n t at i o n .
in the Fe d e ral Rep u blic of Germ a ny and the United Kingdom, l a rge ly
t h rough private auspices, has taken on new life since 1945. Industri a l
fi rms throughout Europe are stepping up their in-s e rvice training and
c a reer development programs (though ap p a re n t ly too slow ly to ke ep pace
with their needs). The military services are training computer progra m e rs ,
e l e c t ronics tech n i c i a n s , and the like, who end up in civilian jobs.
The U. S. S.R. and other socialist countries of Europe have all along at-
t a ched high importance to 'continuing education' and have made im-
p re s s ive strides in pursuit of it. Th ey appear to have gone fa rther than
most We s t e rn nations in breaking down the art i ficial barri e rs that have
p e rp e t u ated for too long an unwholesome sep a ration between fo rmal and
n o n fo rmal education. As a re s u l t , t h e re is a continuing dialogue in the
socialist countries between the unive rsities and technical sch o o l s , t h e
i n d u s t ries they serve, and the pioneers of industrial re s e a rch. Two ques-
tions are central to the dialog u e : (1) the adequacy of the existing edu-
c ational progra m s , and how they might be improve d, and (2) wh at new
types of manpower will be needed for new types of tech n o l ogies still on
the hori zo n , and hence wh at innovations are needed now in educat i o n a l
p rograms in order to meet these new needs. Beyond this, the educat i o n a l
systems in these countries have fo rged an unu s u a l ly close re l at i o n s h i p
b e t ween wo rk and study. Thus about half the students enrolled in uni-
ve rsity engi n e e ring programs in the Soviet Union are part-time students
with regular jobs. Th ey do mu ch of their learning by corre s p o n d e n c e, a n d
m o re re c e n t ly by television as we l l , along with periodic study periods at
the unive rs i t y. 6 Th e re are nu m e rous opportunities for an able and am-
bitious wo rker in the Soviet Union to advance himself by 'going back to
s chool,' without heavy personal sacri fi c e. Unive rsity pro fe s s o rs , in turn ,
a re obl i ge d, and given time off, to ke ep pace with re l evant new deve l o p-
ments in their own fi e l d s , s u ch as computer progra m m i n g, in order to
ke ep their re s e a rch cap abilities from growing obsolete. Other pro fe s-
s i o n a l s , s u ch as doctors , a re obl i ged and enabled to ke ep pace with new
k n ow l e d ge and techniques in their re s p e c t ive fi e l d s .
This pro l i fe ration of shadow systems of education will sure ly continu e
apace in the industri a l i zed countries. The need is ev i d e n t , the motivat i o n
is stro n g, and the re s o u rces can be fo u n d. Besides ke eping people up to
d at e, these more fl ex i ble programs are compensating for the defi c i e n c i e s
of the fo rmal educational system wh i ch stem from its fa i l u re to adap t
rap i d ly enough to ch a n ging needs.
6. Nozhko , et al., op. cit.

All this unders c o res the importance of evolving a more coherent view of
the 'nonfo rmal educational system' to fa c i l i t ate a more effe c t ive co-
o rd i n ation of its many parts with each other and with fo rmal educat i o n .
The same conditions that cre ated the need for 'continuing education' in
these countries have also made necessary a fundamental re d e finition of
the role of fo rmal education. In this new context of rapid ch a n ge, t h e
p rime role of fo rmal education—as we have seve ral times stre s s e d — mu s t
be to 'teach people to learn for themselves' so that they can later ab s o r b
n ew know l e d ge and skills effi c i e n t ly on their own. Even the gre atest uni-
ve rsities cannot hope to turn out 'educated' people—in the sense that they
h ave 'completed' their education. Their aim and hope must be to turn out
e d u c able people, well prep a red for a life of learn i n g — wh i ch is a quite dif-
fe rent mat t e r.
The Case of the Developing Nat i o n s

The developing countries are pre s e n t ly in a ve ry diffe rent position with
respect to nonfo rmal education. Because they do not have the same bro a d
economic base or the same broad base of popular education as the de-
veloped countries to build on, t h ey face quite another set of urgent needs
and pri o rities. When this fact is ove rl o o ke d, the we l l-meant effo rts of
'adult education specialists' from industri a l i zed nations to ap p ly their ow n
d o c t ri n e s , p ri o ri t i e s , and methods to developing countries can prove use-
less or wo rs e.
The poorer countries now face a pri o rity task of nonfo rmal educat i o n
wh i ch ye a rs ago confronted today's industri a l i zed countries. It is to bri n g
to the vast nu m b e rs of fa rm e rs , wo rke rs , small entrep re n e u rs , and others
who have never seen the inside of a fo rmal cl a s s room—and perhaps neve r
will—a spate of useful skills and know l e d ge wh i ch they can pro m p t ly
ap p ly to their own and their nation's deve l o p m e n t . 7
Another pri o rity task is to upgrade the competence of part i a l ly quali-
fied people—teach e rs , for ex a m p l e — a l re a dy holding jobs in the privat e
and public sector, so that they can more effe c t ive ly perfo rm the jobs.
I n d e e d, this kind of in-s e rvice training can be the key to improving the
quality and effi c i e n cy of educational systems, gove rnment administra-
t i o n s , and small enterp rises. Furt h e r, t h e re is the immense task, e m-
p h a s i zed by Guy Hunter in his Tanzania study, 8 of salvaging the edu-
7. See Appendix 32.

8. G. Hunter, M a n p owe r, E m p l oyment and Education {n the Rural Economy of Ta n z a n i a ,
A f rican re s e a rch monograp h s , No. 9 (Pa ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 6 ) .
c ational investment rep resented by those thousands who leave pri m a ry

s ch o o l , s e c o n d a ry gra d u at e s , and dropouts who as yet have no jobs, bu t
who can be fitted for some kind of employment with ap p ro p ri ate fo rms of
special training ( the counterp a rt of the training tasks now being under-
t a ken in the United States under the Economic Opportunity Program and
its Job Corps ) .
G iven the ex t reme scarcity of their time and re s o u rc e s , these nations can
i l l-a ffo rd to dissipate them on a wrong order of pri o rities. For ex a m p l e,
t h ey can ill-a ffo rd to dissipate them on indiscri m i n ate popular litera cy
campaigns that may have little impact on development go a l s , or on ex t ra-
mu ral unive rsity adult education programs designed to feed the pers o n a l
enthusiasms of alre a dy educated persons for 'consumption' education. A s
d e s i rable as these things are, p ri o rity must go to 'investment' education at
this stage, and to people who can make it pay off for the ultimate benefi t
of all. Unesco, for one, has re c og n i zed this necessity. It has thus urged its
member states in A f ri c a , A s i a , and Latin A m e rica to direct their pilot lite-
ra cy projects to wo rk-o ri e n t e d l e a rning and to care f u l ly selected gro u p s
within their active labor fo rce whose pro d u c t ivity can be most quick ly and
s u b s t a n t i a l ly increased by we l l-t a i l o red litera cy progra m s .9 The concep t
of litera cy is thus enlarged in object to include making fa rm e rs and wo r-
ke rs literate' in useful, m o d e rn techniques wh i ch they can put to pra c t i c a l
u s e.
With a wo rl d-wide food short age looming ever more ominously, a n d
with the economic growth of many developing countries being hobbled by
l a ck of sufficient effo rt to modern i ze their agri c u l t u ral and ru ral sectors ,
it is clear that fa rmer tra i n i n g, extension serv i c e s , and the training of ru ra l
l e a d e rs (innovat o rs and entrep re n e u rs of seve ral sorts) must be a major
o b j e c t ive of nonfo rmal education in the ye a rs immediat e ly ahead.
Fo rt u n at e ly, it has alre a dy been well shown—in Ke nya , to cite but one
ex a m p l e — t h at we l l-c o n c e ived short training courses for practicing fa rm-
e rs and their wives (even if they cannot read) can have a quick and hand-
some yield, p rovided they are fo l l owed up with effe c t ive adv i s o ry serv i c e s
and are complemented by the other necessary ingredients of a we l l-i n t e-
grated agri c u l t u ral development campaign.
But a special set of difficulties must be re ckoned with here. The pro b-
lem of training fa rm e rs and ru ral leaders , it ap p e a rs , is less one of know-
9. See Unesco, L i t e ra cy : Th ree Pilot Pro j e c t s , rep rints from the Unesco Chro n i cl e
X I , no. 12 (Pa ri s , Decem ber 1965); XII, no. 3 (March 1966); and Mary Burnet A B C
of Litera cy ( Pa ri s : U n e s c o , 1 9 6 5 ) .
ing wh at is needed than of ach i eving the proper orga n i z ation and staff fo r
getting it done. In this connection, the lack of economic re s o u rces is often
far less of an obstacle than the tangled maze of conflicting juri s d i c t i o n s
and uncoord i n ated effo rts by nu m e rous agencies having a hand in agri c u l-
t u ral and ru ral affa i rs. It seems imperat ive to re d ep l oy human talent and
e n e rgies from the least pro d u c t ive fo rms of administration to the most
p ro d u c t ive fo rms of fa rmer and ru ral tra i n i n g.
Another major obstacle that the poorer countries face (along with ri ch e r
ones) is the lack of orga n i z ational means for bri n ging important fo rms of
n o n fo rmal education within the purv i ew of educational planning—since
the latter has typically been confined to fo rmal education and sometimes
not even to all of that. In the absence of ove r-all planning there is no rat i o-
nal basis for setting pri o ri t i e s , for allocating scarce re s o u rc e s , or for ch o o-
sing the proper balance and division of labor between va rious types of fo r-
mal and nonfo rmal education aimed at re l ated objectives. One gets the
distinct impression from ve ry sparse ava i l able evidence that in most deve-
loping countries too small a share of total ava i l able educational re s o u rc e s
has been allocated to nonfo rmal education. 10 F u rt h e rm o re, the meage r
re s o u rces actually allocated to nonfo rmal education are too often wa s t e d
for lack of a clear strat egy, good planning, fi rm pri o ri t i e s , and wo rk abl e
a d m i n i s t rat ive arra n ge m e n t s .
Despite the wide diffe rences noted between the industri a l i zed and the
d eveloping countri e s , t h ey nonetheless share certain important needs with
respect to nonfo rmal education. Fi rs t , t h ey must get a cl e a rer picture of
wh at they are alre a dy doing and how well they are doing it—this, as a
basis for fashioning ways to do it better, to fill important gap s , and to cut
d own on the less important activities in favor of the more import a n t .
S e c o n d, t h ey need to bring about a more effe c t ive re l ationship betwe e n
fo rmal and nonfo rmal educat i o n , to break down the wall between them,
and to ach i eve a more efficient division of labor between the two. Th i rd,
to do all these things, t h ey need to ap p ly effe c t ive fo rms of re s e a rch to this
l a rge ly unre s e a rched yet vitally important sector of educat i o n .
In their effo rts to meet these needs, all countries can learn from and
assist one another considerably—a subject of broad dimension to wh i ch
we will next turn our at t e n t i o n .
10. See, for ex a m p l e, Hunter's conclusions on Tanzania in Appendix 33.

VI
I n t e rn at i on a l Co o p er a t i o n : A Key t o
M e e ti n g t he C ri s i s
E d u c ation's Wo rl d-Wide Common Marke t

M U T UAL BENEFITS OF EDUCAT I O NAL COMMERCE A M O N G NATIONS •
I M P O RTANCE OF INDIVIDUALS IN FOSTERING THIS COMMERCE • MAIN
C O M P O N E N T S.
S t atesmen and their adv i s e rs are stru ggling hard these days to cre at e
regional common markets through wh i ch economic goods may fl ow in
gre ater abu n d a n c e. Educational systems, h oweve r, a l re a dy have their ow n
common marke t , and have had one for a ve ry long time. It is wo rl dw i d e,
and its 'volume of trade' has boomed in the past twenty ye a rs—in size,
d ive rs i t y, and ge ographic scope. Even so, its potential benefits have as ye t
been scarc e ly re a l i ze d.
Can this intern ational ex ch a n ge in educational and cultural goods be
d ep l oyed to help solve the educational crisis wh i ch all the members of
the educational common market share? The question states and fra m e s
our central concern here. Befo re coming to it dire c t ly, h oweve r, s eve ra l
i n t e rm e d i ate questions must fi rst be considere d. How has this enlarge d
i n t e rn ational ex ch a n ge in recent ye a rs affected the crisis now at hand?
Has it in some ways helped to pre c i p i t ate the crisis? Has it in the main
been a neutral fo rce? Or has it served to ke ep the crisis from becoming
even more acute?
A look at some key fe at u res of this ex ch a n ge system may put these
questions in cl e a rer fo c u s , as will, p e r h ap s , a re fe rence back to Chart III,
outlining the re l ationships between one nation's educational system and
o t h e rs in the wo rl d.
145
Behind this diagram lie seve ral facts of capital import a n c e, of wh i ch the
fi rst is this: Vi rt u a l ly eve ry national educational system is an integral part
of a, wo rl d-wide educational system, and the same can be said of the
'intellectual community' of each nation—some of whose members wo rk
outside the boundaries of the educational system yet are a major adjunct
of it. This is not only true in theory but is a vibrant functional re a l i t y.
I n d e e d, a ny educational system wh i ch tries to seal itself off from this
wo rld community is bound to be afflicted with ga n gre n e, as sure ly as a
human limb cut off from the art e rial circ u l ation of bl o o d. And wh at the
system suffe rs , its society is bound to suffer too.
A second fact explains why this is the case. Educational commerc e
among nations is almost always and eve ry wh e re mu t u a l ly benefi c i a l .
One proof of this can be found in the fa i rly recent ex p e riences of the
E a s t e rn and We s t e rn nations. In the darkest days of political tension,
with economic trade between them all but dried up, these nat i o n s —
i n cluding the United States and the Soviet Union—found it to their
mutual adva n t age to maintain educational and cultural ex ch a n ges. Th e
b e n e fits are now beyond doubt, and the process continues. The ex ch a n ge
m ay have helped their re s p e c t ive economies to grow fa s t e r. But most
o b s e rve rs would agree that a far more important benefit was to ke ep the
channels for intellectual and cultural discourse open, even though the
channels for other dialogues we re fro zen. An important effect was to
help destroy misch i evous myths and false image s , h a r b o red by each
p a rty about the other, The ex ch a n ge helped to broaden and deep e n
authentic mutual unders t a n d i n g, t h rough fi rs t-hand observation and
fa c e - t o-face dialog u e. The ex ch a n ge also stimu l ated and enri ched each
of the educational systems invo l ve d. It did the same on an indiv i d u a l
basis for the many cre at ive sch o l a rs , w ri t e rs , and artists who at last
c o n f ronted each other in a wo rld fo ru m , wh i ch they sensed all along wa s
their proper place.
Another proof of the mutual benefits of wo rl d-wide intellectual ex-
ch a n ge is found in the realm of science and tech n o l ogy. Here, eve ry na-
tion has learned that free trade in know l e d ge and in sch o l a rs is impera-
t ive to the progress of each. Some barri e rs still impede this scientific in-
t e rch a n ge. But there is no denying the fact that the scientists in re c e n t
ye a rs—aided by Unesco, other intern ational orga n i z at i o n s , by gove rn-
m e n t s , and by vo l u n t a ry pro fessional societies—have been exe m p l a rs of
an intellectual cooperation wh i ch the carri e rs of other fo rms of know l-
e d ge would do well to use as a model. Melville said of the intellectual
I n t e rn ational Cooperat i o n 147
giants who lead such an intellectual ex ch a n ge : ' For ge n i u s , all over the
wo rl d, stands hand in hand with ge n i u s , and one shock of re c ognition ru n s
the whole circle aro u n d. '1
This brings us to the third important fact behind our diagram—a fa c t
sometimes obscured by the institutional supers t ru c t u re fa c i l i t ating the
intellectual ex ch a n ge. It is that i n d iv i d u a l s re a l ly make the wheels go
round in the common market of free intellectual ex ch a n ge. Institutions, o f
c o u rs e, a re essential. This is true ab ove all of the unive rsities in eve ry
l a n d. Th ey are—or should be—the main props of the whole intellectual
s t ru c t u re. In- the last analy s i s , h oweve r, it is the individual sch o l a rs ,
t e a ch e rs , and students who come and go from these institutions that give
the common enterp rise its vitality, its fa i l u re or success, its pove rty or
ri chness. James Pe rkins summed it up this way :
It is from the unive r sity that the intellectual emerges to joi n his f e l l ows m
other lands, and to wh i ch he must re t u rn to r e-ex a m i n e, retest a nd r e fo r mu l at e
his i deas bef o re sending t hem out in the wo rld aga i n .
Pe rkins reminds us also that there are ground rules in this system of inter-
n ational ex ch a n ge wh i ch impose special demands and obl i gations upon its
m e m b e rs. Th ey incl u d e :
an ove rr iding commitment to the search f or truth; a dedica tion to the objec tive
stance; a rejecti on of prejudice based on a distaste for wh at is diffe rent; a re a-
l i z ation that the s ch o l a rly s earc h has no end; a wi llingness to exam ine and
r e-examine mat t e rs that s eem to be s ettled. 2
A fo u rth fact to be noted is that the trade wh i ch takes place among edu-
c ational systems does not fit into tidy pack ages with clear labels. It is dif-
fuse and many-c o l o re d. Still, for convenience of analysis and discussion,
most of its assorted components can be loosely sorted into three cat ego-
ri e s : (1) k n ow l e d ge and ideas— t ra n s p o rted through the printed wo rd, o n
fi l m s , by electronic means, or in people's heads; (2) i n d iv i d u a l s — t e a-
ch e rs , s t u d e n t s , re s e a rch e rs , ex p e rt s , and others; and (3) p hysical fa c i l i -
t i e s , e q u i p m e n t , and supplies—sent from one country to another and use-
ful for the tech n o l ogy of the educational pro c e s s .
1. Quoted in James A. Pe rk i n s , ' The Intern ational Dimension of the unive rs i t y,' an add re s s
d e l ive red by the Cornell unive rsity president befo re the women s Planning committee of the
Japan Intern ational Christian unive rsity Fo u n d at i o n , N ew Yo rk October 1966.
2 . I b i d.
To fa c i l i t ate ex ch a n ge in these three fo rm s , another ingredient is often

n e c e s s a ry, n a m e ly, m o n ey — m o n ey for sch o l a rships and fe l l ow s h i p s , fo r
sending ex p e rts and teach e rs 'on loan,' for acquiring supplies and equip-
ment and for constructing bu i l d i n g s .
This brings us to the final important fact behind the diagram. It is that the
principle of mutual benefi t , the ground rules and the importance of indiv i-
duals in making the ex ch a n ge system wo rk—all these ap p ly with equal
force to educational transactions between industri a l i zed countries and less
developed ones. Many such transactions these days go under the label of
' ex t e rnal assistance' or 'fo reign aid,' and this fo s t e rs popular notions of a
one-way flow. In rea l i t y, h oweve r, the benefits almost inva ri ably fl ow in two
directions. The point was succinctly put by Ricardo Diez-H o ch l e i t n e r, a
d ep a rtmental director at Unesco: 'Technical assistance cannot continue to be
looked at as one-way tra ffi c. All countries need some specialized manpowe r
from other countries , in the same way as they need mat e rial products fro m
each other.... In the future, should we not perhaps replace technical assis-
tance by a concept of technical co-o p e ration? ' 3
A nyone who has been part of this fl ow—the teach e r, the pro fe s s o r, t h e
a dv i s e r, or the scientist who has gone ab road to 'help' another nat i o n ' s
e d u c ational system—will usually affi rm that he came home the ri cher fo r
the ex p e ri e n c e. If any such visitor has the eyes to see, the ears to hear, a n d
the mind to learn wh at another culture is ab o u t , he can hard ly avoid taking
home a ri ch harvest. His new insights and know l e d ge will be even deep e r
if he goes out of his way to initiate close contact with his fo reign col-
l e ag u e s , for they ve ry like ly see the wo rl d, the same academic subject, t h e
e d u c ational process itself, in a ve ry diffe rent light. And it is not only the
i t i n e rant individuals who benefit from this confro n t ation of dive rse per-
c eptions. Educational institutions and nations also benefit when they lend
a share of their human re s o u rces to others. Their own students, fa c u l t i e s ,
and know l e d ge are eve n t u a l ly enri ched by wh at is brought back fro m
ove rseas by their own teach e rs and re s e a rch e rs , as well as by fo reign visi-
t o rs. The only thing they sacri fice is paro ch i a l i s m .
So mu ch for the basic fe at u res of the educational common marke t .
Let us now examine more cl o s e ly the part of the total volume of inter-
n ational trade in education wh i ch is called 'ex t e rnal assistance' or 'fo re i g n
3. R ic ardo Diez-H o ch l e i t n e r, ' Te chnical Assistance to Developing Countries i n

the F ield of Educa tion,' a wo rking paper of the Wo rking Group on E ducation at the
Ninth Wo r ld Confe rence of the S oci ety for Intern ational Deve l o p m e n t , M i l a n , 7-1 1
June 1967.
a i d.' In doing so, our main object is to define the bearing the latter has
on the wo rld educational cri s i s , and wh at it can do to help ove rcome the
c ri s i s.
E x t e rnal Assistance and the Cri s i s

THE QUA N T I TATIVE DIMENSIONS • STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE OF AID •
S E L F-S U P P O RT BY POOR COUNTRIES • RECENT DECLINE OF AID VOLUME •
QUA L I TATIVE DIMENSIONS • ATTEMPTS TO EVA L UATE AID RESULTS •
LESSONS OF EXPERIENCE • HOW AID HAS AG G R AVATED THE CRISIS •
FUTURE NEEDS.
Pe r h aps because we hear so mu ch about it, it is tempting to think of

' ex t e rnal assistance' between developed and developing nations as con-
stituting the bulk of the intern ational trade in education. In re a l i t y, it is
o n ly a small portion of the whole—though a highly strat egic one. Th e
major portion of the wo rld's entire educational interc o u rse takes place
among industri a l i zed nat i o n s , with only a minor share coming under 'of-
ficial' progra m s , s u ch as the Fulbright Program (wh i ch has been large ly
m a n aged by academic people themselves on a bilat e ral basis). Th e re is no
d o u b t , h oweve r, t h at official ex ch a n ges have stimu l ated nonofficial ex-
ch a n ges among industri a l i zed nations since Wo rld War II and have add e d
an important accent on mutual understanding and mutual benefi t s .
E ven in the case of the gre at ly expanded educational tra ffic betwe e n
i n d u s t ri a l i zed and developing nat i o n s , a surp ri s i n g ly large share take s
place outside the fra m ewo rk of official gove rnment progra m s , and outside
' o rga n i zed' private progra m s , s u ch as those supported by private fo u n d a-
tions. It ap p e a rs , for ex a m p l e, t h at well over half of the students fro m
d eveloping nations who study at the unive rsities of we s t e rn Europe and
N o rth A m e rica do so on an individual basis, without official support or
o rga n i zed private sponsors h i p . 4 While ava i l able evidence suggests that
4. 'I n fa i rn e s s , it s hould be point ed out that t he gre at m ajority of deve l o p i n g

c o u n t ry nati onals studying ab road ar e not financed in this way [i.e. , with an offi-
cial support....' OECD, Te chnical Assistance to Developing Countries. Pro blems of
R e q u i rements and Supply ( Pa ri s : D evelopment Assistance Comm ittee, Wo rk i n g
Pa r ty on Ass istance Re quir e m e n t s , 1968) .
these nonsponsored fo reign students, who are in the majori t y, a re the

m o re like ly candidates for the train drain,' ex ch a n ge progra m s , s p o n-
s o red by gove rnments and major private orga n i z at i o n s , h ave a com-
p a rat ive ly good re c o rd of re t u rning their ex ch a n ge participants back to
their home base.
The picture is ve ry diffe rent with rega rd to teach e rs , p ro fe s s o rs , s c i e n-
t i s t s , e d u c ational adv i s e rs , as well as capital funds for educational fa c i l-
ities and equipment, fl owing f ro m i n d u s t ri a l i zed nations to deve l o p i n g
c o u n t ries. Here the ex t e rnal assistance programs of intern ational age n c i e s ,
i n d ividual gove rn m e n t s , and major fo u n d ations account for a heavy por-
tion of the total tra ffi c. Unesco, for ex a m p l e, both through its own bu d ge t
and in collab o ration with the United Nations Development Progra m , t h e
Wo rld Bank, and Unicef, has become a major positive fo rce in the educa-
tional life of many of its member states in A f ri c a , A s i a , and Latin A m e r-
ica. The major bilat e ral programs have likewise had a considerable impact
upon education in many developing countri e s .
Th e re are, u n fo rt u n at e ly, no fully sat i s fa c t o ry fi g u res to draw on in
t rying to ske t ch an ove r-all picture of the size, fo rm , s o u rc e s , and ge o-
graphic distri bution of educational assistance to developing countries. But
the fo l l owing rough ap p rox i m ations will suggest the ge n e ral mag n i t u d e
and shape of things.5 D eveloping countries as a whole are spending
a round ten billion dollars annu a l ly on education. This is ro u g h ly 4 per
cent of their aggregate GNP, or something like 250 billion dollars. Of the
total educational ex p e n d i t u re s , it ap p e a rs that about one billion dollars , o r
10 per cent, comes from ex t e rnal sources. In turn , s o m ewh e re between 10
and 20 per cent of this total ex t e rnal assistance to education comes
t h rough United Nations and other mu l t i l at e ral age n c i e s , and the re m a i n i n g
80 to 90 per cent through bilat e ral ch a n n e l s , p rivate as well as gove rn-
mental. Of the total ex t e rnal assistance to educat i o n , p rivate sources pro-
b ably account for 10 to 20 per cent, the rest being financed dire c t ly and
i n d i re c t ly by gove rn m e n t s .
H ow is this total ex t e rnal assistance to education distri buted as among
d i ffe rent fo rms and objectives? Ap p a re n t ly 10 to 20 per cent goes into
s ch o l a rships and fe l l ow s h i p s , m o s t ly for study ab road; another 20 to 30
per cent goes for 'hardwa re' such as buildings and equipment. The re-
maining 60 to 70 per cent is accounted for by pers o n n e l — m o s t ly teach-
e rs , e d u c ational ex p e rt s , and adv i s e rs sent to assist developing countri e s .
5. See Appendix 34.

In 1965, over 35,000 'technical assistance' teach e rs and another 8000

volunteer teach e rs we re serving in developing countri e s . 6
The picture showing the ge ographical distri bution of the educat i o n a l
assistance is an uneven one, with gre at va ri ations between regions and
b e t ween countries within them. The ove r-all ave rage of ex t e rnal assistance
to the developing countries—amounting to 10 per cent of the total educa-
tional outlays of those countri e s — b reaks down into a wide ra n ge, ru n n i n g
f rom as little as 1 per cent for some countries to 30 per cent or more fo r
o t h e rs. Asian and Latin A m e rican nations seem to fall ge n e ra l ly into a
ra n ge of 1 to 5 per cent, E n g l i s h-speaking A f rican countries into a ra n ge
of 12 to 15 per cent, and a number of Fre n ch-speaking A f rican nat i o n s
re a ch as high as 30 per cent.7
Th ree other important points stand out in a pers p e c t ive view of the
q u a n t i t at ive dimensions of ex t e rnal assistance to education. Fi rs t , e d u c a-
tional assistance accounts for a re l at ive ly small part—in the order of one-
tenth—of total development assistance of all sort s , i n cluding loans, but fo r
a somewh at higher pro p o rtion of total 'technical assistance.' With two or
t h ree important ex c eptions such as Fra n c e, few 'donor' nations and few
i n t e rn ational agencies other than Unesco appear to be giving a high pri o-
rity to educational deve l o p m e n t , though some are giving it gre ater at t e n-
tion than was the case seve ral ye a rs ago. Second, the ove r-all amount of
e d u c ational assistance, l i ke development assistance ge n e ra l ly, has leve l e d
o ff in recent ye a rs and, a l l owing for infl at i o n a ry fa c t o rs , has pro b ably
d e clined since 1961. In any eve n t , the developing countries are support i n g
the ove r whelming pro p o rtion of their total educational development bu r-
den with their own re s o u rces. Fi n a l ly, most developing countries are
c o n c e n t rating half or more of their own educational effo rt at the pri m a ry
l eve l , wh e re outside help is minimal; hence ex t e rnal assistance has its
gre atest significance at the secondary and unive rsity levels and in teach e r
t ra i n i n g. Within these educational sectors , the largest effo rt has gone into
n ew institutions and programs such as interm e d i ate and higher tech n i c a l
i n s t i t u t e s , science educat i o n , n ew types of secondary sch o o l s , t e a cher tra i-
n i n g, and wo rk-o riented litera cy.
E ven more important than the quantitat ive dimensions of ex t e rnal as-
sistance are the q u a l i t at ive dimensions. Th e re is undoubtedly a ro u g h
6. See Appendix 34,

7. See, f or ex a m p l e, L. Cery ch , L 'Aide ex t é ri e u re et la planifi c ation de l'éducat i o n
en Côte-d ' l vo i re, M o n ographies afr i c a i n e s , no. 12 (Pa ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 7 ) , a n d
The Integration of External A s s i s t a n c e . . ., op. cit.
s o rt of corre l ation between the size of the assistance effo rt and its effe c-
t iveness. But even small specific effo rts can at times have a beneficial im-
pact out of all pro p o rtion to their cost if the right man is in the right place
at the right time, with the right assignment. The able and cre at ive planning
a dv i s e r, for ex a m p l e, m a kes an immeasurably important contri bution if he
succeeds in helping the host country to p]an its educational deve l o p m e n t
better and thus use its own re s o u rces more pro d u c t ive ly. This is true also
of the fo reign ex p e rt who helps a country revise its curriculum and cre at e
m o re re l evant and effe c t ive teaching mat e rials to go with it, or who helps
design ch e aper yet better school bu i l d i n g s , or who helps set up a viabl e
wo rk-o riented litera cy program or fa rmer training program. It is again tru e
of the visiting pro fessor who stays around long enough to train twe n t y
fi rs t-rate school administrat o rs or fifty good teach e rs. A ny one of these
d i ffe rent kinds of visitor may help a developing country to nego t i ate an
h i s t o ri c a l ly important educational turn , at modest investment in ex t e rn a l
a s s i s t a n c e.
This is not to say that ex t e rnal assistance is a bargain basement. It is
not. It is only to say that quality counts even more than quantity, and that
m o re of both is needed. Not eve ry fo reign ex p e rt or teach e r, of cours e,
t u rns out to be a 'winner.' Being human, and not always well chosen or
well trained for wh at is one of the most ex a c t i n g, d e l i c at e, and ch a l l e n gi n g
assignments in the wo rl d, some turn out to be mediocre and contri bute litt-
l e. Nor do all the new educational institutions and programs wh i ch fo re i-
gn ex p e rts and money help to cre at e, t u rn out to be 'winners.' In ex t re m e
c a s e s , son e never get off the gro u n d. Others that manage to do so, do not
fit the local situat i o n , but may linger on to become a pro blem to the host
c o u n t ry.
But wh at can be said on balance about the effi c a cy of educational as-
sistance taken as a whole? If one must prove one's conclusions with scien-
t i fi c a l ly established fa c t s , ve ry little can be said in answer to the question.
U n fo rt u n at e ly, after many ye a rs of ex p e ri e n c e, and after many millions of
d o l l a rs have been devoted to educational assistance, t h e re still is little
solid and systematic evidence for judging the effi c a cy even of indiv i d u a l
p ro j e c t s , mu ch less the net benefits of the ove r-all effo rt .
S t i l l , this is not surp rising to anyone who has seen the effo rt in action.
E ve ryone invo l ved in it has been too busy trying to move ahead to fi n d
time for re t ro s p e c t ive re flections. More ove r, t h e re is a high ro t ation of
the people and the posts concern e d. Many individual ex p e rts who move
f rom post to post and country to country do in fact accumu l ate a go o d
deal of ex p e rience and wisdom in the process. But their agencies have not
t a ken full adva n t age of this fact and, h aving failed to learn the lessons of
ex p e ri e n c e, h ave often rep e ated old mistakes. This is not the unive rs a l
c a s e, but it is a common enough phenomenon to wa rrant comment.
R ep e ated pro cl a m ations about the need to eva l u ate projects and pro-
grams are usually sounded in the midst of a bu d get bat t l e, or just after one
has been lost. But these have been ra re ly fo l l owed up with the funds and
talent necessary for such eva l u ations. Even if they we re, h oweve r, a ny
s u ch eva l u ations would be at best ex t re m e ly diffi c u l t , and their con-
clusions would be tenuous. A specific project has to be conspicuously suc-
c e s s f u l , or close to disastro u s , b e fo re a sober man will stand fi rm by
u n q u a l i fied fi n d i n g s , for he knows that his assessment may prove to be
incomplete and pre m at u re. Side effe c t s , not intended or anticipat e d, bu t
e m e rging ye a rs lat e r, m ay prove far more important than success or col-
l apse of the ori ginal objective.
S t i l l , in the face of all grounds for doubt, a positive note must be stru ck :
a nyone who has traveled in this realm of development is fo rced to the
ge n e ral conclusion that despite many fa i l u re s , the ye a rs of ex t e rnal assis-
tance to educational development have had a ve ry sizable and salutary
impact on the recipient countries. John Hilliard of the Fo rd Fo u n d at i o n —
himself a ve t e ran wo rker in ove rseas deve l o p m e n t — ex p l o red the cl a i m s
and counterclaims made in the ove r-all field of development assistance,
and his conclusions ap p ly to the specific field of education. He found both
types of claims defe c t ive, and this led him to say :
Pe r h aps a more valid ap p raisal is found in the fact that many of the underd eve l o p e d
c o u n t ries have made real and visible progress . . . there is undeniably a ch a n ge in
the cl i m ate of deve l o p m e n t , a perc e ivable connection with the future, better tra i n e d
p e o p l e, p u rposeful instru c t i o n s , p hysical infra s t ru c t u re, t h at we re not there ten
ye a rs ago . . . Th e re also remain massive and enduring pro blems in all these are a s ,
plus incre a s i n g ly evident pro blems in population grow t h , u r b a n i z at i o n , p o l i t i c a l
m at u ri t y, and systems of commu n i c ation essential to nationhood and intern at i o n a l
c o o p e rat i o n . 8
To speak specifi c a l ly of the educational cri s i s : it must be conceded that

ex t e rnal assistance progra m s , despite their evident benefi t s , m ay we l l
h ave contri buted to the crisis in two substantial ways. For one thing,
t h ey may have heightened and accelerated the alre a dy strong popular
8. John F. Hilliard, A Pe rs p e c t ive on Intern ational Deve l o p m e n t ( Wa s h i n g t o n ,

D. C . : A m e rican Counc il on E ducat i o n , 1 9 6 7 ) , a Fo rd Fo u n d ation rep ri n t .
demand for education and stimu l ated bolder promises by local leaders
than we re wa rranted that this demand would be met. The ve ry fact that
o u t s i d e rs shared their enthusiasm for educat i o n , and seemed to pro ffe r
s i z able help in that dire c t i o n , m ay have encouraged many insiders to in-
fl ate their own hopes and promises beyond the bounds of fe a s i b i l i t y. But
even if this is so—and no one can prove it ab s o l u t e ly true or fa l s e — t h e
result can hard ly be viewed as a case of willful wro n g d o i n g. A card i n a l
w rong would have occurred if the peoples and leaders of developing coun-
t ries had remained indiffe rent to the importance of education as a cru c i a l
l ever for developing themselves and their nat i o n .
In a second re s p e c t , re fe rred to prev i o u s ly, one can more re a s o n ably cri-
t i c i ze the effects produced by outside helpers. Often, in good fa i t h , d e-
veloping countries have been encouraged and enticed to emu l ate the
'donor' countries' own educational models and pra c t i c e s — even when they
we re conspicuously ill-suited to the needs and circumstances of the im-
i t ating countries. This practice and its consequences are too well known to
re q u i re elab o ration here. It is perhaps enough to stress one point: to the
d egree that the educational crisis of developing countries stems from the
u n s u i t ability of their educational systems to their circ u m s t a n c e s , the pro-
blem is not entire ly of their own making. Th ey have had plenty of 'ex p e rt
help' from the outside.
The immediate question, h oweve r, is not wh at has been accomplished
or not accomplished by educational assistance thus fa r, but wh at has
been l e a rn e d f rom past ex p e riences that can now be put to good use in
the task of shaping a better future. Cert a i n ly a good deal has been lear-
ned; a good many improvements have been made; and there is a gre at e r
awa reness of the many practical difficulties that remain to be at t a cked in
o rder to make the whole fo reign assistance effo rt more efficient and
e ffe c t ive. Because there have alre a dy been nu m e rous candid and useful
discussions among the parties interested—along with many seri o u s
i n q u i ri e s , and outpourings of memos, rep o rt s , and art i cles on the mat t e r
— we need not dwell on the specific details of corre c t ive action. 9 But fo r
9. Unesco, A p p raisal of Unesco's Programmes for the Economic and Social

C o u n c i l ( Pa ri s : U n e s c o , 1960); John W. Gar d n e r, AID and the Unive rs i t i e s : A Rep o rt
t o the A d m i n i s t rator of the A ge n cy for Intern ational Deve l o p m e n t ( Wa s h i n g t o n , D. C . :
A I D, 1 9 6 4 ) , M i n i s t è re d'Etat ch a rgé de la r éfo rme administrat ive, 'La P ol itique de
c o o p é ration avec les pays en voie de développement,' Pa ri s , R ep o rt of the Study
Commission set up on 12 March 1963 submitt ed to the gove rn m e n t , 18 Ju ly 1963; W.
L. Th o rp , ' D evelopment Assistance Effo rts and Policies,' 1966 Rev i ew ( Pa ri s : O E C D
1966); P. H. Coombs, ' Ways to Impr ove United States Fo reign Educational A i d,' in
E d u c ation and Fo reign Aid ( C a m b ri d ge : H a rva rd Unive rsity Pre s s , 1965); L. Cery ch ,
their bearing on the broad outlines of future strat egy, t wo ge n e ral ob-
s e rvations may be wo rth setting down here.
The fi rst is that there should be a strat egy, d evised and shared by all the
p a rties and based on a long-t e rm view. Its object should be to get the
m a x i mum effect from ex t e rnal assistance by concentrating that assistance
on the most critical needs—as they appear in the context of rat i o n a l ly
d rawn educational development plans—wh i ch recipient countries are least
l i ke ly to be able to meet with their own re s o u rc e s .
To some people, this may sound like a statement of the obv i o u s , t o
o t h e rs , it may sound like a counsel of perfection. It is intended to be nei-
t h e r, but rather re flects an old proposition that needs a more ex t e n s ive
ap p l i c ation in actual pra c t i c e. Specifi c a l ly, just because the educat i o n a l
systems of developing nations are short of virt u a l ly eve ry t h i n g, it does not
fo l l ow that a hit-o r-m i s s , piecemeal ap p ro a ch to helping them is justifi e d.
Th e re will always be room for diffe rences of opinion as to wh at the pri o-
rities should be, but there can never be re a s o n able doubt that there s h o u l d
b e p ri o rities. A ri fle's aim ensures far better results than that of a spray
gun in such circumstances. The difficulties of shaping such a strat egy
must not, h oweve r, be undere s t i m at e d. The cri t e ria and methodologies fo r
doing so have yet to be better cl a ri fi e d, though encouraging progress is
being made.
A second observation concerns the quantity of ex t e rnal assistance, a n d
its duration. If there is anything wh i ch by now is cl e a r, it is that the na-
tions and educational systems of the wo rld had better plan to help each
o t h e r, on a substantial scale, for a long time to come. Educational assist-
ance progra m s , wh at ever future labels they may we a r, must become an
a c c epted fact of life for at least the balance of this century. And they
must acquire mu ch larger dimensions—of size, q u a l i t y, c re at iv i t y, a n d
s o p h i s t i c ation—than anything seen to dat e. This is in no sense to dis-
p a rage any of the valiant effo rts thus far made. On the contra ry, it is to
commend them, and then to state bl u n t ly wh at the future urge n t ly
re q u i re s .
We have observed that the effo rts to date have unquestionably helped
m a ny developing countries make a good start towa rd the development of
the modern educational systems they must have if they are to become
s t rong and modern nations. But educational systems, u n l i ke a new fe r-
P ro blems of Aid to Education in Developing Countri e s ( N ew Yo rk : P ra eger Special Studies

in Intern ational Economics and Deve l o p m e n t , 1965); and Aid to Educat i o n , A n
A n g l o-A m e rican Ap p ra i s a l ( London: O ve rseas Development Institute, 1965) .
t i l i zer industry or a new steel industry, cannot be cre ate(3 in a few ye a rs .

None of the 'leading' educational systems of the wo rld today we re built in
less than seve ral ge n e rations. To d ay's developing countries do not have
t h at mu ch time at their disposal, yet even with the stoutest of hearts and
the best will in the wo rld they cannot wo rk a mira cle in the race aga i n s t
the absolutes of time itself.
Right now the developing nations are running behind in that ra c e. A n
economic and educational gap is widening ominously-not simply betwe e n
them and the industri a l i zed wo rld bu t , p e r h aps even wo rs e, b e t ween the
urban and ru ral areas of the developing countries themselve s , b e t we e n
their modern and traditional sectors , and between their new elites and
their masses. The educational crisis that alre a dy grips them is not theirs
a l o n e. It is the crisis of all nations who live together with them on this
s h ru n ken planet—and who would like to ke ep living toge t h e r.
Special Tasks for Unive rs i t i e s

U N I QUE ROLE AND POTENTIAL OF UNIVERSITIES • THEIR SPOT T Y
RECORD • OLDER UNIVERSITIES NOT DESIGNED FOR PRESENT CHALLENGES
• FAILURE OF MANY UNIVERSITIES TO HELP POORER NATIONS • URGENT
NEED FOR UNIVERSITIES TO HELP PRIMARY AND SECONDA RY SCHOOLS •
O P P O RTUNITIES TO COLLABORATE ON COMMON NAT I O NAL PROBLEMS •
EIGHT SPECIFIC TA S K S.
Within the boundaries of ex t e rnal assistance progra m s , and extending we l l

b eyond them, t h e re are many opportunities to strengthen educat i o n a l
i n t e rc o u rse among nat i o n s , t h e reby easing the educational crisis for all
and helping to make the wo rld a better place for all to dwell in. But wh o s e
responsibility is it to seize these opport u n i t i e s ?
Th e re is obv i o u s ly no single answer to the question. The bro ke rage ro l e
m intern ational educational commerce is spread among A host of age n c i e s
— U n e s c o , regional orga n i z at i o n s , n ational gove rn m e n t s , p ro fessional so-
c i e t i e s , fo u n d at i o n s , other private orga n i z at i o n s , and many individuals. To
a marked degre e, h oweve r, the fruitfulness of their effo rts will depend on
the extent to wh i ch education's own capstone age n cy—the unive rs i t y —
p l ays in each country a direct role of leadership in the intern ational affa i rs
of education. In this re s p e c t , the re c o rd of the wo rld's unive rsities to dat e
is spotty. Some bri l l i a n t ly encouraging examples are offset by some dis-
mal ones. Th e re would seem to be mu ch room for improve m e n t .
The unive rs i t i e s , being at the ap ex of the educational system, a re ex-
pected by tradition and common consent to provide the system with its
l e a d e rship. In add i t i o n , t h ey are intended to be the guardians of tru t h , t h e
s e e ke rs of new tru t h s , and the upsetters of old dog m a s , the conservat o rs of
society's heri t age, the moulders of its yo u t h , and the pat h fi n d e rs of its
f u t u re. To accomplish these heavy tasks, the unive rsity is allowed a priv i-
l eged sanctuary. It stands at one re m ove from the hurly-bu rly of society's
d ay-t o-d ay commitments, q u a rre l s , and passions, the better to see them
m o re cl e a rly.
Of lat e, h oweve r, a good many critics—and the chief among them are
m e m b e rs of the unive rsity commu n i t y — h ave been asking with grow i n g
insistence whether in fact the unive rsities are living up to their part of the
social bargain. Some of these cri t i c s , h aving in mind especially the older
and more traditional unive rsities of Europe and Latin A m e ri c a , h ave fra-
med a harsh indictment. Th ey ch a rge that the unive rsities have in fact per-
ve rted and fo rs a ken their social trust. Instead of seeking new tru t h s , t h ey
h ave busied themselves building academic ra m p a rts to protect old beliefs.
Instead of ke eping mere ly at arm's length from society's untidy confusion,
t h ey have re m oved themselves astronomical distances from the urge n t
p ro blems of society on wh i ch their help is needed. Instead of guard i n g
their autonomy as a pre requisite for honest and pro d u c t ive intellectual
e ffo rt , t h ey have fi e rc e ly defended that autonomy as a priv i l ege and an end
in itself. Instead of moulding today's youth to be tomorrow's solve rs of
society's pro bl e m s , t h ey have trained and encouraged youth to escap e
f rom these self-same pro bl e m s .
These criticisms are cl e a rly ove rs t ated and cert a i n ly do not ap p ly with
equal fo rce to all unive rsities and all nations. Nonetheless, t h e re is enough
t ruth in them to wa rrant honest concern .
The reality is that the unive rs i t i e s , and especially the older ones, we re
n ever designed for the kind of wo rld they now inhab i t , and they have
found it even harder than the lower levels of education to adapt themselve s
to the va s t ly ch a n ged conditions of their env i ronment. It would seem to be
the case also that , in country after country, the unive rsity's ab a n d o n m e n t
of its leadership role for the educational system as a whole occurs at that
point wh e re the system begins its transition from mainly
s e rving a selected elite to trying to serve the masses. Yet it is pre c i s e ly at

t h at point that the pri m a ry and secondary sch o o l s , the teacher training ins-
t i t u t i o n s , and the manage rs of educat i o n , being ove r whelmed by a torre n t
of unfamiliar and sticky pro bl e m s , a re in gre atest need of help from their
senior colleagues in the unive rsities. In some places, as in North A m e ri c a
and the Soviet Union, t h ey are beginning to get more help of this kind, bu t
it has taken a long time. In other places, the unive rsities continue not only
to react with indiffe rence to the plea for help but then to complain bitter-
ly that the schools are not adequat e ly prep a ring the human inputs of the
u n ive rs i t y.
This same slow response to the need for adap t ation can be seen in con-
nection with the intern ational role of unive rs i t i e s , again with marked dif-
fe rences among countries and among individual institutions within them.
In their ancient and honorable tra d i t i o n , u n ive rsities almost eve ry wh e re
h ave continued to welcome fo reign students and sch o l a rs in ever incre a-
sing nu m b e rs. If they have failed in any respect here, it is in wh at they
h ave offe red to teach these visitors. All too often they teach wh at is re l e-
vant to their own country but irre l evant to the visitor's needs and the deve-
lopment needs of his own country. This conditions the visitor to join the
' b rain dra i n . '
But wh e re the unive rsities have failed most singularly—to the extent that
t h ey have failed—has been in the matter of taking the initiat ive in stre t-
ching their own institutional arms across the seas to help stru ggling new
sister institutions, e d u c ational systems, and societies to get fi rm ly ro o t e d
and to grow in directions best suited to their own conditions and aspira-
tions. (American unive rs i t i e s , on the wh o l e, a re a notable ex c eption. ) We
h ave observed that an endless stream of individual unive rsity teach e rs ,
a dv i s e rs , and sch o l a rs have crossed the oceans to lend a helping hand to
peoples elsewh e re. But all too often they have gone as academic tru a n t s ,
without the support and sponsorship of their unive rs i t i e s , and fre q u e n t ly at
c o n s i d e rable risk to their own academic care e rs at home.
In the same way, u n ive rsities in industri a l i zed countri e s , as living insti-
tutions and not mere ly boardinghouses for assorted individual sch o l a rs ,
h ave been slow to take initiat ives in building sturdy bri d ges to academic
c o m munities in other industri a l i zed countries. The bri d ges in fact ex i s t ;
t h ey have been fashioned from reeds and have been heav i ly traveled by
nu m e rous individual sch o l a rs and students. But they are not as broad and
s t u rdy as the bri d ges now need to be. To make them so, the unive rs i t i e s
159 I n t e rn ational Cooperat i o n
t h e m s e l ve s , as cre at ive institutions, must enter more heav i ly into the bri d-
ge-building bu s i n e s s .
Why they have been slow to do so is unders t a n d able enough. It is fun-
d a m e n t a l ly contra ry to their nat u re. The medieval unive rsity and its off-
shoots saw themselves as homes for itinerant sch o l a rs , not as itinera n t s
t h e m s e l ves. The typical Euro p e a n-style unive rs i t y, as an orga n i z at i o n , wa s
designed to play a passive ro l e, not to take initiat ives. Indeed, as we noted
e a rl i e r, most such unive rs i t i e s , i n cluding their Latin A m e rican cousins,
v i rt u a l ly lack the orga n i z ational means and discipline to make institutio-
nal decisions, to set policies, to undert a ke commitments, to make plans fo r
their own future and implement them. In earlier times this was no pro-
blem. The institution fitted the circumstances. But now the circ u m s t a n c e s
h ave va s t ly ch a n ge d, and hence the institution itself must ch a n ge if it is to
honor its contract with society.
These internal ch a n ges in the unive rs i t y, wh i ch may be essential to
their ve ry surv iva l , and wh i ch are cert a i n ly essential to the perp e t u at i o n
of their gre at social role and infl u e n c e, will not come about easily. Such
ch a n ges have occurred more rap i d ly and less painfully in North A m e ri c a
because unive rsities there, s t a rting later in history and in a frontier so-
c i e t y, a c q u i red ve ry early in their career a tradition of public service and
of adap t ation to society's needs. In the past twenty ye a rs , m a ny of them
h ave extended their campus bord e rs to the far corn e rs of the earth. A n d
h aving the kind of institutional mach i n e ry to make decisions and com-
m i t m e n t s , a number have committed themselves a s i n s t i t u t i o n s to assist
in establishing and strengthening new educational institutions m deve l o p-
ing countries. Th ey have, in short , become agencies of educational deve l-
opment.
But lest the picture seem too ro s y, it should be observed that the Nort h
A m e rican unive rs i t i e s , t o o , h ave failed to make an easy transition into an
i n t e rn ational community; and the transition even now is only partial. In
the last ten ye a rs , an ex t e n s ive literat u re of cri t i c i s m , d i ag n o s i s , and re c-
o m m e n d ation has pro l i fe rated around the subject of 'the unive rsity's ro l e
in wo rld affa i rs.' One consequence is that the major United States privat e
fo u n d ations joined together in 1963 to cre ate a new independent insti-
tution—called Education and Wo rld A ffa i rs—to help unive rsities ch a rt
their course and fa c i l i t ate their wo rk in the wo rld arena. Further encour-
agement was given to A m e rican education—to unive rsities and sch o o l s
a l i ke—to 'join the wo rl d,' by the passage in 1966 of the Intern ational Edu-
c ation Act. It is an excellent and fa rsighted piece of legi s l at i o n , but un-

h ap p i ly Congress long delayed the ap p ro p ri ation of fund"; with wh i ch to
implement it.10
I n t e rnal re fo rms in unive rsity stru c t u re and behavior come most re a d i ly
when there is a specific ch a l l e n ge, a defi n able job to be done, and a wide
consensus within the unive rsity that it should be done. With this in mind,
it is to the point here to indicate examples of the kinds of tasks that
u rge n t ly need to be done, and wh i ch are ap p ro p ri ate for the unive rsities to
do. Th ey can:
Help establish or spur the growth of new higher educational institu -

tions in developing countri e s, along lines wh i ch suit their needs and
c i rcumstances and are not simply carbon copies of the assisting uni-
ve rs i t i e s ;
Help the design and development planning (and implementation) of
e d u c ational systems in developing countri e s— i n cluding provisions fo r
s e rving people outside the fo rmal sch o o l s , and the cre ation of new edu-
c ational methods, c o n t e n t , and stru c t u res fitting each particular socie-
ty's needs and re s o u rc e s ;
Help develop re s e a rch cap abilities in developing regi o n s— s o m e t i m e s
on a regional basis—especially in fields and on pro blems of pri o ri t y
c o n c e rn and re l evance to these developing are a s , wh e re re s e a rch sch o-
l a rs from industri a l i zed nations will be anxious to go to wo rk in
c o l l ab o ration with re s e a rch sch o l a rs in the are a , because of the unique
o p p o rtunities and facilities for re s e a rch that are offe re d ;
Help strengthen the dialogue among unive rsities within deve l o p i n g
regi o n s , and between them and unive rsities in industri a l i zed countri e s ,
so that know l e d ge, ex p e ri e n c e, and ideas for educational improve m e n t
m ay circ u l ate more fully and sw i f t ly throughout the wo rl d ;
Ta ke the leadership in educational innovat i o n , at all leve l s , with the
object of solving urgent pro blems that defy solution by conve n t i o n a l
m e a n s , and of helping m the rapid circ u l ation and ex ch a n ge of re l i abl e
10. R. A. Humphrey (ed. ) , U n ive rsities . . . and Development As si stance A b ro a d

( Wa s h i n g t o n , D. C . : A m e ri can Counci l on Educa t i o n , 1966) ; 'The Role of Unive rs i-
t ies in Development A s s i s t a n c e, R ep o rt of the meeting held at Maarn , the Nether-
l a n d s , S eptember 1964,' The Hag u e, N e t h e rlands Unive rs ities Fo u n d a tion for I nter
n ational Co-o p e rati on ( NUFFIC ), 1965; 'The Unive rs ity Looks A b ro a d : Ap p ro a ch e s
to Wo rld A ffa i rs at Six A m e rican Unive rs ities' New Yo rk , R ep o r t from E WA , 1 9 6 5
' The Unive rsity and Wo rld A ffa i rs,' New Yo rk , a Rep o rt of the Comm ittee on t he
U n ive rsit y and Wo rld A ffa i rs , 1960; and ' Education and Wo r ld A ffa i rs ,' Rep o rt on
the 1963-64 progr a m , N ew Yo rk , 1 9 6 5 .
.
eva l u ation and re s e a rch results pertaining to educational ex p e ri m e n t a-

t i o n , wh e n ever it may occur;
E n c o u rage and assist small neighboring countries in deve l o p i n g
regions to collab o rat e in the establishment and successful operation of
c o o p e rat ive higher educational fa c i l i t i e s , p roviding specialized tra i n i n g
and re s e a rch on a scale sufficient to be economically fe a s i ble and com-
p at i ble with the highest norms of ex c e l l e n c e ;
Ta ke such actions as are within their power to reduce the dra i n age of
needed talent from developing regi o n s— for ex a m p l e, by adapting their
own training programs to fit the pri o rity needs of fo reign students fro m
p a rticular nations and regions; by re f raining from undue encourage-
ment to the best of these fo reign students to ove rs t ay their leave; and
by pursuing hiring policies with rega rd to fo reign talent wh i ch give
conscientious weight to the urgent manpower needs of the deve l o p i n g
c o u n t ri e s ;
E s t ablish institutional arra n gements that will fa c i l i t ate and encourage
c o l l ab o ration among sch o l a rs in va rious industri a l i zed countri e s ,
wh at ever their fo rm of social and political orga n i z at i o n , in at t a ck i n g
j o i n t ly and more thoro u g h ly some of the major common pro blems that
beset their re s p e c t ive societies—such as urban re n ewa l , p re s e rvation of
n at u ral re s o u rces (including clean air and wat e r ) , help to the cultura l ly
h a n d i c apped and the disenfra n ch i s e d, o ri e n t ation of youth in a con-
fusing wo rl d, a d ap t ation of educational systems to ch a n ging conditions.
The unive rsities of the wo rld have their wo rk cut out for them. No one
else can do this wo rk as well as they, if only they arra n ge themselves to
c a rry new responsibilities. If they refuse the re s p o n s i b i l i t y, t h ey and all
c iv i l i z ation will be the losers. But if they accept it and rise to meet it, t h e
p ro d u c t ive search for truth and know l e d ge, human development and pro-
gress towa rd peace itself will unquestionably move ahead in future ye a rs
at a pace even now undreamed of.
VII
C o n clusions for Strat egy
NATURE AND ROLE OF EDUCAT I O NAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY •

R E C A P I T U L ATION OF FIVE CRISIS FAC TORS • T WO ESSENTIAL FEAT U R E S
OF A STRATEGY TO MEET THE CRISIS • FIVE PRIORITY TARGETS
OF STRATEGY • A CLOSING WO R D.
The pri m a ry purpose of this book has been diag n o s t i c, not pre s c ri p t ive.
S t i l l , h aving ex p l o red the salient traits and causes of the wo rld educat i o n a l
c ri s i s , we can hard ly now avoid a concern for the operat ive question: Wh at
can be done about the cri s i s ?
In the process of diagnosing the question, some of the logical dire c-
tions in wh i ch solutions lie have become evident. At the same time, t h e
i l l ogi c of certain familiar 'panaceas' has also become ev i d e n t , as in the
case of those ex p ressed in statements like 'all it takes is more money,' or
' s i m p ly get a new head man,' or 'just make the students and teach e rs wo rk
h a rd e r. '
We are convinced that simple solutions do not exist. Yet we are also
c o nvinced that there are multiple solutions. Th ey are diffi c u l t , a n d, if ap-
p l i e d, will re q u i re the passage of time befo re they show their full effe c t s .
The main hope for coping with this crisis lies, we believe, in the fo rmu-
l ation of balanced national and intern ational strat egi e s , c a re f u l ly ge a red to
m at ch all the large components of the crisis. Furt h e r, t h ey must be pre s s e d
s t e a d i ly and vigo ro u s ly over a time-span extending from immediate tacti-
cal needs to the pro s p e c t ive shape of things five, t e n , and twenty ye a rs
h e n c e. The altern at ive to such strat egies is to stumble into wh at is cl e a rly
a perilous educational future with no road map wh at s o eve r, rising each
m o rning to go wh e rever the wind bl ow s — even perhaps turning in a circl e
or going nowh e re at all.
162
C o n clusions for Strat egy 163
N at u re of an Educational Strat egy
An educational development strat egy, as the term is used here, is a fra m e-

wo rk for specific educational policies, intended to ke ep these policies re a-
s o n ably balanced and integrat e d, well timed, p ro p e rly we i g h t e d, and hea-
ded in the right direction. Like the policies themselve s , the strat egic fra-
m ewo rk must be fl ex i bl e. It must be constantly subject to rev i ew, a n d
m o d i fied in the light of progre s s , s u rp ri s e s , n ew know l e d ge, and fre s h
insights. Yet it cannot be so fl ex i ble that it is bl i t h e ly dismantled and re a s-
s e m bled in a quite diffe rent fo rm each time a new minister or a new part y
t a kes offi c e. Without re a s o n able continuity and durab i l i t y, and without the
c u mu l at ive momentum that only continuity and consistency can bri n g, a
s t rat egy is little more than a stage set—all front and no back. Press hard
against it, and it topples.
A real strat egy must be fi rm ly founded in a broad consensus, wh i ch
e m b races dive rse political, s o c i a l , and educational interests and enjoy s
e s p e c i a l ly the authentic enthusiasm and loyalty of nu m e rous leaders of
these dive rse groups. Some nat i o n s , u n h ap p i ly, m ay not yet be re a dy fo r
s u ch a strat egy. Th ey may not yet have attained the political, s o c i a l , e c o-
n o m i c, and administrat ive preconditions wh i ch are essential for bu i l d i n g
and pursuing a strat egy of educational development—or of economic and
social development ge n e ra l ly. Nonetheless, an effo rt to mount al strat egy
must be made even in such cases, because nothing at all can be gained by
doing nothing, while the effo rt , i t s e l f, m ay help cre ate the ve ry pre-
conditions for success that have been missing.
An educational development strat egy is not something that exists in a
va c u u m , or that can be put together in the back room of a ministry by an
ex p e rt , a stat i s t i c i a n , and a calculating mach i n e. It must be built of wide-
ly shared aims, of rational perc eption and will power rising dire c t ly fro m
the economic, s o c i a l , and cultural milieu to wh i ch it is to make its con-
t ri bution. As such , s t rat egy has a tangi ble shap e, existing at seve ral leve l s ,
and fashioned to fit the peculiar circumstances and responsibilities of each
l evel and place. Th e re can be intern at i o n a l , regi o n a l , n at i o n a l , s t at e, a n d
local strat egi e s , fo rmed in each instance by ap p ro p ri ate hands. But if stra-
t egies at diffe rent levels and in diffe rent places are to be mu t u a l ly re i n-
fo rc i n g, t h ey must share a common ap p ro a ch to diagnostic acts, must pro-
ceed along basic lines of direction and pri o rities that are ge n e ra l ly agre e d
t o , and must be supported from seve ral dire c t i o n s .
In our diag n o s i s , we have re a ched certain ge n e ral conclusions concer-

ning the nat u re of the wo rld educational cri s i s , h ow it aro s e, wh e re it
s t a n d s , and wh e re it seems to be tre n d i n g. For *s bearing on the wo rk of
s t rat egy bu i l d i n g, we can now re c ap i t u l ate these conclusions in cap s u l e
fo rm , at the inev i t able risk of ove rs i m p l i fi c at i o n .
R e c ap i t u l ation of the Book's Fi n d i n g s
Seen through the wide-angle lens of a systems analy s i s , the crisis wa s

cl e a rly born of the historic conjunction of five fa c t o rs , e a ch finding its ori-
gin in the ra m p aging fo rces of ch a n ge that have swept all civ i l i z ation in
our time. We can give names to these five fo rc e s :
The student fo o d— Th e re has been an inex o rable and almost ove rp ow-
e ring rise in demand for more educat i o n , of eve ry sort and at eve ry leve l ,
c ove ring almost eve ry village and hamlet. The flood of aspiring students,
released in the fi rst place by an explosion of human ex p e c t at i o n s , t h e n
e n l a rged by a population ex p l o s i o n , has inu n d ated eve ry educational sys-
tem. The manage rs of these systems have been so thoro u g h ly occupied
m e re ly with stagge ring pro blems of rescue and logistics that they have had
little time even to think of other things, s u ch as the quality and effi c i e n cy
of the whole operation. The flood of nu m b e rs will not subside; on the
c o n t ra ry, it promises in many places to ke ep ri s i n g, even faster than pre-
s e n t ly, for a long time to come.
Acute re s o u rce scarc i t i e s— To cope with the flood of students, and par-
a d ox i c a l ly to swell it, the re s o u rces devoted to education have mu l t i p l i e d
in an unprecedented manner since the early 1950's. And yet the supply of
t e a ch e rs and bu i l d i n g s , equipment and tex t b o o k s , s ch o l a rships and fe l-
l ow s h i p s , and the money re q u i red for each of these, has lagged we l l
behind the rising educational demand, t h e reby imposing seve re re s t ra i n t s
upon the ability of educational systems to respond sat i s fa c t o ri ly to the
d e m a n d. The outlook here is similar to that for the supply of students:
re s o u rce scarcities re l at ive to need will cert a i n ly persist and may well ge t
wo rs e. The outlook is ago n i z i n g ly tro u blesome in the case of many deve-
loping nat i o n s , who are even now straining their financial limits to near
the breaking point, with no relief in sight.
Rising costs— I n c re a s i n g ly stri n gent re s o u rce limitations will add eve n
m o re to the afflictions of educational systems because of the inex o rabl e
u p wa rd trend of their real costs per student. Ap a rt from the fa m i l i a r
h avoc wh i ch infl ation plays with educational bu d gets and teacher in-
c o m e s , this upwa rd trend of unit costs centers mainly in the fact that edu-
c ation remains a lab o r-i n t e n s ive industry, still close to the handicra f t
s t age. Indeed it becomes even more so with each effo rt to raise its quality
t h rough its conventional means.
U n s u i t ability of output—In these alre a dy harrowing circ u m s t a n c e s ,
e d u c ational systems are further beset by evidence that wh at they are tea-
ching and wh at they are turning out—in the way of individual students
and in their 'product mix'—seems in important respects not to be ri g h t
for the times and the occasion. The outputs of educational systems are
ev i d e n t ly ill-fi t t e d, on the one hand, to the rap i d ly altering needs of
n ational deve l o p m e n t , and to the similarly ch a n ging needs of indiv i d u a l s
in ch a n ging societies. But on the other hand, the at t i t u d e s , job pre fe-
re n c e s , and status pat t e rns given to students by their env i ronment wo rk
against a proper use of the outputs of a modem educational system and
against the promotion of an authentic development process bent towa rd
social ch a n ge and economic modern i z ation. A kind of thre e-way dead-
l o ck results— among old attitudes and employment arra n gements cou-
pled with new aspirat i o n s , the real needs of deve l o p m e n t , and educat i o n
itself A major consequence of this deadlock is the growing inability of
the economies of developing countries to absorb the human output of the
e d u c ational systems, t h e reby ex a c e r b ating the lethal pro blem of 'educa-
ted unemploye d. '
I n e rtia and ineffi c i e n cy—Caught in this desperate squeeze, e d u c at i o n a l
systems have responded mainly with 'bu s i n e s s-a s-usual' methods. But this
has not wo rke d. The old arra n gements that had served them well befo re —
the system of administrat i o n , the syllabus and curriculum and teach i n g
m e t h o d s , the self-contained cl a s s ro o m , the means of teacher training and
re c ru i t m e n t , these and all those other things that have ch a ra c t e ri zed tra d i-
tional educational pro c e s s e s — h ave proved no mat ch for the new situat i o n .
Wh at seemed like 'bu s i n e s s-a s-usual' actually became 'bu s i n e s s -
wo rs e-t h a n-usual,' as attested by echoing protests against quality deteri-
o ration.' This bu s i n e s s-a s-usual !ap p ro a ch—another name for the! inhe-
rent inertia of educational systems—has deterred them in the wo rk of
a d apting their internal affa i rs with sufficient speed to meet a fast ch a n gi n g
set of circ u m s t a n c e s .
And so, for these combined re a s o n s , e d u c ational systems throughout the

wo rld find themselves today in crisis. The cri s i s , to be sure, d i ffe rs in tim-
ing and intensity and from place to place. Its most seve re manife s t at i o n s
a re to be found in the poorer countries. Th ey are in deep tro u ble at a time
when they have bare ly begun to build balanced, we l l-i n t egrat e d, p o p u l a r
e d u c ational systems. More ove r, quite ap a rt from their re s o u rce scarc i t i e s ,
t h ey have an inhere n t ly more difficult pedagogical ch a l l e n ge to meet: t h ey
must lift most of a whole ge n e ration out of a tradition-bound wo rld of illi-
t e ra cy into the mobile, m o d e rn wo rld of science.
But the crisis in the industri a l i zed nations should not be taken lightly,
just because it is re l at ive ly less conspicuous. Academic art e ri o s cl e ro s i s
comes more re a d i ly to older educational systems and is harder to cure.
Their inputs may be ri ch e r, but their internal effi c i e n cy can be just as
l ow and their outputs just as ill-m at ched to real needs as in the poore r
c o u n t ri e s .
A c c o rding to one's disposition, it is possible to view this pat t e rn of
fo rces in one of two ways. One way would be to see in it a kind of
G o ö t e rd ä m m e ru n g—the final cat a clysmic confro n t ation between science's
ability to cre ate revo l u t i o n a ry tech n o l ogi e s , and man's inability to as-
s i m i l ate and master them. The second way is to see in it one of those gre at
moments of history when ge rm i n ating fo rces leap to life, ch a l l e n ge man's
i n ge nu i t y, and evo ke from him a stirring response wh i ch makes civ i l i z a-
tion jump upwa rd. Those who would build strat egies of educational deve-
lopment mu s t , p e r fo rc e, be imbued with the latter view.
S u ggested Elements of a Po s i t ive Strat egy
But wh at could the strat egy be? Without attempting a full answe r, we can
s u ggest stra i g h t away that there are two indispensable fe at u res wh i ch it
must have. Fi rs t , it must focus on the re l at i o n s h i p s of things. It must seek
to improve a whole series of re l at i o n s h i p s — i n cluding those within the
e d u c ational system, b e t ween its va rious levels and internal wo rking part s ,
and between the educational system and its env i ro n m e n t , on both the input
and the output sides. These re l at i o n s h i p s , n ow badly out of line vis-à-vis
e a ch other, must somehow be re s t o red to a better balance and to mu t u a l ly
c o m p at i ble rates of movement. This need to focus on re l ationships and to
see the matter as a whole is pre c i s e ly why a system ap p ro a ch is so essen-
tial to strat egy bu i l d i n g.
The second fe at u re of strat egy must be a heavy stress on i n n ovat i o n—
i n n ovation in virt u a l ly eve ry aspect of eve ry educational system; not
ch a n ge for its own sake, but ch a n ges care f u l ly calculated to ach i eve
needed improvements and adjustments. Society and the economy will not
adjust unilat e ra l ly to the educational system. If there is to be an ac-
c o m m o d at i o n , the educational system must take the fi rst initiat ive towa rd
a d j u s t m e n t , not by being its 'old self' but by making a stro n ger effo rt to
a d apt itself to new circumstances. Th u s , the heart of the matter is how to
get sluggish educational systems to take such an initiat ive and to start
ch a n ging themselves more rap i d ly and in the right dire c t i o n .
E d u c ational innovat i o n s , h oweve r, will not come about automat i c a l ly.
E ven if they did, t h ey would not be quick ly assimilat e d. If proposed in-
n ovations come into the systems pri m a ri ly from outside sourc e s , t h ey may
be politely re c e ive d, but then quietly shelve d. If the strat egy is to succeed,
i n n ovation must become wh at it has not been befo re. It must become a
way of life for educat i o n .
This obv i o u s ly re q u i res two main things. The people most dire c t ly in-
vo l ved in education must be convinced that there is no other way out of
the cri s i s — t h at , i n d e e d, the way of innovation can bring a new ex c i t e m e n t
and sense of adve n t u re to education. Th e re must be, in other wo rd s , a new
attitude towa rd ch a n ge both within the educational frat e rnity and, no less,
on the part of its most immediate cl i e n t s — p a rents and students. Nobel
p ri zes are won in science for ch a l l e n ging and upsetting old truths and dis-
c ove ring new ones. The same wholesome irreve rence for 'time-honore d
t ruths' must somehow be instilled into the enterp rise that is supposed to
b reed Nobel pri ze winners. This itself is a major educational undert a k i n g,
and there is no time to lose in launching it
The other precondition for widespread innovation is that educat i o n a l
systems must themselves become equipped with the means for innovat i o n .
At the outset we observed that agri c u l t u re did not make the gre at tra n s i-
tion from a traditional to a modern state until the mechanisms and ap p ro a-
ch of scientific re s e a rch and development we re placed at the fa rmer's dis-
posal. Th e re a f t e r, the p ro c e s s of innovat i o n , once institutionalize d, b e c a-
me a habit of the fa rm e r. Modern agri c u l t u re was thus born , and things
h ave not been the same since. Ye t , a half-c e n t u ry earl i e r, who would have
b e l i eved that it ever could have happened? Education does not need an
agri c u l t u ral ex p e riment station. But it needs its equivalent— and an effe c-
t ive extension service to go with it, t h at will spread the useful results of
re s e a rch and ex p e ri m e n t ation far and wide and quick ly
If there is to be a major effo rt towa rd educational innovat i o n , t h e re
must also be an order of pri o rities. Eve rything cannot be done at once,
and some things must happen fi rst befo re other things can be done. Our
a n a lysis of the educational crisis leads us to suggest the fo l l owing pri o ri-
ty targe t s :
M o d e rn i z ation of educational manage m e n t—Unless educational sys-
tems are well equipped with ap p ro p ri at e ly trained modern manage rs —
who in turn are well equipped with good info rm ation fl ow s , m o d e rn tools
of analy s i s , re s e a rch and eva l u at i o n , and are supported by we l l-t ra i n e d
teams of specialists—the transition of education from its semihandicra f t
s t ate to a modern condition is not like ly to happen. Instead, the educa-
tional crisis will grow steadily wo rs e. In seeking to modern i ze its man-
agement system, e d u c ation can find many useful clues ill the pra c t i c e s —
i n cluding the concepts and methodologies of systems analysis and of in-
t egrated long-ra n ge planning—of other sectors of society wh i ch have
a l re a dy made gre at strides in this dire c t i o n .
M o d e rn i z ation of teach e rs— To d ay's teacher does not have a chance to
be modern—to raise his pro d u c t iv i t y, to ke ep up with new know l e d ge and
with new teaching techniques. He never did have. Morel like ly than not,
he is trained for ye s t e rd ay's sch o o l i n g, not for tomorrow ' s , or if by ch a n-
ce he is trained for tomorrow ' s , he is soon re s t rained from utilizing his
t raining by the realities of his fi rst teaching assignment. His pro fe s s i o n a l
growth from there on is pro bl e m atical at best, e s p e c i a l ly if he heads off
into the lonely isolation of a village school. It is re a l ly nobody's bu s i n e s s
to ke ep him growing pro fe s s i o n a l ly on the job. If he is lucky, he gets an
occasional boost from the visiting inspector—if he is that kind of inspec-
tor —and from the infrequent ru bbing of elbows and ideas with other iso-
l ated colleagues who attend the same 'in-s e rvice training cours e.' But that
is about all, and perhaps by then he has given up and settled back into the
s e c u rity—and boredom—of teaching in the way his own teach e rs taught
him.
C l e a rly, e d u c ational systems will not be modern i zed until the wh o l e
system of teacher training is dra s t i c a l ly ove r h a u l e d, s t i mu l ated by ped-
agogical re s e a rch , made intellectually ri cher and more ch a l l e n gi n g, a n d
extended far beyond pre s e rvice training into a system for continuous pro-
fessional re n ewal and career development for a l l t e a ch e rs .
A re fo rm along such lines carries with it exciting possibilities for at-
t racting more of society's best talent into educational systems, and fo r
d eveloping new 'divisions of labor' that will open opportunities for such
talent to rise and be more effi c i e n t ly used for teach i n g. When that day
a rrive s , t e a ch e rs and their orga n i z ations can hap p i ly bid fa rewell to the
old monolithic salary stru c t u re and the monolithic job description wh i ch
it rests on—both of wh i ch have too long smothered good teaching talent

or driven it away.
M o d e rn i z ation of the learning pro c e s s—But it is the students, after all,
and not the teach e rs , who are the prime victims of archaic educat i o n a l
a rra n gements. When most of them enter school the fi rst day, t h ey are
consumed with nat ive curiosity about wh at makes eve rything tick. Th e
questions they want answe red could outstrip the re l i able know l e d ge of the
best teach e rs and the best educated pare n t s , or the wisdom of a Socrat e s .
The individual child soon discove rs , h oweve r, t h at school is not the place
to get answe rs to his questions. If he gets his answe rs any wh e re, it will be
in the play ground at re c e s s , or behind the barn , f rom his real teach e r, wh o
is one year older. The sch o o l , he discove rs , has its own questions, and it
is for him to give the right answe rs , if he is to be a 'good student.' If he
l e a rns these answe rs faster than the group at large, he soon becomes
b o re d. If he learns them more slow ly, he soon is defe at e d. Th e re cert a i n ly
must be better ways to cap i t a l i ze on the nat u ral curiosity of ch i l d re n , o n
their individual diffe re n c e s , and on the power of eve ry ch i l d, wh at ever his
l evel or type of intellige n c e, to learn things on his own. Indeed, it is diffi-
cult to conceive of a set of arra n gements less like ly to cap i t a l i ze on these
awe-i n s p i ring human traits than those widely in vogue in tra d i t i o n a l
s ch o o l s .
It is doubtful in the ex t re m e, h oweve r, t h at there is any one way, o n e
t e ch n i q u e, one ga d ge t , wh i ch all by itself could ach i eve better results than
the ge n e ra l ly unsat i s fa c t o ry ones of the traditional teach i n g-l e a rning pro-
cess. It is a new c o m b i n at i o n of things, n ew 'systems' of teaching and lear-
n i n g, t h at must be evo l ve d, to do a signifi c a n t ly better job than now, bu t
without commensurat e ly higher costs. A f rican villages cannot have com-
p u t e ri zed teaching mach i n e s , rega rdless of how well they wo rk. Neither,
for that mat t e r, can A m e rican sch o o l s , ex c ept for an occasional ex p e ri-
ment. But even old bottle cap s , bu t t o n s , and pieces of string have some-
times proved effe c t ive learning aids in the right context. Sure ly an edu-
c ational system does not have to be affluent to improve the pedagogi c a l
and economic effi c i e n cy of its learning pro c e s s , not does it have to have
the wo rld's finest teach e rs. Sometimes even a modestly larger inve s t m e n t
in the ori ginal teaching machine—the textbook—can make a wo rld of
d i ffe re n c e. But it need not stop there, and cannot. Th e re fo re, along with
n ew kinds of centers for teacher training and career deve l o p m e n t , i t
might pay gre at dividends to have places for the ge n e ration of n ew sys -
tems of learn i n g, and for the cre ation and production of the instru c -
tional mat e rials and other accessories re q u i red to implement these im-
p roved systems. 1
The strengthening of educational fi n a n c e—Our suggestions thus far— it
will no doubt have been noticed—have all invo l ved spending money,
though it is to be hoped more pro d u c t ive ly than at present. Neve rt h e l e s s ,
we cannot dodge the fact that educational systems, h owever more effi c i e n t
and effe c t ive they may become, will re q u i re a good deal more money than,
as things are go i n g, t h ey are like ly to re c e ive. Costly education can be
p o o r, but good education is never ch e ap. And the wo rld needs a gre at deal
m o re good educat i o n .
The fact that more and more educational systems seem to be running up
against hard financial limits does not mean that they cannot do better.
Their present pro blems are in re l ation to their present methods and
s o u rces of fi n a n c e. But, l i ke educational methods, t h e re is usually a fa i rly
wide fl exibility and ra n ge of options for tapping the national income fl ow
on behalf of more funds for more and better education. One further ele-
ment of strat egy we would sugge s t , t h e re fo re, is that there should be a
c o n c e rted effo rt to examine altern at ive and supplemental sources of edu-
c ational fi n a n c e. A good way to begin would be to examine the ex i s t i n g
d ive rsity of financial practices and the ingenious devices that some sys-
tems have discove re d, but wh i ch others may not have heard of. Inev i t ably,
of cours e, it will be discove red that to tap the most promising supple-
mental financial sources will re q u i re the casting aside of certain tab o o s ,
i n cluding some socially laudable ones. But this may well prove to be the
p rice that must be paid, at least for the time being, if education is to be
kept from strangling fi n a n c i a l ly in a tangle of high pri n c i p l e s .
G re ater emphasis on nonfo rmal educat i o n—It has always seemed to us
s t ra n ge ly art i ficial to say that a person who went to school was 'educa-
t e d,' and that one who did not, was not. The facts belie this distinction. It
seems equally stra n ge to accept the assumption that if a nation can only
get half of its ch i l d ren into little red sch o o l h o u s e s , or little brown ones,
the other half must be condemned to a life of illitera cy and thwa rt e d
o p p o rt u n i t y. Can someone who re a l ly wants to learn , o n ly do so in a con-
ventional cl a s s ro o m , b e fo re a teacher and bl a ck b o a rd? Our common
sense and our own ex p e riences tell us that this is an ab s u rd pro p o s i t i o n .
1. For a dis cussion of wh at is meant by 'new systems of learn i n g ,' s ee Sch ra m m

et al, op. cit. On proposed centers for cre ating new learning syste ms , see also
Wi l bur Sch ra m m , ' The Newer Educational Media in the Unite d States,' a paper pre-
p a red f or the Mee ting of E xperts on the Development and Use of New Methods and
Te chniques of Educat i o n , Pa ri s , U n e s c o , M a rch 1962.
C o n clusions for Strat egy 1 7 1
Yet it is the proposition upon wh i ch educational policy and pra c t i c e s

almost eve ry wh e re seem to be based.
Our suggestion is that serious re c o n s i d e ration be given to the wh o l e
d ivision between 'fo rmal' and 'nonfo rmal' sch o o l i n g, as part of the strat e-
gy for ove rcoming the educational crisis. It would cl e a rly be beneficial in
m a ny countries to dep l oy re s o u rces more heav i ly into va rious fa m i l i a r
types of adult education—to those, t h at is, wh i ch are linked both to the
growth of individuals and to that of the economy. But w~¢ wonder wh e-
ther this is enough, and whether there are not mu ch more radical in-
n ovations awaiting discove ry wh i ch could, within the limits of ava i l abl e
re s o u rc e s , s t ri ke mu ch bolder and quicker bl ows against ignora n c e.
L e a rning takes time and it takes motivat i o n , and millions of yo u n g s t e rs
and adults who cannot get to school have plenty of both. Wh at they need
b eyond this, h oweve r, is access to the 'stuff' of learn i n g. Sure ly, with all
the modern mira cles of commu n i c at i o n , and of documents rep ro d u c t i o n ,
some systems could be devised to feed the appetites of these learn i n g - h u n-
gry people. Not eve ryone would be intere s t e d. Pe r h aps only a minori t y
would muster the motivation and sustained energy re q u i red for effe c t ive
s e l f-i n s t ruction. But a number of the gre at leaders of the past— well befo-
re the dawn of modern commu n i c at i o n s — a ch i eved Surp rising self-d eve-
lopment by lonely candlelight study. In the developing countri e s , the lost
l e a d e rs of tomorrow are the bright and ambitious yo u n g s t e rs of today wh o ,
by accident of birth and place, a re dep rived of access to the stuff of lear-
ning in any dige s t i ble fo rm. Here would seem to be another ch a l l e n gi n g
o p p o rtunity for educational innovat i o n , p o s s i bly more fa r- re a ching in its
consequences than anything done to fo rmal sch o o l s .
In the past few page s , we have touched only lightly upon seve ral centra l
themes and targets wh i ch , in our view, s t rat egy must embrace if it is to be
c o m m e n s u rate with the crisis it is meant to solve. Others can cert a i n ly add
to these thoughts, u s e f u l ly modify them, or show why some of these sug-
gestions are impractical. We would be the fi rst to agree that they will not
be easy. But if we decl a re them to be impossibl e, wh e re then do we go ?
In cl o s i n g, we stress one further fe at u re of strat egy — n a m e ly, i n t e rn a -
tional co-o p e rat i o n . We agree that eve ry nation must be the master of its
own educational destiny, and that it must large ly support its own educa-
tional system, h owever poor the nation may be. But on the grounds laid
out earl i e r, we assert that no nat i o n — given the crisis conditions affe c t i n g
all—can successfully 'go it alone.' Intern ational educational co-o p e rat i o n
on a va s t ly extended scale mu s t , t h e re fo re, be a cardinal fe at u re of our

e d u c ational strat egy for ri ch and poor nations alike.
Wh at this implies is something far more than a gre ater diffusion of go o d
will and mutual understanding among educat o rs of the wo rl d, t h rough per-
iodic meetings in Pa ris or Geneva , N ew Delhi or Santiago , wh e re old
f riends take in new ones and usefully ex ch a n ge ex p e riences We do not
u n d e re s t i m ate the value of such contacts and interch a n ges. But co-o p e ra-
tion must go well beyond the talk stage and the passing of resolutions. We
h ave in mind ve ry pra c t i c a l , c o n c rete things wh i ch will place educat o rs of
m a ny nat i o n s , and those collab o rating with them, in direct wo rk i n g
c o n t a c t , j o i n t ly pursuing solutions to common pro blems and discove ri e s
wh i ch can yield benefits to all. We mean also the strengthening of the
p ractical mechanisms for monitoring new deve l o p m e n t s , wh e rever they
m ay occur, and for spreading the news widely, re l i ably, and quick ly — a
task for wh i ch intern ational agencies are peculiarly well fi t t e d. We mean,
fi n a l ly, a new sort of part n e rship between the educational systems of ri ch
and poor countri e s .
S u ch a part n e rship must be based on a due re c ognition given to thre e
key pro p o s i t i o n s :
In the present and for a long time to come, the industri a l i zed countri e s
must give substantially more help to the developing nations than they have
done to dat e.
S u ch support should not be a conveyor belt for conventional educat i o n a l
fo rms from 'donor' countries to 'recipient' ones, but rather a common act
of ex p l o ration to find pat t e rns that re a l ly fit the needs and pocketbooks of
the developing nat i o n s .
E ven though in economic terms the support for educational deve l o p-
ment must fl ow large ly in one dire c t i o n , it does not fo l l ow that the de-
veloping nations cannot contri bute equally to the advancement of educa-
tion in the industri a l ly developed countries. Indeed they can, if for no
other reason than because they are writing on a re l at ive ly cleaner edu-
c ational slat e, and because their pro blems and their ve rsion of the wo rl d
e d u c ational crisis are so mu ch more visible and instru c t ive. For these ve ry
re a s o n s , the educational leaders and teach e rs in developing countries are
l i ke ly to grasp more quick ly and cl e a rly the need to drop their fo l k l o re and
their inhibitions and to stri ke out in new educational directions. The day
m ay not be far off, t h e re fo re, wh e n , in terms of educational innovat i o n s ,
the major fl ows of technical assistance across the wo rld will be from the
p o o rer to the ri cher nat i o n s .
In this enlarged and mu t u a l ly beneficial educational interch a n ge among

n at i o n s , t h e re will be plenty of wo rk and responsibilities to go round fo r
all sorts of orga n i z at i o n s — p u blic and privat e, i n t e rn at i o n a l , regi o n a l , a n d
n ational. The pro blem is how to harm o n i ze their effo rts and exploit the
unique cap abilities of each. Here again there is a gre at untapped poten-
tial—not mere ly for boosting the volume of ex t e rnal assistance and other
fo rms of interch a n ge, but even more for boosting their quality and effe c-
t ive n e s s .
We end by re t u rning full circle to wh e re we began this analy s i s — by
s t ressing the uniquely wo rl d-w i d e ch a racter of the educational crisis. To
the reader who may accept this thesis as it applies to other countri e s , bu t
denies it for his ow n , we say : You may well be right. But we would urge
yo u , n o n e t h e l e s s , to look fre s h ly and cri t i c a l ly into your educational situa-
t i o n , for the hour may be later than you think. Fi n a l ly, we would say to
one and all: Wh at ever shape your educational system may be in, if others
wh i ch must serve the vast majority of this planet's citizens are in a seri o u s
s t ate of cri s i s , then no nat i o n , h owever ri ch , can be exempt from the
consequences. The educational crisis is eve ry b o dy's bu s i n e s s .
E p i l og u e : H ow Wo r l d E d uc a t i o n a l
L e a d e r s Vi ew th e Cr i s i s
Wh at do fo r wa rd-looking educational leaders around the wo rld think

about the crisis depicted in the previous pages? Do they concur that there
i s a crisis? If so, wh at do they propose should be done about it?
O rd i n a ri ly such questions could be answe red only by surmise and spe-
c u l ation. In this case, h ap p i ly, t h e re is concrete evidence to go on. No one,
of cours e, can speak for all such leaders. But a sizable and distinguished
c ross section of them did in fact examine a re a s o n able facsimile of this
b o o k , discussed its content for some days at Wi l l i a m s bu rg, Vi rgi n i a , a n d
re a ched certain conclusions. These are set fo rth below, in the wo rds of the
c o n fe rence's ch a i rman. Ju d ging from the acclaim with wh i ch Dr. Ja m e s
Pe rkins's Summary Rep o rt was greeted on the final day, he had succeeded
in voicing a clear and strong consensus.
S u m m a ry Rep o rt of the Confe rence Chairm a n

9 October 1967
The Intern ational Confe rence on the Wo rld Crisis in Education was aga-
t h e ring of 150 educational leaders from 52 countri e s , held in Wi l l i a m s-
bu rg, Vi rgi n i a , in October 1967. It was conceived by President Lyndon B.
Johnson because he fe l t , and educat o rs agre e d, t h at the times re q u i re d
reassessment of the cap abilities of education to meet the rising aspirat i o n s
of people eve ry wh e re for a better and freer life.
The confe rence subscribed to the fo l l owing proposition as the basis fo r
c o n s t ru c t ive action:
1. Th at education is now a central pre o c c u p ation of eve ry nation in the
wo rld and, f u rt h e r, t h at educational plans can be carried out with max-
i mum success only if they are made in re l ation to educational systems and
plans in other countri e s .
2. Th at within each country education can no longer be rega rded as ase-
ries of unconnected enterp ri s e s , conducted at diffe rent levels with pur-
poses independent of each other. Education within any society must be
174
E d u c ational Leaders Vi ew the Cri s i s 175
c o n s i d e red as a unified wh o l e, its parts in balance and the balance inturn

re flecting society's re q u i rements and the re s o u rces ava i l able to meet
them.
3. Th at there is indeed a crisis in education's ability to mat ch perfo rm-
ance with ex p e c t ations. The crisis takes two fo rms. The fi rst is the wo rl d-
wide disparity between the hopes of individuals and needs of society, o n
the one hand, a n d, on the other, the cap abilities of the educational system.
The second is an even gre ater disparity between the developing countri e s ,
faced with the cruel re s t raints of gro s s ly inadequate re s o u rc e s , and the
d eveloped countri e s , wh i ch are incre a s i n g ly preoccupied with their ow n
i n t e rnal needs.
4. Th at in all countri e s , ri ch and poor alike, e d u c ational progra m s ,
s t ru c t u re s , m a n age m e n t , and the learning process itself re q u i re the most
i m m e d i ate attention to ways and means of replacing infl exibility with in-
n ovat i o n , t raditional or outmoded ideas with fresh ap p ro a ches and new
ve n t u re s .
The confe rence believed that these postulates must be accepted both by
e d u c at o rs and by the society that supports them if education is to ri s e
ab ove an attitude of bu s i n e s s - a s-usual and perfo rm the tasks that the ve ry
f u t u re of mankind re q u i re s .
With these postulates secure ly in mind, the confe rence turned to the
actions re q u i red to improve the perfo rmance of education in six are a s :
i n fo rm ation about educat i o n , m a n agement and stru c t u re, t e a ch e rs and stu-
d e n t s , c u rriculum content and teaching methods, re s o u rc e s , and inter-
n ational co-o p e rat i o n .
A. I n fo rm ation about educat i o n
To improve itself, an educational system must know wh at it is doing and

h ow well it is doing. Furt h e r, if a society is to strengthen its educat i o n a l
s y s t e m , m a ny people besides educat o rs must have access to the essential
fa c t s .
The fo l l owing re c o m m e n d ations are there fo re in ord e r :
1. Eve ry educational system should reg u l a rly gat h e r, a n a ly ze, and dis-
s e m i n ate accurate and up-t o-d ate info rm ation about teach e rs , s t u d e n t s ,
i n c o m e, and ex p e n d i t u res. Trained statisticians are imperat ive. When they
a re not ava i l abl e, t h ey must be borrowed from other countri e s , and wh e n
b o rrowe d, n at ive statisticians must be trained to take their place.
2. Eve ry educational system should establish effe c t ive mach i n e ry to
eva l u ate its own perfo rmance on a continuing basis, to see specific way s
for increasing the quantity and quality of educational services within the
limits of ava i l able re s o u rc e s , and to point the way to needed and pro m i s-
ing innovations of eve ry kind. Such eva l u ations should begin with a ques-
tioning look at the whole fra m ewo rk of educat i o n , f rom the curriculum to
p ro c e d u res in the cl a s s room. (For ex a m p l e : Must students sit still fa c i n g
the teacher for six hours a day? Do the traditional cl a s s i fi c ations of sub-
ject matter still make sense? A re current style textbooks use ful? )
F u rt h e rm o re, in the design of new educational programs and pro j e c t s , eva-
l u ation of their success should be built into the programs themselve s .
3. Besides continuing self-eva l u at i o n , e d u c ational systems should pe-
ri o d i c a l ly subject themselves to fri e n d ly but critical ex t e rnal scru t i ny by
their peers. The feasibility and value of such 'confro n t ations' have been
cl e a rly shown in the country studies arra n ged by the Orga n i z ation fo r
Economic Co-o p e ration and Development. For the developing regions of
the wo rl d, a comparable process of mutual ex a m i n ation by neighbors
might be arra n ged through Unesco or an ap p ro p ri ate regional orga n i z a-
tion.
4. A concern for proper info rm ation must also be directed towa rd so-
ciety itself and part i c u l a rly those parts that have the deepest interest in
e d u c ation's perfo rm a n c e. This concern re q u i res two measures. The fi rst is
i m p roved methods by wh i ch re l evant info rm ation is made ava i l abl e. Th i s
is the responsibility of education. The second is improved unders t a n d i n g
on the part of the media—the pre s s , t e l evision and ra d i o — t h at are the
main commu n i c ation channels between education and the publ i c. It is
i m p o rtant that these media employ and support highly competent educa-
tion rep o rt e rs , t rained and continu a l ly re f reshed by contact with the edu-
c ational wo rl d. Such rep o rt e rs should have a status in their media re fl e c-
ting the importance of educat i o n , and the subject should re c e ive the same
l evel of attention given to sports and financial new s .
B. M a n agement and stru c t u re s
The precondition for attaining any kind of innovation in an educat i o n a l

system is improved management at eve ry leve l .
To modern i ze manage m e n t , these steps should be take n :
1. Recruitment of manage rs and specialists should be concentrat e d
m a i n ly in the ranks of teach e rs and pro fe s s o rs. Educational manage m e n t
is best served by those who have had teaching ex p e rience and who show
talent for administrat ive tasks. Good manage rs can sometimes be found in
other pro fe s s i o n s , but they must be care f u l ly re t rained for educat i o n a l
tasks.
2. For the training of manage rial talent, e a ch country should have an
a d m i n i s t rat ive staff college or its equiva l e n t , able to offer both pre-s e rv i-
ce and in-s e rvice programs. Unive rsities in the developing as well as the
i n d u s t ri a l i zed countries should examine ways in wh i ch they can help to
nu rt u re this precious manage rial talent.
3. A central task of management is planning. Unesco has at t a ched a high
p ri o rity to this activ i t y, and even wider use of the Intern ational Institute
for Educational Planning should be made.
4. Management and planning take place through educational stru c t u re s .
Good management must go hand in hand with stru c t u res designed to per-
fo rm the specialized tasks that education now faces. Stru c t u res mu s t
a lways respond to functions; as the functions of education dive rsify in re -
sponse to ch a n ging needs, s t ru c t u res must be kept fl ex i ble to re c e ive new
c u rricular ch a n ge s , n ew levels of educat i o n , and pressing specialized tasks
in agri c u l t u re, s c i e n c e, or tech n o l ogy.
It is important to note here the need to provide education for those wh o
do not fit into fo rmal programs. In the industri a l i zed nat i o n s , fo rmal edu-
c ation does not now suffi c i e n t ly re flect the need for lifelong learn i n g. Th e
fo rmal educational stru c t u res must make it easier for students to use the
system by establishing more accep t able entry and exit points—thro u g h
s u ch devices as junior college s , vo c ational programs for dro p o u t s , a n d
p re s chool education for the cultura l ly handicap p e d.
In the developing nat i o n s , n o n fo rmal programs of wo rk tra i n i n g, s e c-
o n d-chance schools for those who have left school long befo re they are
re a dy for jobs, ru ral extension progra m s , all must be planned and orga n-
i zed as a supplement to fo rmal educat i o n .
In all countri e s , t h e re must be considerably more re s e a rch on the way
d i ffe rent people learn at all stages in their lives. Te a ch e rs should be give n
special training for wo rking with adults and other students who have spe-
cial needs. And education outside the fo rmal stru c t u re must be given more
attention by re s e a rch e rs and planners and by society itself. Education by
t e l evision and other fo rms of mass commu n i c ation must be ex p l o red to
help ove rcome the fru s t rations of those for whom fo rmal systems fail to
p rov i d e.
5. The unive rs i t y, as the capstone of the educational system, must be
p a rt i c u l a rly re s p o n s ive to the needs of the whole system. But it cannot
i n n ovate if it is too cl o s e ly controlled by the central ministry; it cannot be

useful if it is not prep a red to turn out the highly trained manpower that the
society so badly needs; and it cannot modern i ze itself without stro n g
a d m i n i s t rat ive dire c t i o n .
C. Te a ch e rs and students
The teacher and student are the center of the educational process. In a
real sense, eve rything else must serve to improve them as individuals and
to enhance the prospect of their constru c t ive re l at i o n s h i p .
1. The re c ruitment of good teach e rs is a top pri o rity on the educat i o n
lists of all countries. All too often men and women who would be go o d
t e a ch e rs are at t racted to other pro fe s s i o n s , both because the rewa rds and
i n c e n t ives of teaching are re l at ive ly weak and because the conditions of
wo rk are not conducive to high perfo rm a n c e. The best teach e rs should
re c e ive salaries equal to those of the best paid pro fessionals in the coun-
t ry.
But to justify these salari e s , good teach e rs must operate at the highest
l evel of pro d u c t iv i t y. This means that for a good teacher old notions of a
fi xed student-t e a cher ratio must be ch a n ged and that new cri t e ria for sala-
ry levels will have to be establ i s h e d, based on perfo rmance and pro ducti-
vity rather than tenu re.
Good teach e rs should be expected to play an important role outside the
cl a s s room. Th ey must become a major fo rce for social deve l o p m e n t , p a r-
t i c i p ating in important effo rts to improve the communities in wh i ch they
wo rk. Both the teach e rs and the cl a s s room must become an integral part
of the social process that is tra n s fo rming their society. This mission can-
not be ignored in either the industri a l i zed or the developing nat i o n s .
2. The proper prep a ration of teach e rs who are operating at new pro fe s-
sional levels will re q u i re a new definition of institutions for teacher tra i-
n i n g. These institutions must be deep ly invo l ved in re s e a rch and ex p e ri-
m e n t ation and be themselves influential centers of innovation. Th ey mu s t
be prep a red to disseminate the tested results of re s e a rch and to encourage
their practical ap p l i c at i o n .
These institutions should be in close touch with society, making sure
t h at their wo rk is re l evant. At the same time they must maintain equally
close ties with schools and cl a s s room teach e rs so that neither the sch o o l s
nor the training institutes will be isolated from new ideas on curri c u l u m
or from educational inquiry. However they choose to fill their ro l e, t e ch e r
t raining institutes must be an aggre s s ive fo rce for ch a n ge in educat i o n , n o t

a re flection of the status quo.
3. Obv i o u s ly, this new style of teacher is one whose high level of pro-
d u c t ivity will in most cases re q u i re the use of new tech n o l ogy.
P rogrammed instru c t i o n , team teach i n g, fi l m , ra d i o , and television will be
i n c re a s i n g ly the tools of the tra d e. Te ch n o l ogy must never become the
master of the teach e r, but this can only be assured if the teacher takes a
p o s i t ive attitude towa rd using tech n o l ogy for his own needs. Pro p e rly
e m p l oye d, t e ch n o l ogy may be one of our main hopes for bri n ging the go o d
t e a cher into contact with an increasing number of students.
4. Students themselves must become a more active part of the edu cat i o-
nal process. Not only do students have mu ch to contri bute towa rd ke ep i n g
an institution on its toes, but their attitude towa rd their own personal deve-
lopment will be the decisive factor in their education. Because ch a n ge is
the order of the day, students will need to come into the system more high-
ly motivated for independent wo rk , equipped to handle the va riety of
s e l f-t e a ching devices that are ava i l abl e, s at i s fied and indeed anxious to
wo rk on their ow n , and prep a red to use the institution for their own deve-
loping needs.
D. Content and methods
The fo rces of ch a n ge that bear so heav i ly on manage r, t e a ch e r, and stu-

dent nat u ra l ly have their impact on the content and methods of educa-
tion as well. Here, t o o , ch a n ge and innovation call for specific re l eva n t
p ro p o s a l s .
1. The curriculum must contain subject matter that can be used by the
student in the life he faces when he gra d u ates. In a pre d o m i n a n t ly agri-
c u l t u ral economy, it is obv i o u s ly important that the student be exposed to
a curriculum that will prep a re him for his most pro b able future vo c at i o n .
If the educational system is content to give him a traditional classical edu-
c at i o n , it will only prep a re him for the ranks of the unemploye d. In an
urban society it is equally important that the student have some ex p o s u re
to pro blems of the industrial wo rl d, because he will be immersed in it soon
enough. In all societies as they mat u re, the needs for special tra i n i n g
i n c re a s e, and the standard classical curriculum has to be modified to
i n clude more specialized progra m s .
It is we l l , h oweve r, to state a caution against orienting education too
far towa rd a vo c ational purp o s e. Th e re are certain basic intellectual tools
to wh i ch the student must be exposed and certain basic info rm ation that he
must acquire in order to be an educated man in the modern wo rld and to
fo rm an accurate image of himself and his society. As with all things, it is
a matter of balance, but part of that balance sure ly invo l ves a close at t e n-
tion to the re l evance of the curriculum both to the needs of the student and
to the needs of the society.
2. Content and technique are two cl o s e ly re l ated mat t e rs; each affe c t s
the other. New techniques are bound to be introduced as the new tools of
t e ch n o l ogy become ava i l able to the educational process. Demonstrat i o n
s chools should be considered a means of making visible the ways in wh i ch
the new tech n o l ogy can be applied in a complete school system. Special
t raining programs for those who will operate at the interface between cur-
riculum and tech n o l ogy will be needed. And as the commu n i c ations sat e l-
lite opens up new vistas for bri n ging good teaching to students all over the
wo rl d, c u rriculum and methods of teaching will have to adapt themselve s
to these new sources of instru c t i o n .
3. These developments highlight the importance of re s e a rch in the
whole spectrum of re q u i rements. M. René Maheu, D i re c t o r-G e n e ral of
U n e s c o , has suggested that 2 per cent of the educational bu d get could
ap p ro p ri at e ly be applied to the re s e a rch process. Education can no longe r
a ffo rd the luxury of being one of the last of the handicraft industries. But
the price of successful innovation will be increased re s e a rch. It has been
said that education is the only enterp rise that throws away its own ex-
p e ri e n c e. This ex p e rience must be examined and made ava i l able on an
i n t e rn ational basis so that those successful in breaking open old bottle-
n e cks can put their ex p e rience to the use of others .
E. E d u c ational re s o u rc e s
C e rt a i n ly the improvements that have been suggested here cannot be

accomplished without additional funds allocated to education. Seve ra l
s o u rces of supply must be ex p l o re d.
1. It has been pointed out many times that the allocation of re s o u rces is
b a s i c a l ly a political decision made against many competing claims on
n ational bu d gets. Resources curre n t ly allocated to defense! measure s , fo r
ex a m p l e, absorb about $150 billion of the wo rld's national bu d ge t s .
C l e a rly, a large increase in re s o u rces for education would be possible if
c o u n t ries we re prep a red to allocate to education a part of the funds cur-
re n t ly going to security programs. Even a 10 per cent re a l l o c ation of funds
f rom defense to education would make possible a gre at many of the spe-
c i fic measures that have been recommended here. It is a dismal com-
m e n t a ry on the wo rld's pri o rities that such re a l l o c ations have not alre a dy
been made. Indeed, it may be one of the most important tasks of the edu-
c ational establishment to make learning so exciting and interesting that it
will displace the fe a r, t e n s i o n , and misunderstanding that lie at the base of
mu ch intern ational confl i c t .
The largest ex p e n d i t u res on arm a m e n t s , of cours e, a re to be found in the
most highly developed countries. A re a l l o c ation of internal pri o ri t i e s
would re q u i re immediate attention to the increased re s o u rces needed by
the developing countries. In the meantime, René Maheu has re c o m m e n d e d
t h at the one billion dollars wh i ch curre n t ly fl ow from developed to deve-
loping countries for educational purposes be doubl e d. This is sure ly some-
thing that is possible to accomplish now.
2. In add i t i o n , p rivate sources of funds for the direct support of edu-
c ation have been large ly untap p e d. A careful rev i ew of these sourc e s
should be made by eve ry country. Tax laws must be re-examined to en-
c o u rage the fl ow of private funds for educational purposes. Gifts fro m
i n d u s t ry and alumni, for ex a m p l e, h ave not even been considered in most
c o u n t ries. Employer taxes might be levied to support technical tra i n i n g
and youth programs; educational fees might be used as a transitional mea-
s u re, coupled with sch o l a rships for the needy. Such sources are import a n t
not only for the additional funds but for the balance that private support
can provide to offset too mu ch control by the stat e.
3. Resources that are a]re a dy ava i l able must be used wisely and effe c t i-
ve ly. Much can be done with limited funds and unlimited imagi n at i o n .
S t a rter funds from central gove rnments can provide incentives to pro d u c e
n ew schools. Energy and ex p e rtise now locked up in homes, fa c t o ri e s , a n d
p e r h aps even jails could he applied to educational needs at re l at ive ly litt-
le cost. A multiplicity of small institutions might be consolidated into a
few good institutions at substantial savings. Te ch n o l ogy must be made
ava i l able that can allev i ate the necessity of rep roducing ex p e n s ive li-
b ra ries and perhaps even lab o rat o ri e s .
No matter how mu ch re s o u rces are incre a s e d, t h e re will still not be
enough money to satisfy the ambitions of those who would expand and
i m p rove our educational systems. Expectations may bear so heav i ly on
i n a d e q u ate re s o u rces that unless they are brought into balance, t h ey may
in time give rise to disillusion and set the stage for the demagogue to make
p u blic sale of measures that promise a quick fix and that could de-
s t roy the ve ry educational systems we are trying to bu i l d. Politicians will

h ave a special responsibility to exe rcise re s t raint and realism in making
campaign promises on behalf of educat i o n .
F. I n t e rn ational co-o p e rat i o n
Although ex t e rnal financial aid is but a fraction of the total tra ffic in inter-
n ational educational co-o p e rat i o n , it is a highly strat egic fraction. Yet at
the ve ry time when developing nations are most in need of it, ex t e rn a l
financial aid shows signs of an ecl i p s e. It is urgent that the wo rl d-w i d e
volume of such aid be increased from its present level of ap p rox i m at e ly
one billion dollars per year to double this amount within the next three to
five ye a rs. Such an increase should be entire ly manage able if it is spre a d
among donor nations and if they have the will to sustain the costs.
But it is not enough mere ly to increase the level of ex t e rnal assistance.
It is equally important to make such aid more efficient and effe c t ive. Th i s
can be done on four conditions:
1. The parties re n d e ring and re c e iving such assistance must jointly fo r-
mu l ate a careful strat egy and set of pri o rities for the use of such as-
s i s t a n c e.
2. Th e re must be a system for regular eva l u ation of the va rious pro j e c t s
t h at entail the use of ex t e rnal aid in order to arrive at guidelines for the
f u t u re.
3. Assistance from nu m e rous sources must be better harm o n i ze d.
4. The recipient country must have a we l l-c o n c e ived plan of educat i o n a l
d eve l o p m e n t .
P ri o rities for ex t e rnal aid in support of education will of course diffe r
f rom country to country. But the fa c t o rs discussed here must be con-
s i d e re d — e d u c ational planning, i n n ovat i o n , c u rriculum rev i s i o n , s t re n g t h-
ening and modernizing manage m e n t , re fo rm of teacher tra i n i n g, t e a ch i n g
m at e rials and libra ri e s , ru ral tra n s fo rm ation and increased agri c u l t u ra l
p ro d u c t iv i t y, and education for intern ational unders t a n d i n g.
The major intern ational progra m s — U n e s c o , the Wo rld Bank's Inter-
n ational Development A s s o c i at i o n , and the United Nations Deve l o p m e n t
P rogra m m e — a re cl e a rly identifi able and at least potentially adap t able to
a clear strat egy. In a number of bilat e ral progra m s , on the other hand—and
these account for some 90 per cent of the total vo l u m e — e d u c ational aid is
entangled beyond easy re c ognition in a web of other fo rms of aid—social,
e c o n o m i c, and military. Only if educational assistance is given a cl e a r
identity and visibility will it be possible to ap p ly a rational strat egy and to

s e c u re maximum public support in donor nat i o n s .
B i l at e ral and mu l t i l at e ral channels of aid each has its special adva n t age s
and limitations. Th e re is, h oweve r, a third and untried middle position
wh i ch should be seri o u s ly ex p l o red in the case of educat i o n .
It would entail the use of consort i a , or consultat ive gro u p s , of inter-
n ational and bilat e ral agencies wh i ch would harm o n i ze their effo rt s
t owa rd meeting the needs of large individual developing countri e s , or of
cl u s t e rs of smaller ones.
We end wh e re we bega n , by stressing the fact that education has beco-
me a global enterp rise—a matter of mutual concern and mutual dep e n-
dence involving litera l ly all nations. United, the nations of the wo rld can
b ring under control the educational crisis wh i ch affects them all. Div i d e d,
it is most unlike ly that they can do so.
In this conviction we close with a final proposal. As the modern wo rl d
e n t e rs upon the final third of the twentieth century, it would be fitting to
d e cl a re, under ap p ro p ri ate auspices, an Intern ational Education Ye a r. It is
not that concerted wo rld attention in a single year would solve the cri s i s
in educat i o n , for this crisis will endure at best for ye a rs to come, but a
common effo rt could mobilize energies and inspire wo rl d-wide initiat ive s
t h at would give this subject the pri o rity it deserve s .
Ap p e n d i xe s
APPENDIX 1
E n rollment trends in diffe rent areas of the wo rld (1950 = 100)
S o u rc e : Computed from data given in Unesco, S t ati stical Ye a r b o o k , 1 9 6 5 , op. cit., pp. 105-107
APPENDIX 2
United States enrollment trends (in thousands)
S o u rce: U . S . D e p t . o f H e a l t h , E d u c a t i o n , a n d W e l f a r e , D i g e s t o f E d u c a t i o n a l S t a t i s t i c s , 1 9 6 6 e d i t i o n
( Washington, D.C., 1966).
184
The Wo rld Educational Cri s i s 185
APPENDIX 3
U. S. S.R. enrollment trends (in thousands)
S o u rc e : N o z h ko , et al., op. cit.
APPENDIX 4
Pe rc e n t age of qualified entrants refused admission to
s e c o n d a ry technical and trade scools
‘One pf the most obvious examples of the short falls between supply of places and
actual demand is the number of qualified entrants who we re not admitted to scool.
E n t ry to secondary technical and trade scools in Au s t ria is at the age of fi f t e e n , and the
fo l l owing table shows the perc e n t age of qualified entrants refused entry to their
s chools in Au s t ria and in Vi e n n a .
‘In Au s t ri a , a pro p o rtion va rying between 2.7 per cent and 22.3 per cent we re turn e d
away because of lack of places between 1955/56 and 1964/65.’
S o u rc e : O E C D, E d u c ational Planning and Economi c Growth in Au s t ria 1965-1975, op. c it.

APPENDIX 5
G rowth of scool-age population (5-14 ye a rs) in diffe rent areas of the wo rl d
(1960 = 100)
S o u rce : Computed from data give n in Unesco, S t atistical Ye a r b o o k , 1 9 6 5 , op. cit., pp. 24-27.
In the case of the U. S. S.R. it is more re l evant to choose the age group 7-15 ye a rs , a l t h o u g h
it is more difficult in that case to make intern ational comparisons. The fo l l owing fi g u res are
e s t i m ates made by the IIEP from official sources :
The Wo rld Educational Crisis 187
APPENDIX 6
I fant portality rates in selected countries from 1 9 5 0 - 6 4
( number of deaths under 1 year of age per 1 000 l ive brt h s )
S o u rc e : United Nat i o n s , D e m ographic Ye a r b o o k , op. c it., 1 9 6 1 , 1 9 6 4 , and 1965
D e ath rates by age of A f ri c a i n , Asian and European populations in South A f ri c a ,

1961 (per thousand)
APPENDIX 6 (continu e d )
C o m p a rison of death rates by A ge of A f ri c a n , A s i a n , and Euro p e a n
p o p u l ations of South A f ri c a , 1961
S o u rc e : F i g u r e s c o m p u t e d f r o m d a t a g i v e n i n U n i t e d N a t i o n s , D e m o g r a p h i c Ye a r b o o k , o p . c i t . ,
1964.
APPENDIX 7
I n d i a : The impact of rising population and rising part i c i p ation rates on enro l l m e n t s
(1950 = 100)
S o u rc e : I n d i a , R ep o rt of the Education Commission (1964-66) . . . , op. cit.
APPENDIX 8
S weden : Pa rental back ground of new ly regi t e red unive rsity students
S o u rc e : O E C D , E d u c a t io n a l Po l i c y a n d P la n n in g , S we d e n , o p . c it . , p . 2 1 3 .
a A c c o r d in g t o e le c ti on st a t i s t i c s , no m o re th a n 5 p e r ce n t o f th e e n t ir e m a l e po p u l a t io n b e l o n ge d
t o t he se c at eg o ri e s .
b 5 5 p e r c en t o f t h e ma le p o p u l a t i o n .
United Kingdom: D t u d e n t ’s highest educational attainment in re l ation to

fat h e r ’s occupat i o n
S o u rc e : U ni t e d K in g d o m, H i g he r E d u c a ti on . T h e De m a nd f or P la c e s i n Hi g h er E d uc a t i o n , o p . ci t . ,
p a rt I V, p . 4 0 .
N o t e. O w i ng to r o u n d i n g, t h e to t al p e r c e n t a ge o f ‘A ll c h i l d re n ’ e x ce e d s 1 0 0.
in a highly industri a l i zed non-European country such as japan a similar situat i o n

p reva i l s :
Jap a n : D i s t ri buti on o f univ e rsi ty st ud en t s by pare ntal i n com e leve l , 1 9 6 2
S o u rc e : M i n i s t r y of E ducat i o n , E d u c at ion in 1962, Jap a n , To kyo , 1 9 6 3 , p. 38.

N o t e. 1 yen = 0.278 U. S. cent s.
192 The Wo rld E,ducational Cri s i s
APPENDIX 9
Fre n ch-speaking A f ri c a : E n rollment of terminal pri m a ry year ve rsus admission
to initial secondary ye a r
a 1 96 3 / 64 .
b l96 4 /65 .
e 1 96 1 /62 .
d 19 62 /6 3.
Fre n ch-speaking A f ri c a : S h ri n k age of enrollment through pri m a ry grades and in

admission to secondary educat i o n
S o u rc e s : I E D E S , L e s R e n d e m e n t s d e l 'e a l s e 4 n e m e n t d u p re m i e r d eg r e e n A f r i q u e f r a n c o p h o n e ,
o p. c i t.
APPENDIX 10
N i ge ri a : I m p roSoement in teacher qualifi c at i o n s
S o u rc e : N i ge ri a , F e d e r a l M i n i s t r y o f E d u c a t i o n , A n n u a l D i g e s t o f E d u c a t i o n S t a t i s t i c s ( 1 9 6 1 ) ,
p . 4 1 ; ( 1 9 6 2 ) , p . 5 1 ; a n d S t a t i s t i c s o f E d u c a t i o n i n N i g e ri a ( 1 9 6 3 ) , p . 4 5 ; ( 1 9 6 4 ) , p . 4 2 .
APPENDIX 11
1 n d i a : Trend of teach e rs' salari e s , 1 9 5 0-1 9 6 5
N o t e . F i g u r e s i n b r a ck e t s s h o w i n d e x o f g r o w t h : 1 9 5 0 / 5 1 = 1 0 0 .
a On e r u p e e = 0 . 2 1 U . S. d o l l a r s .
APPENDIX 11 ( c o n t i nu e d )
' The largest pro p o rtional increase has taken place in the salaries of teach e rs in pri-
m a ry schools.... The improvement in t he salaries of teach e rs in the unive rs i t i e s , vo c a-
tional schools and coDeges i s also noticeabl e. But in the colleges of arts and science
. . . there has been an actual decrease in re l f nu n e ration i n real terms. [ The picture in
the pre-p ri m a ry stage might be explained by the fact that the salaries in pre-p ri m a ry
s chools are gove m e d, not so m u chi by dep a rtmental reg u l at i o n s , as by market condi-
tions.] This is because most of the pre-s chool institutions are unaided and located in
urban areas wh e re an ove r-abundant supply of women teach e rs is ava i l abl e.... On the
wh o l e, t h e re was some improvement in the re mu n e ration of t each e rs i n real terms up
t o 1960-61. This has since been almost complet ely neutra l i zed by t he sharp ,ncre a s e
i n prices that has taken place in the l ast two or three ye a rs . '
s o u rc e : I n d i a , R ep o rt o f t h e E d u c a t i o n C o m m i s s i o n ( 1 9 6 4 - 6 6 ) . . . , o p . c i t . , p . 4 7 .
APPENDIX 12
Examples of the wide spread in teacher salary stru c t u re : N o rt h e rn A i ge ria and Uga n d a
( starting salary of typical untrained pri m a ry teacher = 100 )
S o u rc e s : N o rt h e r n N i g e ri a , E d u c a t i o n L a t o o f N o r t h e r n N i g e ri a , K a d u n a , G ov e rn m e n t P r i n t e r
1 9 6 4 , T a b l e 1 , p p . 3 2 - 3 4 ; U g a n d a , R ep o rt o f t h e U g a n d a Te a ch e r s ' S a l a r i e s ( C o m m i s s i o n , 1 9 6 1 , a s
a m e n d e d b y Ug a n d a M i n i s t r y o f E d u c a t i o n C i r c u l a r 1 9 6 4 , u n p u bl i s h e d .
APPENDIX 13
E x p at ri ates in the teaching staffs of four A f rican countri e s :
I vo ry The perc e n t age of ex p at ri ates in teaching staff of secondary schools is 93.5

Coast per cent of the total (1965) .
S o u rc e : L . C e r y ch , L ' A i d e e x t e ri e u r e e t l a p l a n i f i c a t i o n d e l t e d u c a t i o n e n C o t e - d ' l s o i ri s , o p . c i t .
Ke nya E s t i m ated demand for new teach e rs for secondary schools from 1964 to
1970 is as fo l l ow s : fo rms I to IV, t otal teach e rs 1S73 (ex p at ri ates 1157);
fo rms V and V I , total teach e rs 254 ( ex p at ri ates 219) .
S o u rc e : G ov e rn me n t o f Ke ny a , D eve l o p me n t P l a n 19 6 4 - 1 9 7 0 , N a i ro b i , G ov e rn m en t Pr i n t e r , 1 9 6 4 , p . 1 0 2 .
N i ge ri a The perc e n t ages of ex p at ri ate s in teac hing staffs of se condar y sch o o l s

1 9 6 1- 1964 we re as fo l l ow s :
YEAR G R A D UAT E S TOTA L
All Nige ri a 1961 55.4 27.4

1962 62.6 28.5
1963 62.5 29.1
1964 60.1 28.1
N o rt h e rn Nige ria alone 1961 94.8 67.7
1962 93.7 55.3
1963 92.8 58.5
1964 95.1 55.6
The perc e n t ages of ex p at ri ates in t he teaching staffs of all Nige rian uni-
ve r sities we re as fo l l ow s :
Junior acade nie staff

1962/63 : 59 per cent 1963/64 : 52 per cent
Senior academi c staff
1962/63 : 86 oer cent 1963/ 64 : 82 oer cent
S o u rc e : L . C e r y ch , T h e I n t eg r a t i o n o f E x t e r n a l A s s i s t a n c e w i t h E d u c a t i o n a l P l a n n i n g i n N i g e ri a ,
op . c it.
Ta n z a n i a R atios of ex p at ri ates to Tanzanians in 1964 we re as fo l l ow s : in secodary sch o o l s ,

632 ex p at ri ates to 226 Ta n z a n i a n s , i . e. 74: 26; in teclmical secondary sch o o l s , 7 5
ex p at ri ates to 77 Ta n z a n i a n s , i . e. 49: 51; in secondary teacher training college s ,
105 ex p at ri ates to 88 Ta n z a n i a n s , i . e. 52 : 4 8 .
The Tanzanian gove rnment is trying to solve this pro blem by tlle process of tied
bu rs a ri e s , 50 per cent of those awa rded to arts students and 30 percent of those
awa rded to science students being re s e rved for those who ag, ree to undert a ke the
u n ive rsity education cours e, coupled with the fact that all holders of gove rn m e n t
bu rs a ries have to sign an undertaking either to serve the gove rnment or to find
e m p l oyment ap p roved by the gove rnment in the five ye a rs fo l l owing gra d u at i o n .
S o u rc e : A . M v i n g i ra , S . P r a t t , Th e Pr oc e s s o f Ed u c at i on a l P l an n i n g i n Ta n z a n i a , A f ri c an re s e a rch
m o n o g r a p h N o . 1 0 ( P a ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 7 ) .
APPENDIX 14
United Stat e s : median saiaries (in dollars) of science staff in educat i o n a l
institutions ve rsus other sectors
S o u rc e : U n i t e d S t a t e s , D i g e s t o f E d u c a t i o n S t a t i s t i c s , o p . c i t . , 1 9 6 6 .
a Exc lu des ' m il it a r y a nd p ub l ic he alt h . '
APPENDIX 15
United Kingdom: s t ru c t u re of the teaching fo rce by sex , 19t7'4 and 1965
S o u rc e : U n i te d K i n g d o m, D ep a r tm e n t o f Ed u c a ti o n a n d S c ie n ce , S t at i s t i c s , o f E d u ca t i o n , o p . c i t .
1 9 6 5 , p a rt I , 1 9 6 5 , p . 23 , t ab le 4 ( l 96 4 ), p . 2 7 , t ab l e 9 ( 1 9 6 5 ) . ( S ee Ap p e n d i x 4 o f th i s b o o k . )
N o t e. T h e to t al i n du d e s s e c t o r s o t h er th a n p r i m a ry an d s ec o n da r y, a n d t b er e i s a c o mp a r at ive ly sm a ll
p ro p o rt io n o f p r e s u m a b ly i n s e p a ra b le ' p r i m a r y an d s ec o n d a r y ' w h i c h al y n o t i n d ud e d in th e s e p a ra te s ec -
t o rs i n t hi s ta b l e.
APPENDIX 17
C ey l o n : R e c u rrent ex p e n d i t u res per pupil at current pri c e s
S o u rc e : U n e s c o , Fi n a n c in g a n d C o s t o f E d u c a t io n in C e yl o n . A Pr e l i m i n a r y A n a ly s i s o f Ed u ca t i o n a l
C o s t a n d Fi n a n c e i n C e y l o n , 1 9 5 8 - 1 9 6 4 , p re p a r e d b y J . A l l e s , e t a l . , Pa ri s , 1 9 6 7 ( S H C /W S /1 4 ) .
I n d i a : R e c u rrent ex p e n d i t u res per pupil at current pri c e s
S o u rc e : I n d i a , R ep o rt o f t h e E d u c a t i o n C o m m i s s i o n ( I 9 6 4 - 6 6 ) . . . , o p . c i t .
L atin A m e ri c a : R e c u rrent ex p e n d i t u res per pupil at constant pri c e s

( 1960 = 100)
S o u rc e : A . P a g e , L ' A n a l y s e d e s c o û t s u n i t a i re s e t l a p o l i t i q u e d e l ' e d u c a t io n e n A m e r i q u e L a t i n e ,
R ep o r t o f t h e R eg i o n a l Te ch n i c a l As s i s t a n c e S e m i n ar o n I nv e s t m e n t i n E d u c a ti o n i n L at i n a A m e ri c a
S a n t i a g o d e C h il e , 5 - 1 3 D e c e n x b e r 1 9 6 6 ( P a ri s : U n e s c o , 2 7 O ct o b e r 1 9 6 6 ) ( S S / E d . I N V / 6 . d ) .
APPENDIX 17 ( continued )
N i ge ri a : R e c u rrent ex p e n d i t u res per pupil for pri m a ry education by regi o n
at current pri c e s
S o u rc e : A . C a l l a w a y , A . M u s o n e , Fi n a n c i n g o f E d u c a t i o n i n N i g e ri a , A f r i c a n R e s e a r c h
M o n o g r a p h N o . 1 5 ( P a ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 8 ) .
S e n ega l : R e c u rrent ex p e n d i t u res per pu pil in public education ( at current prices )
S o u rc e : G u i l l a u m o n t , G a r b e , Ve rd u n , o p . c i t .
APPENDIX 18
Trend of total educational ex p e n d i t u res (all lesels) in industri a l i zed regi o n s
( in millions of units of local currencies )
The Wo rld Educat i o nul Cri s i s 201
Trend of educational ex p e n d i t u res in industri a l i zed regions as perc e n t age : of GNP
a 195 5/1956.
b S o v i e t G N P o H i d a l l y p u b b s h e d i s n o t q u i t e a o m p a r a b l e w i t b GN P es t i m a t ed ac a r r d i n g t o t h e
n o r m s i n t h e o t h e r in d w t ri a l i z e d a o u n t r i e s; i t i s d i mi n i s h e d b y a b o u t 2 0 p e r te n t . F i g u re s i n t b i s
a o l u m n h a v e b e e n es t im a t e d s o t h at p e r c e n t a g e s c o u l d b e v o n l p a r e d w i t h t h o se f o r o t h el a o u n t r i e s .
Trend of educational ex p e n d i t u res in Industri a l i zed regi o n s , as a perc e n t age

of public bu d ge t s
S o u rc e s : Fo r th e t a b l e s i n t h i s a p p e n d i s : ( Aw t ri a ) : O E C D , E d u c a ti o n a l P l a n n i n g a n d E c o n o m ic
G ro w t h i n Au s t ri a , 1 9 6 5 - 1 9 7 5 , o p . c i t. ; ( B e l gi u m , F r a n c e , I t a l y, U n it e d K i n g d o m , U S S R ) : P o i g n a n t ,
L ' e n s ei g n e me n t d a n s l e s p a y s d u M a rc h é c o m mu n , o p . c it . ; ( Fr a n c e ) : Po i g n a n t , E d u c a t i o n a n d
E c o n o m i c a n d S o c i a l P l a n n i n g i n Fr a n c e, o p . c i t . ; ( N et h e r l a n d s ) : O E C D , E d u c a t i o n a l Po l i c y a n d
P l a n n i n g . N e t h e r l a n d s , o p . c i t . ; ( Sw e d e n ) : O E C D , E d u c a ti o n a l Po l i c y a n d P l a n n i n g . S w e d e n , o p . c it . ;
( U n i te d K i n g d o m ) : 1 9 6 4 , I I E P es ff m a t i o n s ; ( U . S. A . ) : Pa s t t r en d s f r o m D i g e s t o f E d u c a t i o n a l S t a t i s t i c s ,
o p . c i t . , 1 9 6 5 . ( P r o s p e c t s , I I E P e s t i m a t io n . )
APPENDIX 19
Trend of gove rnment ex p e n d i t u res on education in the Netherl a n d s
1 9 5 0-1 9 7 5 a
S o u rc e : E d u c a f f o n a l P l a n n i n g i n t h e N e t h e r l a n d s , o p . c i t .
a 19 5 0- 19 6 5 c u r ren t p nc es ; 19 7 0- 19 7 5 p ri c es 19 6 5, exce pt f o r a r e al s a l ar y in c r eas e o f 3. 5 p e r
ce nt an num.
N o t e . ‘ Th e f o re g o i n g a s s e s s m e n t o f g o v e rn m e n t e x p e n d i t u r e o n e d u c a t i o n m u s t d e f i n i t e l y b e g a r-
d e d a s a m i n i mu m e s t i m at e . M e a s u r e s l i k e ly t o b e t a k e n , s u c h a s r a l s i n g t h e s c h o o l - l e av i n g a g e f u r -
t h er low en n g t he ra t io of p up i ls t o t e ach e t s , i n c r ea si ng fin an c ia l ai ds t o stu d e n ts , t he imp l em e n ta-
t i o n o f t h e n e w l a w o n p r i m a r y e d u c a t i o n , e t c . . . . m a y, a s c a l c u l a t i o n s i n d i c a t e, c a u s e g o v e rn m e n t
expenditur e s on ed u ca ti on t o in cr e as e to 8 pe r ce nt /10 p er c en t o f G N P i n 19 7 5. '
APPENDIX 20
P rojections of educatiorxal ex p e n d i t u res in the United States—a 'fl attening' curve ?
1. In P roje ctions of Educational Statis tics t o 1973- 7 4 ( 1 9 6 4 ) , Kenneth Simon and

M a rie Fullam of the U. S. Dep a r tment of Healt h, E d u c at i o n , and We l fa re give the
fo l l owing t rend of enrollment in educa tional inst itutions and of total ex p e n d i t u re s
on educa t i o n :
TOTAL ENRO L L M E N T TOTAL EXPENDITURES

YEAR (in thousands) (in $ billions, 61-62 pri c e s )
1 9 5 3-5 4 34 536 15.9
1 9 5 6-5 1 39 547 21.0
1 9 6 0-6 1 45 764 26.8
1 9 6 4-6 5 52 575 33.8
1 9 6 5-6 6 53 820 35.6
1 9 6 8-6 9 57 397 40.9
1 9 6 9-7 0 58 374 43.9
1 9 7 l-7 2 60 178 45.8
1 9 7 3-7 4 61 951 49.5
2. The D i gest of Educational Stat i s t i c s (1965 edition) estimates the total ex-
p e n d i t u re devot ed to educat i o n , i n current va l u e, in 1964-65 at $39 billi on. Th e s e
d ata make it fe a s i ble to estimate the im portance of the financial effo rt devot ed to
e d u c ation t o 1973-74 in absolute values a nd as a perc e n t age of GNP.
Assumptions
1. Ass ume the s ame trend fr om 1964-65 to 1973-74 for the educati onal ex p e n d i -
t u r es as that g iven in P rojec tions of Educ ationa l Stat i s t i c s to 1973- 74 in co nst ant
p ric es. T hu s t he index is 1 46.5 (4 9.5/33 .8) for the period 1964- 19 73/74 . 2.
Ass ume that t he ave ra ge ann ual rat e of inc re as e of GN P for this per iod is t he
s ame as that of the p eriod 1950- 6 5 at co nst ant price s. F rom t he Unite d N at i o n s
s t ati stic al da t a , t he ind ices of GN P at cons tant prices are :
1 9 6 3/ 1 9 5 0 = 1 55
1 9 6 4/ 1 9 6 3 = 1 05
1 9 6 5/ 1 9 6 4 = 1 06
T h us f o r t h e w h ol e p er i o d (1 5 y e a rs ) t he i n d ex i s 1 7 2 . 5 ( 1 55 X 1 0 5 X 10 6 ) or
3 . 6 p e r c e n t p er a n n u m , w h i ch g ive s a n i n d ex o f 1 3 8 f o r t he p e ri o d ] . 96 4- 6 5 t o
1 9 7 3- 7 4 .
E s t i m at i o n s
1 . T h e a mo u n t o f ex p e n d i t u re o n e d uc a ti o n in 1 9 6 4- 6 5 w as $ 3 9 bi l l io n .
T h e re fo r e t h e es t im a t e d e x p e n d i t u re o n e d u c at io n i n 1 9 7 3- 7 4 i s :
$ 3 9 X 1 4 6 . 5 = $ 5 7. 1 b il l io n (a t 19 6 4 - 65 p r i c e s )
2 . T h e p e rc e n t a g e o f G N P de vo t e d t o e d u c at i o n wa s 6 . 3 p e r c en t in 1 9 6 4 -6 5 . In
1 9 7 3 i t w i l l b e 6 . 3 X 1 4 6 . 5 /1 3 8 = 6 . 7 p e r c e n t a t c o n st a n t 1 9 64 - 6 5 p r i c e s .
Comment
In fa c t , si nce the pr ic e i n dex o f the ed uca tion sector can be expe cte d to inc re a s e
m o re quick ly t han the g e n e ral pr ice i ndex , t he pe rc e n t age of GNP devoted to edu-
c ation will pr o b ably be high er t han 6.7 pe r ce nt i n 19 73-74. Howeve r, if w e com-
p a r e the evol uti on wi t h t he trend of the l ast t en ye a rs , t h e r e is, in fa c t , some 'f l at-
te ning' i n the cu rve of ex p e n d i t u r es in e duc ation as a perc e n t a ge of GN P. Th e
ess enti al re ason is th at w h e re as t he tot al e nr ollmen t ime reased at lan annu al r a t e
of 3. 6 per cen t f rom 194 9-50 t o 1964 -6 5 , i t i s ex pec ted to incre as e o nly a t a r a t e
of 1. 8 per c ent pe r ann um f rom 1964 -6 5 t o 19 73-7 4 .
APPENDIX 21
C o m p a rat ive economic growth rates for selected countri e s
S o u rc e : U n i t e d N a t i o n s , M o n t h l y B u l l e t i n o f S t a t i s t i c s , o p . c i t . ( M a y 1 9 e 7 ) , t ab l e 6 3 .
a G r oss d o me st i c p ro du c t a t c on s ta n t m a r ket pr i ce s .
b Ne t m a teri al pr o du c t a t m a rk et p rices.
c G r oss d o me st i c p ro du c t ion . d G ro s s do m e st ic p r od uc t a t fac to r c os t.
APPENDIX 22
The popul ation p ro bl e m : the ex ample of Ug a n d a
Cons ider the implic ation s in te rms of en ro llm en ts and re c u rr lin g c ost s of two
a l t e rn at ives f or develo pment of pri m a r y e duc at i o n : (a) m aint at ni n g a co nst ant
e n roll men t rat i o , and (b) ma inta ining a cons ta nt ab solu te no nsc hool i ng gap .
Assumptions
1. Growth of population a ge d 6 to 12 ass ume d to be 3 per cent per annu m , not 2.75
per cent as in the published stat i s t i c s , because the second five-year plan ( in its
Table 3) assumes an incr ease of t o t a l p o p u l ation of 2.8 per cent.
2. P ri m a ry teach e rs' salar ies incre ase in r eal terms at the s ame rate a s monetary
GDP per capita; nonteac he r c os ts r emain constant; there fo re, t he tot al uni t cost
ris es steadily.
3. Us e monet ar y GDP rather than total GDP to measur e education costs .
The results ar e shown in the table bel ow. P oints to be noted are : (a) it costs
almost a constant 2.48 per cent of GDP simpl y to maintain an enrollme nt ratio of
43 per ce nt; a nd (b) to maintain the nonschooling ga p with the Ifi g u re perta ining to
1966 would mean a rise in the perc e n t age of GDP devoted to pri m a ry educ at i o n
f rom 2.48 per cent to 3.49 per cent, and would al so mea n a quadrupling of the
re c u rring cost s in r eal term s .
U ganda pri m a ry sch o o l s : e n roUments and costs needed to ( a ) maintain a constant

e n rollment ratio; ( b ) maintain a constant nonschooling gap
S o u rc e : I I E P c a l c u l a t i o r s b a s e d o n : U ga n d a , E d u c a t i o n S t a t i s t i c s , 1 9 6 5 , o p . c i t . , a n d Wo rk f o r
P ro g r e s s : T h e S e c o n d Fi v e - y e a r P l a n 1 9 6 6 - 1 9 6 7 , o p . c i t .
APPENDIX 23
Po p u l ations of developing countnes are 'yo u n ge r,' thus placing a heavier bu rd e n
of support on employable adults
S o u rc e : P re p a r e d f r o m d a t a i n U n i t e d N a t i o n s , D e m o g r a p h i c Ye a r b o o k , o p . c i t . ( 1 9 6 4 ) , t ab l e 5 ,
' Po p u l a t i o n b y a g e a n d s e x , ' p . 1 3 0 .
APPENDIX 24
Trend of total public ex p e n d i t u res on education in developing countri e s
Trend of public educational ex p e n d i t u res in developing countri e s

as perc e n t age of public bu d ge t
Trend of educational ex p e n d i t u res in developing countries as perc e n t age

of national pro d u c t
S o u rc e s : ( A l l c o u n t r i e s ) : U n e s c o , S t a t i s t i c a l Ye a r b o o k , 1 9 6 5 , o p . c i t . ; U n i t e d N a t i o n s , M o n t h l y
Bu ll e ti n o f St atistics, o p. ci t. (May 1 96 7) ; ( In d i a) : Educa t io na l Ex pe n d itu re i n I nd ia (New D el h i:
N at i o n a l C o u n c i l o f E d u c a t i o n a l R e s e a r c h a n d Tr a i n i n g , 1 9 6 5 ) ; e s t i m a t e s g i v e n i n R ep o rt o f t h e
E d u c a t i o n C o m m i s s i o n ( 1 9 6 4 / 6 6 ) . . . , o p . c i t . ; ( I v o ry C o a s t ) : H a l l a k , Po i g n a n t , o p . c i t . , a n n ex ,
p ag e 3 9 , t ab l e X V I ; ( L a t i n A m e ri c a ) : U n e s c o , ' Th e F i n a n c i n g o f E d u c a t i o n i n L a t i n A m e ri c a , '
R ep o rt o f t h e R eg i o n a l Te ch n i c a l A s s i s t a n c e S e m i n a r o n I n v e s t m e n t i n E d u c a t i o n i n L a t i n A m e ri c a ,
S a n t i a g o d e C h i l e , 5 - 1 3 D e c e m b e r 1 9 6 6 ( P a ri s , U n e s c o ) ( S S / E d . I N V. 7 ) , ( Pa k i s t a n ) : I n t e rn at i o n a l
B u r e a u o f E d u c a t i o n / U n e s c o , I n t e rn a t i o n a l Ye a r b o o k o f E d u c a t i o n , R ep o r t o n e d u c a t i o n a l d e v e l o p -
m e n t s i n 1 9 6 3 - 6 4 , p re s e n t e d a t t h e 2 7 t h I n t e r n at i o n a l C o n f e re n c e o n E d u c a t i o n , G e n e v a / Pa ri s , 1 9 6 4
Vo l . X X V I ; ( S e n e g a l ) : G u i l l a u m o n t , G a r b e , a n d Ve rd u n , o p . c i t . , a n n e x A , p p . 4 2 , 4 3 , t ab l e s X V I I I
a n d X X I ; ( Ta n z a n i a ) : J . B . K n i g h t , T h e C o s t i n g a n d Fi n a n c i n g o f E d u c a t i o n a l D e v e l o p m e n t i n
Ta n z a n i a , A f r i c a n r e s e a r c h m o n o g r a p h s , N o . 4 ( P a ri s : U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 6 ) , p p . 1 9 , 2 1 , t ab l e s 5 , 7 .
a P e rc e n t a g e o f g r o s s ' n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t .
b P e rc e n t a g e o f n a t i o n a l i n c o m e .
c P e rc e n t a g e o f g r o s s d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t .
APPENDIX 25
P rojected enrollments and financial re q u i rements up to 1970 for Unesco
regional educational targe t s , by regi o n s
S o u s c e : U n e s c o , U n e s c o ' s C o n t r i bu t i o n t o t h e P ro m o t i o n o f t h e A i m s a n d O b j e c t i v e s . . . O p .
cit. , p p. 3 5- 37.
APPENDIX 26
Trend of 'completed students'—pri m a ry leve l ( 1960 = 100)
S o u rc e s : ( A f ri c a ) : M a d a g a s c a r, N i ge r, S e n eg a l ( gr a d u at e s ) : I E D E S , L e s R e n d e m e n t s d e l ' e n s e i -
g n e m e n t . . . , o p . c i t . , I I , p p . 5 6 , 7 8 , 8 6 ; U ga n d a ( e n r o l l m e n t i n c l a s s V I ) : M i n i s t r y o f E d u c a t i o n ,
E d u c a t i o n S t a t i s t i c s , 1 9 6 5 , o p . c i t . , t ab l e G 6 , ( A s i a ) : A f g h a n i s t a n a n d Ko re a ( g r a d u at e s ) : M i n i s t r y
o f E d u cation, J apan, Educa tio n i n Asia, op . c it. , p . 7 7; I n di a (enro l l me n t in c las s VII): Ministry
o f E d u c a t i o n , R ep o rt o f t h e E d u c a t i o n C o m m i s s i o n ( 1 9 6 4 - 6 6 ) . . . , o p . c i t . , p . 1 5 5 Vi e t - n a m
( e n r o l l m e n t i n c l a s s V I ) : U n e s c o , P ro j e c t i o n s à l o n g t e r m e d e l ' é d u c a t i o n e n R é p u b l i q u e d u
Vi e t - n a m ( B a n g ko k : U n e s c o , 1 9 6 5 ) . p . 1 1 9 ; ( L a t i n A m e ri c a ) : G u a t e m a l a ( gr a d u at e s ) : u n p u bl i s h e d
d at a ; P a ra g u a y ( e n r o l l m e n t i n c l a s s V I ) : u n p u b l i s h e d d a t a P e ru ( e n r o l l m e n t i n c l a s s V I ) :
M i n i s t e r i o d e E d u c a d o n P u b l i c a , E s t a d i s t i c a e d u c a t iv a , 1 9 5 7 - 1 9 6 1 , L i m a , p . 1 4 ; Ve n e z u e l a ( e n ro l l -
m e n t i n c l a s s V I ) O f i c i n a C e n t r a l d e C o o r d i n a t i o n y P l a n i f i c at i o n , L a e d u c a c i o n v e n e z o l a n a e n
c i f r a s ( C a ra c a s , ) , 1 9 6 5 , I , p . 1 3 .
APPENDIX 26 (continu e d )
G e n e ral secondary school gra d u ates or final year enrollments in selected countri e s
( 1960 = 100) a
S o u rc e s : ( A f r i e a ) E a s t C a m e r o o n , I vo ry C o a s t , M a d a g a s c a r : F r a n c e , M i n i s t è r e d e l a c o o p é r a t i o n
' S t at is tiq u e s s co l a ire s d e s é t at s a fr ic a in s f ra n c o p b o n e s ' , D i re c ti o n de la co o pé r ati on é con o m iq ue e t
f i n a n c i è r e ( u n p u b l i s h e d p a p e r ) , U ga n d a : M i n i s t r y o f E d u c a t i o n , E d u c a t i o n S a t i s t i c s , l 9 6 5 , o p . c i t . ;
( A s i a ) C h i n a , Ko re a , L a o s , N ep a l : J a p a n , M i n i s t r y o f E d u c a t i o n , E d u c a t i o n i n A s i a , o p . c i t . , t ab l e
42(2), p. 77 ; ( Lat in Amer ic a ) C o lom bi a: Minister io d e Ed uc a tio n N a c io na l , Mi si on d e P lan e am i en to
d e l a E d u c a t i o n , U n e s c o / A I D / B I R F, E s t a d i s t i c a s ( B o g o t a , 1 9 6 5 ) , Pa r a g u ay : u n p u b l i s h e d d a t a Pe ru :
I n s t i t u t o N a t i o n a l d e P l a n i f i c at i o n / O E C D , D e s a r ro l l o e c o n o m i c o y s o c i a l , r e c u r s o s h u m a n o s y e d u -
c a c i o n ( L i m a , 1 9 6 6 ) ; Ve n e z u e l a : O fi c i n a C e n t r a l d e C o o r d i n a c i o n y Pl a n i f i c at i o n , L a é d u c a t i o n
v e n e z o l a n a e n c i f r a s o p . c i t . ; ( I n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s ) B e l gi u m , Fr a n c e , Fe d e r a l R e p u b l i c o f
G e rm a n y, N e t h e rl a n d s : P o i g n a n t L ' E n s e i g n e m e n t d a n s l e s p a y s d u M a rc h é c o m m u n , o p . c i t .
a W h e r e a va i l a b l e, f i g u re s f o r g r a d u a t e s w e re u s e d , bu t i n s o m e c a s e s th o s e f o r e n r o ll m e n t s i n f i n a l
g r a d e s w e re a l l t h a t w e re av a i l a b l e.
b 19 61 . e 1 96 3 .
c 1 96 2 . f I n dex , 19 61 = 1 0 0 ( 1 96 S = 1 2 6) .
d 19 57 . g I n dex , 19 61 = 1 0 0.
h 1 9 64 .
G ra d u ates of higher education in selected countries ( 1957 = 100 )
S o u rc e : U n e s e o , S t a t i s t i c a l Ye a r b o o k , 1 9 6 5 , o p . c i t . , p p . 3 2 6 - 3 8 .
a I nd ex , 1 96 1 = 1 00 .
b 19 62 .
c 1 96 2 .
d 19 64 .
The Wo rld Educational Cri s i s
211
APPENDIX 27
United Stat e s : retention rat e s , 5th grade to college entra n c e
S o u rc e : U n i t e d S t a t e s , D i g e st o f E d u c a t i o n a l S t a t i s t i c s , o p . c i t . , 1 9 6 6 , p . 7 .
United Stat e s : number of high school gra d u ates as pro portion of po pulation of
17 ye a rs of age
S o u rc e : U n i t e d S t a t e s , D i g e s t o f E d u c a t i o n a l S t a t i s t i c s , o p . c i t . , 1 9 6 6 , p . 5 0 .
APPENDIX 28
P h i l i p p i n e s : E m p l oyment status of high school gra d u ates by age gro u p s
S o u rc e : P h i l i p p i n e s , O ff i c e o f M a n p o w e r S e r v i c e s , S u m m a r y R e p o r t o n I n q u i r y i n t o E m p l o y m e n t
a n d U n e m p l o y m e n t a m o n g T h o s e w i t h H i g h S c h o o l o r H i g h e r E d u c a t i o n ( M a n i l a : D ep t . o f L a b o r
O ff i c e , M ay 1 9 6 1 ) , t ab l e 3 1 , p . 3 7 .
APPENDIX 29
I n d i a : D i s t ri bution of applicants (mat ri c u l ates and ab ove) on live regi s t e rs
of employment ex ch a n ge s , by level of educat i o n , 1 9 5 6-1 9 6 2
S o u rc e : I n s t i t u t e o f A p p l i e d M a n p o w e r R e s e a r c h , Fa c t B o o k o n M a n p o w e r : Pa rt 1 ( N e w D e l h i ,
1 9 6 3 ) , t ab l e 3 . 2 3 , p . 5 2 .
APPENDIX 30
I vo ry Coast: O c c u p ational aspirations and ex p e c t ations of sampled students
S o u rc e : R . C l i g n e t a n d P. F o s t e r , T h e Fo rt u n a t e Fe w : A S t u d y o f S e c o n d a ry S c h o o l s a n d S t u d e n t s
i n t h e I v o ry C o a s t ( E va n s t o n , I l l . : N o rt h we s t e r n U n i v e rs i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 6 ) , p p . 1 2 8 , 1 4 0 .
a I n c l u d e s t e a c h e r s f r o m t h e p r i m a r y t o t h e u n iv e rs i t y l e v e l , p l u s a s m a l l g r o u p c o n c e r n e d w i t h
th e s o ci a l s ci enc e s.
b I n c l u d e s r e s e a r c h s c i e n t i s t s , e n gi n e e rs , t e ch n i c i a n s , a n d s k i l l e d w o rk e rs a t a l l l e v e l s .
c I n c l u d e s d o c t o r s , p h a rm a c i s t s , v e t e ri n a ri a n s , n u rs e s , a n d s o d a l w e l fa re wo rk e rs .
d I n c l u d e s a g r i c u l t u r a l e n g i n e e rs , t e ch n i c i a n s , d e m o n s t r a t o r s b u t n o t f a rm e r s .
e I nc lu des al l p u bl i c a nd p ri vate cad re s dow n to t he cl e r ic a l l eve l , a nd l aw or p oh t ic s.
f I n c l u d e s b o t h c o m m i s s i o n e d a n d n o n c o m m i s s i o n e d c a t eg o ri e s .
The Wo rl Educational Cri s i s 213
G h a n a : O c c u p ational aspirations and ex p e c t ations of sampled students
S o u rc e : Fo s t e r , o p . c i t . , p p . 2 7 6 , 2 8 1 .
a E c o n o m i s t s , s t at i s t i d a n s , s o d o l o g i s t s.
b S e n i o r c i v i l s e r v a n t s , c h i e f s e c r e t a ri e s , d i re c t o r s o f p u b l i c c o r p o r a t i o n s , d i s t r i c t a n d r e g i o n a l
c o m m i s s i o n e rs , e t c .
e A c c o u n t a n t s a n d a u d i t o r s , b a n k m a n a g e rs , b u s i n e s s e x e c u t i v e s , e t c .
d A l l c h o i c e s s p e c i f y i n g c l e f i c a l w o rk w h i c h i n d i c a t e d a s p e c i f i c p r e fe re n c e f o r g o v e rn m e n t
employm en t.
e A l l c h o i ce s s p e c if y n g cl e r i c a l w o rk w h i c h i n d i c a t e d a s p e c i fi c p r e fe ren c e f o r p r iv a t e e m p l oy m e n t .
f I n c l u d i n g e n g i n e e r i n g o f a l l t y p e s , s u r v e y i n g , a g r i c u l t u r a l r e s e a r c h , v e t e ri n a r y a c t iv i t i e s ,
l ab o ra t o r y a s s i s t a n t s h i p s , a n d w o rk i n t h e f i e l d o f t h e p h y si c a l o r b i o l o g i c a l s c i e n c e s , e t c .
c P r i m a ri l y a t t e c h n i c a l i n s t i t u t e s o r c o m m e r c i a l s c h o o l s .
h S m a l l s h o p k e ep e r s a n d p e t t y t r a d e r s .
i A c t o r , d ra m at i s t , e t c .
APPENDIX 31
'A dult c all fo r furthe r e ducat i o n

A sha rp incr e as e in t he nu mber of me n and women of 30 an d 40 wanti ng a uni-
ve rsity e duca tion was pr ed icte d ye s t e rd ay at th e op ening of a n inte rn at i o n a l
c o n fe ren ce o n the U nive rsity E duc at io n of Mat u re Stu dent s a t Bir k b e ck Col leg e,
L ondo n.
' D r. F. C. Ja m e s , P rincipa l Emer itus of McGill Unive rs i t y, s u ggested t hat t here we r e
at least four s ignifi cant reas ons. One wa s a growing r e a l i z at ion by em ploye rs in
bu s i n e s s , gove rn m e n t , and teaching that a fi rst degree wa s no longer adequate and
t h a t a highe r degr ee was tendi ng t o become a minimum qualifi c ation.
‘A s ec on d w a s th e g r owi ng t en d e n cy f o r wh at wa s le ar n t a s a n un d e rg ra d u at e
to become obsolete by the time a gra d u ate was in the middle of his care e r. I t wa s
f u n d a m e n t a l ly tru e, he said, t h at someone not dire c t ly engaged i n re s e a rch needed
to re t u rn to unive rs ity at intervals of not more tShan 10 ye a rs for re e d u c a tion; this
was being re c og n i zed in medic al pra c t i c e, t e a ch i n g, a nd scienti fic a nd engi n e e ri n g
t e ch n o l ogy.
'A third reas on was that a s new areas of employm ent oper dled i n the f uture — fo r
instance in computers , c o m mu n i c at i o n s , or nu clea r energy-able and am bitious m en
and women would want unive rsi ty education in a new Iheld to qualify themselve s .
One half of the wo rking population today, D r. Jam es said, was wo r king at jobs that
di d not exi st at the s tart of the century.
' L a s t ly more than half the young people in Br itain left s cAhool as soon as they
c o u l d — at 15—and they we re not neces sari l y the dulles t students. Dr. James said it
was impor tant that in mat u ri t y, when these people re a l i zed their need for unive rs i-
ty educat i o n , i t should be ava i l able for them .
Hi gh div i d e n d s
'He suggested that s pendi ng on the f urther education of members of their staff s by
i n d u s t ry was an invest ment paying high div i d e n d s , a truth mor e widely re a l i zed in
t he Unite d States and Canada t han in Britai n. He eited the example of the Bell
Te l ephone Company, wh i ch for 15 ye a rs has been s ending selected m ember s of
s t a ff, on full sa lari e s , to the Unive rs ity of Pe n n s y l va n i a .
' U n ive rs i t i e s , a l s o , had a duty to fo r mu l ate educational progra mmes tailored t o the
special needs both of employe rs and of mat u re s tudents, not solely wat e re d - d ow n
ve rsions of undergra d u ate cour s e s .
' D r. James said that the re was a ne ed for long oours e s , gisen at night; for the deve-
lopment of corr esponde nc e cours e s , using t elevis ion and radio; for periods of re s i-
dence wi thin unive rs ities or col leges; a nd an equa lly urgent need for fulltime short
c o u rses of fr om two weeks to three months. . . . '
S o u rc e : T h e Ti m e s ( L o n d o n ) , 2 1 J u ly l 9 6 7 .
APPENDIX 32
Fo l l ow ing a re so me illust rat ive pr act ica l ac tions taken by me mbers of vill age
R u r al Radio Fo rum parti cipa nts in t hr ee di stri cts of I ndia as s t he res ult of thei r
'ad ult ed ucat i o n ’ ; 1
' Will g row f ruit tr e es in ba ck-ya rd s; a dd f ruit to daily diet. '

' Will u se poison a gains t rats ; call on t he a gri c u l t u r al officer f or he lp.'
' Wil l ke e p a g oo d bre e di ng bul l o r o th er wi s e w i ll se n d c ows f or ar t i fic ia l in se-
m i n at i o n . '
' Will t ry to int rodu ce bette r poultry; w il1 va c c i n at e pou lt ry. '
' Wi l l sta r t m u l t i-p u r po s e c o- o p e ra t ive s oc ie ty an d s e ll p rod uc e th rou gh t ha t
s o c i e t y. '
' Will se e t hat t her e wi l l not be any il lite ra tes in the v illage in t he nex t five ye a rs ;
t h ey wi ll re ad the new s p a pe r alou d in one or two plac es in or der to inc re ase the
k n ow l e d ge o f t he pe ople . '
The Wo rld Educational Cri t i s 215
' Will use cow dung for fruit tre e s , will not bu rn cow dung as fuel; even the refuse is more
p ro d u c t ive when used in the fields.'
' Will ke ep wells cl e a n , p rohibit the public from washing in the we l l s , fix sign board s , i n s-
t ruct the public not to make the water dirt y.'
' Will introduce contour bunding to pre s e rve wetness in land. ' 1
S o u rc e : U n e s c o / H E P, s e n Ye a r s o f t h e R a d i o R u r a l F o ru u n i n I n d i a ,’ i n N ew E d u c a t i o n a l M e d i a
i n A c t i o n : C a s e S t u d i e s f o r P l a n n e r s ( P a ri s U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 7 ) a I , p p . 1 1 5 - 1 6 .
APPENDIX 33
' S u m m a ry of arg u m e n t
'A large part both of the nat u ral and of the human re s o u rces of Tanzania is
at present only part i a l ly deve l o p e d. Less than one-tenth of the labour fo rc e
is in paid employment. Most of the abl e-bodied men and wo m e n , 95 per
cent of whom live in the ru ral economy, a re still engaged in re l at ive ly
l ow-yielding agri c u l t u re and herd i n g.
' To increase the pro p o rtion in dnodern i zed production needs not only cap i-
tal but mu ch strengthened educat ive services. These include not mere ly
fo rmal education but all services wh i ch provide adv i c e, t e chnical assis-
t a n c e, and training in va rious fo rms to the pro d u c e r. While the industri a l
sector will absorb an increasing but still small pro p o rt i o n , o n ly a moder-
n i zed ru ral economy is large enough to affect the gre at bulk of the lab o u r
fo rc e.
'At present it is impossible to provide modern pro d u c t ive employment fo r
m o re than a small fraction even of those who have completed a full pri-
m a ry educat i o n , still less for those who have hadl only four ye a rs [of edu-
c ation] or less. It can thus be stated that investment in fo rmal educat i o n
has outrun investment in those other educat ive services dire c t ly aimed at
i n c reasing production and economic opport u n i t y. To this ex t e n t , ex p e n d i-
t u re on fo rmal education is part i a l ly wa s t e d. 'It is there fo re argued that ,
for the pre s e n t , the highest pri o rity is needed for services wh i ch active ly
foster an agra rian revo l u t i o n , while the further expansion of fo rmal pri-
m a ry education is tempora ri ly re s t ri c t e d. ' 1
S o u rc e : H u n t e r, M a n p o w e r, E m p l o y m e n t a n d E d u c a t i o n i n t h e R u r a l E c o n o m y o f Ta n z a n i a , o p . c i t . ,
p. 39.
APPENDIX 34
The oser-all amount of external aid to education
E VOLUTION OF OV E R-ALL FOREIGN AID (DAC COUNTRIES, IN BILLIONS OF U. S. DOLLARS)
Note t he steady incr ease up to 1961 and l eveling off since that year with a new
i m p o rtant increase between 1964 and 1965. The latter increas e i s mainly due,
h oweve r, to p rivat e ai d (long-t e rm loans and investment s) wh i ch pro b ably does not
a ffe ct education ve ry mu ch .
E VOLUTION OF TECHNICAL A S S I S TANCE ( DAC COUNTRIES )
D i s bu rsements (in billions of U. S. dollars ) Number of teach e rs sent to deve l o p i n g

1962 0.725 c o u n t ri e s
1963 0.858 1963 34 592
1964 0.950 1964 33 839
1965 1.048 1965 35 316
Number of vo l u n t e e rs Number of ex p e rts in the educat i o n a l

To t a l Te a ch e rs fi e l d
1963 6 927 3 619 1963 2 205
1964 9 903 4 571 1964 3 558
1965 15 995 8 033 1965 4 912
S o u rc e : S o u r c e s o f a l l t h e a b ov e d a t a a r e t h e l a t e s t O E C D / D AC a n n u a l r e v i ew s , D ev e l o p m e n t
A s s i s t a n c e E f f o rt s a n d Po l i c i e s . T h e l 9 6 5 i s s u e a l s o c o n t a i n s - d at a s h o w i n g t h e g e og r a p h i c d i s t r i bu -
t i on o f ai d a nd i t s i neq u al it i e s ( Fre n c h -sp e ak i n g A f ric a s ou th o f th e Sa ha ra ge ts $ 1 1. 00 p er i nh a -
b i t a n t , I n d i a $ 2 . 5 0 , A l ge ri a l $ 2 3 . 0 0 , L at i n A m e r i c a $ 4 . 4 0 ) .
A Guide to Further Study
From the rap i d ly growing literat u re on the topics dealt with in this book,
we have selected a limited nu m b e r, ava i l able in English, as an initial guide
to re a d e rs interested in digging deep e r. Many of the documents listed
b e l ow have good re fe rence lists of their own wh i ch can provide furt h e r
g u i d a n c e.
E d u c ation and Society E D U C ATION’S CA PACIT Y TO FOSTER SO CI AL

OBJECTIVES • SOCIAL CONSTRAINTS ON EDUCATION • IMPACT' OF EDUCATION
ON SOCI AL CHA NGE • I NFLU ENCE ON STUDENT ATTITUDE S • EQUA LITY OF
E D U C AT I O NAL OPPORTUN ITY • S OC IAL BIAS OF EDUCAT I O NAL S YSTEMS.
A n d e rs o n , C. A. The Social Context of Educational Planning. Fundamentals of

e d u c ational planning, 5. Pa ri s , U n e s c o / I I E P, 1967. 35p.
Discusses societal fa c t o rs wh i ch educational planning should take into ac-
count but often ignore s .
A s h by, E ri c. Pat t e rns of Unive rsities in Non-E u ropean Societies L o n d o n , S ch o o l
of Oriental and A f rican Studies, U n ive rsity of London, 1 9 6 1 .
Examines the impact of imported models of higher education in India and
West A f ri c a , and the contrasting British and Fre n ch colonial educational poli-
cies in A f ri c a .
C re m i n , L aw rence A. The Tra n s fo rm ation of the Sch o o l ; P rogre s s ivism in
A m e rican Educat i o n , 1 8 7 6-l957. New Yo rk , A l f red A. Knopf, 1961. xi, 3 8 7 p .
I n d ex xxiv. Bibl i ograp hy.
An historian's live ly analysis of the effo rt made over fifty ye a rs to adapt edu-
c ation to the democratic aims of A m e rican Progre s s iv i s m .
D u rk h e i m , E. E d u c ation and Sociology. Tra n s l ated from Fre n ch by $. D. Fox .
N ew Yo rk , L o n d o n , M a c m i l l a n , 1 9 5 6 .
H a l s ey, A. H., F l o u d, J. , and A n d e rs o n , C. A . , eds. Educat i o n , E c o n o my and
Society; A Reader in the Sociology of Educat i o n . N ew Yo rk , Free Press of
G l e n c o e, 1964. ix, 6 2 5 p .
H a n s o n , John W. , and Bre m b e ck , Cole S. , eds. E d u c ation and the Deve l o p m e n t
of Nat i o n s . N ew Yo rk , H o l t , R i n e h a rt and Wi n s t o n , 1966. xiv, 529p. Bib-
l i ograp hy.
A wide assortment of art i cles written by outstanding authors , f rom va ri o u s
217
va n t age points, b e a ring on education's capacity to foster social, e c o n o m i c, a n d

political deve l o p m e n t .
H o s e l i t z , B. F. , and Moore, W. E., eds. I n d u s t ri a l i z ation and Society. R ep o rt
based on a North A m e rican Confe rence on the social implications of indus-
t ri a l i z ation and tech n o l ogical ch a n ge. Chicago , I l l i n o i s ; , 1 5-22 Sep t e m b e r
1960. Pa ri s , U n e s c o , 1963. 448p.
Discusses major policy implications of the sociological view of educat i o n ' s
role in promoting growth in developing countri e s .
M ye rs , E dwa rd D. E d u c ation in the Pe rs p e c t ive of History. With a concl u d i n g
ch apter by A rnold J. Toy n b e e. New Yo rk , H a rper and Bro t h e rs , 1960. xii,
388p.
A swe eping rev i ew of the role wh i ch education played—or failed to play—in the
rise and fall of thirteen civ i l i z ations and the historical lessons wh i ch Pro fe s s o r
Toynbee sees in this vast body of human ex p e rience for helping mankind to
cope with modern dilemmas.
O t t away, A. K. C. E d u c ation and Society: An Introduction to the Sociology of
E d u c at i o n . L o n d o n , R o u t l e d ge and Kegan Pa u l , 1964. 2nd edn. rev. xiv,
232p.
E d u c ation and Economic Grow t h E D U C AT ION V IEWED AS AN I N V E S T-

ME N T I N H U MA N RE SO UR C E DE V EL O PME N T A ND E C ON OM I C G ROW TH •
H I S TO RI CA L E VI DE N CE OF ED U CATIO N 'S C ON T RI BUT I O N • DI F FE RI N G V I E W S
A M O NG E C ON O M I S T • T H E PR OB L E M O F H O W M U C H T O S P E N D O N
E D U C AT I O N .
O E C D. The Residual Factor and Economic Growth; Study Group in the

Economies of Educat i o n . Pa ri s , O E C D, 1964. 280p. Tabl e s .
The re c o rd of a deb ate among able economists who bro a d ly agreed that edu-
c ation is a good investment in economic grow t h , but who diffe red stro n g ly
about how to prove it; recommended mainly for economists.
O E C D. Po l i cy Confe rence on Economic Growth and Investment in Education; IV.
The Planning of Education in Relation to Economic Grow t h . Wa s h i n g t o n ,
D. C . , 1 6-20 October 1961. Pa ri s , O E C D, 1 9 6 2 .
The proceedings of a notable confe rence of economists and educat o rs wh i ch
gave encouragement to policy-m a ke rs to invest more heav i ly in educat i o n ;
i n cludes main pap e rs and add resses by leading part i c i p a n t s .
S ch u l t z , Th e o d o re W. The Economie Value of Educat i o n . N ew Yo rk , C o l u m b i a
U n ive rsity Pre s s , 1963. xii, 92p. Bibl i ograp hy.
A re a d able little book by a distinguished economist whose re s e a rch and wri-
tings have given gre at impetus in recent ye a rs to the idea that education is a
" good investment" in economic grow t h .
U n e s c o , Readings in the Economics of Educat i o n , selected by M. J. Bow m a n , M .
D eb e a u va i s , V. E. Ko m a rov, and J. Va i zey, Pa ri s , 1968. 945p. Tabl e s .
A large and useful anthology of art i cles by leading economists and other
A Guide to Further Study 219
social scientists on the role of education in economic growth and social de-
ve l o p m e n t , and re l ated mat t e rs .
Va i zey, John. The Economics of Educat i o n . L o n d o n , Faber and Fab e r, 1 9 6 2 .
165p. Bibl i ograp hy.
A standard wo rk wh i ch rev i ews ideas on the economic re t u rns of educat i o n ,
ex p e n d i t u res on educat i o n , p ro d u c t ivity and effi c i e n cy of education and man-
p ower aspects, with some re fe rence to underd eveloped countri e s .
Educational Planning and Management CONCEPTS AND T E C H N I QUES •

FORECASTING NEEDS AND RESOURCES • INTEGRATING EDUCAT I O NAL PLANNING
WITH ECONOMIC AND SOC IAL PLANNING • M ANPOWER ASPECTS • QUA L I TAT I V E
ASPECTS • CASE STUDIES • PROGRAMME BUDGETING • PLANNINGS A PA RT
OF MANAG E M E N T.
B e eby, C. E. The Quality of Education in Developing Countri e s . C a m b ri d ge

M a s s . , H a rva rd Unive rsity Pre s s , 1966. x, 139p. Index .
An intentionally known educator responds to the economists and! takes up the
p ractical pro blems of ach i eving needed ch a n ges in education. pointing out
t h at educational systems must develop by stages and wh at wo rks at a lat e r
s t age may not wo rk at an earlier one.
B e re d ay, G e o rge Z. F. , L a u we ry s , Jo s eph A. and Blaug, M a rk , eds. The Wo rld Ye a r
Book of Educat i o n , 1967; Educational Planning. L o n d o n , E vans ,Bro t h e rs
L t d. , 1967. xiv, 442p. Tabl e s .
A useful collection of new art i cles on va rious aspects of educational planning
and development in many parts of the wo rl d, by an array of authori t i e s .
B u rk h e a d, J. , Fox , T. G. , and Holland, J. W. Input and Output in Large City High
S ch o o l s . S y ra c u s e, N.Y., S y racuse Unive rsity Pre s s , 1967. 1051p. Index .
Tabl e s .
A total-fa c t o r-p ro d u c t ivity model of A m e rican high sch o o l s , applied to a com-
p a rison of high schools in Chicago and A t l a n t a .
G ro s s , B. M. "The A d m i n i s t ration of Economic Development Planning: P ri n-
ciples and Fallacies." In United Nat i o n s , Economic Bulletin for Asia and the
Far East. X V I I , No. 3, December 1966. Pp. 1-2 8 .
Some practical guidelines drawn from ex p e rience rega rding the implementa-
tion of plans, p e rtinent to educational as well as to economic planning.
H a r b i s o n , F. E d u c ational Planning and Human Resource Deve l o p m e n t . F u n d a-
mentals of educational planning, 3. Pa ri s , U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 5 , 2 4 p .
A concise pre s e n t ation of the views of a we l l-k n own scholar whose ideas have
been ve ry influential in the field of educational and manpower planning.
H a r b i s o n , F. H., and Mye rs , C. A. E d u c at i o n , M a n p ower and Economic
G rowth. Strat egies of Human Resources Deve l o p m e n t . N ew Yo rk , M c G raw-
H i l l , 1964. xiii, 2 2 9 p .
A general discussion of problems and strategies of educational development
in re l ation to economic deve l o p m e n t , e s p e c i a l ly in developing regions; in-

cludes a composite index for ranking seve n t y-five countries into four levels of
human re s o u rce development; stresses the importance ,,,f nonfo rmal as well as
fo rmal educat i o n .
H u n t e r, G. M a n p owe r, E m p l oyment and Education in the Rural Economy of
Ta n z a n i a . A f rican re s e a rch monograp h s , 9. Pa ri s , U n e s c o / I I E P, 1966. 40p.
An illuminating case study of the practical needs and difficulties wh i ch edu-
c ational planning must cope with in the vast ru ral areas of most deve l o p i n g
c o u n t ries. One in a series of 13 IIEP A f rican re s e a rch monograp h s , focused on
planning pro blems common to many countri e s .
I I E P. The qualitat ive Aspects of Educational Planning.
The pap e rs and live ly discussions of a symposium on the non-q u a n t i t at ive
dimensions of planning, with heavy emphasis on the need to raise the effi-
c i e n cy and pro d u c t ivity of educational systems by improving their "fitness" to
their ch a n ging env i ronment. Pa rticipants include an intern ational group of lea-
ding educat o rs and social scientists.
I I E P. M a n p ower Aspects of Educational Planning. Pro blems for the Future.
Pa ri s , U n e s c o / I I E P, 1968. 265p.
An ex a m i n ation by an intern ational group of leading ex p e rts of the "state of
the art" of manpower and educational planning, and of three major future pro-
bl e m s : m a n p ower and educational needs for ru ral and agri c u l t u ral de-
velopment; unemployment of the educated; and the implementation of plans.
L ew i s , W. A rt h u r. D evelopment Planning, the Essential of Economic policy.
L o n d o n , G e o rge Allen and Unwin, 1966. 278p.
A small and useful book for educat o rs who want to learn about economic plan-
ning and its re l ation to educational planning, by an eminent authority on the
subject.
Lyo n s , R . , e d. P ro blems and strat egies of Educational Planning: Lessons fro m
L atin A m e ri c a . Pa ri s , U n e s c o / I I E P, 1965. viii. 117p.
Pap e rs and summary of discussions of a five-week seminar seri e s , i n cl u d i n g
s t atements by leading Latin A m e rican educat o rs and economists, e m p h a s i z i n g
the need for planning and the practical diffi c u l t i e s .
N o z h ko , K . , et al. Educational Planning in the USSR. Pa ri s , U n e s c o / I I E P, 1 9 6 8 .
300p.
A compre h e n s ive rev i ew and critical ap p raisal of educational planning in the
U S S R , i n t egrated with economic and manpower planning, i n cluding an his-
t o rical picture of Soviet educational development over fifty ye a rs; prep a red by
a group of ex p e rienced Soviet planners and sch o l a rs , with a commentary by a
visiting intern ational team of ex p e rt s , o rga n i zed by the IIEP.
O dd i e, G. S chool Building Resources and The* Effe c t ive Use. Some Ava i l abl e,
Te chniques and Their Po l i cy Implicat i o n s . Pa ri s , O E C D, 1966. 160p.
A practical discussion with useful guidance to those especially concer
ned with the efficient construction and utilization of educational fa c i l i t i e s , by
an arch i t e c t-e n gineer who had a hand in improving educational constru c t i o n
in the United Kingdom.
Pa rn e s , H. S. Fo recasting Educational Needs for Social and Economic De -
ve l o p m e n t . Pa ri s , O E C D, 1 9 6 2 . 1 1 3 p .
A clear and systematic discussion of the va rious steps in educational planning

e m p l oyed in the OECD's Mediterranean Regional Pro j e c t .
R ep o rt of the Committee on Higher Education under the Chairmanship of Lord
R o bbins 1961-6 3. London, H M S O, 1963. xi, 1 6 6 p .
A landmark in the United Kingdom's ap p ro a ch to the planning of higher edu-
c at i o n , i n cluding an historical survey of growth thus fa r, some striking inter-
n ational compari s o n s , some bold projections for the future, and some contro-
ve rsial pro p o s a l s .
R u m l , B e a rd s l ey, and Morri s o n , Donald H. Memo to a College 'trustee; A Rep o rt
on Financial and Stru c t u ral Pro blems of the Liberal College. N ew Yo rk ,
M c G raw-H i l l , 1959. xiv, 9 4 p .
A provo c at ive little book wh i ch wa rns higher educational authorities and
faculties that curriculum pro l i fe ration is the enemy of adequate teacher sala-
ries and good quality learn i n g. It proposes some planning principles and tech-
niques for ach i eving the best use of ava i l able re s o u rc e s .
S ko rov, G. I n t egration of Educational and Economic Planning in Ta n z a n i a .
A f rican re s e a rch monograp h s , 6. Pa ri s , U n e s c o / I I E P, 1966. 78p. Bibl i ograp hy.
Though focused upon one sample country, this case study in the IIEP A f ri c a n
m o n ograph series port rays with cl a rity the pro blems faced by most deve l o p i n g
c o u n t ries in trying to integrate educational development with economic deve-
l o p m e n t , in line with their ex t re m e ly scarce re s o u rc e s .
Unesco. Economic and Social Aspects of Educational Planning. Pa ri s , U n e s c o ,
1964. 264p. Bibl i ograp hy.
An integrated set of pap e rs on va rious aspects of educational planning and
d evelopment by intern at i o n a l ly known ex p e rt s , i n cluding a paper by Pro fe s s o r
Jan Ti n b e rgen on "Educational A s s e s s m e n t s . "
Va i zey, J. , and Chesswa s , J. D. The Costing of Educational Plans. F u n d a m e n t a l s
of educational planning, ff. Pa ri s , U n e s c o / I I E P, 1967. 63p.
P resents some ge n e ral principles and methods of costing, and shows their
p ractical ap p l i c ation in an illustrat ive A f rican country.
Wat e rs t o n , A. D evelopment Planning: Lessons of Experi e n c e. B a l t i m o re, Jo h n s
H o p k i n s , 1965. xix, 706p. Bibl i ograp hy.
R e flections by a seasoned observer after conducting a number of country stu-
dies on planning, for the Wo rld Bank.
Financing Educat i o n C O M PA R ATIVE EDUCAT I O NAL EFF ORTS OF

DIFFERENT COUNTRIES • A LT E R NATIVE FINANCING AND CRITERIA OF SELECTION
• THE FINANCING OF HIGHER EDUCATION • METHODS FOR A NA LYZING
EDUCATIONAL EXPENDITURES.
E dd i n g, F. Methods of A n a lysing Educational Outlay. Pa ri s , U n e s c o , 1966. 70p.

A useful technical discussion by one of the most ex p e rienced intern at i o n a l
students of educational ex p e n d i t u re s , whose wo rk in the Fe d e ral Rep u blic of
G e rm a ny has aroused economists, e d u c at o rs , and politicians alike.
H a rri s , S. E., e d. Economic Aspects of Higher Educat i o n . Pa ri s , O E C D, 1 9 6 4 .

252p.
A collection of pap e rs from a confe rence orga n i zed by the OECD's Study
G roup in the Economics of Educat i o n , led by Pro fessor Seymour Harri s , wh o
has written pro l i fi c a l ly on the financing of educat i o n .
Ke e ze r, D exter M. ed. Financing Higher Education 1960-7 0 . N ew Yo rk , M c-
G raw-H i l l , 1959. vii, 304p. Tables. Illustrat i o n s .
A useful collection of ex p e rt pap e rs and observat i o n s , d e rived from a seminar
at the Merrill Center for Economics, ch a i red by Dr. Wi l l a rd N. Th o rp .
M u s h k i n , S. J. , e d. Economics of Higher Educat i o n . Wa s h i n g t o n , D. C . , U. S.
G ove rnment Printing Offi c e, 1 9 6 2 .
A large collection of pap e rs and data prep a red by an eminent group of educat o rs
and economists under the auspices of the U. S. Office of Education dealing
with financial and other economic aspects of higher educat i o n .
OECD Study Group. Financing of Education for Economic Grow t h . Pa ri s ,
O E C D, 1 9 6 6 .
A series of pap e rs dealing with educational finance in underd eveloped and
d eveloped countri e s , with discussion of cri t e ria for ex t e rnal aid to educat i o n
in developing countri e s .
Po i g n a n t , R. E d u c ation and Development in We s t e rn Euro p e, the United stat e s
and the Soviet Union. N ew Yo rk , Te a ch e rs College, Columbia Unive rs i t y,
1968. 320p. Tabl e s .
This recent study presents a provo c at ive picture of the comparat ive postwa r
growth of educational enrollments and ex p e n d i t u re s — re l at ive to economic
growth—in seve ral industri a l i zed countries. It has stimu l ated deb ate in some
of the lagging countri e s .
E d u c ational Change and Innovat i o n AC C E L E R AT ION OF E DUCAT I O NAL

C HA NG E IN THE PAST D ECA DE • TEA M T E ACH IN G • INS TRU C T I O NA L T V •
CURRI CUL UM REF ORMS • NEW SC HO OL D ESI GNS • U NGR A DE D S CH OOLS • OT HER
I N N OVATI ONS • THE NECE SS I TY A ND PRES SURE FO R CHA NGE • ST RATE GIES FOR
ACH IE VING 1T • HOW R ES EARCH CA N H ELP.
A n d e rs o n , R o b e rt H. Te a ching in a Wo rld of Change. N ew Yo rk , H a rc o u rt , B ra c e

and Wo rl d, I n c. , 1966. 180p. Bibl i ograp hy.
A re a d abl e, a u t h o ri t at ive summary of recent innovations in school orga n i z a-
t i o n , team teach i n g, s chool design, and other mat t e rs; written for teach e rs bu t
useful to a wider audience.
B ru n e r, J. S. The Process of Educat i o n . C a m b ri d ge, M a s s . , H a rva rd Unive rs i t y
P re s s , 1 9 6 1 .
A fresh look at the stru c t u re of know l e d ge in re l ation to the learning pro c e s s ,
wh i ch prompts an imagi n at ive search for more efficient methods of impart i n g
and acquiring know l e d ge.
G o o d l a d, John I. Planning and Organizing for Te a ch i n g. Wa s h i n g t o n , D. C . ,

N ational Educational A s s o c i at i o n , 1 9 6 3 .
A leading authority on the non-graded school discusses new ways of orga n i z-
ing the teach i n g-l e a rning process in order to enable each individual to pro c e e d
at his own best pace.
G o re, H. B. "Schoolhouse in Transition," in The Changing A m e rican Sch o o l ,
65th Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of Educat i o n , Pa rt II,
C h i c ago , U n ive rsity of Chicago Pre s s , 1 9 6 6 .
The President of the Educational Facilities Lab o rat o ries—a fo rmer sch o o l
s u p e rintendent and noted educational innovator—sums up recent new de-
velopments and directions in school design aimed at cre ating school bu i l d-
ings that will foster rather than impede necessary educational ch a n ges. Th e
E E L , N ew Yo rk , is the best source of publ i c ations on new trends in sch o o l
design.
H a rri s , S. E., and Leva n s o h n , A . , eds. C h a l l e n ge and Change in A m e rican Ed -
u c at i o n . B e rke l ey, C a l i f. , M c C u t chan Publishing Corp o rat i o n , 1965. 347p.
A summary of pap e rs and discussions of a series of Harva rd seminars in
1 9 6 1-62 involving nu m e rous invited ex p e rt s , to ex p l o re political, e c o n o m i c,
q u a l i t at ive, and orga n i z ational issues facing education in the future.
I n n ovation and Experiment in Educat i o n . A progress rep o rt of the Panel on
E d u c ational Research and Development. Wa s h i n g t o n , D. C . , U. S. Gove rn m e n t
P rinting Offi c e, 1964. 79p.
K i dd, J. R. The Implications of Continuous Learn i n g. To ro n t o , W. J. Gage,
L t d. , 1 9 6 6 . 1 2 2 p .
L e c t u res by a leading Canadian adult educat o r, in wh i ch he advo c ates life l o n g
i n t egrated education for all and discusses the implicat i o n s .
M i l e s , M. B. , e d. I n n ovation in Educat i o n . N ew Yo rk , B u reau of Publ i c at i o n s ,
Te a ch e rs College, Columbia Unive rs i t y, 1964. xii, 689p. Fi g. Index .
M i l l e r, R. I., e d. Pe rs p e c t ives on Educational Change. N ew Yo rk , Ap p l e t o n -
C e n t u ry-C ro f t s , 1967. 392p.
M i n i s t ry of Education. Half Our Future. A rep o rt of the Central A dv i s o ry
Council for Education (England). Known as "the Newsom Rep o rt London,
H M S O, 1963. 299p.
A mu ch discussed rep o rt on "the education of pupils aged 13 to 16 of ave rage
and less than ave rage ab i l i t y," with nu m e rous re c o m m e n d ations for ch a n ge,
and emphasizing "ab ove all a need for new modes of thought, and a ch a n ge of
h e a rt , on the part of the community as a wh o l e. "
M o rp h e t , E. L., and Rya n , C. O. , eds. Designing Education for the Future.
No. 1—P ro s p e c t ive Changes in Society by 1980. 268p. No. 2—I m p l i c at i o n s
for Education of Pro s p e c t ive Changes in Society. 323p. No. 3—Planning and
E ffecting Needed Changes in Educat i o n . 317p. New Yo rk , c i t ation Pre s s ,
1967.
The results of an eight-s t ate project designed to help educational systems to
a d apt themselves to new and larger tasks in a rap i d ly ch a n ging env i ro n m e n t ;
the three volumes contain nu m e rous info rm at ive and perc ep t ive art i cles by
leading sch o l a rs and educational officials; an antidote to complacency and a

spur to the imagi n at i o n .
S ch ra m m , W. , C o o m b s , P. H., K a h n e rt , F. , and Ly l e, J. , The New Media: M e m o
to Educational Planners . Pa ri s , U n e s c o / I I E P, 1967. 175p. Plus three vo l u m e s
of case studies entitled N ew Educational Media in A c t i o n .
S u m m a ry and conclusions of a wo rl d-wide re s e a rch project aimed at learn i n g
m o re about the ove r-all feasibility of using instructional T V, radio and other
n ew media to solve educational pro blems; includes practical advice on how to
d i agnose any given situation and how to plan in order to maximize the ch a n c e s
of success.
S h ap l i n , J. T. , and Olds, H. F. , J r. , eds. Team Te a ch i n g. N ew Yo rk , H a rper and
R ow, 1964. xv, 430p. Bibl i ograp hy. Index .
A compre h e n s ive rev i ew of the theory and practice of team teaching by a
group of we l l-q u a l i fied observe rs and part i c i p a n t s .
S k i n n e r, B. F. The Te ch n o l ogy of Te a ch i n g. Ap p l e t o n-C e n t u ry-C ro f t s , N ew Yo rk ,
1968.
A new book of essays by the Harva rd psych o l ogist who has been called the
father of "programmed learning"; here he couples his discussion of the lear-
ning process with seve re criticism of the conventional educational pra c t i c e s
wh i ch stand in its way, and he offe rs some re m e d i e s .
S t o dd a rd, A. J. S chools for To m o rrow : An Educator's Bluep ri n t . N ew Yo rk , F u n d
for the A dvancement of Educat i o n , 1957. 82p. Bibl i ograp hy.
This document, still ava i l able in most education libra ri e s , is of special his-
t o rical interest. After re t i ring from a distinguished career in educational admi-
n i s t rat i o n , the author helped launch a major movement of educational re fo rm
and innovation in the United States. Shocking to many of his education col-
l e agues in 1957, this booklet is widely accepted today as a prophetic view of
things to come.
Tru m p , J. L., and Bay n h a m , D. Guide to Better Sch o o l s . C h i c ago , Rand McNally,
1963. 147p. Fi g.
The senior author, L l oyd Tru m p , an ex p e rienced educat o r, has been a leader of
i n n ovation in secondary education for many ye a rs .
U n ive rsity Te a ching Methods. R ep o rt to Unive rsity Grants committee. (Hale
R ep o rt.) London, H M S O, 1 9 6 4 .
Va i zey, John. E d u c ation in the Modern Wo rl d. L o n d o n , Wo rld Unive rsity Li-
b ra ry, 1967. 254p. Bibl i ograp hy. Illustrat i o n s .
A leading authority on the economics of educat i o n , with a bent for sociology
and politics, looks at education in a wo rld of rapid ch a n ge, and draws con-
clusions for policy, t a c t i c s , and strat egy.
Yo u n g, M i chael. I n n ovation and Research in Educat i o n . Institute of Commu n i t y
Studies. London, R o u t l e d ge and Kegan Pa u l , 1965. 184p. Bibl i ograp hy.
The author set out to "clear his mind" about pri o rities in educational re s e a rch ,
in the process ex p l o red mu ch literat u re about the nat u re of such re s e a rch , a n d
came out with the conclusion that the accent should be on innovation. A use-
ful reading for those interested in using re s e a rch to promote educational ch a n-
ge and adva n c e m e n t .
I n t e rn ational Co-o p e ration in Educat i o n VA RI OUS FO RM S OF

C O- O P E R ATI ON • RE LAT IO N TO F OREI GN P OLI CY O BJEC TIVE S • OP PO RTU NI TI ES
AND D IF FI CU LTI ES INVO LVED • S OME CASE H ISTORI ES • WAYS TO IM PROVE
EFF CTI VE NESS OF F OR E IG N AID • T HE SP ECI AL RO LE O F UNIV ERSIT IES.
C e ry ch , L a d i s l av. The Integration of External Assistance with Educat i o n a l

Planning in Nige ri a . A f rican re s e a rch monograp h s , 9. Pa ri s , U n e s c o / I I E P,
1967.78p.
A case study in a particular country, designed to highlight practical pro bl e m s —
of re n d e ri n g, re c e iving; and utilizing ex t e rnal educational assistance— wh i ch
a re common to many developing countri e s .
C e ry ch , L a d i s l av. P ro blems of Aid to Education in Developing Countri e s . N ew
Yo rk , P ra ege r, 1965. xiiii 213p. Bibl i ograp hy.
A compre h e n s ive ex a m i n ation of the intern ational fl ow of educational assis-
tance in the 1950's and eaily 1960's; the needs for aid, the fo rms it took, a n d
the practical pro blems invo l ve d.
C o o m b s , P. H. The Fo u rth Dimension of Fo reign Po l i cy : E d u c ational and
C u l t u ral A ffa i rs . N ew Yo rk , H a rper and Row, 1964. xvi, 158p. Index .
An attempt to re l ate intern ational educational and cultural interch a n ge to
the long-t e rm objectives of fo reign policy; based on comparat ive analy s i s
of the educational and cultllral ex ch a n ge programs of the United Sta.tes,
Fra n c e, Fe d e ral Rep u blic of Germ a ny, the United Kingdom, and the Sov i e t
Union
C o o m b s , P. H., and Bige l ow, K . W. E d u c ation and Fo reign A i d. C a m b ri d ge,
M a s s . , H a rva rd Unive rsity PrEss, 1965. 74p.
B u rton and Inglis Lectures 2it Harva rd on "Ways to Improve United Stat e s
E d u c ational A i d," and on "Pro blems and Prospects of Education in A f ri c a . "
C u rl e, A. Planning for Education in Pa k i s t a n . C a m b ri d ge, M a s s . , H a rva rd
U n ive rsity Pre s s , 1966. xxii, 2 1 0 8 p .
An illuminating case history of the effo rts of one developing country to
s t rengthen its educational system, and the perp l exing pro blems encountere d,
as seen through the eyes of a sensitive "fo reign adviser" over a period of
ye a rs. Required reading for 2"ny such "ex p e rt" befo re he starts giving adv i c e.
E d u c ation and Wo rld A ffa i rs. The Unive rsity Looks A b ro a d. Ap p ro a ches to wo rl d
a ffa i rs at six A m e rican unive rs i t i e s , S t a n fo rd, M i ch i gan Stat e, Tu l a n e,
Wi s c o n s i n , C o rn e l l , I n d i a nu,. New Yo rk , Wa l ker and Co., 1965. 300p.
B i bl i ograp hy.
Accounts of how six unive rsities have progre s s ive ly extended their intern at i o-
nal dimensions over 100 ( ye a rs , but at a gre at ly accelerated pace since 1960,
resulting in an educational "extended fa m i ly system" and a host of new oppor-
tunities and pro blems for the unive rs i t i e s .
G a rd n e r, John W. A . l . D. and the Unive rs i t i e s . R ep o rt to the A d m i n i s t rator of
the A ge n cy for lntern ational Development. Wa s h i n g t o n , A I D, 1964. xii, 5 1 p .
A critical ex a m i n ation of the uneasy new part n e rship between unive rs i t i e s
and the gove rnment in the re n d e ring of ove rseas assistance, with positive sug-
gestions to both parties on how to improve the part n e rs h i p .
We i d n e r, E dwa rd W. The Wo rld Role of Unive rs i t i e s . N ew Yo rk : , M c C raw-
Hill,1962. xii,366p. Bibl i ograp hy.
S y n t h e s i zes a series of regional studies of the intern ational ex ch a n ge progra m s
of A m e rican ubive rsities (to the late 1950's), c a rried out by a team of social
s c i e n t i s t s , with conclusions drawn by the team's dire c t o r.
Wi l l i a m s , P. R. C. E d u c ational A s s ı s t a n c e. L o n d o n , O ve rseas Development In-
s t i t u t e, 1 9 6 3 , 1 2 5 p .
Though stat i s t i c a l ly out of dat e, this remains a useful description of the
va rious types and chAnnels of British intern ational co-o p e ration in educat i o n .
Useful Refe rence Sourc e s
B l a u g, M . Economics of Educat i o n : A Selected A n n o t ated Bibl i ograp hy. O x fo rd,

Pe rgamon Press; 1966. xiii, 190p. Index , plus A ddenda I and II.
A useful bibl i ograp hy wh i ch concentrates mainly on economic aspects and
English language sources; kept up to date with frequent supplements; pre-
p a red at the Institute of Educat i o n , U n ive rsity of London.
I I E P. E d u c ational Planning: A Bibl i ograp hy. Pa ri s , I I E P, 1 9 6 4 . 1 3 1 p .
A n n o t ated re fe rences to books, a rt i cl e s , e t c. in seve ral diffe rent language s ,
cl a s s i fied by (A) the purpose and value of educational planning, (B) the pre-
p a ration of educational plans, (C) the orga n i z ation and administration of edu-
c ational planningl, and (D) case mat e rials. Includes listing of nu m e rous other
useful bibl i ograp h i e s .
O E C D. Methods and Statistical Needs for Educational Planning. Pa ri s , O E C D,
1967. 363p. Tabl e s .
Contains the results of a major effo rt to identify basic data needed for educa-
tional planning, to standard i ze definitions and statistical concep t s , and to sug-
gest methods of statistical analysis. Useful pri m a ri ly for industri a l i zed coun-
t ries with re l at ive ly good stat i s t i c s .
U N E S C O. Unesco Handbook of Intern ational Exch a n ges. F/E/S. / . I I , Pa ri s ,
U n e s c o , 1967. 1102p,
G ives info rm ation on the aims, p rogra m s , and activities of national and in-
t e rn ational orga n i z at i o n s , and on agreements concluded between stat e s , c o n-
c e rning intern ational re l ations and ex ch a n ges in the fields of educat i o n , s c i-
e n c e, c u l t u re, and mass commu n i c at i o n .
U N E S C O. Wo rld Survey of Education. Handbook of Educational Orga n i z at i o n
and Statistics. I, S chool Orga n i z ation. II, P ri m a ry Educat i o n . Pa ri s , U n e s c o ,
1958. 1387p. Fi g. III, S e c o n d a ry Educat i o n , Pa ri s , U n e s c o , 1961. 1482p. IV,
Higher Educat i o n , Pa ri s , U n e s c o , 1 9 6 6 . 1 4 3 5 p .
Contains accounts of all educational systems in the wo rld at thre e-year inter-
vals. Developmental facts traced since about 1900 and present trends descri-
b e d. Because olt diffe rent methods of rep o rt i n g, h oweve r, the statistics are
often not comparable and must be tre ated with caution.
I n d ex
This index does not incl u d e :

a. Titles of books quoted or re fe rred to.
b. Au t h o rs of sources for tables or ch a rts when such authors are corp o rate bodies (e. g.
United Nations; Dep a rtment of Heilth, E d u c ation and We l fa re ) .
A m a n p ower studies, 76
regional targe t s , 6 1 , 208
A b i d j a n , U n ive rsity of, 1 S 5 rising costs, 130
Adiseshiah, M., 114 s ch o o l-age populat i o n , 2 7 , 186
A d m i n i s t rat i o n , see Manage m e n t , e d u c a - s e l e c t ive admission, 73
tional t e a cher salari e s , 3 9 , 4 0 , 5 7
Admission policies: A gri c u l t u re :
elitist systems,7, 3 1 , 32 s i m i l a rities to educat i o n , 6
impact on dropouts and fa i l u re s , 6 9 , 7 0 , Aims of educat i o n :
7 1 , 72 c o n flicting view s , 100
p ro s p e c t s , 72 d i fficulty of implementing, l00
' s e l e c t ive' ve rsus 'open' systems, 3 1 , 3 2 , e d u c able ve rsus educat e d, l09
6 7 , 6 8 , 69 elitist systems, 65
Ta n z a n i a , 33 fo reign language s , 103
United Stat e s , 7 0 , 11 mass systems, 6 9 , 9 8 , 99 (?)
we s t e rn Euro p e, 6 9 p ri o ri t i e s , 1 0 3 , 104
Adult educat i o n , see Nonfo rrnal educat i o n recent ehange s , 99
Afghanistan: s e c o n d a ry educat i o n , 101
'completed' students, p ri m a ry, 6 7 , 2 0 9 science educat i o n , 102
d ro p o u t s , 72 Unesco's ro l e, 9 9
e n rollment rat i o s , 23 A l ge ri a :
t e a cher salari e s , 5 8 ex t e rnal aid, 2 1 6
A f ri c a : A l l e s , J. , 1 9 9
'completed' students, by leve l , 6 6 , 2 0 9 , A m e rican A s s o c i ation of School A d m i n i s -
210 t rat o rs , 1 3 5 n
d ro p o u t s , 72 A m e rican Council on Educat i o n , 1 5 3
e d u c ated elite, 32 A rch i t e c t u re, s e e Fa c i l i t i e s , e d u c at i o n a l ;
e d u c ational administrat i o n , 121 Te ch n o l ogies of educat i o n
e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 4 9 , 5 7 , 5 9 , A rge n t i n a :
207 'completed' students, u n ive rs i t y, 6 8 , 2 1 0
e d u c ational output, 6 5 , 66 d ro p o u t s , 72
e m p l oyment and unemploy m e n t , 8 5 , 8 7 economic deve l o p m e n t , 204
e n rollment ratios and tre n d s , 1 9 , 2 3 , 7 1 , e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 6 0 , 207
1 8 4 , 1 9 2 , 208 e n rollment rat i o s , 23
E u ropean educational models, 107 ex p e n d i t u res per pupil, 5 0 , 199
ex p at ri ate teach e rs , 4 0 , 41 t e a cher salari e s , 5 8
ex t e rnal aid, 5 9 , 216 A s h by, Sir Eri c, 1 1 2 n
ex t e rnal assistance, 1 5 0 , 151 Asia:
i n fant mort a l i t y, 28 'completed' students, by leve l , 6 7 , 2 0 9 ,
m a n p ower position, 3 6 210
227
228 I n d ex
A s i a : (c o n t i nu e d) B o l iv i a :
d ro p o u t s , 72 economic deve l o p m e n t , 2 0 4
e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 207 e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 6 0 , 2 0 6
e d u c ational output, 6 5 , 6 7 e n rollment rat i o s , 2 3
e n rollment ratios and tre n d s , 1 9 , 2 3 , B o u rd i e u , P. , 3 2 n
184, 208 B ra z i l :
E u ropean educational nllodels, 1 0 7 'completed' students, u n ive rs i t y, 6 8 , 2 1 0
ex t e rnal assistance, 1 5 0 , 1 5 1 e n rollment rat i o s , 23
m a n p ower studies, 7 6 ex p e n d i t u res per pupil, 5 0 , 199
regional targe t s , 6 1 , 2 0 8 u n ive rsity gra d u at e s , d i s t ri bu t i o n , 7 8
s ch o o l-age populat i o n , 2 7 , 1 8 6 . B u d ge t s , see C o s t s , e d u c ational; Expen-
t e a cher salari e s , 5 8 d i t u re s , e d u c ational; Financia l re -
Asian Institute of Educ£itional Planning s o u rc e s , e d u c at i o n a l
and A d m i n i s t rat i o n , 1 2 1 n B u l ga ri a :
A t t i t u d e s , e ffect of: economic deve l o p m e n t , 2 0 4
bias against manual lab o r, 9 3 , 9 4 , 9 5 B u rm a :
on career ch o i c e s , 9 1 , 9 2 , 9 6 attitudes towa rd education,94
d eveloping nat i o n s , 9 3 , 9 4 e d u c ated unemploye d, 85
on educational ch a n ge, 6 , 9 3 , 9 4 i n fant mortality rat e s , 2 8 , 187
on educational ch o i c e s , 9 1 , 9 2 , 9 6 t e a cher salari e s , 5 8
E u ropean student pre fe re n c e s , 9 2 B u rn e t , M . , 1 4 3 n
i n fluence of sch o o l s , 9 5 , 9 7
student career ex p e c t at i o n s : I vo ry
Coast, Ghana,212,21S C
see also C h a n ge and innovat i o n , e d u c a -
tional; Em ployment and une mploy- Caen Confe re n c e, 2 4 , 1 2 2
ment C a l l away, A . , 2 0 0
Au s t ra l i a : C a m e ro o n :
social demand for educat i o n , 2 5 'completed' students, s e c o n d a ry, 6 6 ,
Au s t ri a : 210
economic deve l o p m e n t , 2 0 4 e n rollment ratios and tre n d s , 2 3 , 1 9 2
e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 5 3 , 2 0 0 Canada:
e n rollment ratios and tre n d s , 2 2 , 2 9 ex p e n d i t u res per student, 4 8 , 197
re s e a rch and development ex p e n d i t u re s , n o n fo rmal education ,213
116 u n ive rsity manage m e n t , 1 2 t S
t e a cher salari e s , 5 8 C a ro t h e rs , M . W. , l 2 5 n
t e a ching staff and short age s , 4 2 , 4 4 C a rt e r, J. R . , 1 2 1 n
t e chnical sch o o l s , s e c o n d a ry, 1 8 5 C a rt t e r, A . M . , S 7
C e n t ral A f rican Rep u bl i c :
B a d m i s s i o n , s e c o n d a ry educat i o n , 1 9 2
d ro p o u t s , 72
B e l gi u m : e n ro l l m e n t s , 1 9 2
'completed' students, s e c o n d a ry, 6 9 , 2 1 0 C e n t ral A m e ri c a :
e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 5 3 , 2 0 1 cost of dropouts and rep e at e rs , 132
Bell Te l ephone Company, 2 1 4 p o p u l ation grow t h , 2 6
B e rg, J. , 7 7 C e n t ral A m e ri c a , U n ive rsity of, 1 3 5 n
B ey n o n , J. , 1 1 4 n C e n t ral Mich i gan College, 1 3 6 n
B i rk b e ck College, U n ive rsity of London, C e ry ch , L . , 3 6 n , 1 5 1 n , 1 5 4 n , 1 9 5
213 C ey l o n : d ro p o u t s , 7 2
B l a i r, M . , l 3 6 n d ro p o u t s , 7 2
I n d ex 229
economic deve l o p m e n t , 204 d i fficulties of up-d at i n g, 109

ex p e n d i t u res per pupil, 5 0 , 199 ge n e ral discussion, 1 0 3 , 110
u n ive rsity gra d u at e s , d i s t ri bu t i o n , 7 8 i l l-fi t t i n g ' b o rrowed' curri c u l a , 106
Chad: recent improve m e n t s , 1 0 4 , 1 0 5 , 1 1 7 ,
a d m i s s i o n , s e c o n d a ry educat i o n , 1 9 2 118,119
e n ro l l m e n t s , 1 9 2 re c o m m e n d at i o n s , 1 7 9 , 1 8 0 , 1 8 1
C h a n ge and innovat i o n , e d u c at i o n a l : C o n t i nuing educat i o n , see Nonfo rmal ed-
a rch i t e c t u ral innovat i o n s , 1 1 3 , 114 u c at i o n
bu s i n e s s-a s-usual ap p ro a ch , 65 C o o m b s , P. H . , 1 1 9 n , 1 5 4 n
c o m p a red with agri c u l t u re, 6 , 1 1 3 Costa Rica:
d eveloped nat i o n s , 55 d ro p o u t s , 72
E u ropean tra d i t i o n a l i s m , 82 ex p e n d i t u res per pupil, 5 0 , 199
f u t u re strat egy, 1 6 6 , 1 6 7 , 1 6 8 , 1 6 9 , 1 7 0 , p o p u l ation stru c t u re, 1 8 9
1 7 1 , 1 7 2 , 173 Costa Rica, U n ive rsity of, 1 3 6 n
need for incentive s , 128 C o s t s , e d u c at i o n a l :
p ractical diffi c u l t i e s , 1 0 8-10 A f rican illustrat i o n , 130
p re-conditions for innovat i o n , 1 1 9 cost reduction methods, 1 3 3 , 137
recent accelerat i o n , 118 d eveloping nation pro bl e m s , 1 3 0 , 1 3 1
re s i s t a n c e, 6 , 1 1 3 , 128 e ffect of ex p at ri ate teach e rs , 4 0 , 41
role of manage m e n t , 119 e ffect of increasing youth populat i o n ,
role of re s e a rch , 1 1 7 , 118 U ga n d a , 56
u n ive rs i t i e s , 1 5 6-61 e ffect of teacher salary stru c t u res
see also R e s e a r ch , e d u c ational; Te ch - rising unit costs:
nologies of education caution in projecting costs, 51
Chile: d eveloped nat i o n s , 4 7 , 48
'completed' students, u n ive rs i t y, 6 8 , 210 d eveloping nat i o n s , 4 9 , 50
economic deve l o p m e n t , 204 reasons fo r, 4 7 , 4 8 , 5 1 , 1 2 9 , 130
ex p e n d i t u res per pupil, 5 0 , 199 f u t u re effect of new bu i l d i n g s , 131
s h o rt age of nu rs e s , 79 ge n e ral discussion, 1 2 5 , 137
t e a cher salari e s , 5 8 p ro s p e c t s , 164
China ( Rep u blic of ): see also E ffi c i e n cy, e d u c ational; Ex-
'completed' students, s e c o n d a ry unive r- p e n d i t u re s , e d u c ational; Fi n a n c i a l
s i t y, 6 7 , 210 re s o u rc e s , e d u c ational; Te a cher salari e s ;
p o p u l ation stru c t u re, 1 8 9 , 2 0 6 Te ch n o l ogies of educat i o n
C l a rk , B. R . , 7 0 n C ri s i s , e d u c at i o n a l :
C l a rk , H . , 1 4 0 n causes, 3, 4
Clignet, R., 212 i n cludes society and economy, 8
C o l e m a n , J. S. , 8 5 n n at u re, 3 , 4
Colombia: r ecent ev i d e n c e, E u ropean and U. S .
'completed' students, s e c o n d a ry, 6 8 , 2 1 0 u n ive rs i t i e s , v-vii
e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 6 0 , 207 re q u i rements for ove rc o m i n g, 3 , 4
ex p e n d i t u res per pupil, 5 0 , 199 s t rat egies for ove rc o m i n g, 1 6 6-73
i n fant mortality rat e s , 1 8 7 s u m m a ry, 1 6 4-66
Columbia Unive rs i t y, 1 1 8 , 1 4 0 Wi l l i a m s bu rg Confe rence concl u s i o n s ,
C o n go ( Bra z z aville ): 1 7 4-8 3
a d m i s s i o n , s e c o n d a ry educat i o n , 1 9 2 C u rri c u l u m , s e e Content of educat i o n
e n ro l l m e n t s , 1 9 2 C y p ru s :
Content of educat i o n : economic deve l o p m e n t , 2 0 4
c o n t rove rs i e s , 1 0 2 , 103 C ze ch o s l ova k i a :
c u rriculum pri o ri t i e s , 1 0 2 , 1 0 3 economic deve l o p m e n t , 2 0 4
230 I n d ex
D t e a cher salari e s , 5 7
D i e z-H o ch l e i t n e r, R . , 1 4 8 , 1 4 8 n
D a h o m ey : D ro p o u t s , s t u d e n t :
a d m i s s i o n , s e c o n d a ry educat i o n , 1 9 2 e ffect on costs,131
d ro p o u t s , 72 enro l l m e n t s , 1 9 2 high rate in developing nat i o n s , 7 1 , 7 3
D a k a r, U n ive rsity of, 1 3 5 i n fluence of admission policies, 6 4 , 7 1
D av i e s , M . , 5 8 o u t l o o k , 72
D ebl e, I . , l 3 2 n U. S. ex p e ri e n c e,71
D e n i s o n , E . F. , 2 3 n see also Admission policies; Fa i l u re s ,
D e n m a rk : student; Rep e at e rs
'completed' students, u n ive rs i t y, 6 9 , 2 1 0
economic deve l o p m e n t , 2 0 4 E
D ep a rt ment of Educa tion a nd Scie nce, East A f ri c a , U n ive rsity of, 1 3 5 ;
U. K . , l 3 4 n Economic deve l o p m e n t :
D ep a r tment of He alth, E d u c ation and d eveloped nat i o n s , 204
We l fa re, U. S. A . , 2 5 , 5 4 d eveloping nat i o n s , 5 5 , 204
D eveloped nat i o n s : e d u c ation's contri bution to,22,74
'completed' students, by leve l , 6 9 , 2 1 0 e ffects on composition of labor fo rc e, 8 6
economic deve l o p m e n t , 204 e ffects on employ m e n t , 86
e d u c ation and employ m e n t , 8 5 , 8 6 , 8 7 , unbalanced growth rat e s , 25
90 United Nations Development Decade,
e d u c ational ex ch a n ge s , 149 55
e d u c ational output, 6 5 , 69 s ee als o E m p l oyme nt a nd une mploy -
ex p e n d i t u res per pupil, 4 7 , 197 ment
fitness of educational olitput, 82 Economic Opportunity Progra m , U. S. , 1 4 3
i n fant mortality rat e s , 187 Ecuador:
m a n p ower imbalances, 75 t e a cher salari e s , 5 8
n o n fo rmal educat i o n , R S 9 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 2 E d u c at i o n , types of:
p o p u l ation stru c t u re, 189 fo reign language s , 1 0 3 , 117
s ch o o l-age populat i o n , 27 ge n e ral ve rsus skill tra i n i n g, 102
t e a cher salari e s , 58 n o n fo rmal,188-44
t rend of educational ex p e n d i t u re s , 4 8 , science and mat h e m atics,102,117
52, 53, 54, 55, 197, 198, 200, 201 see also Higher education; Pri m a ry edu-
D eveloping nat i o n s : c ation; Secondary educat i o n
bias for white collar jobs, 9 3 , 94 E d u c ation and Wo rld A ffa i rs , U. S. , 1 5 9
d e m o c rat i z ation of aims, 99 E d u c ation 'industry ' :
economic deve l o p m e n t , 204 c o m p a red to agri c u l t u re, 6
e d u c ation and employ m e n t , 8 4 , 8 6 , 8 7 , c o m p e t i t ive disadva n t age, 3 4 , 35
90 c o n t ri bution to economic grow t h , 2 2 , 7 4
e d u c ational costs and ex p e n d i t u re s , 4 8 , h a n d i c raft tech n o l ogy,7
49, 55, 56, 59, 60, 150, 199, 200, 206, ' i nvestment' and 'consumption,' 17
207 ' l abor intensive,' 34
e d u c ational output, 6 5 , 6 6 , 6 7 , 68 rising costs, 47
e n rollment ratios and tre n d s , 1 9 , 23 see also P ro d u c t ivity; Systems, e d u c a -
fitness of educational output, 81 tional
f u t u re admission policies,73 E d u c a tional Facilities Lab o rat o ry, 1 1 4 ,
i n fant mortality rat e s , 187 134n
m a n p ower imbalances, 7 , 75 E ffi c i e n cy, e d u c at i o n a l :
n o n fo rmal educat i o n , 142 d e fi n e d, 1 2 5 , 126
p o p u l at i o n , 5 7 , 1 8 9 , 2 0 6 ge n e ral discussion,125-3 7
I n d ex 231
guiding pri n c i p l e s , 133-34 e d u c ation and economic grow t h , 1 9 , 2 2

i n c e n t ive s , 128 e d u c ation and employ m e n t , 8 6 , 88
s p e c i fic ways to improve, 134-37 e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 4 9 , 5 2 , 54
see also C h a n ge and innovat i o n , e d u c a - e d u c ational re s e a rch,115
tional; Costs, e d u c ational; Pro d u c t iv - e d u c ational tra n s i t i o n , 6 9 , 108
ity; Te ch n o l ogies of educat i o n e n rollment ratios,22
El Salva d o r : e n rollment tre n d s , 184
ex p e n d i t u res per pupil, 5 0 , 199 fo reign students, 1 4 9 , 150
i n fant mortality rat e s , 1 8 7 i n fant mort a l i t y, 26
Elitist educational systems: m a n p ower studies, 76
a i m s , 68 n o n fo rmal educat i o n , 1 3 9 , 141
c u rrent diffi c u l t i e s , 33 r e s e a rc h an d d evelo pm en t ex p e n d i -
d eveloping nat i o n s , 33 t u re s , 116
E u ropean ex p e ri e n c e, 3 2 , 190 s ch o o l-age populat i o n , 2 7 , 186
high fa i l u re rat e, 70 s e c o n d a ry educat i o n , 101
n e c e s s a ry ch a n ge s , 108 social bias of educat i o n , 32
p rotection of quality, 71 student career pre fe re n c e s , 92
s e l e c t ive admission, 32 t ra d i t i o n a l i s m , 8 2
t ra n s fo rm ation to mass system, 7 , 1 0 7 , E x p e n d i t u re s , e d u c at i o n a l :
108 d eveloped nat i o n s , 4 8 , 5 2 , 5 S, 1 9 7 , 1 9 8 ,
se e also Admissi on pol icies ; Aims of 2 0 0 , 2 0 1 , 202
e d u c ation; Dro p o u t s , s t u d e n t , Fa i l - d eveloping nat i o n s , 4 8 , 5 5 , 5 6 , 5 7 , 5 8 ,
u re s , s t u d e n t 5 9 , 6 0 , 6 2 , 1 9 9-2 0 0 , 2 0 6 , 207
E m p l oyment and unemploy m e n t , 83 impact of population growth on, 5 6 , 5 7 ,
d eveloped nat i o n s , 8 5 , 8 6 , 90 59
d eveloping nat i o n s , 8 4 , 8 5 , 8 6 , 8 7 , 8 8 , re l a tio n to GNP an d public bu d ge t s ,
90 5 2-58
' e d u c ated unemploye d,' 85, 8 8 , 90 211 see also C o s t s , e d u c ational; Fi n a n c i a l
e ffects of modern i z at i o n , 8 6 , 88 re s o u rc e s , e d u c ational; bl o n ey
ge n e ral discussion, 8 3-91 E x t e rnal assistance for educat i o n :
impact of-p o p u l ation grow t h , 88 e ffect on cri s i s , 1 5 3-54
urban ve rsus ru ra l , 81 f u t u re needs, 1 5 5 , 156
see also Fitness of education to env i ro n - lessons of ex p e ri e n c e, 1 5 1-56
ment; Manpower; Manpower re q u i re - m ag n i t u d e s , 1 4 9-5 1 , 216
ments q u a l i t at ive aspects, 1 5 1-53
E n ro l l m e n t s , s t u d e n t : recommended doubl i n g, 1 8 2 , 1 8 3
d eveloping nations,23
p ro j e c t e d, d eveloped nat i o n s , 29 F
p ro j e c t e d, I n d i a , 2 9 , 3 0 , 190
t re n d s , and projections by regi o n , 1 9 , Fa c i l i t i e s , e d u c at i o n a l :
1 8 4 , 1 8 5 , 2 0 7 , 2 0 8 , 2 0 9 , 210 a rch i t e c t u ral bar ri e r s to ch a n ge, 1 1 3 ,
U. S. colleges and unive rs i t i e s , 2 1 114
wo rl d-wide incre a s e, 1 8 , 184 economies of scale, 1 3 3-37
see also Inputs of educational syst ems; i m p roving space utilizat i o n , 1 3 4 , 1 3 5
Outputs of educational systems; Pa r- i n n ovat i o n s , 1 1 3 , 114
t i c i p ation rat e s , e d u c ational; Social reducing costs of, 134
demand for education; Students see also Costs, e d u c ational; Research ,
E u ro p e : e d u c ational; Te ch n o l ogies of educa-
c riticism of unive rs i t i e s , 1 5 7 , 159 tion
d ropouts and fa i l u re s , 7 0 , 72 Fa i l u re s , s t u d e n t :
e d u c ated elite, 3 2 e ffect of selective admission, 6 9
232 I n d ex
Fa i l u re s , s t u d e n t : (c o n t i nu e d) u n ive rsity manage m e n t , 1 2 2 , 1 2 5

high rate in Fra n c e, 69 F u l b right Progra m , 149
see also Admission polieies; Dro p o u t s , F u l l a m , M . , 202
student; Outputs of edueat ional sys- Fund for the A dvancement of Edueat i o n ,
tems 136n
Finaneial re s o u re e s , e d u e at i o n a l :
d eveloping nation seare i t i e s , 3 5 , 56 G
f u t u re needs, 208
impaet of rising unit eosts, 47 G ab o n :
n ational eompetition and pri o ri t i e s , 4 6 a d m i s s i o n , s e c o n d a ry educat i o n , 1 9 2
n ew sourees of fi n a n c e, 170 d ro p o u t s , 132
re c o m m e n d at i o n s , 1 8 0 , 181 e n ro l l m e n t s , 192
s l ow-d own in growth of bu d ge t s , 5 3 , 5 7 Gambia:
se e also C o s t s , e d u c ational; Expendi- i n fant mortality rat e s , 187
t u re s , e d u c at i o n a l G a n d h i , M . K . , 99
Fitness of edueation to env i ro n m e n t : G a r b e, D. , 5 8 , 2 0 0 , 207
c u rriculum ehanges,106-8 G a rd n e r, J. W.,154n
E u ropean edueation ill-fi l t t i n g, 82 G e rm a ny ( Fe d e ral Rep u blic ):
ge n e ral diseussion, 1 8-97 'completed' students, s e e o n d a ry, 6 9 , 2 1 0
major fe at u re of eri s i s , 4 eeonomic deve l o p m e n t , 204
m a n p ower re q u i re m e n t s , 7 4-83 e n rollment rat i o s , higher edueat i o n , 2 2
ru ral sch o o l s , 80 ex p e n d i t u re s , per student, 4 8 , 198
t e chnical and vo c ational tra i n i n g, 7 i n fant mortality rat e s , 187
Fo rd Fo u n d at i o n , 1 1 4 , 1 5 3 n o n fo rmal educat i o n , 141
Fo reign aid, see External a ssistance fo r p o p u l at i o n , l evel and stru e t u re, 5 9 , 1 8 9 ,
e d u c at i o n 206
Fo reign language s , s e e E d u c at i o n , t y p e s re s e a rch and development ex p e n d i t u re s ,
of 116
Fo s t e r, P. J. , 9 5 , 9 5 n , 2 1 2 , 2 1 3 social demand for edueat i o n , 25
Fo u e h e t , C . , 2 4 Ghana:
Fo u gey ro l l a s , P. , l 3 9 n c a reer ex p e c t at i o n s , 9 5 , 213
Fra n c e : economic deve l o p m e n t , 204
Caen Confe re n e e, 2 4 , 122 higher education gra d u at e s , 6 6 , 210
'eompleted' students, s e e o n d a ry, 6 9 , 2 1 0 p o p u l at i o n , 59
economie deve l o p m e n t , 204 p o p u l ation stmeture, 1 8 9 , 206
e d u e ational costs and ex p e n d i t u re s , 4 8 , t e a cher salari e s , 58
5 3 , 5 4 , l 3 l , 1 9 7 , 200 u n ive rsity gra d u ates by fi e l d, 78
e d u c ational tra n s i t i o n , 69 G l a s e r, R . , 136n
e n rollment rat i o s , higher edueat i o n , 2 2 G re e c e :
ex t e rnal assistanee, 151 e n rollment rat i o s , s e c o n d a ry, 22
i n fant mortality rat e s , 187 G re e n , E . J.,136n
n o n fo rmal educat i o n , 140 G u at e m a l a :
p o p u l ation level and stru c t u re, 5 9 , 1 8 9 , 'completed' students, p ri m a ry, u n ive r-
206 s i t y, 6 8 , 2 0 9 , 210
p rojected enro l l m e n t s , 29 G u i l l a u m o n t , P. , 5 8 , 2 0 0 , 207
re s e a rch and development ex p e n d i t u re s , G u i d a n c e, s t u d e n t , 8 4 , 1 0 2
116
social bias, 32 H
t e a cher short age s , 3 5 , 36 H a l l a k , J. , 5 8 , 1 3 1 n , 207
t e a cher tra i n i n g, 43 H a r b i s o n , E . , 7 7 , 81
t e chnical studies, 9 3 H eb e rt , C . A . , 1 4 0 n
I n d ex 233
Higher educat i o n : Indonesia:

c riticisms of unive rs i t i e s , 1 5 7 , 1 5 8 , 1 5 9 , e n rollment rat i o s , 2 3
160 I n d u s t ri a l i z ed na t i o n s , see D eve l o p e d
e n rollment increases in U. S. A . , 186 n at i o n s
gra d u ates by fi e l d s , 78 I n e rt i a , s e e C h a n ge and innovat i o n , e d u -
role of unive rsities in intemational co- c at i o n a l
o p e rat i o n , 1 5 6 , 1 6 0 , 161 I n fo rm ation about educat i o n :
s h a ring high cost progra m s , 135 inadequacies of, 15
student cri t i c i s m , 1 7 , 108 need to improve, 1 7 5 , 176
t rend of gra d u at e s , 6 4-9 7 , 210 s o u rces used in book, 1 5
u n ive rsit y man age ment w e a k n e s s e s , I n n ovat i o n , see Change and innovat i o n ,
1 2 0 , 125 e d u c at i o n a l
wo rld-wide enrollment increase 118, 1 8 4 Inputs of educational systems:
see also Fitness of education to env i - acute scarc i t i e s , 164
ronment; Inte mational coopera t i o n ; m o n ey, 45-63
M a n p ower re q u i re m e n t s s t u d e n t s , 1 7-33
H i l l i a rd, J. F. , 1 5 3 , l 5 3 n t e a ch e rs , S 4-4 4
H o n d u ra s : Institut d'étude du développement écono-
e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 5 9 , 6 0 , 2 0 7 mique et social ( IEDES ), 6 2 , 1 9 2
i n fant mortality rat e s , 187 I n t e rn ational age n c i e s :
p o p u l ation stru e t u re, 1 8 9 role in ex t e rnal assistance, 1 5 0 , 151
Hong Ko n g : see also I n t e m ational Development A s-
i n fant mortality rat e s , 2 8 , 1 8 7 s o c i ati on; Intemational Institut,e fo r
H u m p h rey, R . A . , 1 6 0 n E d u c ational Planning; Intemat i o n a l
H u n t e r, G. , 7 5 n , 1 7 , 7 9 n , 8 5 , 1 4 2 , 1 4 2 n , L abour Orga n i z ation; Unesco; Unieef,
144n, 215 United Nations Deve l o p m e n t
P rogramme; United Nations Orga n i-
I z ation; Wo rld Bank
I n t e rn ational Bank for Reconstruction and
I l l i t e ra cy, wo rld inerease in, 3 D eve l o p m e n t , see Wo rld Bank
India: I n t e m ational cooperat i o n :
admission policy,73 b rain dra i n , 150
a n t i q u ated administrat i o n , 121 e d u e ational common marke t , n at u re and
'completed' students, p ri m a ry, 6 7 , 209 b e n e fits of, 1 4 5 , 1 4 7 , 148
d ro p o u t s , 70 ex ch a n ges among developed countri e s ,
economic deve l o p m e n t , 204 149
e d u c ated unemploye d, 85 ex t e rnal assistance for educat i o n :
E d u c ation Commission, 2 9 , 6 1 , 7 6 , 85 eva l u at i o n , 1 5 2 , 153
e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 5 0 , 6 0 , 6 1 , 6 2 , m agnitudes,151
1 9 3 , 1 9 9 , 206 ,201 q u a l i t at ive aspects, 151
e n ro l l m e n t s , 3 0 , 6 1 , 190 f u t u re strat egy, 1 7 1 , 1 7 2 , 1 7 S, 1 8 2 , 1 8 3
ex t e rnal aid, 216 ge n e ral discussion, 1 4 5-61
m a n p ower qualifi c at i o n s , 212 role of individuals,147
mu l t i-p u rpose secondary sch o o l s , 7 9 tasks for unive rs i t i e s , 1 6 0-6 1
p o p u l at i o n , 2 8 , 5 9 , 1 8 9 , 1 9 0 , 206 U. S.-U. S. S.R. ex ch a n ge, 1 4 6
R u ral Radio Fo ru m , 214 I n t e rn ational Development A s s o c i at i o n ,
s a l a ry incentlve s , 9 5 , 96 182
t e a cher salari e s , 38,58 I n t e m a t ional Edu catio n Ye a r, r e c o m -
t e a cher short age s , 3 6 m e n d e d, 1 8 3
Indian Education Commission, 2 9 , 6 1 , 7 6 , I n t e rn ational Institute for Educat i o n a l
85 Planning (IIEP), 1 5 , 2 0 n , 7 6 , 9 3 n ,
234 I n d ex
I I E P : ( continued ) Ke rr, M . H . , 8 5 n
1 0 S, 1 0 6 , 1 1 7 , 1 3 9 , 1 4 2 n , 1 7 7 Ke rs h aw, J. , 4 3 n
I n t e rn ational Labour Orga n i z at i o n ( I L O ) , K i n g, J. , 1 3 9 n
75 K n i g h t , J. s . , 2 0 7
I n t e rs t ate School Building Serv i c e, l 3 4 n , Ko m o s k i , P.K.,186n
l36n Ko re a :
I ra n : ' com pleted' stude nts, p ri m a r y, s e e o n -
economie deve l o p m e n t , 2 0 4 d a ry, 6 7 , 209
I ra q : e n rollment rat i o s , 23
'eompleted' students, u n-ive rsity ,67, 2 1 0 p o p u l ation stru c t u re, 189
I re l a n d : t e a cher salari e s , 5 8
e n rollment rat i o s , s e c o n d a ry, 2 2
p rojected enro l l m e n t s , 2 9 L
I t a ly :
a n t i q u ated educat i o n , 8 2 n L ab o r, s e e E m p l oym ent and unem ploy -
economic deve l o p m e n t , 2 0 4 ment; Manpower; Manpower re q u i -
e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 5 3 , 2 0 0 rements
e n rollment rat i o s , s e c o n d a ry, 2 2 Laos:
I vo ry Coast: 'completed' students, s e c o n d a ry, 6 7 , 2 1 0
a d m i s s i o n , s e c o n d a ry educat i o n , 1 9 2 L e a rning pro c e s s :
c a reer ex p e c t at i o n s , 9 5 , 2 1 2 need to modern i ze, 1 6 7-6 8 , 169
'completed' students, s e c o n d a ry, 6 6 , 2 1 0 v i ewed as a system, 169
c o s t s , re c u rre n t , l 3 1 see also Te ch n o l ogies of educat i o n
d ro p o u t s , 1 3 2 L eb a n o n :
e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 6 0 , 2 0 7 s chool locat i o n , 137
e n ro l l m e n t s , 1 9 2 u n ive rsity gra d u at e s , by fi e l d s , 78
ex p at ri ate teach e rs , 1 9 5 L e n i n , V. I , 99
L i bya :
J e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 6 0 , 2 0 6
L i ch n e row i c z , A.,122n
Ja m e s , F. C . , 213 L i t e ra cy progra m s :
Jap a n : Unesco wo rk-o riented litera cy pro j e e t s ,
'completed' students, u n ive rs i t y, 6 9 , 2 1 0 143
e n rollment rat i o s , 22 see also N o n fo rmal educat i o n
job up-gra d i n g, 87 L ive ri g h t , A . A . , 140n
re s e a rch and development ex p e n d i t u re s , L ove l l , K . , l36n
116 L u m s d a i n e, A . A . , l 3 6 n
t e a cher salari e s , 58
u n ive rsit y s tuden ts, p a re ntal income M
l eve l , 191
Je ffe rs o n , T. , 99 M c Ke a n , R.,43n
Job Corp s , U. S. , 1 4 3 M a d aga s c a r :
Jo h n s o n , L . B. , 1 7 4 a d m i s s i o n , s e c o n d a ry educat i o n , 1 9 2
' completed' stude nts, p ri m a r y, s e c o n -
K d a ry, 6 6 , 209
d ro p o u t s , 72
Ke nya : e n ro l l m e n t s , 192
ex p at ri ate teach e rs , 195 i n fant mortality rat e s , 187
n o n fo rmal educat i o n , 143 t e a cher salari e s , 58
u n e m p l oy m e n t , 8 8 Maheu, R., 180, 181
I n d ex 235
Mali: M e d s ke r, L . L . , 7 0 n
d ro p o u t s , 1 S 2 M e l v i l l e, H . , 1 4 6
M a n age m e n t , e d u c at i o n a l : M e t h o d s , e d u c at i o n a l :
c o n t rast to hospital manage m e n t , 1 2 3 c riticisms of, 1 1 1 , 1 1 2 , 1 1 3 , 114
ge n e ral discussion, 1 1 9-25 need to modern i ze, 169
m o d e rn pra c t i c e s , 136 re c o m m e n d at i o n s , 1 8 0 , 181
need for re s e a rch , 122 see also N ew educational media; Te ch -
obsolete arra n ge m e n t s , 122 n o l ogies of educat i o n
p e rsonnel recnlitment and pay, 1 2 3-2 4 M ex i c o :
re c o m m e n d at i o n s , 1 7 6-78 e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 5 9 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 7
role in educational ch a n ge, 119-20 i n fant mortality rat e s , 187
u n ive rs i t i e s , 1 2 2 , 1 2 5 s chool construction costs, 134
M a n p owe r : t e a cher salari e s , 58
b rain dra i n , 150 u n ive rsity gra d u at e s , by fi e l d s , 7 8
causes of mal-a l l o c at i o n , 89 M i n i s t e re d'Etat ch a rge de la re fo rme ad-
i mba l an ce o f pr o fe ss io na ls a n d su b- m i n i s t rat ive, 1 5 4
p ro fe s s i o n a l s , 7 7 , 96 M o n ey :
i n e fficient use of, 9 4 , 95 e d u c ational input, 4 5-6 3
q u a l i fi c at i o n s , I n d i a , 212 other constra i n t s , 45
see als o E m p l oyme nt an d une mploy - s ee also C o s t s , e d u c ational; Expendi-
ment; Fi tnes s of education to env i - t u re s , e d u c at ional; Financ ial re -
ro n m e n t s o u rc e s , e d u c at i o n a l
M a n p ower re q u i re m e n t s : M o rt , P. , 1 1 8
ch a n ges accompanying economic deve l- M o ro c c o :
o p m e n t , 88 economic deve l o p m e n t , 204
d i s p a rity with market demands, 7 , 89 e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 6 0 , 207
fitness of educational output, 7 4 , 7 5 , 7 6 p o p u l at i o n , 59
i m bal an ce of pr o fes si onals a ild s ub- p o p u l ation stru c t u re, 1 8 9 , 2 0 6
p ro fe s s i o n a l s , 7 7 , 96 M u s o n e, A . , 2 0 0
job cl a s s i fi c at i o n s , e d u c ational qualifi - M w i n gi ra , A . , 1 9 5
c at i o n s , 7 9 , 80 M ye rs , C . , 7 7 n
ru ral development needs, 80 M y rd a l , G. , 9 4 n
s u rvey s , s t rengths and we a k n e s s e s , 7 4 ,
7 5-80 N
see also M a n p ower; Employment and
u n e m p l oyment; Fitness of ejucation to N a i r, K . , 9 3-9 4 , 9 4 n
e nv i ro n m e n t Nash, M., 94, 94n
Mass educational systems: N a tional Education A s s o c i at i o n , U. S. A . ,
admission policies, 6 7 , 6 8 , 69 136n
a i m s , 69 N ep a l :
d ive rs i fied cl i e n t e l e, 108 'completed' students, s e c o n d a ry, 6 7 , 2 1 0
high dropout rat e, 6 9 , 7 0 , 7 1 , 7 2 , 108 N e t h e rl a n d s :
v i rtues of dive rs i t y, 71 'completed' students, s e c o n d a ry, 6 9 , 2 1 0
see also C h a n ge and mnovat i o n , e d u c a - e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 5 S, 5 4 , 2 0 0 ,
t i o n a l , E liti st e ducation al s ystems ; 201
Tra n s fo rm ation of educat i o n e n rollment rat i o s , s e c o n d a ry, 22
M a u ri t a n i a : p rojected enro l l m e n t s , 29
e n ro l l m e n t s , 1 9 2 re s e a rch and development ex p e n d i -
M a u ri t i u s : t u re s , 116
i n fant mortality rat e s , 1 8 7 s chool locat i o n , 1 3 6
236 I n d ex
N e t h e rlands Unive rsities Fo u n d ation fo r Outputs of educational systems:
I n t e rn ational Coopera l t i o n , 1 6 0 n ' finished products,' tre n d s , 6 4 , 6 5 , 6 6 ,
N ew educational media, 1 1 3 , 1 1 7 , l35 6 7 , 6 8 , 69
see also C h a n ge and inrgovat i o n , e d u c a - fitness for manpower re q u i re m e n t s :
tional; Te ch n o l ogies of educat i o n d eveloped nat i o n s , 8 0 , 82
N i c a rag u a : d eveloping nat i o n s , 7 4 , 7 5 , 8 0 , 81
i n fant mortality rat e s , 187 i n fluence of at t i t u d e s :
p o p u l ation stru c t u re, 1 8 9 , 2 0 6 d eveloped nat i o n s , 9 2 , 93
N i ge r : d eveloping nat i o n s , 9 S, 9 4 , 9 5 , 9 6 , 9 7
a d m i s s i o n , s e c o n d a ry edlucat i o n , 1 9 2 i n t ro d u c t i o n , 91
'completed' students, p ri m a ry, 6 6 , 2 0 9 o u t l o o k , 7 1 , 7 2 , 73
d ro p o u t s , 72 p ro blem of measuri n g, 64
e n rollment ratios and tri n d s , 2 3 , 1 9 2 re l ation to employment opport u n i t i e s :
p o p u l ation stru c t u re, 1 8 9 , 206 d eveloped nat i o n s , 90
t e a cher salari e s , 5 8 d eveloping nat i o n s , 8 4 , 8 5 , 8 6 , 8 7 ,
N i ge ri a : 8 8 , 8 9 , 90
e d u c ational planning, 121 s u m m a ry, 1 6 4-6 5 , 166
e m p l oyment opport u n i t l e s , 81 ' u n finished products,' tre n d s , 6 5 , 7 0 , 7 1 ,
e n rollment rat i o s , 23 72
ex p at ri ate teach e rs , 195 see also A t t i t u d e s , e ffect of; Fitness of
ex p e n d i t u res per pupil, p ri m a ry, 5 0 , 2 0 0 e d u c a tio n t o e nv i r omn ent ; M an-
m a n p ower short age s , 36 p ower ; Ma npower r e q u i re m e n t s
mu l t i-p u rpose secondary sch o o l s , 7 9
ru ral educat i o n , 81 P
t e a cher salari e s , 4 0 , 194
t e a cher short age s , 36,40 Page, A . , 1 9 9
u n e m p l oy m e n t , 8 5 Pa k i s t a n :
N o n fo rmal educat i o n : 'completed' students, u n ive rs i t y, 6 7 , 2 1 0
d e m a n d, 213 e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 6 0 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 7
d eveloped nat i o n s , 1 S 9 , 1 4 0 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 2 e n rollment rat i o s , 2 3
d eveloping nat i o n s , 1 4 2 , 1 4 3 , 144 t e a cher salari e s , 5 8
ge n e ral discussion, 1 3 8-48 Pa l m , G. , 1 9 8
gre ater emphasis needed, 1 7 0 , 7 7 , 1 7 8 Pa n a m a :
i m p o rt a n c e, s c o p e, d ive rs i t y, 1 3 8 , l 3 9 , t e a cher salari e s , 5 8
1 4 0 , 141 Pa rag u ay :
p ri o ri t i e s , 1 4 4 'completed' students, p ri m a ry, s e c o n -
N o r way : d a ry, 6 8 , 2 0 9 , 2 1 0
t e a cher short age, 4 4 Pa rt i c i p ation rat e s , e d u c at i o n a l :
N o z h ko , K . , 2 0 n , 1 4 1 n , 1 8 5 a c c e l e rated ri s e, 2 0
d eveloping nat i o n s , 2 3
O U. S. and U. S. S. R . , 2 0
we s t e rn Euro p e, 2 2
O dd i e, G. , 1 3 5 n Pa s s e ro n , J. , 3 2 n
O ffice of Education U. S. A . , s e e D ep a rt - Pe n n s y l va n i a , U n ive rsity of, 2 1 4
ment of Health, E d q c ation and We l - Pe rk i n s , J. A . , 1 4 7 , 1 4 7 n , 1 7 4
fa re, U. S. A . Pe ru :
Olds, H.E., 135n 'completed' students, p ri m a ry, s e c o n -
O rga n i z ation for Economic Cooperat i o n d a ry, 2 0 9 , 2 1 0
and Deve l o p m e n t ( O E C D ) , 2 3 , 2 3 n , ex p e n d i t u res per pupil, 5 0 , 1 9 9
42n, 44n, 93n, 116, lS5n, 149n, 154n, Philippines:
176 attitudes towa rd manual lab o r, 9 5
I n d ex 237
d ropouts,72 e d u c ational; F itness of educati on to

e d u c ated unemploye d, 8 4 , 2 1 1 e nv i ro n m e n t
P l a n n i n g, e d u c at i o n a l : P ro u s t , J. , 1 3 2 n
costs of Unesco regional targe t s , 6 1 P u p i l-t e a cher rat i o , 112
need to stre n g t h e n , 1 7 6 , 177 see also Te ch n o l ogies of educat i o n
o bl i gation of planners , 51
see also M a n age m e n t , e d u c at i o n a l Q
Po i g n a n t , R . , 2 0 n , 2 2 , 2 9 , 5 8 , 7 0 n , 7 5 n ,
131n, 197, 201, 207, 210 Quality of educat i o n :
Po p u l at i o n : ' b o rrowed' standard s , 107
d e ath rates in South A f ri c a , 188 c o n t ra d i c t o ry cl a i m s , 1 0 3-4
d eveloped and developing natisins com- d eveloping nat i o n s , 107
p a re d, 2 4 , 2 5 , 2 6 , 2 7 , 2 8 , 2 9 , 1 8 7 , e ffects of mass educat i o n , 1 0 7 , 108
1 8 8 , 189 ge n e ral discussion, 1 0 4-10
d eveloping nat i o n s , 5 9 , 6 0 , 6 1 , 62 i n t e rnal ve rsus ex t e rnal cri t e ri a , 1 0 6-1 0
impact on educat ional fi n a n c e, 5 9 , 6 0 , IIEP Symposium, 1 0 5 , 106
6 1 , 62 i n t e rn ational standard s , 107
i mp ac t on pr i m a ry sc h o o l s , U ga n d a re l at ivity of quality and standard s , 1 0 6
ex a m p l e, 2 8 , 56
impact on unemploy m e n t , 88
R
i n fant mortality r at e s , selected coun
t ri e s , 187
Radio Rural Fo ru m , I n d i a , 2 1 4-1 5
s ch o o l-age, I n d i a , 30,190
R egional School Building Centre for Lat i n
s ch o o l-age, U ga n d a , 2 8 , 5 6 , 204
A m e ri c a , U n e s c o , l S 4 n
unbalanced growth rat e s , 25
R egional targe t s , U n e s c o , 6 1
wo rl d-wide grow t h , 2 7 , 186
R e l i gious customs, 4
youth populat i o n , 2 6 , 2 7 , 2 0 6
R ep e at e rs : high cost of, 131,132
Po rt u ga l :
high rate of, 18
e n rollment rat i o s , s e c o n d a ry, 2 2
see also C o s t s , e d u c ational; Dro p o u t s ,
P rat t , S. , 1 9 5
student; Fa i l u re s , s t u d e n t
P ri m a ry educat i o n :
R e s e a rch , e d u c at i o n a l :
t rend of 'completed' students, 6 6 , 6 7 ,
ex p e n d i t u re s , 1 1 6 , 117
6 8 , 6 9 , 209
f u t u re needs, 118
wo rl d-wide enrollment incre a s e, 18
n ew deve l o p m e n t s , 1 1 7 , 118
see also D ro p o u t s , stu dent; E mp loy -
re c o m m e n d at i o n s , 1 7 7 , 180
ment and unemployment; Fa i l u re s ,
s h o rt c o m i n g s , 115
s tude nt; R ep e at e rs
s ee also C h a n ge and innovat i o n , e d u -
P ri o ri t i e s , e d u c at i o n a l :
c ational; Manage m e n t , e d u c at i o n a l ;
among aims, 9 8 , 9 9 , 100
Te ch n o l ogies of education
c u rri c u l u m , 1 0 4 , 105
R e s o u rc e s , e d u c at i o n a l , s e e C o s t s , e d u -
by educational leve l s , 32
c ational; Expenditure s , e d u c at i o n a l ;
fi n a n c i a l , 46
Financial re s o u rc e s , e d u c at i o n a l ;
n o n fo rmal educat i o n , 1 4 1 , 1 4 2 , 1 4 3 , 1 4 4
M o n ey; Te a ch e rs
re s e a rch , 1 1 7 , 1 1 8
Reunion:
P ro d u c t iv i t y :
i n fant mortality rat e s , 1 8 7
c o a l-m i n i n g, 128
R h o d e s i a , S o u t h e rn :
d e fi n e d, 1 2 5 , 1 2 6 , 127
t e a cher salari e s , 5 8
e d u c ational systems, 1 2 5 , 126
R o bb i n s , L o rd, 2 5 n
re q u i rements for improv i n g, 127
Romania:
t e a ch e rs , 4 1 , 1 2 6 , 127
'completed' students, u n ive rs i t y, 6 9 , 2 1 0
see also C o s t s , e d u c ational; Elffi c i e n cy,
238 I n d ex
R u ral deve l o p m e n t : examples of U. S. and U. S. S. R . , 22
essential to ove r-all deve l o p m e n t , 8 0 o u t l o o k , 3 3 , 34
m a n p ower re q u i rement fo r, 8 0 s e l f-ge n e rating demand, 20
u n s u i t ability of educat i o n , 8 1 , 8 2 , 8 3 s t rat egies for dealing with, 3 1 , 32
R u ral educat i o n : ve rsus manpower re q u i re m rs n t s , 2 0
t e a cher supply pro bl e m s , 4 4 , 45 S o c rat e s , 1 6 9
u n s u i t ability of, 8 1 , 8 2 , 8 3 South A f ri c a :
d e ath rat e s , 1 8 7
S Southern Regional Education Board
U. S. A . , 1 S 5
S ch o o l-age populat i o n , see Po p u l at i o n S oviet Union, see Union of Soviet Socialist
S ch ra m m , W. , 1 1 7 n , l 3 5 n , 170n Republics
S ch u l t z , T. H . , 23n S ow, F. , l 3 9 n
S ch u l t z , Th. W. , 23n Spain:
Science educat i o n , see Educat i o n , types of e n rollment rat i o s , s e c o n d a ry, 22
S e c o n d a ry educat i o n : re s e a rch and development ex p e n d i t u re s ,
a d m i s s i o n , A f rican countri e s , 192 116
high school gra d u at e s , U. S. A . , 2 1 1 S t a n d a rd s , e d u c at i o n a l , s e e Qual it y of
mu l t i - p u rpose sch o o l , 79 e d u c at i o n
t ransition from elite to mass system, 1 0 1 S t at i s t i c s , e d u c at i o n a l , see I nfo rm at i o n
t rend of gra d u at e s , 6 5-6 9 , 2 1 0 about educat i o n
wo rl d-wide enrollment incre a s e, 1 8 , 1 9 , S t i ck l e r, W. H . , l 3 5 n
20, 184 S t rat egi e s , e d u c at i o n a l :
S e n ega l :
for improving effi c i e n cy and pro d u c t iv -
a d m i s s i o n s , s e c o n d a ry educat i o n , 1 9 2
i t y, l 3 3-37
'completed' students, p t i m a ry, 6 6 , 2 0 9
to meet supply-demand gap , 3 1 , 3 2
e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re, 5 0 , 6 0 , 2 0 0 ,
n at u re of, 162
2 0 6 , 207
for ove rcoming the cri s i s , 1 6 2-73
e n ro l l m e n t s , 192
for re s e a rch , 1 1 8
n o n fo rmal educat i o n , l39
S t ru m i l i n , S. , 2 3 n
t e a cher salari e s , 5 8
S t u d e n t s : c o n cl u s i o n s , 1 7 8-79
S e rva n-S ch re i b e r, J. J. , 2 3 n
costs in developed nat i o n s , 1 9 7-98
S h ap l i n , J. T. , l 3 5 n
d i s t ri bution by unive rsity fi e l d s , 78
S i e rra Leone:
'completed' students, u n ive rs i t y, 6 6 , 2 1 0 as inputs, 1 7-34
d i s t ri bution of unive rsity gra d u at e s , 7 8 as outputs, 64-97
Simon, K., 202 retention rat e s , U. S. A . , 211
S i n gap o re : student fl o o d, 164
i n fant mortality rat e s , 2 8 , 1 8 7 voic e in educ ation al ma nage m e n t ,
S ko rov, G. , 3 3 n , 7 5 n , 8 1 , 8 1 n 1 7 8-79
S l o a n , H . S. , 1 4 0 n se e also D ro p o u t s , stud en ts ; Enr o l l -
Social bias of educational systems: m e n t s , s tu de n t ; R ep e at e r s ; So c i al
in developed nat i o n s , 1 9 0 , 191 demand for educat i o n
elitist systems, 31 S we d e n :
E u ropean ex p e ri e n c e, 3 2 , 3 3 e d u c ational ch o i c e s , 93
Social demand for educat i o n : e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 4 8 , 5 3 , 1 9 8 ,
causes of incre a s e, 20 200
d eveloped nat i o n s , 2 4 , 25 e n rollment rat i o s , 22
d eveloping nat i o n s , 2 5 , 2 6 , 27 i n fant mortality rat e s , 187
e d u c ational gap , 2 S, 24 mu l t i-p u rpose secondary sch o o l s , 7 9
e ffect of population grdw t hy 25, 2 6 nu rs e s , s u p p ly, 7 9
I n d ex 239
p o p u l ation stru c t u re, 206 m e rit systems, 4 2 , 1 2 8 , 129

s t u d e n t s , p a rental back gro u n d, 1 9 0 N i ge ri a , example of, 194
S y s t e m s , e d u c at i o n a l : outlook fo r, 3 8-42
aims and pri o ri t i e s , 9 8 , 9 9 , 1 0 3 , 1 0 4 re l ation to per capita income, 5 7 , 5 8
b road conception of, 9 s a l a ry stru c t u re s , good and bad effe c t s ,
content and quality standard s , 1 0 4-1 0 4 1 , 42
costs and effi c i e n cy, 1 2 5-37 U ga n d a , example of, 1 9 4
i m p o rted 'models,' 107 u n i fo rm salari e s , 42
i n p u t s , 12 United Stat e s , example of, 196
i n t e rd ependence of, 1 3 , 1 5 , 1 4 6 , 174 wide salary spre a d, A f ri c a , 3 9 , 4 0 , 4 1 ,
i n t e rnal pro c e s s , 19 5 7 , 58
m a n age m e n t , 1 1 9-25 s ee also C o s t s , e d u c ational; Expendi-
o u t p u t s , 14 t u re s , e d u c at i o n a l
q u a l i t at ive pe rfo rm a n c e , c ri t e r ia o f, Te a cher short age s , s e e Te a cher supply
104-7 Te a cher supply :
s t rat egies for improv i n g, 1 6 2-73 causes of short age s , 3 4 , 3 5 , 36
t e ch n o l ogy, re s e a reh and innovat i o n , equal pay for wo m e n , 44
1 1 0-19 ex p at ri ate teach e rs , 4 0 , 4 1 , 195
see also E d u c ation 'industry ' , S y s t e m s impact of salary stru c t u re s , S 9 , 4 0 , 4 1 ,
a n a ly s i s 42
Systems analy s i s : a pro blem of quality, 64
aid to improving effl c i e n cy, 1 3 2-3 3 , 1 3 4 recent trends and outlook, 36
applied to educat i o n , 9 , 1 0 , 1 1 , 1 2 , 1 3 , ru ral teacher short age s , 44
14,15 t e a cher loss rat e s , 4 3 , 44
applied to learning pro c e s s , 169 u n i fo rm salari e s , e ffect of, 42
components of an educational s ystem, in United Kingdom, 196
11 U. S. supply of Ph.D. ' s , 3 6 , 3 9
ex p l a n ation of, 8 , 9,10 Te a cher tra i n i n g :
i n t e raction between education and en- d e a rth of able pro fe s s o rs , 43
v i ro n m e n t , 12 i n fluence on re c ru i t m e n t , 43
i n t e rd ependence of edueational systems, l ag in cap a c i t y, 35
14 need to re fo rm , 1 6 8 , 1 7 8
i n t e rn ational dimensions, 1 3 , 1 4 5 Te a ch e rs :
ave rage competence, 1 0 9-10
T ex p at ri ate teach e rs , 4 0 , 41
as inputs, 3 4-45
Ta n z a n i a : q u a l i fi c ations (in Nige ri a ) , 63
economic dev l o p m e n t , 204 re e o m m e n d at i o n s , 1 7 8-79
e d u e ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 6 0 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 7 role in educational cri s i s , 34
e d u c ational pri o ri t i e s , 33 s ee also C o s t s , e d u c ation al; Te a ch e r
ex p at ri ate teach e rs , 195 s a l a ries; Te a cher supply
n o n fo rmal educat i o n , 139 Teehnical educat i o n :
ru ral educat i o n , 8 1 admissions in Au s t ri a , 185
Te a cher aides, 136-37 ge n e ral education ve rsus skill tra i n i n g,
se e al so M e t h o d s , e d u c ational; Te ch - 102
n o l ogies of educat i o n u n s u i t ability of ' imported' models, 7 6 ,
Te a cher re c ru i t m e n t , see Te a cher supply 77
Te a cher salari e s : Te ch n o l ogies of educat i o n :
e ffect of infl at i o n , 38 b road defi n i t i o n , 111
I n d i a , example of, 63 c riticisms of obsolete methods, 1 1 3-1 4
i n fluence on supply, 3 8 , 3 9 ge n e ral discussion, 1 1 0-1 9
240 I n d ex
Te ch n o l ogies of educat i o n : (c o n t i nu e d) d ive rs i fi c ation of secondary educat i o n ,
h a n d i c raft methods, 7 101
l e a rning aids, 136 d o u ble shifts, l35
need to modern i ze, 1 0 8 , 1 6 9 , 1 7 0 , 1 7 8 , economic deve l o p m e n t , 204
179 e d u c ation ex p e n d i t u re, 5 3 , 5 4 , 200
n ew educational media, 1 1 1 , 1 1 3 , 117 e n ro llme nt rat ios a nd tre n d s , s o c i a 1
o ri gi n s , 1 1 2-l3 d e m a n d, 2 0 , 2 2 , 185
p rogramed learn i n g, 117 i n fant mortality rat e s , 187
p u p i l-t e a cher rat i o , 112 n o n fo rmal education,141
s chool arch i t e c t u re, 1 1 8-14 s ch o o l-age populat i o n , 1 8 6
s e l f-i n s t ru c t i o n , 136 U. S.-U. S. S.R. educational ex ch a n ge s ,
t e a cher aides, 135 146
t ex t b o o k s , 1 3 6 u n ive rsity manage m e n t , 125
Th a i l a n d : u n ive rsity ro l e, 1 5 8
d ropouts,72 United A rab Rep u bl i c :
u n ive rsity gra d u at e s , by fi e l d, 7 8 'completed' students, u n ive rsity ,66, 2 1 0
Th o rp , W. L . , 1 5 4 n u n e m p l oy m e n t , 8 4
Togo : United Kingdom:
a d m i s s i o n , s e c o n d a ry educat i o n , 1 9 2 economic deve l o p m e n t , 204
d ro p o u t s , 72 e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 5 3 , 1 9 8 , 2 0 0
e n ro l l m e n t s , 1 9 2 e d u c ational tra n s i t i o n , 69
Tra n s fo rm ation of educat i o n : i n fant mortality rat e s , 187
d ive rs i fi c ation of secondary, 101 mu l t i-p u rpose sch o o l s , 79
f rom elitist to mass system, 7 n o n fo rmal educat i o n , 141 ,214
n e c e s s a ry ch a n ge s , l08,109 re s e a rch and development ex p e n d i t u re s ,
we s t e rn Euro p e, 6 9 , 7 1 b 116
Tru m p , J. L . , l 3 5 n , 1 3 6 n re s o u rce scarc i t i e s , 54
Tu n i s i a : s chool construction costs, 134
'completed' students, u n ive rs i t y, 6 6 , 2 1 0 social demand for educat i o n , 24
d o u ble shifts,135 student at t a i n m e n t , re l ation to father's
e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u t e s , 6 0 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 7 o c c u p at i o n , 191
e n rollment rat i o s , 23 t e a cher loss rat e, 44
u n ive rsity gra d u at e s , by fi e l d s , 7 8 t e a cher salari e s , 58
t e a cher supply, 196
U t e chnical studies, 93
U ga n d a : u n ive rsity manage m e n t , 1 2 5
'completed' s tudent s, p ri m a ry, s e c o n - United Mine Wo rke rs' Union, 1 2 8
d a ry, 6 6 , 2 0 9 , 210 United Nations Development Decade, 5 5
p o p u l ation and enro l l m e n t s , 2 8 , 2 9 , 5 6 , United Nations Development Programme
204 (UNDP), 150, 182
p o p u l ation and school hudge t , 57 United Nations Orga n i z at i o n , 2 8 , 5 5 n , 1 5 0
t e a cher salari e s , 4 0 , 1 9 4 United Stat e s :
Unesco ( United Nations Educat i o n a l , S c i - 'completed' students, s e c o n d a ry, u n ive r-
e n t i fic and Cultural Orga n i z at i o n ) , 3 , s i t y, 6 9 , 2 1 0 , 211
3 n , 1 5 , 6 1 , 9 5 n , 99; 114, 1 3 4 , 1 3 5 n , d ive rs i fi c ation of educat i o n , 101
14s, 14.3n, 146, 148, 150, 151, 154n, d ro p o u t s , 7 0 , 72
156, 176, 177, 180, l82, 208 economic deve l o p m e n t , 204
Unicef ( United Nations lthildrens' Fund) e d u c ation and economic grow t h , 2 2 , 2 3
150 e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 4 8 , 5 3 , 5 4 ,
Union of Soviet Socialist Rep u bl i c s : 198, 200, 202
I n d ex 241
e n rollment ratios and tre n d s , 2 0 , 2 1 , 2 9 , Upper Vo l t a :
184 a d m i s s i o n , s e c o n d a ry educat i o n , 1 9 2
fo reign aid to educat i o n , 153 d ro p o u t s , 72
F u l b right Progra m , 149 e n ro l l m e n t s , 1 9 2
income spre a d, 86
i n fant morkllity rat e s , 187
i n n ovat i o n s , 114 V
n ew educational media, 1 3 5 , 170
n ew learning systems, 169 Va l l a d o n , F. , 139n
n o n fo rmal educat i o n , 1 4 0 , 214 Ve n e z u e l a :
output of Ph.D. ' s , 3 6 , 3 7 , 39 'completed' students, p ri m a ry, s e c o n d a -
p o p u l at i o n , 20 ry, 6 8 , 209
p o p u l ation stru c t u re, 6 1 , 189 e d u c ational ex p e n d i t u re s , 6 0 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 7
p rogramed instru c t i o n , 135 e n rollment rat i o s , 23
re s e a rch and development ex p e n d i t u re s , i n fant mortality rat e s , 187
1 1 6 , 117 u n ive rsity gra d u at e s , by fi e l d s , 7 8
s h o rt age of nu rs e s , 79 Ve rd u n , P. , 5 8 , 2 0 0 , 207
S o u t h e rn Regional Education Board, Vi cke ry, D. J. , l35n
135 Vi e t-Nam ( Rep u blic of ):
space utilizat i o n , 135 'completed' students, p ri m a ry, u n ive r-
student retention rat e s , 211 s i t y, 6 7 , 2 0 9 , 210
t e a cher aides, l 3 5 , 136 Vo c ati ona l edu cat i o n , s ee Te ch n i c a l
t e a cher loss rat e s , 44 e d u c at i o n
t e a cher salari e s , 5 8 , 196
u n i fo rm salary stru c t u re, 4 2 , 43
United Mine Wo rke rs' Union, 1 2 8 W
U. S.-U. S. S.R. ex ch a n ge s , 146
u n ive rsity assistance to sch o o l s , 1 5 8 Webb, D. C . , l35n
u n ive rsity intern ational progra m s , 1 5 8 Wh e e l e r, A . C . R . , 121n
u n ive rsity manage m e n t , 1 2 5 Wi l l i a m s bu rg Confe re n c e :
Wi l l i a m s bu rg Confe re n c e, v-v i i , 1 7 4-8 3 c o n clusions of, 1 7 4-83
U. S. Naval A c a d e my, A n n ap o l i s , 1 4 0 as ori gin of this book, v-vii
U n ive rs i t i e s , see Higher educat i o n Wo l fe, M . , 9 3 , 93n Wo o d h a l l , M . , 4 7 n
U n ive rsit y Co uncil on E duca tio hal A d - Wo o dwa rd, R . G. , 136n
m i n i s t rat i o n , U. S. A . , 1 2 4 Wo rld Banls, 1 5 0 , 1 8 2

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T HE WORLD EDUCAT I O NAL C RISIS

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1968

L I B R A RY OF CONGRESS CATALOGUE CARD NUMBER: 6 8-2 9 7 1 6

PRINTED IN THE LIMITED STATES OF A M E R I C A

o s l ova k i a , Fra n c e, the Fe d e ral Rep u blic of Germ a ny, I t a ly, Po l a n d, S p a i n ,

t i o n , a ny earnings of this book will fl ow—and to its parent orga n i z at i o n ,

II The Inputs of Educational Systems, 1 7

Students Vi ewed as Inputs, 1 7

III The Outputs of Educational Systems: Fitness for Needs, 6 4

Finished ve rsus Unfinshed Pro d u c t s , 6 4

IV Inside the Educational System, 9 8

Aims and Pri o ri t i e s : The Road Map of the System, 9 8

V N o n fo rmal Educat i o n : To Cat ch Up, Ke ep Up, and Get A h e a d, 1 3 8

VI I n t e rn ational Cooperat i o n : A Key to Meeting the Cri s i s , 1 l E 5

E d u c ation's Wo rl d-Wide Common Marke t , 145

VII C o n clusions for Strat egy, 1 6 2

E p i l og u e : H ow Wo rld Educational Leaders Vi ew the Cri s i s , 1 7 4

p resent case, h oweve r, d i ffe rs pro fo u n d ly from wh at has been common-

c o n t i nue to bu i l d, it will not be possible to meet the situation by incre a s-

Traditional practices thus tended to perp e t u ate themselves as sacred doc-

c o n d u c ive to development. Thus the student in choosing an academic

mu ch the same. By ex t e n s i o n , this is also true of a systems analysis ap-

Th i s , h oweve r, is not the way we customari ly view an educational sys-

Chart 1. The major components of an educational system

To illustrate how things intera c t , suppose that an educational system is

system of components imported in diffe rent fo rms from a number of fo r-

We make another choice as we l l .

The Inputs of Educational Systems

Students Vi ewed as Inputs

ing faster than manpower re q u i re m e n t s , leading on some occasions to

in their educational part i c i p ation rates. In recent ye a rs , h oweve r, the rat e

We s t e rn European countries have belat e d ly been moving in the same

S o u rc e s : U n e s c o , S t atistical Ye a r b o o k , 1 9 6 5 ( Pa ri s , 1966); R. Po i g n a n t , L’Enseignement dans les

d ividends in promoting their present high level of economic and tech-

S o u rc e : U n e s c o , S t atistic al Ye a r b o o k , 1 9 6 5 ( Pa ri s , 1 9 6 6 ) , pp. 117-137.

As for the developing countries of A s i a , L atin A m e ri c a , and A f ri c a , t h ey

4. See, for ex a m p l e, E. F. Denison, ' M e a s u ring t he Contri bution of Education ( and

for official enrollment fi g u res in developing countries to ove rs t ate the re a-

6. Bulletin quotidien du Colloque de Caen ( N ovember 1966)

9. See also Appendix 5.

. . . and more rapdly than the total population

Source: Unesco, Statistical Y earbook, 1965 (Paris, 1966).

wh e reas Latin A m e rican countries have lat e ly been in the ra n ge of 8P per

10. United Nat i o n s , D e m ographic Ye a r b o o k ( N ew Yo rk , 1961 and 1964).

S o u rc e s : ( France) R. P o i g n a n t , E d u c a tion and E conomic and Soc ial Pl anning in Fra n c e ( Pa ri s :

12. See Appendix 7.

ap p lying to certain industri a l ly developed and educat i o n a l ly adva n c e d

m o re people are becoming convinced that even a secondary education is

p o rtunity to yo u n g s t e rs of inhere n t ly equal intellectual ability but unequal

ye a rs , and the college students of the next 18 to 24 ye a rs , a re alre a dy with

Te a ch e rs—An Issue of Quality and Cost

Te a ch e rs , n ext to students, a re the large s t , most crucial inputs of an edu-

c ap i t a l-i n t e n s ive modern industri e s , whose new tech n o l ogies a]ld ri s i n g

17. See Appendix 10.

p ower supply. The doubt arises in connection with teacher salari e s , t h e

20. See Appendix 11.

tion does not subside—especially in Latin A m e ri c a — e d u c ation will be the

s e rvice tra i n i n g, or his replacement by a qualified one, raises the cost to

21. See Appendix 12.

i n c reased nu m e ri c a l ly from 670 to 785.22 The duplication of this type of

22. See Appendix 13.

It would be hard to conceive of a salary stru c t u re better calculated to

23. OECD, Au s t ri a : S t u dy on the Demand for and Supply of Te a ch e rs ( Pa ri s :