Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Jason Squire
Roundtable Methodology Kristen Hope
Terre des hommes, Lebanon
This paper reports on a piece of research which brought together eight Islamic
scholars, four child protection academics and two international development
agencies to identify mechanisms and processes which safeguard children from
harm that are congruent with Islamic scholarship and practices. Roundtable
methodology was used to share knowledge, build networks and increase
engagement with child protection by bringing together different stakeholders to ‘Bringing together
share experiences and encourage collaboration in a relatively cost-effective manner.
Four key themes were identified following initial qualitative data analysis of the
different stakeholders
roundtable discussion: (1) The convergence and divergence in Islamic thought on to share experiences
issues of child protection; (2) knowledge sharing and partnership working; (3)
individual and collective wellbeing; and (4) mechanisms and tools for intervention.
and encourage
Findings from the roundtable indicate that a reliance on solely Western-based collaboration in a
models does not allow for the trust and credibility that enable intervention at a
deeper level in Islamic communities. Critically, the roundtable highlighted a relatively cost-effective
significant gap in how Islamic knowledge and principles are practically applied to manner’
child protection policy and practice in international development contexts. Next
steps are identified for building a knowledge base that can be practised in Islamic
communities. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Correspondence to: Aisha Jane Hutchinson, Tilda Goldberg Centre, University of Bedfordshire, Park Square,
Luton LU1 3JU, UK. E-mail: Aisha.Hutchinson@beds.ac.uk
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Accepted: 20 July 2013
Hutchinson et al.
Background
Since its inception in the eighth century, Islamic teachings have made specific
references to the duty of society, through the family unit, to protect children,
providing them with an environment where they can reach their full potential
(Olowu, 2008; UNICEF, 2012; UNICEF and Al-Azhar University, 2005).
Of particular note is the broad spectrum of texts and practice enshrining
Islamic law and jurisprudence, namely the Sharia, comprising ‘revealed’
and ‘non-revealed’ sources.
Scholars of Islam have derived a number of ‘rights’ that every child should ‘Scholars of Islam
enjoy under all circumstances. These include a child’s right to life, sustenance, have derived a number
property, freedom of conscience, parentage, inheritance and maintenance, a
proper upbringing and to guardianship both of person and property (UNICEF
of ‘rights’ that every
and Al-Azhar University, 2005). The Sharia also contains safeguards for a child should enjoy
child’s welfare, for example, it delineates the limits of parental authority and under all
places duties on parents to educate and guide their child correctly (Olowu,
circumstances’
2008). Islamic jurisprudence regarding the welfare of the child is broader than
the legal safeguards espoused in international legal instruments, including non-
enforceable religious, moral and social obligations to protect children. This
multidimensional approach, encompassing legal sanction and religious and
social measures, strengthens and enriches the international legal efforts on
the rights of the child (Olowu, 2008).
Commitments to protect children have recently been more formally captured
through the Organisation for Islamic Cooperation’s Covenant on the Right of a
Child in Islam (OICCRCI), which is a set of guiding principles for the care and
protection of children in Muslim countries. The OICCRCI enumerates rights
and obligations to protect children derived from Islamic principles and values,
and these rights and freedoms are to be enjoyed by all children without
discrimination. The covenant was adopted by the 32nd Islamic Conference of
Foreign Ministers in Yemen (June 2005) and reflects the obligations of
individuals and states towards child protection under the Sharia. This covenant
is clearly positioned to reorient the dominant discourse of the 1989 United
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) when it comes to
Muslim children and child protection initiatives in Islamic communities,
although there are many similarities and many nation states are signatories to ‘There are many
both documents. similarities and many
Over the last decade, there has been a growing recognition of tensions,
misunderstandings and resistance to the UNCRC’s principles being uncritically
nation states are
adopted in Islamic contexts (Holtzhausen, 2011; Rajabi-Ardeshiri, 2009; signatories to both
UNICEF, 2012; UNICEF and Al-Azhar University, 2005). International non- documents’
governmental organisations (INGOs) have reported difficulties in child
protection programming regarding their awareness and understanding of
Islamic systems of governance and its influence, localised customs and Islamic
jurisprudence (O’Leary and Squire, 2012; Squire and Hope, 2013; Miles,
1996; UNICEF, 2012). This is accentuated when INGOs are non-Islamic or
‘Western-based’ institutions that are less likely to be embedded within the local
community’s culture and are suspected of delivering aid with a covert political,
social, religious and/or economic agenda (Holtzhausen, 2011; O’Leary and
Squire, 2012; Rajabi-Ardeshiri, 2009). Whilst most of the concepts promoted
by the UNCRC are aligned with Islamic standpoints on child protection, the
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Child Abuse Rev. (2014)
DOI: 10.1002/car
Hutchinson et al.
Methods
Roundtable Methodology
Roundtables have been used to identify interpretive knowledge and
likely responses to social phenomena (Kellam and Langevin, 2003;
Pearson et al., 2002). They have also been used to increase community
engagement with social problems by bringing together different stakeholders to
share experiences, brainstorm and problem-solve, build networks and to
encourage collaboration in a relatively cost-effective manner (Hoek and Johnson,
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Child Abuse Rev. (2014)
DOI: 10.1002/car
Child Protection in Islamic Contexts
2010; Pennel et al., 2008). As such, they offer a forum for a diverse array of
insights to be shared without a necessity for uniform consensus, which is especially ‘Offer a forum for a
relevant given the sensitive and political nature of child protection concerns across diverse array of
cultural and religious boundaries. However, there is limited methodological insights to be shared
literature available to promote the use of roundtables in the social sciences. In
education and policy research, designed experiments have been used in roundtables without a necessity for
to test responses to social and pedagogical problems (Stoker and John, 2009). uniform consensus’
Roundtable methodology is distinct from focus group methodology
(Pennel et al., 2008) because it facilitates two-way exchange and problem-
solving across groups of stakeholders who are all invested in the topic of
discussion or ‘problem’, building bridges between groups while sharing,
reviewing and consolidating knowledge (O’Flaherty et al., 2011).
While facilitators were used to manage group dynamics and ensure the aims
and objectives of the roundtable were met, participants were free to shape
and guide the discussion, blurring the boundaries between researchers and
participants. A model of the roundtable approach used is shown in Figure 1.
Figure 1. Model of the CPIC roundtable. CPIC = Child protection in Islamic contexts; IRW = Islamic Relief Worldwide; Tdh = Foundation Terre des hommes Lausanne;
INGOs = international non-governmental organisations.
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Child Abuse Rev. (2014)
DOI: 10.1002/car
Hutchinson et al.
translators. While participants were largely male, two female Islamic scholars were
present and two female child protection academics. One of the female note takers
also contributed to some of the discussions. In-depth introductions were made and
a clarification of intentions and goals underpinning the roundtable were reiterated
throughout (Squire and Hope, 2013).
Critically, the roundtable methodology was used as a mechanism to bring
together various stakeholders in child protection who do not often ‘speak’ with
each other. Participants were invited to suggest responses to specific child
protection problems in a ‘safe’ environment to shape policy, intervention tools
and prevention formulation. The roundtable methodology was used because it
‘A model for bringing offered a model for bringing together different ‘experts’ to share, listen and
together different problem-solve where all contributions were valued and explored.
‘experts’ to share, Supporting Documentation
listen and problem- Two literature reviews on child protection in Islamic contexts were commissioned
solve’ to inform the roundtable process: one based on literature written in English, and
the other on literature written in Arabic. These reviews were available in both
Arabic and English. Participants were sent a copy of the reviews in their
respective language prior to the roundtable, as well as a copy of the UNICEF
and Al-Azhar University (2005) report entitled Children in Islam: Their Care,
Development and Protection. Opportunities were given through the roundtable
to comment on or refer to this baseline literature. UNICEF’s model of the
protective environment was also distributed in both Arabic and English to
provide a conceptual framework for the multiple levels and systems that work
together to protect children (Landgren, 2005; UNICEF, 2006).
Results
Several key themes were identified through the coding of themes following
initial data analysis from the roundtable transcripts and confirmatory
discussion with participants, namely: the convergence and divergence in
Islamic thought on issues of child protection; knowledge sharing and
partnership working; individual and collective wellbeing; and mechanisms
and tools for intervention. Each will now be examined in more detail.
There was also a general consensus that society and the wider community,
including religious leaders, have a role to play in protecting children even when
they are not specifically requested to do so. The role of a sheikh (elder) or
imam (religious leader who leads congregational prayer) was predominantly
seen as one of a counsellor, to facilitate communication and give guidance
rather than force changes or engage uninvited in family life, particularly in
contexts where they have no statutory powers.
All of the scholars acknowledged that even with clear guidance from the
Quran and Sunna about the principles of child protection in Muslim
communities, this is challenged by local traditions, customs and socio-political
circumstances. Poor and variable levels of education in different communities
‘Misinterpretation of around the world compound the misinterpretation of Islamic texts resulting
Islamic texts resulting in some practices being incorrectly considered as Islamic. FGM was identified
as one example because it is not mentioned in the Quran and declared as haram
in some practices (forbidden) in Islam but some localised community traditions and cultures still
being incorrectly see it practised. Even at the roundtable, scholars expressed different
considered as interpretations about this practice. Another example was given in response to
the issue of custodianship and whether guardianship of a fatherless child
Islamic’ should be granted to either the maternal or paternal uncle. It emerged that
differences exist between Islamic sects regarding this issue. Similarly, there
were differing opinions about whether a woman who had had her hymen
reconstructed following rape was obliged to inform her future husband and
whether she should be considered as a virgin. In regard to the use of
contraception, for example, differences were highlighted within and between
mathahib. In Islam, childbearing is linked to the ability of parents to care for
their child emotionally and materially. If this is absent, a case can be made
for family planning, with participants using the example of the fatwa issued
by Imam Khomeini in Iran that families should not have more than two
children. Overall, such debates draw attention to the complexities of assuming
the existence of a singular ‘Islamic perspective’, the importance of education
and the need for high-quality engagement with multiple Islamic contexts and
different forms of local knowledge.
community-level imams and sheikhs join forces to work together to educate the
community, using each other as a resource to promote mutual learning and
establish best practice for tackling child protection concerns.
In line with the need for imams and sheikhs to be trained in child protection,
there was an equally strong agreement that child protection workers from
INGOs should receive training about Islamic teachings, ensuring that they have
good local knowledge of the laws and religious texts related to children. This
might include: knowledge of who should take custody of the child in different
situations; laws regarding the discipline of children; what the status is under
Islam of a girl who has been raped and who needs to know about it; the
minimum age or criteria at which girls can be married; whether or not the
promotion of contraception is encouraged; and whether abortion is permissible
and when. It was stated that social workers should be able to seek involvement ‘It was stated that
from a whole range of relevant actors, from religious courts and imams to the social workers should
child’s family members.
be able to seek
involvement from a
Individual and Collective Wellbeing
whole range of relevant
Protecting children sometimes involves uninvited interventions into family life
actors’
which can raise questions about how society views conflicts between the rights
of parents and the rights of children (Welbourne, 2002). In response to the case
studies, inquiries were made about how individual children or families are
safeguarded when the protection strategy conflicts with wider family or social
wellbeing. An example was given from practice where difficulties arose in
protecting a child because the perpetrator of violence was well regarded and had
influence in the community. One sheikh felt that a dual-pronged approach was
necessary, focusing on ‘treatment’ at the level of the individual and ‘prevention’
at the level of the community. However, another scholar stated that in religious
law, ‘if there is a conflict between the interests of the individual and the community,
then the interests of the community may supersede the interests of the individual’.
Given the careful, cautious and complex negotiations needed to gain the best
outcomes for children without causing public shame, it was felt important that
child protection workers were also community members, ensuring that they
have intimate understanding of the communities that they work in. Garb and
Goren (2010) also found that careful readings of the complex interplay ‘Careful readings of the
between cultural and contextual factors were required when working with complex interplay
Negev Bedouin families and their children in Islamic contexts. Literature has
shown that it is very difficult to perceive the world of another and easy to between cultural and
impose our views on others even while trying to be culturally sensitive contextual factors
(Connolly et al., 2006). Tacit cultural knowledge, that which is automatic, were required’
embedded and implicit, of which people often have limited awareness of,
was felt to be best accessed through equipping community members to protect
their children (Bourdieu, 1990; Connolly et al., 2006).
Islamic scholars suggested that cases first needed to be dealt with by civil
society rather than the authorities because of the shame it might bring to the
community, possibly putting victims at further risk. Not reporting an offender
to the authorities, for example, might be considered as protective if the matter
is sufficiently dealt with by the family and local community because it would
prevent the child from being blamed for bringing shame to the community
and/or his family or kinship network.
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Child Abuse Rev. (2014)
DOI: 10.1002/car
Hutchinson et al.
‘Practitioners working Practitioners working in child protection need to know the range of helping
systems within a community which are intended to protect children from harm
in child protection need (Connolly et al., 2006; Miles, 1996). One of the main aims of the roundtable
to know the range of was to establish and explore the existing organic child protection mechanisms
helping systems within in Islamic communities that are frequently overlooked or operate outside the
programming approaches of INGOs. The following mechanisms and tools
a community’
which child protection agencies may engage with alongside Islamic
community and religious leaders were identified:
• Solh (reconciliation councils which often include imams and sheikhs who act as a
third party, providing guidance and mediation between conflicting parties
drawing on Islamic jurisprudence).
• Engaging the support of religious leaders and elders to take an active role in
promoting child protection messages in Friday sermons.
• Visits by imams and sheikhs to the homes of vulnerable children.
• Centrality of mosques for the promotion of child protection, providing access to
support from the wider community such as the use of ‘zakat’ (charitable donations).
• Spiritual/religious and family courts.
• Supporting the wider family (grandparents/overall head of the family) to protect
children and investigate claims of abuse or neglect.
• Creating child protection coalitions between religious leaders, community
figures, respected leaders, school headmasters, doctors, social workers, other civil
actors, family members and young people.
• Developing a family code with religious leaders to remind families of the civil
responsibilities that they have for protection.
• Advocacy for change in laws to protect children (e.g. compulsory education or a
minimum age for marriage).
‘There are significant • Using media campaigns and web technology to promote messages of protection.
obstacles in regard to
When identifying the challenges associated with programme development, it
local political parties
was recognised that there are significant obstacles in regard to local political
and social hierarchy’ parties and social hierarchy, for example, powerful families who might resist
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Child Abuse Rev. (2014)
DOI: 10.1002/car
Child Protection in Islamic Contexts
Acknowledgements
We acknowledge all of the roundtable participants and the four main partners
who provided funding for this research: Tdh, IRW, the University of
Southampton and Qatar University. Representatives from these institutions
were also participants at the roundtable and oversaw the writing up of the final
report, as well as this paper.
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Child Abuse Rev. (2014)
DOI: 10.1002/car
Child Protection in Islamic Contexts
References
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Child Abuse Rev. (2014)
DOI: 10.1002/car
Hutchinson et al.
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Child Abuse Rev. (2014)
DOI: 10.1002/car