Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Political History
This chapter deals with the political history of the bhum territories with
mostly during the 10th century AD to 18th century AD in the fringe areas of the
Chhotanagpur plateau, i.e., parts of West Bengal, Bihar and Orissa2. During the
Mughal rule (16th - 18th centuries AD), there were several bhum territories in the
peripheral regions of the Gangetic deltaic plain of Bengal3. It has been discussed
there had developed ‘eighteen’ bhum territories in the forested and hilly frontiers5
of the Chhotanagpur plateau. There originated several tribal polities, the names of
established their supremacy6 in the undulating natural region7 in the fringes of the
plateau. These principalities or the bhums have evolved in the heart of the Radh
tribal principalities emerged after undergoing various stages of evolution from the
initial tribal configuration to the principalities or rajyas and then to state system8.
The archaeological sources mainly in the form of the remains of the structural
edifices give some indications about the presence of such rajyas and to some
extent to such processes of evolution. There are Puranic and other literary
sources (like the Acharanga Sutra - composed in the 4th century BC and the
Rasikamangala - composed in the middle of the 17th century AD) refer to the
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countries bearing the name bhum or bhumi9 suffixed with the surnames of the
power centres. Stirling10 has furnished eight royal and military foci or tribes like
'Dhir. Dhal, Towang, Mai, Bhanj, Rai, Rawat and Khandait’. This reference finds
mention in a Sanskrit verse11. (This has been pointed out by the zaminder of
“Bhanj abhumi-dhalbhumivarttinastungasikhara-mahinivasinah |
The above brings to light eight bhumis or bhums the names of which were
suffixed by the surnames of the ruling tribal rajas. Apart from Bhanjabhumi,
certain, albeit, the existence of the surname ‘Dhira’ is often found among the
In this context, one of the major constraints is that there are limited numbers
of epigraphic sources, which refer to the names of the territories having bhum as
their suffix. Moreover, these records hardly focus on the details of the structural and
functional frameworks of the bhum territories since their inception which may be
‘from the early medieval period onwards (roughly between 10th-13°’ century CE)’14.
An example may be cited in the form of the family chronicles of the Malta dynasty,
which reveals that Mallabhum came to be ruled since the 8th century AD.
‘Mallabhum owes its name to the Malla dynasty which, as the chronicles of the
family claim, ruled over the territory since the eighth century, but held it for about
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three centuries till the end of the eighteenth century’15. The epigraphic sources notify
on a limited perception about the ‘local ruling lineages’ of all the bhum territories
identified so far. The involvements of the local tribal lineages of the bhum territories
in the socio-economic and the religious affairs of their polities and in the
architectural relics strewn over the entire fringe areas of this plateau display signs of
both major and minor settlements mostly in the form of religious establishments and
secular structures16. On the other hand, literary evidence supports a complex social
identity resulting from political freedom. The structural vestiges and the habitational
remains found in the fringe areas of the Chhotanagpur plateau constitute the
and ideological idioms, which may open avenues for the reconstruction of the
political history of the territorial chiefdoms. The entire gamut of the ambience may
disclose some codes that led to the formation of the processes for the evolution of
evolved in the peripheral zones20 of the Chhotanagpur plateau where the topography
appears less undulating and occasionally hilly near the plains and coastal areas. The
strategic geo-physical situation can explain the existence of the geo-political units
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Paramananda Acharya, in Ws study, has attempted to identify the probable
locations of the respective bhum territories. This has been discussed in the
introductory chapter. Acharya has sought to establish historical linkages between the
environs of the concerned bhums and the autochthon rulers, which bore the family
Brahmanbhum, Barabhum, and Birbhum in the hilly and forested lands located in the
eastern and southeastern peripheries of the Chhotanagpur plateau region. This chapter
going into the details of these important bhum territories a brief historical account of
the rests has been enumerated below following the analyses of Paramananda
Acharya21.
the early British period suggest that the Jungal Mahal area of the present district of
genealogical records of the local rajas reveal the fact that there was a practice of using
the founder of the kingdom of Patkum and his name ‘ Vikram’ belonged to the Aditya
family of Patkum. Patkum was situated in the vicinity of Manbhum. The ancestral record
of the Patkum raj family brings to light that starting from Vikramaditya, there were 68
rajas who used the titles like Vikramaditya, Udayaditya, and Satrughnaditya and so on.
It appears that these titles, or so to say, these names have repeatedly been used by the
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successor rajas from the 28th generation to the present day in an alternate sequence. Such
tradition of using names in succession is also observed among the Somavamsi kings of
Daksina Kosala and Utkala where the cognomens like Mahasivagupta and
Mahabhavagupta were alternatively used by the kings. Similar tradition was followed in
the royal family of Khurda, i.e., modem Puri. In the genealogical record of the Gupta
dynasty, such traditions have also been met with. It has been found that ‘the second name
Sasanka, Radhagovinda Basak upholds the viewT ‘... the inscription on the alleged
Sasanka coins reads Narendraditya and ..... Sasanka, like the former imperial Gupta
rulers, enjoined a second name with an aditya title’ . Such postulation leads Acharya to
suggest that the possibility of the connection of King Sasanka with the Aditya family of
the Adityabhumi.
The modem Medinipur district is the place, which had harbored some bhums,
located in the northern and southern parts of the district respectively. It is difficult to
Probably, the family name ‘Brahman’ is apparent from the name of the rajya -
bhum territory was considered to be a mahal under the jurisdiction of Jaleswar, Orissa.
This Bubbanbhum in Orissa was largely resided by the Brahmans. As both the territories
referred to the same geo-physical terrains (i.e., modem Medinipur of West Bengal and
some adjacent part of Orissa) there must have been a connection between Brahmanbhum
and Bubbanbhum. Acharya has propounded another view regarding the identification of
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Brahmanbhum in which he suggests that the rajas of Chhatna, lying in the vicinity of
Bahulyanagara and the Samantas killed one of the rajas. Therefore, Brahmanbhum
might have been the original abode of the rajas of Chhatna and was probably located in
that there might have been a connection between the remote ancestors of this Vyaghra
covering the present Mayurbhanj district of Orissa and its adjacent parts within the limits
of the present districts of East and West Medinipur. Some epigraphic evidence throws
light on the history of the local ruling dynasty of the Bhanja family, which may go back
to the fourth or fifth century AD. Therefore, Bhanjabhum may also be traced to the same
period. The name of one ‘Ragaraja Sri Disa Bhanja Deva’ has been found in the rock
inscription of Keonjhar of fourth or fifth century AD26. The same name Rajaraja has
been noticed in a stone seal found from Khiching. The reference to the existence of many
belonging to the Bhanja families residing in Bauda and Gumsar, the southern region of
Orissa. These inscriptions mention Khijjinga Kotta, the capital of the Bhanja kings. This
Khijjinga Kotta may be identified with modem Khiching in Mayurbhanj. From this
evidence, Acharya regards that the Bhanja dyanasty was established at Khiching during
the early centuries of the Christian era. The families residing in Orissa with the surname
of Bhanja presently claim that they have migrated from their original home, i.e., the
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perspective of Chattisgarh region also played an important role (from the personal
communication with Dr. R.K. Chattopadhyay). From the epigraphic records, it appears
that, the seal of the Bhanjas ‘represents a bull and that of the (Varahas) Vahanas of the
Mayura family a peacock’. Logic behind the flag of the Bhanja rajas incorporating the
symbol of peacock lies in the belief that the Bhanjas conquered the Mayuradvajaraja.
However, a sympathetic feeling for the humble ‘prayer’ of the vanquished king, led the
Bhanjas to include the peacock-symbol in their flag. In all probability, the name
Mayurbhanj suggests that the kingdoms of the ‘Mayuras’ and that of the ‘Bhanjas’ were
merged to form the Mayurbhanj territory. The literary reference to the ‘Bhanja’ kings is
found in the Mugdhabodha Abhidhana, composed during the 13th -14th centuries AD by
Stirling’s translation (1822) of the settlement papers of Man Singh (1592 AD) depict the
fact that the variegated dimensions of the socio-political development of the geo-political
establishment of Bhanjabhum had not been sufficiently furnished in the records. More
data are required to reconstruct the political history of the territory of Bhanjabhum.
Mandaran’ but no detailed and reliable reports are available regarding the identification
of Bhawalbhum .
Shorbhum is located in the north of Mallabhum, Le., Bishnupur, in the present district
of Bankura. The reference to Lakshmi Sura is found in the Ramacharita and Rana
century AD, the capital of the territory was Apara Mandara. According to the Ain-i-
Akbari, the territories denoting Apara Mandara and that of ‘Sarkar Mandaran’ are
same. Apart from that, in the Radha region, the existence of Sikharbhum/
under the police station of Gangajalghati, Bankura. Moreover, the Sikhara Rajas had
with the areas under the modem Chhatna police station, Bankura. The regions of
issued by the Tungas were found from Orissa strengthen this viewpoint. Accordingly,
the latter migrated from Rotasgarh. The kings could extend their influence over
‘Yamagartta mandala’, which was also ruled by the rajas that belonged to the Sulki
dynasty. The reference to Tungabhum is also there in the Bhavisyat Purana 28.
identified with the area lying along the left bank of the river Ajay in the district of
Birbhum. This Senbhum is believed to be linked with the original homeland of the
epigraphic record, by following the literary account of the Ain- i- Akbari, it is held by
Blochmann that the word Bira had Mundari origin, which signifies ‘jungle’30. Although,
there are few Kshatriya families who bear the surname of Vira in Bengal.
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Singhbhum or Simhabhumi lies in the Chhotanagpur division of Bihar, i.e., in
modem Jharkhand and interesting legendary accounts are attached with this bhum
territory. A pair of swan was considered as the insignia of the ruling dynasty31. In the
along with it some areas of the present districts of Medinipur and Bankura32. The
reference to Dhalbhumi is found in the Bhavisyat Purana. The Dhala cognomen was
found among the rajas of Dhalbhum and similar surname was probably used by the
numbers of inscriptions of the medieval period relating this Naga dynasty with that of
the Central Provinces. It has also been revealed that the Raj family of the State of
Kalahandi and few other Raj families of the Chhatisgarh State Agency belong to the
Naga family33.
copper plate mentions the Varaha family of Barabhum. According to the Ethnology
of Bengal34, the foundation of the Varaha dynasty of this bhum bears a mythical
It is conceived that the territory of Gopabhum35 was extended on both sides of the
bank of the river Ajay under the rule of Kamasena, during the over lordship of
Apart from the above bhum identities, this chapter particularly concentrates on
the political history of Manbhum, Gopabhum and Mallabhum (Map VUI), which may
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be regarded as the representatives of the bhums that evolved roughly between 10th-!8th
centuries in the western and southwestern parts of the modem states of West Bengal and
Jharkhand.
Manbimm
At the outset, it may be mentioned that a proper study of the political history
of Manbimm suffers partially from inadequate literary and epigraphic sources. The
Jaina chronicles, the Puranas and a few inscriptions are considered as the major
sources, which, though, hardly provide any detailed information helping the
earliest reference in the Jaina treatise, Acharanga Sutra, of the 4 /5 century BC. The
Jaina account refers to the itinerary of Vardhamana Mahavira, the 24th Tirthankara,
region associated with the activity of Mahavira was, most probably, not Subbabhumi
Medinipur. It is quite evident that the coastal land does not incorporate Manbhum!
may be identified with the tract of Sarkar Mandaran, which has its reference in the
Ain-i-Akbari of Abul Fazl of 16th century AD. This territory of Sarkar Mandaran is
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comprising the modem districts of Hooghly, Bankura, Birbhum, Barddhaman and the
the inhabitants of the Radha were, most probably, the pre-agriculturalists, hunters and
gatherers.
inhabited by savage people’44. Regarding the naming of the country, Nandolal Dey
maintains that the country Manbhum, the corrupted form of Manyabhumi, was a
‘venerable country’. This country bears a close association with Mahavira’s itinerary.
The ‘travel’ of the Jaina monk may be regarded as the mark of the Aryan civilization
in the land of the Nisadic people45. The Jainas might have settled along the sides of
the river courses, namely the Damodar, the Kansabati, and the Subamarekha outside
Manyabhumi is an integral part of the general analysis of die evolution of the political
structures that came into being in the bhum territories of the Chhotanagpur plateau
that limited literary and epigraphic data, and archaeological remains are the available
sources for the reconstruction of the same. It has to be kept in mind that, in the
adjoining areas of Manbhum there existed some bhum territories as well as other
erstwhile territories, which were in the pre-state and sub-state condition. Beglar had
observed the occurrences of large-scale ruins in Manbhum along the ‘great road’. He
maintains that the ruined structures are largely the witness of the glorious construction
works done by the Saraka who are ‘Jain by origin.... colonel Dalton would ascribe
the Jain remains...as far as back 500 or 600 years before Christ...’46. However, the
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historical facts of Manbhum may be reconstructed with the partial help of a few
epigraphic sources.
the rocks of the Susunia hills located in the north-eastern extremities of the district of
ruled over a kingdom, named, Puskarana47. Presently, the village of Pakhanna, lying
on die right bank of the river Damodar, situated some 40 km north-east of the Susunia
was a Vaisnava by faith. According to the Susunia rock inscription, the King
worshipped Chakraswami Visnu and donated an entire village or, so to say, the
produce of the village as revenue for the preservation of temple49. The epigraphic
Aryans of Brahmanie variety’ who could establish the principality in the midst of an
utterly non-Aryan populace50. According to the Meherauli pillar inscription and the
Allahabad Prasasti, Samudragupta, the second Gupta Emperor, could establish his
sway in the south and southwestern part of Bengal by defeating the king Chandra.
However, there are some scholars, who maintain that king Chandra was only a local
king of the area. However, both the Meherauli inscription of Samudragupta and the
extend his kingdom in the Damodar region along with eastern Bengal. It may be that
the mention of the king Chandravarman in the Allahabad Prasasti imparts an idea of
the probability of the status of king Chandravarman, who gained the authority of
ruling the Radha region, as a vassal king under the superior Gupta monarch, Samudra
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Gupta51. The latter king had conquered the entire region to bring Vanga under his
sway.
The capital of Chandravarman is not far away from the Susunia hill and the
latter lies near the boundary of Manbhum. It is most likely that the north-eastern
region of the Susunia hill along the Damodar-Kansabati valley also belonged to king
extended towards the central, western and southern region of Manbhum, as it is quite
evident that the entire area of Manbhum virtually remained in the ‘pre-state’ condition
for generations53. Moreover, the tract lying beyond the river Kansabati had not
However, during the post-Gupta period, i.e., from the 6th century AD
onwards, the entire kingdom of Puskarana came under the jurisdiction of the
independent local rulers54 who might be the governors of the Gupta emperors. The
Mallasarul inscription (found in the present Galsi police station) and the Kotalipur
and Samachardeva the Manbhum area may be included within the territory of Bengal.
These kings emerged as independent kings between the periods of 525-575 AD55.
Two dated inscriptions found from Medinipur and one undated inscription
from Egra, near Kharagpur, suggests that during the 7th century AD Sasanka was
ruling over a large part of modem Bengal and Orissa. His capital was in Kamasuvama
and his empire was extended from Uttara-Radha56, conterminous with Gaudaka or
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Gauda57, to Dakshina-Radha58 up to Medinipur. There is every possibility that
Sasanka’s kingdom might have included Manbhum, the eastern and northern parts of
modem Purulia59. The central and the western parts of modem Purulia must have
enjoyed some sort of independence in spite of the de jure control of the ‘guardian
Damodar valley and probably in the eastern parts of the valleys of the Dwarakeswar
and Kansabati and the sedentary villages under the hierarchical authority might have
survived right from the 7th century onwards61. It can be inferred that Manbhum was a
continuation of the territory of Bengal, which was a constituting unit within the
kingdom of Gauda during the period between 580 AD and 637-38 AD62.
However, from the middle of the 8 century onwards, the suzerainty over the
southern part of the river Damodar, i.e., the entire tract of Manbhum often passed
either to the hands of the emperors of the Pala dynasty or to the Orissan rulers63.
Dharmapala, the son of Gopala, led an unsuccessful campaign to capture the region
on the southern bank of the Damodar from the hegemony of the Utkala ruler, Sivakara
I, who had gained a hold over the area of Dakshina-Radha. It was only Devapala, the
third ruler of the Pala dynasty, who was able to bring Dakshina-Radha under the Pala
suzerainty. The weak successors of the Pala dynasty could not maintain their firm
autonomy until the Pala Emperors Mahipala I, during the closing decades of the 10th
century, and Rampala, during the 12th century AD, gained an effective control over
3
the westernmost part of the southern Radha64. It is also evident that the Utkala kings,
Narasinghadeva II had established a deep-rooted sway over the southern parts of the
river Damodar encompassing Manbhum. At the same time, the Orissan rulers had to
withstand a series of assaults from the local chieftains, the Sena kings and the Turks
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over a long period of time65. Among the Orissan rulers, the Palas and the Senas might
have not ruled the jungle-clad hilly tracts of Manbhum directly. Rather the clan or
feudatory chiefs and the territorial kings ruled the region under die superficial
Narasinghadeva II respectively. The local chiefs were called upon to avow then-
loyalty and accept the suzerainty of an overlord by paying tributes and supplying
armed personnel to fight alongside the imperial army. Thus, the clan and feudatory
between 9 and 13 centuries AD, in their local spheres paying little attention either
In the 2nd half of die 9th century, following the disintegration of the Pala
Kalachuris and Chola dynasties over the region held previously by the Palas. This
phase of turmoil might have spread over the regions of Manbhum67 forming a part of
Vigrahapala II, and Mahipala I found from the region of south Bihar68 provides the
idea of linkages with the territory considered as Manbhum during the period
approximately from the second half of 9th century AD to the last phase of 10th century
between 10th - 11th and 16th centuries AD70. On the ground of the absence of
significant epigraphic evidence, the records from the sati-stones, boundary-stones and
Virakalas may give some partial idea regarding the political configurations of the
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region of Manbhum around the period of 10th century AD. The names of Raja-putra
Sri Vadadhuga or Chadadugha and Raja-putra Sri Atandri Chandra are engraved on
a ‘Sati stone’ and ‘Virakal Stone Slab’ found in the sculptural ruins of Budhpur
village probably belonged to the 10th century AD71. It may be such that a pre-mature
death came to the holders of these names who might be princes. The ‘virakal stone’
marks the death of a martyr for a noble cause72. There is another inscription engraved
on the boundary stone pillar discovered in Budhpur. It contains the meaning, ‘The
boundary flag of the Lord of the Five Mountains which one should not curtail’. Walsh
had found another memorial stone inscription from the debris of Boram/Deulghat
lying on the riverbank of the Kansabati in 191673. It is presently in the police station
Jawasawal, belonged to the 13th - 14th centuries AD. The epigraph highlights the
powerful crown prince, according to R.C. Majumdar, as ‘Mighty, undecaying and the
lord of the three worlds (is) the crown prince, the son of illustrious Rudra. Powerful
and undecaying is also the king on the Lion-throne’. In Ramacarita, the temporal lord
kalpa-tanf15.
century AD, the court poet of the Pala ruler Ramapala has given a list of chiefs and
Ramapala (1077-1120 AD) to regain his ancestral kingdom from the rebel Kaibarttas.
The list in the Ramacharitam, included the name of Rudrasikhara, the ‘raja-raji’ of the
Telkupi situated in the Damodar valley. It may be that the kingdom of Tailakampi
could thrive only in the ‘bad days’ of the Pala dynasty77 during the period of 11th
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century AD. The assistance of Rudrasikhara was sought by ‘a scion of once-mighty
Pala dynasty’ to acquire the Varendri kingdom from the hold of the Kaivarta rulers.
police station area, mentions the succession to the throne of the ‘illustrious king’ Sri
Rudra- Sikha by his crown prince78. On epigraphie grounds, R.C Majumdar prefers to
assign the inscription to the 13th -14th century AD. However, if Sri Rudra Sikha of the
all probability, his son could not be enthroned during 13th century; rather the period of
the kingship of Rudrasikhara’s son would not, most probably, be later than the second
that both the places, Tailakampi and Deulghat, were included within the territorial
jurisdiction of the king of Tailakampi during the period of the closing decades of the
11th century to that of the 12* century AD80. The archaeological remains of temples
from Telkupi also support the postulation. Before the inundation of the place under
the Panchet dam, more than twenty temples were there. On stylistic grounds and
based on the evidence found from a few retrieved inscriptions, the temples are
assignable to a period between the 11th century and the 13th century AD81. It may be
such that, regarding the ‘attributes’ the person Rudra described in the Boram stone
inscription and Rudra Sikhara of Ramacarita are identical82. In the form of prasasti,
ground that the crown prince reigned sitting on the ‘Lion throne’ (Ramacaritam)
around 11th century AD but the tribute might be inscribed in the 13th century AD as
‘we do not know why and what was the occasion’83. It may be the son or the
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descendants of the crown prince were on the throne that had extended the territory up
strong hold of the governors of the Ganga Kings of Orissa. The Turkish conquest in
the Gauda region during 1204 AD had little impact on the western part of the Radha
available to confirm that Turks were anywhere in this region until the year 1360
Turkish ruler, Sultan Firuz Shah Tughluq, set foot upon the region of modem
Purulia m order to subjugate the Gauda Sultan and to conquer the Hindu kingdom of
Jajnagar in Orissa in 1360. Accordingly, during this expedition, the Sultan marched
over Patchet (modem Panchet ). Eventually, the Sultanate burst upon Sikhar whose
identification is quite uncertain. There are scholars who prefer to relate this Sikhar
with the Sikharabhum Parganah (comprising the modem police stations of Santuri,
Nituria, Raghunathpur, Para and Kashipur, i.e., the north and north-eastern parts of
the modem Purulia district) of the 16th- 17th centuries AD. However, it will be more
pertinent to suggest that the name Sikhara might have derived from the name of the
earliest rulers and following the title, Sikhara, the name of the territory might have
originated . There are scholars who suggest that Tailakampi or the modem Telkupi
was the capital of the Raja of Sikhar. According to Sirat-i-Firuz Shahi, this Raja of
Sikhar was a significant ruler who had thirty-six minor chiefs under his hegemony and
his vassals were residing in the territory lying between the Damodar on the north and
the Kansabati on the south. It may be inferred that the southern region beyond the
river Kansabati of present day Purulia remained outside the administrative domain of
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any ruler. This region of erstwhile Manbhum was a sparsely populated area with a few
tribal settlements having very low subsistence level and in ‘state-less’ ambience89.
the Damodar and the Kansabati in Manbhum laid to the curtailment of its
communication with the rest of northern and eastern India. Dalton90 perceived that the
activities, during the 14th - 15th centuries, paved the way for: (1) deurbanization and
(2) retribalization of the Damodar-Kansabati zone91. The resultant effect lies in the
immigration of the Mundari-speaking Kolerian tribes into this region and the
compiled in 15th - 16th century AD, delineates grossly the nature of the territory of
(identified with the area under the modem Chhatna police station of Bankura), and
Manabhumi . This mountainous and densely forested area has a rich deposit of
minerals like copper, tin, iron, and the like. The inhabitants, according to the
Bhavishyat Purancr93, were mostly Rajputs and robbers by profession. The author
states, ‘... they eat snakes and all sorts of flesh, drink spirituous liquors and live
chiefly by plunder or the chase. As for women, they are, in grab, manners and
appearance, more like Rakshasis than human beings. The only objects of veneration in
these regions are mde village divinities’94. However, the administrative composition
of former Manbhum had quite often faced changes. In fact, during the British period,
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the parganas of Sonamukhi, Indas, Kotulpur, Shergarh and Senpahari were
transferred to Barddhaman and Manbhum was added to Bankura. In 1879, the areas
under the Khatra, Raipur and Simlapal police stations were transferred from
Manbhum. The entire territory to the west of the modem Bankura-Raniganj road and
the Bankura-Khatra road belonged to Manbhum. Throughout the 19th century, the
Regarding the origin of Panchakot Raj and Patkum Raj, mythical stories95
have been manufactured to substantiate the Kshatriyaization of the dynastic rule of the
the Garh Panchakot, which was the seat of the Raja of Pachet. The duplicate
inscriptions in Bengali character found on the two gates of the Garh Panchakot attest
the date of the fort. This refers to a name, Vira Hamira, and gives a date of about
Samvat 1657 or 1659, i.e., 1600 AD (approx.). Vira Hamira is apparently Bir Hambir,
regarding the actual builder of the fort. Another ambiguity is there whether the
construction of the fort ensured protection against both Vira Hamira and the
Muhammadans. However, the legends connected with the Malla family of Bishnupur
repeatedly mention about the extensive conquests and subjugation of the kings of the
neighboring territories by the Malla Raj Bir Hambir. During 16th- 17th centuries AD,
Panchakot is found in a royal Firman of 1632 or 1633 AD. Accordingly, Bir Narayan
was a commander of 300 horses and died in the sixth year was the Zaminder of
Panchet, a country attached to Subah Bihar. The record of AD 1658 declares that
acknowledging the suzerainty of the Mughal Subahdar of Bihar. The Raja of Panchet
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was a semi-independent ruler. The pressure of paying increasing peshkush, however,
might have compelled the Raja to depart the fort and remove the capital to Kashipur
around AD 170097. During the eighteenth century, the Raja, in all probability, had
extended his territory in the neighboring areas, now fall under the police station of
Jhalda. Based on the records of 1590 AD onwards, it seems that the territory to the
south of the river Kansabati remained outside the domain of the Panehet Raj. There
grew up two semi-feudal, independent Bhumij states, viz., the Barabhum Raj and the
Manbhum Raj. The Mughals also had hardly any control over those tracts of lands.
The political status of Panchakot changed from time to time. The East India Company
acquired the right over Panehet with the acquisition of Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and
Orissa. In 1770 AD, Birbhum, Panchakot and Bishnupur were combined together
forming one single revenue district under Alexander Higginson, the appointed
supervisor. In 1772, Panchakot was separated from the other two. At this time, Jhalda
was attached to Panchakot forming a separate revenue district. In the vicinity of the
Panchakot Raj, there were Barahabhum Raj and Manbhum Raj having their central
Dulmi, and Dayapur is associated with the king VIkramaditya. It is popularly believed
that king Vikramaditya used to rub oilITaila at Tailakumpi and after worshipping the
deity the king went to Chhatapokhar at Dulmi for bathing99. Though there is no
suggests that Patkum, Ichhagarh, Dulmi, and Dayapur comprised the kingdom of
Telkupi. King Vikramaditya may be associated either with the kingdom of Telkupi or
with that of Panchakot. It is also believed that king Rudra Sikhara might have
106
assumed the title of Vikramaditya100. At the same time, the extensive rains along the
bank of the river Subamarekha often suggest that the territory of Patkum was included
The political history of Manbhum requires the mention of the role of the
neighboring polities and that of the Delhi Sultanate as well as the Mughals from time
to time. During 1590 AD, in order to conquer Orissa, there was a second campaign
led by Mughal Emperor Akbar’s general Raja Man Singh who was the Governor of
the Subah of Bihar. Hambir, the king of Bishnupur, was an ally of the Mughals.
Several temples at Para (e.g., the Radharaman temple), Telkupi and in some other
places were built and repaired by different persons under the viceroyalty of Man
Singh.
However, the local chiefs and Rajas were not always ready to accept the total
suzerainty of the Mughals. The Rajas of Panchet, Birbhum, and Hijli were there to
secure their own freedom over their respective domains while showing the gesture of
formal obligation to the superior Mughal authority. The Mughal armies were
repeatedly sent to conquer these territories. During 1608 AD, the local Raja of
Panchet, Bir Hambir surrendered before the Mughal Subahdar’s (in Bengal) superior
army. Bir Hambir also assisted the Subahdar in the war against Sham Khan, the local
Raja of Birbhum (whose seat was most probably in Dami Hill) and Salim Khan, the
historians like J.N. Sarkar103 and M.L. Borah regarding the relationship of Bir Hambir
and the Rajas of other local kingdoms. It is maintained that, Bir Hambir, the Raja of
Bishnupur, was also the contemporaneous ruler of Panchakot during the Mughal
contiguous bhum territories, there were important local Rajas, namely, the Rajas of
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Manbhum, Panchakot, and Mallabhum. The Manbhum Raj included Manbazar and
the area presently within the police station of Banduan104. The Barahabhum pargana
comprised Barahabhum and some areas under the Chhatna police station in Bankura,
the Manbhum region of Purulia and the region of Dhanbad respectively105. The
naturally wooded, rough and rugged tract of land had come, repeatedly, within the
influence of powerful dynasties. However, by and large, the clan or tribal or territorial
chiefs, local kings mid feudatories used to enjoy de facto suzerainty over this region
for a considerable period of time. Over this tract of land, the emperors of southern or
northern India were the nominal overlords of the local rulers. These local rulers used
local administration of the autochthon chiefs generally remained least affected by the
frequent changes of the latter taken place outside their domains. The architectural,
There are a large number of relics of temples and sculptural specimens, found
temperament and among the subjects of the respective bhum territories lying in the
108
outskirts of the rugged Chhotanagpur plateau. There was predominantly the practice
of the Jaina faith along with the Puranic, Brahmanical order besides some local tribal
divinities. The presence of numerous temples and deities around 9th- 13th centuries
The presence of such variables like the surplus agricultural produce, economic
prosperity, collection of revenue in the royal exchequer, and the possibility of big
hands of the local merchants, i.e., the Jaina Sarak community ensured a somewhat
for a long span of years. Inscriptions of Telkupi significantly assert that temples were
built at the heart of the work places of people10'. The temples and deities of those
days reflect the impacts of Puranic Hinduism in the tract of modem Purulia. It,
nevertheless, reminds the intimate partnership between and among the local artisans,
sculptors and architects of Vanga, Varendra, Radha and Utkal in the vicinity. The
temples of Purulia bear the stylistic similitude of those of the Pala-Sena period. At the
same time, the Nagara-Sikhara temples at Manbhum mirror the Orissan mode of
areas along the riverbanks as the Jaina remains109. The occurrences of enormous
and the art objects. The remains of stone sculptural artifacts at abandoned temple
complex and sculptural pieces of architectural members, stray occurrences, and other
remains have been found at Boram, Charra, Anaijambad, Ralibera, Palma, Pakbira,
109
visualize a close attachment within the networks of settlements111 in the above-
mentioned places and their links with the external world through the roads. Beglar’s
theory of ‘trade links’ by virtue of the ‘great old road’ corroborate the influences of
what Chattopadhyay112 visualizes *... all the prosperous Jain settlements harbouring
temples and icons were established along the cardinal routes of procurement network
of metal minerals and other forest product’. According to Beglar113 the route,
connecting Benaras with the eastern extensions of the Chhotanagpur plateau region
passed through Pakbira, Budhpur (closed to Barabhum and Dulmi) crossed the river
Subamarekha (closed to Ranchi) and Palamau across the river Son at Benaras. There
were two great roads, one from Tamluk to Patna and another Tamluk to Benaras. The
cross road connecting the above great roads ‘started from Palganj, going through
Katras, Chechgaongarh, Para and Charra are striking the great Benaras road at Pakbira
and Budhpur’.
networking developed between Manbhum (modem Purulia) and Hazaribagh and the
concerned hinterlands114. The evolution and consolidation of the trading patterns and
trading centers were, nevertheless, founded on the principal routes since 8th century
AD onwards115 linking the port city of Tamralipta/Tamluk and Magadha and many
intermediate zones including the western part of West Bengal, Jharkhand and Orissa
ideology and a trading center has been there in the Kalpa-Sutra. There is the mention
of Charudatta engaged in the trade of cotton and cotton-thread and many other traders
going to Tamralipta from Utkala116. The evidence of the sculptural remains of Jaina
ideology and the temple ruins at Itkhori (Sighbhum) and miscellaneous Jaina artefacts
110
wider pattern of trading network. Whenever the ‘great old roads’ cross the natural
obstacles of the river courses like the Silai river near Ghatal, Dwarikeswar in between
Bahulara and Ekteswar, the Damodar at Telkupi, the Barakar near Palgunj etc and the
hilly corridors near Rajauli and Rajgir it led to the emergence of several large city
Chattopadhyay depicts the fact119 that the Jaina community, locally known as the
forests products. In this regard, it may not be out of context to mention the concept of
Risley120 that metalworking was a common and popular job and the work of iron
smelting was widely done by the Shalo group of people belonging to the Bhumij tribe
and the Asura community respectively in the non-farming areas concerned. Dalton121
holds that the glory of temple construction work went to the Sarak community.
has been pointed out by R.K. Chattopadhyay ‘... to trace the genesis of Jainism in
eastern India as a whole... we have very little scope to explain such issue
elaborately’. He mentions that in the region of Orissa, the Jaina ideology was
propagated under the patronage of Kharavela during the post-Mauryan period. During
the Gupta period, the advent of centralized power in the political realm called for the
ideology ‘gradually shifted further eastwards ... the sites of Koluha Hills, Itakhori,
Ill
The scarcity of Buddhist artefacts in the above-mentioned tract attempts to
unfold the pragmatism of limited influence of the Pala dynasty, which was Buddhist
by faith, over the territory of Manbhum. The archaeological sites of the territory of
Gopabhum
the modem district of Barddhaman124. After the dissolution of the Gupta Empire,
Salimpur, Shergarh and Senpahari parganas. The Shergarh pargana lies between the
river Ajay and the river Damodar. The Salimpur pargana lies in the south-western
traced126 in Gopabhum. The area covering Senpahari and Salimpur was perhaps the
seat of this local Sadgop dynasty. Among different mlers, Raja Mahendra Nath,
locally known as Mahindi Raja, had his capital in Amaragarh. The remains of
fortifications of Amaragarh can be traced at several locations near the present railway
station of Mankar. Salimpur was probably the seat of the other branches of the
Sadgop kings. The administrators of the said dynasty might have their seats at
indicate likewise. This leads us to contemplate that the hegemony of the Sadgop kings
might have extended towards the east, the region of Mangalkote might be within the
realm of the Sadgop kingdom. This contemplation is with reference to the nature of
the findings from the excavated Mangalkote in the concerned period. The descendents
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of the Sadgop dynasty became the chiefs of Bharatpur, which was on the bank of the
Damodar. The Sadgop kingdom existed under the Mughals and afterwards under the
Parana and the Skanda Parana are supposed to have been composed in the 4th
century AD while the Brhatsamhita in 6th century AD. The Mallasarul inscription of
context to regard Varddhamanabhukti as the focal point of study and Gopabhum was.
the context, it is to be noted that after the disintegration of the Gupta Empire there
evolved several independent kingdoms. Among the most notable kingdoms were the
Malwa and Magadha, Gauda and Vanga130. In Bengal, there had emerged two
significant kingdoms namely, Vanga and Gauda during 6th century AD131. The
independent kingdoms, which came into being in Bengal, were extended over the
region of the eastern and southern Bengal and the southern part of western Bengal
including the provinces of Vardhamanabhukti and Navyavakasika. The latter was also
known as Suvarnavithi132.
The inscriptions of the Gupta period mention three bhuktis in this area. They
included Suvama-vithi and Navyavakasika. In the Pala and Sena records133, there is a
along with five other bhuktis134. They are, namely, Tira-bhukti, Srinagara-bhukti,
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Kankagrama-bhukti, Danda-bhukti, and Pragjyotisha-bhvkti. These bhuktis were the
constituent units of the Gauda Empire, which encompassed the regions of north Bihar
The term bhukti (the reference first found in the Gupta records), though
literally means allotment, generally applied to denote the biggest administrative unit
within a kingdom or empire135. There were minor bhuktis and a minor bhukti was
often viewed as mandala. A bhukti was usually ‘divided into smaller’ units, namely,
i-j£
mandala or vithi but the points of their internal differences were not always distinct.
smaller administrative units but confusion arises regarding the connotations of these
the Irda record of 10th century AD, Danda-bhukti, which was a mandala of the
The terms vishaya and mandala did not generally bear the meaning of bhukti.
15th year of Ramapala, described Magadha vishaya. In fact, this Magadha vishaya
was styled as a bhukti found in a Nalanda seal inscription140. It may, perhaps be, as
114
Apart from bhukti, vishya, and mandate, the word vithi did not find any
distinct reference in the Gupta period. However, by the term vithi it meant the
subdivisions of both the bhuhtis and the mandates. The other subdivisions of
mandates were subdivided into khandala, avritti, and bhaga. The avritti was again
subdivided into chaturakas and chaturakas were subdivided into patakas. In some
were mentioned as the subdivisions of a bhaga. The pataka, being the one-half of a
discovered at Faridpur and the Mallasarul inscription found in the police station of
Gaisi in the present district of Barddhaman, refer to the names of three rulers such as
Vanga and all of them used the title of Maharajadhiraja143. Raychaudhuri mentions
that there is another unpublished copper plate, found at Kurpala, which reveals that a
higher status and independence of these rulers in comparison to the autonomy enjoyed
Vainyagupta was supposed to be the ‘last vestige of the imperial authority of the
Guptas over this region’144. Maharaja Vijayasena seemed to have established contacts
Maharaja Vijayasena who, most probably, ruled over Vardhamanbhukti might be the
eastern, southern and western Bengal and that this imperial province of the Guptas
115
The Mallasarul inscription of 6th century AD, the Irda Grant of 10th century
AD, and the Naihati and Govindapur Grants of 12th century AD145 delineate the
territory of Vardhamanabhukti146 comprising such areas like the valley of the river
signified a large territorial division of Bengal. However, its limits changed with time.
Sometimes it was extended towards the north up to the river Mor, i.e., Mayuriakshi
and the Subamarekha in the south. During 10th century AD, the southern boundary
extended to the lower reaches of the Subamarekha. About middle of 12th century AD,
the northern boundary is known to have extended beyond the river Ajay to embrace
within the limits of the village of Vallahittha situated in the Uttara- radha mandala.
During the last quarter of the 12th century AD. Uttara-radha formed part of the
direction from Murshidabad to Balasore including the area of Gopabhum. The literary
evidences from both the Markandeya Parana and BrhatsamMta suggest the existence
during the 6th century AD, though the territorial boundaries of these units were not
distinctly defined. In the Skanda Purana and more particularly in the Kurmabibhaga
section of die Markandeya Parana (might have been compiled in the 4th century AD)
Gaudakas, and Tamraliptas around the 4th century AD147. This further confirms that
Varddhamana was a significant administrative unit, which had its existence prior to
division and it came to stand for the whole country lying to the west of the Bhagirathi.
During the 10th century AD, the Dandabhukti mandala, which is generally identified
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with the areas now felling under the modem Medinipur district and Balasore of Orissa
Suhma, Tamralipta, and all other geographical divisions lying on the west of the
Jaina treatises like Bhagavatisutra150 which refers to Ladha being one of the 16th
kingdoms of that time. The Govindapur copper plate, assignable to the 12th century
reference of the extension of the tract of Uttar-radha mandala is evident from the
Naihati copper plate inscription found from the village Naihati of the modem Katwa
Bhojavarman of the 11th - 12th century AD shows that Siddhala (presently being
which was also included in the Vardhamanabhukti . There are inscriptions, which
AD154 and the Irda plate mention the inclusion of Dakshin-radha within
covered by the modem districts of Howrah and Medinipur, extended up to the limits
117
The historical expedition of Rama Pala towards Orissa was possible as the
Radhadesa was under his suzerainty or under his vassals. Shortly after the demise of
Rama Pala, Vijayasena conquered Radha and the territories of Varman in the southern
Mauryan Empire and it remained a constituent part under such empires of northern
using his own seals and prepared land grants to his subjects. According to the small
inscription of Chandravarman, found in the region of the Susunia hill of the district of
Bankura, Chandravarman was the king of Radha and as per the Allahabad Pillar
inscription, Samudra Gupta ousted him. The western part of Bengal remained under
the Gupta dominion from 335 to 473 AD. According to die Nalanda seals, Skanda
Gupta (467-473 AD) had a brother named Puru Gupta and his three sons were Buddha
Gupta, Vainya Gupta and Narasimha Gupta. Vainya Gupta became the governor of
Radhadesa. The Gunaighar copper plate of Vainya Gupta, 507-08 AD, showed that he
bore the title of a provincial Governor, i.e., the title of Maharaja. However, from the
Nalanda copper plates it is evident that the Maharajadhiraja label of Vainya Gupta
signifies that he became a strong ruler after the demise of Buddha Gupta, the imperial
ruler of Radhadesa156. For the worship of Lord Buddha, land was granted by means of
the Gunaighar grant. Maharajasamanta Vijaysena was the executor of this Gunaighar
land grant and the Mallasarul grant. Avalokitesvara monastery was erected in order to
show respect for the Buddhist monk Santideva, the founder of the Vaivartika
congregation of monks. By means of the Mallasarul grant some land was granted in
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the Vardhamanabhukti and the area came under the authority of Gopachandra. It,
during 525-575 AD. According to the Irda copprer plate, there was an independent
Varddhamanabhukti. Since the 9th century AD, the territory of Vanga, (Abu’l-Fazl
mentioned that Vanga or Vangala as one and the same; originally it was Bang and the
addition of die suffix-a/, the name, Bengal, came into being)157 was segmented into
such parts like Dakshina (or South) Radha and Uttara (or North) Radha15*. Uttara-
radha or Uttiraladam under the Chola inscriptions of the Ganga King Devavarman is
being acknowledged by such inscriptions like the Indian Museum Plates159 probably
of the 9th century AD, the Belava Grant and the Naihati grant160.
As per the Bhaturia plate and the Irda plate, the region of southern Radha
denoting Suhmabhumi or Varddhamana actually passed into the hands of the Pala
dynasty either during the reign of Gopala II or his son Vigraha Pala II. According to
Medinipur) king Dharma Pala was defeated by Rajendra Chola. The areas of Daksina-
radha, Uttara-radha, and Vangala were conquered by him. Although the kings of
different segments of Varddhamana of this period can hardly be traced yet it is held
by the Tirumalai inscription that Lakshmisura was the king of Daksina-radha. At the
same time, according to Ramacharitam, the Sura dynasty was reigning in Apara-
Mandara, i.e., Garh Mandaran in the district of Hooghly. Mention of Ladha is found
in the Jaina Acharangasutra161 in 4th century BC, which refers to its division into
segmentation of the area was apparently replaced during the 9th century AD when
Radha was subdivided by Dakshina (or South) radha and Uttam (or North) radha.
119
Afterwards, mentions of Vanga and Gauda have been found in the Baroda plates of
during 814-877 AD has been referred by the Nilgund inscription163 of the Rashtrakuta
has been found in the Kanheri inscription164 of the same monarch in 814-877 AD.
Gopabhum, in all probability, was a later development and it was only a part
time of Gopachandra. Evidently, the administrative setup and the settlement hierarchy
that developed in this region in the post-Gupta period can be considered as the
Sikharabhum started taking their shapes. Direct testimony to this fact is borne out by
the Ramganj Copper plate of Isvaraghosha of later Pala period during which the
historians. H.P. Sastri is of the opinion that it can be identified with the site of
is the modem village of Pratappur on the right bank of the Ajay. The inscription was
originally found in the vicinity of Ramganj, in the police station of Ranisankail of the
undivided Dinajpur district sometime before 1833. For a considerable period, it was in
the custody of Maldwar Raj family. Later on, the readings of Bachha Jha and A.K.
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The implication of the title, Mahamandalika, assumed by Isvaraghosha
significant According to him, Dhekkari was a seat of the Samantas or a vassal king
under the Palas and these Samantas were known as Mandaladhipati. Thus, there
should be no hesitation to assume that the reigning king Isvaraghosha under the title
of Mahamandalika was actually a vassal king under the Pala rule. Binoy Ghosh
inferred that during die rule of Pala ruler Mahipala I several foreign invasions by
Chola and Kalachuri rulers were responsible for the political upheavals in this region.
In all probability, under this situation, one of the vassal kings of Pala dynasty, i.e.,
Isvaraghosha asserted his power. R.C. Majumdar stated that ‘there can be hardly any
doubt that chiefs like Isvaraghosha were independent rulers for all practical purposes,
though they did not openly assume royal epithet’167. Nevertheless, Majumdar
preferred to place this inscription in the eleventh century AD about the time of the
datable to the later Pala period. In reconstructing the socio-political situation of that
particular period this inscription has enough relevance. Firstly, it refers to at least
fifty-four types of administrative officers. Of these, R.C. Majumdar enlisted the name
of twenty-three officials, not met with any other records of Bengal. Some of them
the enlisted names, according to Majumdar, were ‘palace officers’. In his words,
karanadhyaksha, probably the chiefof the Secretariat, Sirorakshika, probably the chief
of the royal body guard, and Antahpratihara and Abhyantarika, both evidently
connected with the harem of the king’. Secondly, the list of officials also refers to one
woman administrator (rajni) which according to Majumdar ‘does not figure in similar
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lists of even a single record of the Pala kings’. Interestingly, the mention of such class
Senas. Further research to figure out the actual significance for such addition is a
desideratum. Thirdly, the donee of the land grant is said to have been emigrated from
Chandwar near Etawa in U.P. If this postulation of Majumdar is accepted, then this
information definitely elucidates the social composition of the region. The study of
the ethno-history also substantiates the fact that the Brahmanas from middle Ganga
Samskriti169, Iswar Ghosh of Dhekur can be identified as Ichhai Ghosh who was the
Mukhopadhaya and Prabodh Kumar Chattopadhaya maintained that Arah gram might
be known as Radhapuri. Radhapuri was the kingdom of ancient Radha, and here
Radhadhip had built a colossal Siva temple which is still extant. This Siva deity is
acknowledged as Radhesvar Siva. Dhekur was the seat of Isvaraghosha / Iswar Ghosh
Lausen, the general of the Gauda, Iswar Ghosh was defeated. He was a humble
Bharatpur and Mangalakote. There were other such Rajas of Gopabhum like, Raja
Pratap Singh and Raja Harish Chandra. However, Harish Chandra, Raja Mahendra
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and others were capable of maintaining independent rule of the Gopa dynasty. When
the Muslim invaders entered Bengal the Gopa kings could not escape it. When the
Marathas started attacking in 1742-1751, the last Gopa king, probably Baidyanath,
was killed. When Varddhaman Raj Chitra Sen attempted to include Gopabhum in
1744, it was supposed to be the signal of the final collapse of the independence of
Gopabhumm.
Mallabhum
Mallabhum was situated in the heartland of the Radha region173 in Bengal, i.e.,
the eastern fringes of the Chhotanagpur plateau. On the undulating landscape there
emerged as a powerful176 kingdom in western Bengal. It was ruled by the local rulers
of Sikharbhum and parts of Senbhum and Surbhum in the north. To its east was
of the modem district of Bankura180. It consisted of such areas, which are now under
the police stations of Bankura town (excepting the Chhatna outpost), Onda,
Bishnupur, Kotulpur, and Indas181. The Malta kings had occupied some territorial
parts of Sikharbhum and its capital Panchet. The local chiefs of Singhbhum,
authority of the Malta rajas in different points of time. The raja of Surbhum was
considered as one of the Samanta rajas of Mallabhum1*1. The Malla rajas extended
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their boundary by acquiring the territories of modem Damin-i-Koh in Santal
Parganas, some parts of present East and West Medinipur and a part of the eastern
principality184, which evolved on the forest-clad hilly ranges and on the flood plains
of the river Ajay, Damodar, Silavati, Kansabati, Subamarekha and many other
tributaries185.
to this literary evidence, Mallamahi, the land of the Mallas, was ruled by the Malta
princes since the 8th century AD onwards188. The epigraphic record refers to the Malta
dynasty of the 16th century AD. The Mallabhum Raja was often known as the Bagdi
Raja of Bishnupur. The tribe Mai was the neighbor of the Bagdi tribe. These two
tribes were intimately connected with each other. The Bagdis are that part of the Mats
who had internalized different dimensions of civilization. Bishnupur was the seat of
the Malta ruling authority for many centuries. They assumed the title of Singh not by
descent. The genealogical account of the Singh dynasty of Bishnupur has been
outlined by R.C. Dutt and W.B. Oldham. These scholars have investigated the
genealogical basis of the Malta dynasty from the chronicles preserved by the
Bishnupur Raj family. Oldham189 delineates that among the Bagdis, the Mallas, (the
cognate group of the Mals) were respected as their supreme lord. In this regard, Dutt
holds that ‘they had a story made out about their respectable royal descent when they
became powerful in western Bengal and assumed Hindu civilization’. The exact date
of the beginning of the rule of the autochthon princes can hardly be predicted though
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its genesis can be assignable prior to the advent of the Islamic rule in Delhi. Their
history and long independence worked as the seal of their Kshatriyahood. To trace the
genealogy of the Malta dynasty it appears that Raghunath Singh was the founder king
of the Bishnupur Raj. According to Hunter190, the parentage of Raghunath Singh can
be traced from the kings of Jainagar near Vrindavan. A brief account of the legendary
story refers to the king of Jainagar, father of Raghunath Singh, who had once set out
for Purushottam. On his way while passing through Bishnupur a male child was bom
from his wife. The king left behind both die mother and child and went away.
Kasmetia Bagdi, one aboriginal (Kusputra sub-cast) inhabitant, not getting any trace
of the baby’s mother took the newborn and looked after him until he was seven years
old. Afterwards a Brahman driven by the attractive features of the boy took interest on
Raghu and after many incidents the boy was enthroned by an elephant and the people
at large applauded the event as the grace of the god and the ministers also agreed to
make him their king. This is how Raghunath Singh became the founder king of his
link found between the autochthon rulers and the ‘kshatriyah’ norms being brought
about by the Brahmanical agency in an unknown time and the provision of providing
virtual legitimacy to the newly conceived dynasty replacing the Bagdi Rajas of the
region. ‘... the chronicles of origin do not help us to ascertain whether the Malla rajas
were originally Bagdi or descended from a high bom Kshatriya family....the Malla
rajas operated in a situation where both the heritage of the indigenous social and
cultural forces as represented by the tribals and the lower castes and the influence of
the organized and systematized social order flourishing on the ideology of Smarta
Puranic Brahmanism had strong relevance ... The chronicles of origin provides
insight ... of the process of how the Malla rajas evolved the balance and to what
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extent they succeeded in maintaining the balance. These are the central problems in
fulfill the missing link of transferring the authority and culture from the hands of the
aboriginal people to the persons holding the surname of North-Indian ruling dynasty
also importing the cultural outlook in a forest-clad tribal tract remaining almost
The above legendary story appears different from the pundit’s chronicle
while crossing a dense forest at Laugram, six miles away from Kotalpur, had
made an arrangement with a Brahman, named Panchanan. The king kept his wife
to him and the lady gave birth to a male child. The mother and the child remained
there at Laugram under the care of one Kayasth, named, Bhagirath Guha194. At
the age of seven the boy was sent by the Brahman for an employment as a
cowherd. The boy exhibited his skill in art and different magical incidents
attached with the boy made the Brahman to introduce him with the Raja of
Panchamgarh and ‘earned for him the sobriquet of Adi Malta, the unique
wrestler. With the achievement of the favour of the Raja of Padampur, a place in
the vicinity of the modem village of Jaypur and eight miles away from Laugram,
Adi Malta first became the chieftain, received the grant of Laugram and the
nearby villages and became the Raja of Padampur. Raja Adi Malla waged war
against the neighbouring chief Pratap Narayan of Jotbihar and enlarged the
perimeter of his own territory. Raja Adi Malta had his reign over Laugram for
thirty-three years. He was succeeded by his son Jay Malla who made a greater
expansion of his territory and shifted his capital to Bishnupur. According to the
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fragmentary account of the rulers of Bishnupur, O’Malley, mentions that the
fourth ruler was Kalu Malla, the sixth was Kau Malla, the seventh was Jhau
Malla, and the eighth was Sur Malla'95. These Rajas were credited for expanding
their territories progressively. However, the names of the following Rajas were
not mentioned in O’Malley’s account ‘as their reigns are barren in interest’.
According to the family chronicle, Dhar Hambir was the 49th ruler who ruled in
1586 AD (993 BS). According to Amiya Kumar Bandyopadhyay, Adi Malla was
bom in the year 695 AD. Abhoypada Mallik has furnished an elaborate list , of
the names of the Malla Rajas who reigned the kingdom of Mallabhum in
different points of time. Raghunath was the wrestler of Laugram and was called
west of Laugram. The kingship of Laugram and the adjoining villages was
Malla to subdue the rebel chief of Jotbihar, Pratapnarayan. Adi Malla was able to
increase his influence and extended the periphery of his principality over
Kotulpur and Indas under the guidance of his ministers who belonged to the
family of Bhagirath Guha. This Malla chief and his wife, a Kshatriya lady, named
Chandrakumari had four sons. According to the literary account, the eldest son of
Adi Malla and Chandrakumari, Joy Malla191, after the death of his father in 709
AD, became the chief and he was engaged in constructing the Dandeswari
temple. Local myths associated with this place bespeaks about the fact that the
shrine was in a place where a serpent once raised its hood over Joy Malla. In his
kingdom this ‘petty king’ had invited his father’s friends and relations and there it
is found that Panchanan became the family priest198. Joy Malla, was a brave
person who with the assistance of the Santals became powerful enough to subdue
127
the raja of Praddumnapur and subsequently he transferred his capital to
Kalu Malta, the fourth king, after defeating the neighboring chief
extended his kingdom and acquired the area presently denoting Indas200. During
the kingship of the 6th king of the Malla dynasty, Kakta was conquered. Sura
Malta conquered Bagri, a pargana situated to the north of Medinipur. The 12th
king annexed Kharagpur, a part of the present undivided Medinipur. This tract
came to be known after the name of the chiefKharga Malla. There is no concrete
evidence and traditional accounts differ regarding the shifting of the capital from
dated 1335 AD (641 ME) attests to the fact that the setting up of the Bishnupur
Hunter’s Rural Bengal Appendix-C, the capital city was gracefully built up with
white stones. There were theatre halls, dressing rooms, living rooms within the
palace along with temples, store houses, treasury, armouries, barracks for
soldiers, stables for elephants etc. There is ambiguity regarding the construction
of the palace with white stones204. Merchants and traders were also invited to
Pandit - the composer of Shunya Purand^b and the ‘propagator of the worship of
The king Rama Malta208 was a renowned king of the 13th century AD who
was enthroned after Jagat Malla. The king Rama Malla ruled the kingdom for 23
128
years. He introduced the practice of special uniforms for soldiers, perfection in
Shib Singha Malla was the next important king who was responsible for
Dhari Malla was the 49th king of Mallabhum. He was a powerful raja
who could maintain his independence in lieu of paying one lakh seven thousand
rupees to the Nawab of Murshidabad. However, the Malla rajas were not regular
in payment210. Beera Hambeera, the ‘greatest king’211 of the Malta dynasty was
the son of Dhari Malla. In his rule of 48 years, he became the ally of the Mughal
Emperor Akbar’s generals Man Singh and Jagat Singh. The Malla king rescued
feudal line; he also increased the number of soldiers and improved the structure
from Brindaban a ‘new Vaishnava idea’215 for the naming of water reservoirs
(Jamuna, Kalindi, Shyam Kundu, Radha Kundu) and villages (Dwaraka, Mathura
etc)216. He introduced the festivals like Rash, Dole217. The king visited Brindaban
Prithvi Malla, the 37th king of Bishnupur, built the Sandeswar temple in
641 ME, i.e., in the early years of the fourteenth century AD219. In 755 ME, Patia
Malla had built the Jagannath temple near Shyamkunda, situated in the north of
the royal palace220. The temple Mrinmoyee was built in 907 ME.
129
of Vaishnavism, the Dharma puja was introduced in Mallabhum during the
The Malta rajas, during the later phase of their rule in Mallabhum,
emerged more as an ally than as independent chiefs under the superior forces of
Murshidabad. This is due to the fact, that latter had more hold over the rajas of
built the temple of Madan Mohan and the idol is presently worshipped in the
Mitra family in Bag Bazar225. Raghu Nath Singha II became the king in 1008 ME
(1702 AD) and defeated the rebel Shova Singha. He brought an ‘accomplished’
Muslim lady, Lai Bai, from the palace of Shova Singh. The lady had a great
influence on the king. On the occasion of the conversion of the religion of the
king, the king Raghu Nath Singha II was murdered. There are different opinions
regarding the death of the king, his own queen and Lai Bai226.
Mallabhum came under direct contact with the Mughal administration since
the expedition of Raja Man Singh, the Subahdar of Bengal and the general of
Emperor Akbar. The degree of impact of the Mughal administrative pressure on the
♦ft
autochthon principalities like Mallabhum was felt from the end of the 16 century to
the early decades of the 17th century in turning them into ‘p&sMas/z-paying vassals’ or
‘ghair amli zamindarsHowever, Mallabhum did not confront any direct intervention
from the Mughal governors, be it the subahdars or nawabs. Thus, when Shah Suja
became the governor of Bengal the total amount payable, as peshkash, jointly by
Mallabhum and some other principalities, was Rs. 59,146 as revealed by the revised
revenue roll for the province of Bengal prepared in the year 1658 AD227. The amount
of tribute, although, was fixed at Rs. 17,806228. However, during the reign of Raja
130
Gopal Singha (1710-48 AD) at Mallabhum, Holwsll, during his visit to Mallabhum at
that time, observed that, the Raja had enjoyed the discretion to fix the amount of the
tribute, which varied in between Rs. 15,000 to Rs. 20,000 respectively229. However, to
control such financial pressure, the Rajas of Mallabhum had to render occasional
military service to the Mughals. Being forced by the Mughals, Raja Raghunath Singh
II (c. 1696-1710 AD) had to direct a campaign against the rebellion planned by Shova
Singh and his brother Hemmat Singh in 1701 AD. However, by the early decades of
the 17 century and 18 century, by means of the decree or ‘imperial furman’ the
Mughal power did not restrict itself only in the receipt of peskash but in the
zamindari, i.e., large zamindari which was liable to lump sum annual payment. By
means of the launching of the revenue reform, Murshid Quli Khan sought the
reduction of the autonomous status of Mallabhum from the position of the tributary
principality by attaching it with the Chakla (i.e., the new financial division introduced
on a sudden, increased to Rs. 1, 29,80s231. However, all these measures were not put
into effect. The Raja of Mallabhum continued to enjoy the privilege of paying the
previous amount of the tribute and he had the exemption to visit the court of the
governor personally. However, the measures of giving him the title deed and bringing
the Raja of Mallabhum in a regular fiscal division were considered to be the methods
of putting pressure on him by eroding his status of a tributary vassal state which was
‘the chastisement of the zamindar of Bishnupur’. The demand for peshkash from
Mallabhum was in a fluctuating mode, as it was in 1658 AD Rs. 59,146 (along with
other few principalities), in 1762 AD it was Rs. 1,36,045 (including additional levy).
After the acquisition of the Dewani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa in 1765 AD, the
131
demand for peshkash was Rs. 1, 61,044 in 1766 AD and it was increased arbitrarily at
Since the end of the 17th century, the relationship between the Mughal
governor and the Bishnupur Raj faced gross changes. It is evident that initially, during
16th- 17th centuries AD, the Mughal governors did not interfere much into the affairs
‘The chiefs of... Vishnupur, covered by a Hindu dynasty ... was founded in eighth
century and endured until the eighteenth ...,233. However, the Barddhaman zamindari,
which was situated on the east of Mallabhum began to stretch its boundary often
forcibly towards north, i.e., in Senbhum and towards south, i.e., to Brahmanbhum and
beyond it in Bagri and Gopabhum and Chitua-Barda which were situated on the south
obvious support in the form of grant from the Mughal authority. Thus the Mughal
overlords sought to boost up the power position of the zamindars of Barddhaman and
Kamagarh who occupied the position of ‘Chaudhuri’ and were in-charge of collecting
revenue from the smaller zamindars of the adjoining areas. The estate of the Raja of
The Bishnupur Raj, the natural leaders of their people234 was capable of
maintaining their independence even when Delhi went under the control of the alien
Muslim power. The Malla (the wrestler) Rajas with the help of the natural
environment of the impenetrable sal wood and the rapid current of the extensive
132
Damodar River was able to maintain a native socio-economic and cultural network by
themselves for centuries. The advent of the Muslim rulers in Delhi and afterwards the
Mughal annexation of Bengal hardly provided any impact on the fertile plain of
extend their power over the region of Murshidabad and thereby generated a more
effective control over the Rajas of Barddhaman. Under the pressure of this external
ambience and the demand for increased peshkash, the social base of the Malla rajas
started shrinking235. The Bishnupur Raj ws gradually brought under the influence of
the Rajas of Barddhaman. The force of the superior power base over the Malla raj
began to increase day by day. Allied with it, the incessant Maratha raids had been
there over the territory lying between Birbhum and Medinipur during period between
1740-1748 AD. It was the ‘havoc caused by the Marathas’ could finally bring the end
133
Map VIII: Location of Mallabhum and some other adjacent bhums (after H. Sanyal).
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138. Ibid.
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144. Ibid.
140
148. Ibid., p. 64.
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216. Ibid.
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