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Tax Reform, Fiscal Deficit and Macroeconomic Outcomes in Developing Countries
Tax Reform, Fiscal Deficit and Macroeconomic Outcomes in Developing Countries
Y=C+I+G
C = a + bY
I=I
G=G
The equilibrium value for income, Y is: Y = (1/1 – b) (a + I + G) = αA where A
is autonomous expenditure and a is the fiscal multiplier. The advocates of fiscal
policy argue that the changes in taxation together with transfer payments
proportional to the existing distribution of income are the appropriate weapons to
regulate aggregate activity and control business (trade) cycles. The use of fiscal
policy entails changes in the government’s budget including the possibility of
deficits. The conventional view is that the use of deficit finance in this situation is
perfectly proper though attention has to be given to the impact of this as well.
Thus fiscal policy is a tool of general macroeconomic policy that seeks to
influence the level of economic activity through the control of government
expenditure and taxation. Keynes advocated the use of deficit financing (that is, a
budgetary deficit where the government spends more than its revenue from
taxation) in the 1930s to effect a transition from a situation of mass
unemployment to one approaching full employment. Keynes argued that an
increase in government spending or reduction in taxes (an injection into the
economy) stimulates aggregate demand via the multiplier effect, thus, creating
jobs and increasing output (GNP) to satisfy that demand, raising national income
(from Y0 to Y1). If, on the other hand, the level of economic activity is too high,
the government enjoys the option of running a budgetary surplus, decreasing its
expenditure or increasing taxes (a leakage from the economy) to reduce aggregate
demand.
MACROECONOMIC OUTCOMES OF FISCAL
POLICY IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
There are mainly two types of outcome of fiscal policy. They are :
They can also raise money from the public, such loans are market loans. They
could also borrow from banks or other sources by means of Treasury Bills,
also called T-Bills. Loans are also raised from external sources like foreign
governments or international institutions. Another way of raising capital is by
disinvestment in public sector units or other assets.
Non debt Capital receipts - Non-debt creating capital receipts are those
money receipts which are received by the government from the sale of old
assets. These receipts are not treated as liabilities of the government.
Examples of non-debt creating capital receipts are recovery of loans,
proceeds from sale of public enterprises, etc. Hence, it does not give rise to
debt.
Fiscal deficit can be financed by, firstly through borrowing by the govt from the
market (both internal and external), but the government also has to pay annual
rate of interest on the borrowing.
PRIMARY DEFICIT
Another important concept of budgetary deficit is Primary deficit. It is a measure
of budget deficit which is measured by deducting interest payments from fiscal
deficit. Thus,
Interest payments on public debt are made by government, which are also transfer
payments. “The difference between the fiscal deficit and the primary deficit
reflects importance of interest payments on public debt incurred in the past.”3 We
have seen that borrowing requirement of the government includes not only
accumulated debt, but also interest payment on debt. If we deduct ‘interest
payment on debt’ from borrowing, the balance is called primary deficit. It shows
how much government borrowing is going to meet expenses other than Interest
payments. Thus, zero primary deficits means that government has to resort to
borrowing only to make interest payments. To know the amount of borrowing on
account of current expenditure over revenue, we need to calculate primary deficit.
Thus, primary deficit is equal to fiscal deficit less interest payments. Fiscal deficit
reflects the borrowing requirements of the government for financing the
expenditure inclusive of interest payments. As against it, primary deficit shows
the borrowing requirements of the government including interest payment for
meeting expenditure. Thus, if primary deficit is zero, then fiscal deficit is equal to
interest payment. Then it is not adding to the existing loan. Thus, primary deficit
is a narrower concept and a part of fiscal deficit because the latter also includes
interest payment. It is generally used as a basic measure of fiscal irresponsibility.
The difference between fiscal deficit and primary deficit reflects the amount of
interest payments on public debt incurred in the past. Thus, a lower or zero
primary deficits means that while its interest commitments on earlier loans have
forced the government to borrow, it has realised the need to tighten its belt.
RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE
RECEIPTS - Receipts of the government consists of categories and sub-
categories including tax and non – tax receipts. A probable criterion for the choice
of revenue items is that such receipts should not include subsequent repayment
obligations. This criterion includes tax receipts, fees, fines, dividends and profits,
escheats, receipts of grants.
In the receipts side of the government budget, its expenditures limits by the extent
it can raise resources through taxation, borrowing from the market and getting
new money printed. The government has to make a choice between the magnitude
of the taxation, borrowing from the market and using printed money to finance
the expenditure. The major receipts in the government budget is from taxation.
Tax can be classified as direct tax and indirect tax. The distinction between
direct and indirect taxes is based on whether or not the burden of tax can be
shifted wholly or partly to others. If a tax is such that the burden cannot be shifted
to others and the person who pays it to the government has also to bear it, it is
called direct tax. Income tax, annual wealth tax, capital gains tax are example of
direct taxes
On the other hand, indirect taxes are those whose burden can be shifted to others
so that those who pay these taxes to the government do not bear the whole burden
but pass it wholly or partly to others. For instance, excise duty on the production
of sugar is an indirect tax because the manufacturers of sugar include the excise
duty in the price and pass it on to buyers. Ultimately it is the consumers on whom
the incidence of excise duty on sugar falls as they will pay higher price for sugar
then before the imposition of tax. Likewise, the sales tax on commodity can also
be passed on to the buyers in the form of higher price or commodities. Therefore,
excise duty on commodities are example of indirect taxes.
EXPENDITURE – Items included here are cost of running and maintain the state
administration itself, cost of providing various state services, salaries, subsidies,
grants, and so on. Public expenditure can be applied as a tool to raise aggregate
demand and hence, to get the economy out of recession. Even through variation in
public expenditure, aggregate demand can be managed to check to inflation in the
economy. It is also used to improve income distribution, for allocation of
resources in desired areas and to influence composition of national product. In
developing countries, the role of public expenditure is very significant. In the
developing countries, the variation in public expenditure is not only to ensure
economic stability but also to generate and accelerate economic growth and to
promote employment opportunities. The public expenditure policy in developing
countries also plays a useful role in alleviating mass poverty existing in them and
to reduce inequalities in income distribution.
One of the most important reasons for recent tax reforms in many developing and
transitional economies has been to evolve a tax system to meet the requirements
of international competition (Rao 1992). The transition from a predominantly
centrally planned development strategy to market based resource allocation has
changed the perspective of the role of the state in development. The transition
from a public sector based, heavy industry dominated, import substituting
industrialization strategy to one of allocating resources according to market
signals has necessitated systemic changes in the tax system. In an export-led
open economy, the tax system should not only raise the necessary revenues to
provide the social and physical infrastructure but also minimize distortions. Thus,
the tax system has to adjust to the requirements of a market economy to ensure
international competitiveness.
TAX REFORMS IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
Given the low level of tax revenue and the contradictory structure of tax
legislation in many developing countries there is broad agreement on the need for
tax reforms in those countries. As the changing role of state in the developing
countries arose, increasing discussion, this has generated demand for
liberalization, deregulation and the withdrawal of public sector involvement in
those areas which might attract private sector investment. Thus it is recommended
that publicly owned enterprises producing goods and services which can have
their prices established via the market ought to be privatized. Taxation policy in
developing countries has also been coming in for critical scrutiny as a part of this
process.
Only very few developing countries have managed to establish their tax system in
such a way to achieve an appropriate level of revenue and to keep tax generated
misallocation within tight bounds. In most of the countries neither has it possible
to finance the public expenditure nor have the tax systems operated in conformity
with economic policy objectives such as growth and combating poverty.
CASE STUDY: TAX REFORMS IN GEORGIA
Introduction
The Georgian people decisively and proudly abandoned a socialist economic system, and since
1990 have faced new challenges to reorganize the nation’s economy into a market one. With
new institutional demands, Georgia needed to adopt a tax system to ensure the government’s
operations. Such a system needed to be successful both for economic development and for
sustainable state revenues. Several failures prior to 2004 led Georgia to abandon its previous
way of taxation and succeed with simplifying, cutting rates, and digitalizing the system. Tax
cuts accelerated the economy and the government’s revenues. This important change was
possible only after taking full responsibility of economic policy after several years of crisis and
stagnation, a high level of corruption and government mismanagement, and despite inaccurate
foreign advice.
Georgia had been using the Soviet tax system after the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991 until
1994, when it adopted its own tax laws. In 1997 it implemented a tax code based on the
International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) proposed tax system for nations transitioning from
communism towards market economies. This system was very artificial and did not reflect local
realities, intending only to support government tax collection efforts. From that time, the tax
code consisted of several different taxes, the total burden of which could reach as high as 50
percent. This tax system immediately became an opportunity for lobbying and seeking
privileges. The complexity of the tax code became a reason for tax avoidance, bred corruption,
and resulted in taxpayers being overly burdened. From 1997 to 2003, the government made
more than 300 amendments to the tax code, with more than 2,000 clauses. It was impossible to
follow how and when to pay taxes according to the tax code. Tax authorities also had trouble
collecting taxes for the same reasons. Instead, both sides became involved in unofficial tax
payments—some in the form of lump sum payments and others in the form of bribes.
Therefore, the number of taxes and their rates became disconnected from actual tax collections.
Instead, the tax system became an extreme burden to taxpayers and a drag on the Georgian
economy. This environment attracted very risky people who often resorted to bribery and
breach of contract, even if it meant being imprisoned. Hiding business activities was the rule,
not an exception. Labour reimbursement was also taxed very heavily at 20 percent. In fact,
labour income was supposed to be taxed at rates from 12 to 20 percent in a progressive manner,
but this was only a formality, and everybody paid 20 percent. In addition, every worker’s salary
was also taxed, with social insurance taxes of around 31 percent. This meant around 60
Georgian Lari of tax was paid for each 100 Lari in salary. In many cases employers would pay
dividends to their workers instead of salaries, which allowed them to pay only 39 Lari in taxes
per 100 Lari. For instance, a bread factory in Kutaisi employed 500 workers to whom the
factory owners paid only dividends. A poor and burdensome taxation system along with
extremely limited economic freedoms (Georgia’s rank in the Economic Freedom Index in 2002
was 93rd) resulted in economic depression, which lasted many years after the collapse of Soviet
Union. GDP per capita couldn’t rise to even one-third of Soviet levels, and stayed at a level
below $1,000 U.S. Figure 1 shows the decline and then the rise of Georgia’s economy:
In 2001, the Georgian government decided to reform the tax system. Together with some
industrial groups, the government asked local experts to create a draft of a new tax code. The
group of six (of which the author of this article was a member) was led by a Georgian
economist, the late Niko Orvelashvili, who enthusiastically worked to recreate Georgia’s tax
system. The group of experts consulted with hundreds of specialists of taxation, customs,
accounting, and law. The group created a conceptual framework for a new code, which was
meant to establish an environment of free entrepreneurship, legality, and efficiency. The group
proposed the following principles and goals for the reform effort:
• Simplifying the tax system radically by decreasing the number of taxes and tax rates, thereby
cutting the total tax burden in half or more, and making tax payment easier, thereby eliminating
the need to pay bribes and reducing risk overall.
• Eliminating double taxation, abuse of tax rules by the government, and all privileges and
special rules for any sectors or companies.
• Eliminating special taxes (social, road, environment).
• Tax rules should correspond to the human rights protections enshrined in Georgia’s
constitution.
• The burden of proof in tax disputes should reside with the government, not the taxpayer, as is
the case in all other disputes.
• All tax rules should be clearly described in the tax code.
• Tax rules should be clear, long-run, rational, stable, and predictable. The prepared draft
passed one hearing but was not adopted because of the opposition of special interest groups.
Following the Rose Revolution in 2003, the new government in 2004 swore to improve the
business environment, and in 2005 implemented the new tax code. It used almost all the above
principles. The following table shows which taxes remained after the reform and how rates
were changed.
The tax reform continued with several improvements. One of them is the rule of 100 percent
depreciation of purchased assets. This investment-friendly rule was later strengthened by
another rule—the so-called Estonian model of not taxing profit if re-invested (in force from
2017).
The Results
Implementation of the new system was ensured by the work of the former minister of Reforms
Coordination, the late Kakha Bendukidze. The fiscal outcomes of the reforms were incredible,
though predictable. All types of taxes (except customs tax) increased the related state revenues:
Value-Added Tax revenues increased by more than seven times, personal income tax revenues
increased by more than eight times, and profit tax revenues increased by 10 times.
The improvement of the economy was tremendous. GDP doubled during the first four years
and tripled in the first eight years of the reforms (despite the decline in 2009). The success was
the result not only of tax reform but also of more complex and wider ranging reforms, including
deregulation, liberalization, and limiting of government powers. The supply-side effects of the
tax cuts further increased state revenues as shown in Figure 4. Wage growth also accelerated
following the reforms.
Conclusion
The success of the tax reforms in Georgia is very strong evidence that even nations with a bad
historical experience and the most intense economic crises can solve their problems using free
market solutions. The story of Georgia should be an example to all developing nations that any
country with the will to do so can take charge of its own tax system and, without the aide or
interference of international organizations, create the conditions for economic growth and
prosperity.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1) BOOKS –
- HL BHATIA – PUBLIC FINANCE
- HL AHUJA – MODERN ECONOMICS
- RICHARD AND PEGGY MUSGRAVES – PUBLIC FINANCE IN
THEORY AND PRACTICE
2) WEBSITES –
- https://taxfoundation.org/tax-reforms-in-georgia-2004-2012/
- https://www.toppr.com/guides/economics/government-budget-and-the-
economy/revenue-account-and-capital-account/
- https://bizfluent.com/info-7783153-revenue-receipts.html
- https://www.toppr.com/ask/question/nondebt-creating-capital-receipts-give-rise-to-
debt/