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Religiosity and Consumer Behavior A Summarizing Review
Religiosity and Consumer Behavior A Summarizing Review
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To cite this article: Ridhi Agarwala, Prashant Mishra & Ramendra Singh (2018): Religiosity and
consumer behavior: a summarizing review, Journal of Management, Spirituality & Religion, DOI:
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Introduction
Religion is a global phenomenon. There are multiple religions in the world, and majority of
the world’s population is religious to some extent (WIN_Gallup International 2012). It is
one of the central elements of social behavior and influences consumers and society—both
directly as well as indirectly (Mokhlis 2009). Religion directly influences consumer behavior
through its decrees and taboos. We can consider “fasting” as a simple example for under-
standing the influence of religion. Hindus fast during specific days of the week as well as on
certain auspicious days, Muslims fast during Ramadan, and Christians fast during Lent.
Clothing is also an important aspect of religion. This is evident from Muslim women
wearing the burqa (veil), and Hindu married women wearing the mangalsutra (black
necklace signifying married status), bindi (dot on the forehead), and sindoor (red powder
in their hair parting). Religion not only determines the clothing style for women, but also
for men. For instance, in Sikhism, the followers are expected to always bear the 5Ks (uncut
hair, wooden comb, metal bracelet, cotton underwear, and a curved sword) on their body.
Indirectly, religion influences society by transmitting values (Engel and Blackwell 1983) and
encourages consumers to adopt certain principles and perceptions (Wilkes, Burnett, and
Howell 1986).
research databases in the period 1990–2016. Second, we scanned more than 20 top
marketing journals1 for relevant articles. And last, we examined the reference list of
articles obtained by the above two methods, for any relevant papers.
We identified the empirical studies related to religiosity and consumer behavior and
summarized them into relevant categories. Table 1 provides details of each of the categories,
their definitions, the associated outcomes, and the referred articles. For instance, studies on
conspicuous consumption, brand consciousness, fashion consciousness, attitude toward
luxury brands, etc., were combined to form the first category, i.e., “materialism” (“the
importance a consumer attaches to worldly possessions” (Belk 1984, p. 291)). Subsequently,
we identified the second group of studies that dealt with religious animosity, boycotts,
feeling offended by contentious advertisements, and displaying negative response to busi-
nesses that support conflicting religious values. Combining these papers, we created a
second category, named “intolerance”. We have defined intolerance as a lack of willingness
to accept views, beliefs, or behaviors that differ from one’s own. In the third group, we
included studies about consumers’ ethical beliefs, judgments, and behavior, and they were
placed together under the “consumer ethics” category. Consumer ethics is defined as “the
moral principles and standards that guide behavior of individuals or groups as they obtain,
use, and dispose of goods and services” (Muncy and Vitell 1992, p. 298). The fourth
consumer-outcome category was called “risk-aversion”, i.e., “a basic predisposition or
attitude toward risk” (Mandrik and Bao 2005, p. 531). This category included those studies,
which state that religious consumers perceive higher risk in purchase situations, have lower
acceptance of novel products, and show low brand or store switching behavior. In the fifth
category, we included papers, which revealed that religious consumers have greater affinity
4 R. AGARWALA ET AL.
for products or brands that have certain religious associations. Some examples include
religious compliance (e.g., halal meat, Islamic banking) or use of religious symbols (e.g., a
cross) in brand communications. We named this category as “attitude toward religious
products”2 and defined it as evaluative judgments concerning those products and services
that contain religious associations. We named the sixth category as “economic shopping
JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT, SPIRITUALITY & RELIGION 5
behavior”, “where the prime consideration is price” (Essoo and Dibb 2004, p. 692). In this
category, we included articles, which suggest that religious consumers are price conscious,
prefer buying goods on sale, and rarely indulge in impulsive shopping.
While we were able to encapsulate majority of the literature into these six categories,
there were also some papers that had to be excluded because of lack of fit or insufficient
support (Table 2). For example, some studies have explored the impact of religiosity on
an environmental worldview, but their results were inconclusive (Martin and Bateman
2014; Arli 2017). We found very limited research on other topics like sustainability,
volunteering, marketplace trust, etc., to justify making any conclusive statements.
Further, some of the studies (e.g., on advertising evaluation) had very specific outcomes;
hence, it was difficult to make any generalizations. Similarly, some articles on con-
sumption behavior (e.g., quality consciousness, family decision-making, and forgive-
ness) were excluded because they were too discrete to fit into a single category.
In the following sections of the paper, the six consumer-outcome categories, which
we have identified, are discussed and research propositions regarding each of them are
developed. The four dimensions of religion are employed to explicate the possible
psychosomatic processes that lead to the aforementioned outcomes. Specifically, we
utilized the individual aspects of rituals (prayer), beliefs (religious exclusivism and
divine retribution), community (involvement and group identity), and values (frugality)
as antecedents for explaining the outcomes. In Table 3, we define the religious ante-
cedents, list our propositions, and provide supporting literature.
Dibb 2004; Shachar et al. 2011) and have low conspicuous consumption (Stillman et al.
2012). Unlike the less or non-religious consumers, the increased possession of material
wealth does not lead to greater well-being for religious consumers (La Barbera and
Gürhan 1997); rather, it can lead to value conflicts (Burroughs and Rindfleisch 2002).
However, it is debated that religious consumers are not really opposed to materialism
and opt for luxury brands over utilitarian possessions (Arli, Cherrier, and Tjiptono
2016), though they may undermine the material nature of the goods and provide a just
rationale behind the purchase (Veer and Shankar 2011). Therefore, it would be erro-
neous to conclude that all religious people display low materialistic tendencies.
JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT, SPIRITUALITY & RELIGION 7
One possible explanation for the display of low materialism is that religious indivi-
duals are known to have high subjective well-being (Mockon, Norton, and Ariely 2008;
Tao 2008). Well-being is defined as “individuals’ cognitive and affective assessments
regarding their life satisfaction” (La Barbera and Gürhan 1997, p. 72). It is known to
influence the importance of material goods as well as the overall shopping experience
(Chang and Arkin 2002; Roberts, Manolis, and Tanner Jr. 2003; Chaplin and John
2007). Materialism has been treated as a coping mechanism for dealing with unpleasant
thoughts or situations (Kasser 2004; Weaver, Moschis, and Davis 2011). Materialists are
generally unhappier and more dissatisfied with life than non-materialists (Belk 1985;
Ryan and Dziurawiec 2001; Chang and Arkin 2002), and stress is strongly related to
materialistic values (Roberts, Manolis, and Tanner Jr. 2003; Kasser 2004; Weaver,
Moschis, and Davis 2011).
We posit that the ritual of praying positively influences the overall well-being of the
practicing individual, which in turn lowers materialism. Prayer has been defined as “a
form of communication with the divine, cosmic or some deity that gives rise to a
spiritual relationship” (Vasconcelos 2010, p. 370). It is one of the most widely per-
formed religious rituals (Steger and Frazier 2005) and is related to many markers of
well-being (Spilka et al. 2003). Prayer can include components like expressing gratitude,
praise, and thanks-giving (Emmons and Paloutzian 2003), which positively affect
people’s daily mood (McCullough, Emmons, and Tsang 2002) and help in energizing,
inspiring, and alleviating them (Vasconcelos 2010). This contemplative tradition of
religion helps in modulating emotional experiences and stresses on comforting passions
(Watts 1996; Schimmel 1997).
Hence, we propose that
P1: Consumers, who participate in the religious ritual of prayer, have higher well-being,
which leads to low materialism.
beliefs like same-sex marriage (Swimberghe, Sharma, and Flurry 2009; Swimberghe,
Flurry, and Parker 2011) and homosexuality (Leak, Woodham, and McNeil 2015) create
negative attitudes among devout Christian consumers. However, these consumers have
positive attitudes for stores holding Christian beliefs like closed-on Sunday policy
(Siguaw and Simpson 1997).
Further, in the case of controversial advertising, religiosity affects perception about
offense (Barnes Jr. and Dotson 1990; Mallia 2009). The advertisements of gender or sex
related products, social and political groups, and addictive products are often deemed
offensive by religious consumers (Shyan Fam, Waller, and Erdogan 2004; Cyril De Run
et al. 2010; Farah and El Samad 2014). Controversial content in advertisements, like sexual
connotations (Putrevu and Swimberghek 2013) and provocative use of religious symbols
(Gineikienė, Zimaitis, and Urbonavičius 2015) are also offensive to these consumers.
Based on all of the above, we conclude that religiosity plays a crucial role in lowering
consumers’ acceptance of opinions and values opposed to theirs, thereby making them
intolerant. One factor that can help in explaining this intolerance is belief in religious
exclusivism. Those who believe in the exclusivity of their religion “regard one theistic
system as true and see others as false or (at least to the believer) farther from the truth”
(Trinitapoli 2007, p. 452). Religious people with strong exclusivist beliefs tend to be more
intolerant toward other religions and reject pluralism (Trinitapoli 2007). The exclusive and
fundamental beliefs of highly religious consumers not only define the concept of being a
follower of the faith, but also lead to dogmatism (Altemeyer 2002). Predictably, the level of
intolerance is higher among more fundamental groups that hold exclusivist views (Gay
and Ellison 1993; Kirkpatrick 1993; Woodberry and Smith 1998). An example of this is the
marketplace conflict caused by Christian fundamentalist service-providers who refuse to
provide service to the LGBTQ community in the USA (Minton et al. 2016).
It must be noted that many religions make competing claims to the exclusive truth.
Islam is based on the dominant notion that it is the true religion of God (Khalil 2012),
while claiming that other religions are false. Christianity too has long followed exclu-
sivist traditions (Wuthnow 2004), wherein the church is often strict, with a tendency for
absolutism as well as proclaiming the exclusive truth (Iannaccone 1994, 1998). For
followers who truly and literally believe in the absolutes of their religion, it would be
difficult to accept something that challenges it. Exclusivism does not encourage taking
the middle path or being inclusive. Thus, the confrontation with opposing concepts
(homosexuality, consumerism, addictive products, sexual content) provokes those with
exclusivist beliefs, and they often react with intolerance and prejudice.
Hence, we propose that
P2: Consumers with stronger belief in religious exclusivism, display greater intolerance
(tendency to take offense, boycott and complain) toward opposing values than consumers
with weaker or no belief.
it”, “lying about a child’s age in order to get a lower price”, and “stretching the truth on
an income tax return” (Muncy and Vitell 1992; Vitell and Paolillo 2003; p. 160). While
making ethical decisions, religious individuals give added weightage to absolute moral
laws and reject situational influences (Hunt and Vitell 1993). They are highly perceptive
about ethical issues (Hunt and Vitell 1993), and hence, exhibit low intention to behave
unethically (Vitell, Paolillo, and Singh 2006; Schneider, Krieger, and Bayraktar 2011).
Further, the fear of punishment acts as a strong deterrent against unethical behavior
(Hegarty and Sims Jr. 1978; Gurley, Wood, and Nijhawan 2007). An increase in the severity
of punishment reduces the individuals’ willingness to attempt the deviant act (McCabe and
Trevino 1993). Hence, it can be proposed that the fear of divine retribution (“notion of
punishment with respect to the doctrine of eternal damnation” (Crisp 2003, p. 35)),
explains the ethical behavior of religious consumers. Vitell and Paolillo (2003) also made
a similar argument, even though they did not provide empirical evidence.
Many religions preach that a person will be judged by the moral and ethical choices he or
she makes on earth and the happiness or misery of their next life depends on their ways of
exercising this responsibility (Smith 1986). Christian eschatology includes the concept of
judgment day, wherein everybody needs to present an account of their deeds before Jesus
(Matthew, 2008). The day of qayamat (Sharma, Newaz, and Fam 2016) is one of the central
beliefs of Islam too (Bailey and Sood 1993, p. 334). The Quran says that one’s future life could
be in the gardens of heaven or in an inferno of hell depending on one’s actions in this world
(Haleem 2005, p. 316). The concept of punishment is invoked in Buddhism and Hinduism
through the concept of karma, which literally translates into “one will reap, what one sows”.
So, virtuous conduct will be rewarded in future incarnations, while bad conduct will lead to
retribution (Bailey and Sood 1993; Singh and Singh 2012).
Thus, it is proposed that
P3: Consumers with stronger belief in divine retribution will have lower intention to
behave unethically, as compared to those with weaker or no belief.
P4: Consumers who are actively involved with their religious community display higher
interdependence, which leads to risk-aversion (less experimentation, aversion to new
products and technologies, brand loyalty).
Normative associations can deal with certain rules regarding food, clothing, and other
consumption behavior, which are obeyed by religious followers. For example, research
shows that devout Muslim consumers show preference for products with normative
associations, like halal meat (Mukhtar and Butt 2012; Jamal and Sharifuddin 2015; Mohd
Suki and Abang Salleh 2016), Islamic banking (Abou-Youssef et al. 2015), and Takaful
services (religious compliance for indemnity services) (Siala 2013). Furthermore, religious
Catholics and Protestants prefer stores that are closed on Sunday, as those stores follow the
norm of discouraging work on the Sabbath, the day of rest (Siguaw and Simpson 1997).
Symbolic religious associations can include the use of sacred signs, imagery, or words in
advertising, nomenclature, etc. The extant literature shows that a brand’s association with
Christian religious symbols generates higher purchase intention among religious people
(Henley et al. 2009; Lumpkins 2010). Religious consumers associate quality, honesty,
credibility, and trustworthiness to these brands, whereas, non-religious consumers react
with skepticism regarding the commercial use of religion (Taylor, Halstead, and Haynes
2010). Recently, the brand Patanjali has seen unparalleled success in India because of its
spiritual association (Kumar et al. 2014). Overall, the evidence implies that devout con-
sumers have a positive attitude toward relevant religious products.
Social identity theory (Tajfel and Turner 1979; Tajfel 1981) helps in explaining this
phenomenon. Social identity is “that part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from
his knowledge of his membership in a social group together with the value and emotional
significance attached to that membership” (Tajfel 1981, p. 255). In the case of religious
identity, the social group is the individual’s religious group. Social identity has been
conceptualized under three dimensions—cognitive, affective, and evaluative (Ellemers,
Kortekaas, and Ouwerkerk 1999).
The cognitive identity of a consumer, related to his/her religious group, plays the
primary role in forming attitude toward religious products, especially the normative
kind. The halal certification of a product is of no matter to a Sikh or a Christian because
their respective religious group memberships do not expect it from them. However, the
cognitive awareness that the Islamic community entails certain consumption norms
compels Muslims to prefer halal products.
The affective component of social identity is seen to play a vital role in pro-member-
ship behaviors (Doosje, Ellemers, and Spears 1995; Ellemers and Van Rijswijk 1997;
Bergami and Bagozzi 2000). Thus, a consumer who is emotionally committed to his or
her religious community can be expected to display more positive inclination toward
religious products and services.
Further, the evaluative dimension of social identity (called collective self-esteem (CSE))
(Luhtanen and Crocker 1992; Ellemers, Kortekaas, and Ouwerkerk 1999) plays a critical role
in consumers’ attempt to enhance their in-group’s status (Hogg and Abrams 1990; Long and
Spears 1997; Bergami and Bagozzi 2000). Private CSE is related to the feelings of gladness,
pride and satisfaction about one’s social group, as opposed to the feeling of regret (Luhtanen
and Crocker 1992; Sellers et al. 1998; Ashmore, Deaux, and McLaughlin-Volpe 2004). The
association with religious products would make consumers feel that they are worthy and
cooperative members of their religious group, which would further reinforce their self-
esteem. Consumers who admire and feel proud about their religious group show more
positive attitude toward religious products, whereas, a person who regrets belonging to a
particular religion would show reluctance toward those products.
12 R. AGARWALA ET AL.
P5: Consumers with stronger religious identity have more positive attitude toward
religious products than those with weaker or no identity.
P6: Consumers who have strong religious values of frugality will exhibit more economic
shopping behavior (being price conscious, buying on sale, avoiding credit use, low impulse
purchase) as compared to consumers with weak or no religious values.
Discussion
An individual’s religiosity level plays a fundamental role in influencing his or her
attitudes, values, and consumption decisions. Over the past few decades, religiosity
has become an important variable in consumer research studies and sufficient research
has been conducted in the field. However, this literature only provides evidence for
JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT, SPIRITUALITY & RELIGION 13
relationships between religiosity and certain consumer outcomes, but it fails to explain
the psychological processes that underlie these outcomes. While the claims regarding
the impact of religiosity on consumer behavior are of great importance, it is also crucial
to ascertain the reasons behind the varying outcomes caused by differences in religiosity
levels. Instead of simply exploring the differences among consumers with different
religiosity levels, it is vital to know the rationale behind the existence of such
differences.
On the basis of this premise, we built a framework to summarize and explain the
literature on religiosity and consumer behavior. First, we drew conclusions regarding
the impact of religiosity on the different aspects of consumer behavior. A review of
literature led us to infer that religiosity is related to low-materialism, intolerance,
consumer ethics, and risk aversion. Further, religious consumers tend to display
positive attitude toward religious products and are also more economic in their shop-
ping behavior. Subsequently, we applied the four dimensions of religion (rituals, beliefs,
community and values) on these relationships to develop potential explanations. These
religious dimensions are a recent development (Mathras et al. 2016) and provide a fresh
perspective to the aforementioned relationships.
Specifically, we used examples of each dimension to explain these relationships
between religiosity and consumer outcomes. For instance, we proposed that the reli-
gious ritual of prayer positively impacts people’s daily moods and helps calm them,
leading to greater well-being. Since materialism is often equated with stress and
dissatisfaction, we argued that the well-being created by prayer led to lower materialistic
tendencies. Where religious beliefs were concerned, we posited that religious exclusi-
vism and religious retribution influenced consumer behavior. The exclusive religious
beliefs of consumers encourages fundamentalism, which gets translated into market-
place intolerance. Moreover, the fear of eternal damnation acts as a strong deterrent
against immoral deeds, leading to higher consumer ethics. We proposed that the
influence of religious community can be seen on consumers’ risk aversion and attitude
toward religious products. Our argument was that active members of religious groups
tend to be more interdependent, which leads to higher risk aversion. Further, con-
sumers with strong religious identities are emotionally committed to their faith and feel
proud to belong to it, and therefore, they can be expected to have positive attitude
toward religious products. Our final proposition was regarding the religious value of
frugality, which influences consumers’ shopping behavior, leading to economic pur-
chase decisions.
This paper complements preceding work and at the same time helps in expanding it
by developing research priorities. It contributes to theory by answering questions about
the causal linkages between religiosity and consumer outcomes. The paper has implica-
tions for marketing and consumer psychology researchers because a) it explains the
psychological reasons behind the behavior of a particular group of consumers, b) it
propels religiosity from being a simple grouping variable to an important construct in
its own right, and c) it opens new avenues for research.
The article has significant managerial contributions for targeting and positioning
strategies. It is imperative that store and brand managers know their customers well,
and this article informs about the behavior of one such segment. For instance, con-
sumer deviant behavior in the form of dishonesty and immorality (e.g., shoplifting or
14 R. AGARWALA ET AL.
Notes
1. We used the ABDC (Australian Business Deans Council) Journal Quality list to identify
journals from the A and A* categories. More journals were added in a subjective manner
based on whether we had found any articles from that journal, while conducting web-
based searches. See Appendix A for a list of all the journals that were finally referred to.
2. We define religious products as those market offerings that contain normative or symbolic
religious associations. We have not included products that are used for the practice of
religion (e.g., candles, flowers, incense sticks, etc.) in this definition.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT, SPIRITUALITY & RELIGION 15
ORCID
Ridhi Agarwala http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3763-1714
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JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT, SPIRITUALITY & RELIGION 23
Appendix A
List of journals referred (in alphabetical order)
Academy of Management Review, European Journal of Marketing, International Business
Research, International Journal of Bank Marketing, International Review of Retail, Distribution
and Consumer Research, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Journal of Academy of
Marketing Science, Journal of American Academy of Business, Journal of Advertising, Journal
of Advertising Research, Journal of Business Ethics, Journal of Business Research, Journal of
Consumer Behaviour, Journal of Consumer Research, Journal of Consumer Marketing, Journal
of Current Issues & Research in Advertising, Journal of Economic Psychology, Journal of
International Consumer Marketing, Journal of Islamic Marketing, Journal of Macromarketing,
Journal of Marketing Communications, Journal of Marketing Management, Journal of Product &
Brand Management, Journal of Services Marketing, Market Intelligence and Planning
Marketing Science, Psychology and Marketing