Professional Documents
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Cultures Paper FINAL
Cultures Paper FINAL
Dr. Brown
8 December 2017
The Folk Music of Northern Thailand and the Creation of A National Identity
The Isan region of Thailand is located along the border of Laos and Cambodia, in the
northeastern section of the country. It is made up of twenty distinct provinces and is Thailand’s
largest region, as well as being home to beautiful landmarks that undeniably create our mental
image of Thailand in the western hemisphere such as the rice paddies of the Khorat Plateau and
the stunning Mekong River, which marks the regions Northern border. It is also home to unique
blends of Thai, Lao, Cambodian and even (in some cases) Western culture in it’s folk music. The
two main types of Thai music Luk thung and Mor lam, deal with many types of struggles com-
monly found in this region. This discourse will explore how folk music in the Isan region of
Thailand has created a national identity and will analyze elements of nostalgia within the music,
while also bringing to light the fact that this music was often used in an attempt to unite Thai
The two types of Northern Thai folk music, Luk thung and Mor lam share many similari-
ties. And to the average listener, even in Thailand, they may often be indistinguishable. But they
have a few key differences, most notably in the way the the music was born, and where. Luk
thung, although it has become a staple of the Isan region, in fact originated in the Central region
of Thailand near Bangkok, shortly after World War II. There are seemingly ironic paradoxes in
this music. It originated in the largest city in the country, however it’s lyrical content focused on
themes of Thai rural life, such as the struggles of poverty or the beauty of nature. This type of
music also was more of a blend of cultures, and featured Western instruments such as the electric
bass and trumpet, lyrical content of Isan, but a production value characteristic to Bangkok. In a
discourse about Thai music as a whole, (including Thai classical music) musicologist Terry Mil-
ler writes about how, “over time, northeastern-derived luk thung songs came to dominate the air
waves and, because the Isan population was so large, came to have commercial potential… In
Bangkok, [luk thung was] first marketed on five-inch vinyl recordings and later on audio cas-
settes.” (Miller, 100) Often known as “Thai country music,” this was the first type of Isan music
cross borders and to rise to popularity in other regions of Thailand. In fact so much so, that many
Luk thung artists rose to national fame, such as Suraphol Sombatcharoen, who was nicknamed
“Thai Elvis.” He and other artists of the time brought this music to a more mainstream audience,
and made the region of Isan more known to those in the Central and Southwest regions of Thai-
land. In addition, it was influential in giving Isan people an increased sense of pride in their
homeland something that has been ripped from them during colonization.
Mor lam, did not have nearly the same national success, however it served a very differ-
ent purpose for the Isan people. Mor lam, and luk thung share many similarities, but mor lam, in
its most authentic state remained very authentically Isan, and in turn relatively untouched by the
outside world. This type of music originated when the geographical borders of Isan rendered it
still part of Laos, before the French gained control of Laos in 1893. Thus, Mor lam is a tradi-
tional form of Lao song, still sung in the Lao dialect of the Thai language; a concept which can
evidently get very confusing. Lyrical content often contains themes of unrequited love, but is of-
ten leavened with a very dry, satirical brand of humor. This music was made with traditional
Thai and Lao instruments, the same as those used in the Piphat (Thai classical music) ensemble.
Some of these instruments include the Phin (a fretted lute), the Jahke (a fretted zither), the Khaen
(a reed mouth organ), and the Pi salad (an oboe), just to name a few. Of course, the most im-
portant element of this music was the human voice, with Mor lam literally translating to “expert
singer.” However, there is an off-shoot of this music which is commonly used to accompany
dances during cultural celebrations and festivals such as the Bun Bungfai Rocket Festival, a fer-
tility rite which has been in existence since the early 1700’s. This music is purely instrumental,
and nearly always features the phin, predominantly. This is likely the type of music that many
Isan people grew up listening to their older family members sing, but it is unlikely that they ever
heard these melodies on the radio. Traditionally, like folk music around the world these melodies
were passed down through generations aurally and were often recycled, modified and reused.
These were cultural standards for people from this region, giving them great value as a means of
cultural memory. An example of this is when during an economic crisis many Isan workers were
forced to migrate to Bangkok. Professor Charles Keyes from University of Washington touches
upon this in his recent novel about the politics of the Isan region, writing, “Isan migrants tend to
live together, to speak Lao with each other, to listen to the Isaan popular music mor lam, and,
most of all, send money to relatives at home.” (Keyes) This suggests that mor lam was both a
connection to a simpler time, before the struggles of money plagued the people of Isan; as well
as being a way for Isan people to connect with each other and foster some feeling of identity and
safety in a time when those feelings were often elusive. This is also one of the cultural aspects
that causes Isan people to associate their identity with their homeland even if they have lived out-
side of the region for years, a thought concept that is touched on by ethnographers Charles Keyes
and David Struckfess. It is such a staple part of everyday life in this region, and with its complex
dialect, and text that is “replete with local cultural allusions and double entendres opaque to non-
native speaker” (Miller, 97) this music has become something exclusive to people with ties to
This thought begs the question of why Isan people have developed such a nuanced and
cultural identity and how it has been influenced by musical nostalgia. To answer this clearly, it is
absolutely crucial to know the history of Laos during the period of its colonization by the French
empire. Until the French Protectorate colonized the region in 1893, Isan was officially within
Laos borders, and it was until a treaty with Siam in 1902 that this land was transferred over to
Thailand. However, although the people in this region were granted Thai citizenship, they were
seen as “an inferior sort of Thai,” (Streckfuss) leading many to feel like outcasts. The folk music
of their home was one thing that they could hold onto, and could give them some sort of famili-
arity in this time. In addition, once Luk thung began rising to mainstream popularity, it began to
become a tool for Isan civil liberation and equality. This is something that singer Christy Gibson,
one of the few foreign singers that has made a living singing Luk thung, speaks about in an inter-
view with Time Magazine, saying “Many of the artists I’ve spoke to try to use their music as a
vehicle for positive reconciliation, to say ‘we are all Thais.’ And that is, of course, true. It’s just
that [still] today some Thais believe they are more Thai than others.” This is especially poignant
in changing the political climate in Thailand where until very recently Isan people were seen as,
as Terry Miller’s Thai friends so lovingly put it, “lazy, stupid, and dirty.” (Miller, 96) It is only
in recent times that there has been a gradual shift in the perception and practice of luk thung from
low-brow to (to put it most accurately) middle-brow, and in turn a parallel shift in the perception
of Isan people.
It seems that this shift in acceptance of luk thung has in some ways been sparked by a
change in the style of music, as well as a shift in the perception of what is, and is not, authenti-
cally Thai. It is also worth noting that these perceptions of what authenticity means is almost en-
tirely socially constructed, and sometimes even convoluted. It is now more common than ever
for singers of luk thung to not have a rural upbringing, or furthermore to even be born in Thai-
land. In addition, it has become much more common for modern luk thung songs to incorporate
aspects of funk, and hip-hop music. However, now more than ever, luk thung is seen as authenti-
cally Thai. Part of this, is a product of contrast to the newly arising Thai pop/rock music genre
string, which is seen almost as a sell-out directed toward urban youth. Musicologist Amporn Ji-
rattikorn describes string as, “a sugary, over-idealization of love and life.” (Jirattikorn, 25) Pre-
senting a sharp contrast to the simple portrayals of the working-class folk, and the rural images
of luk thung. It seems like luk thung, in modern Thailand is more accepted not because of where
it comes from, but because it has possessed roots in Thai culture (albeit the culture of those op-
pressed) for over a century. This being said, luk thung is changing. As it becomes more modern-
ized and further enters the mainstream, many say that it loses the aspects that made it true luk
thung; and make the debate of authenticity ever more complex. Luk thung literally translates to
“child of the country,” and in his discourse on the music Jirattikorn bases authenticity on three
distinct dichotomies, “‘rural vs. urban,’ ‘tradition vs. modernity’ and ‘Thai vs. Western.’” (Jirat-
tikorn) all of which relate back to a dedication to being a “child of the country.” This is the case
regardless of whether we interpret the word ‘country’ as the opposite of the word ‘city,’ or repre-
senting the country of Thailand itself. It is a debate that rages on, with some, such as Wanich
Jarungkit-a-nand, saying that music producers in Thailand have taken the production, and the
glamour of luk thung too far, and that it is losing the nostalgia that it once had for Isan people.
He even went so far as to publish an article in a Bangkok tabloid (called Matichon Sudsapda)
bluntly entitled “Lukthung is Dead.” (Jarungkit-a-nand) However, I fear that this radical view of
the music dangerous inhibits growth and transformation, and fails to see how the stereotype-rid-
den image of Isan people has changed in a parallel direction to the wat luk thung has evolved and
become more popular. Evolution and transformation is natural in any type of music, and to at-
In conclusion, Isan folk music is something that has been left relatively untouched, and in
some cases even forgotten by a large majority of ethnomusicologists, however it is both a region
and an art form extremely rich with cultural history. It has proved, throughout its existence, to be
both a connection to past and a bridge to the future for Isan people.
Works Cited
Miller, Terry E. “From Country Hick to Rural Hip: A New Identity Through Music for Northeast
Thailand.” Asian Music, vol. 36, no. 2, 2005, pp. 96–106., doi:10.1353/amu.2005.0014.
Jirattikorn, Amporn. “Lukthung: Authenticity and Modernity in Thai Country Music.” Asian
Campbell, Charlie. “Thailand: Why Isaan Feels Politically and Culturally Different.” Time,
Lersakvanitchaku, Kitchana. “The true voice of country.” The Nation, Thailand Portal, 6 Jan.
2017, www.nationmultimedia.com/detail/lifestyle/30303561.
Keyes, Charles F.; Moerman, Michael. “: Isan: Regionalism in Northeastern Thailand . Charles
doi:10.1525/aa.1968.70.3.02a00510.
Chan, Brenda. “Luk Thung: The Culture and Politics of Thailand’s Most Popular Music.”
Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 89, no. 1,