Weapons, armaments and society
The Pre-Roman Iron Age on Zealand and in Scania
Jes Martens
Until a few years ago, the Pre-Roman Iron Age was
virtually unknown and unrepresented in the ar-
chaeological records of Zealand and Scania.1 This
situation has been remedied by the most recent two
to three decades of systematic trial excavations in
connection with development works and subsequent
area excavations. These new investigations do, how-
ever, shed new light primarily on a single aspect of
the period, namely settlement (Artursson 2006; 2008;
Boye 1999; 2008; Jacobsson 2000; Martens 2006a). To
this can be added Viggo Nielsen’s recording of an-
Fig. 1. Distribution map for finds from Zealand and Scania mentioned in the text. J. Martens.
cient field systems preserved in the forests of Zea-
land, as well as an attempt to locate corresponding
field systems with the aid of aerial photos in Scania
(Nielsen 1984; 2010; Martens 2006b, 2008a). Apart
from these in themselves important and fundamental
advances, no great changes have taken place within
the picture of the Pre-Roman Iron Age in Eastern
Denmark. Relative to the surrounding regions, still
exceptionally few graves are known (Hedeager 1992,
fig. 64; Arbman 1934; Stjernquist 1947; Björk 2005)
and the bog offerings are, as a rule, single deposits
147
albeit often of very high quality (Hedeager 1992, figs.
12, 13, 20, 22; Jensen 1997, 298‑302; Kaul 2007). As
a consequence of all this, the tool inventory of the
period is not particularly well-known. This applies
especially to weapons. Accordingly, every new find
can change the picture radically. An example of this
was seen in 1998 with the discovery of a shield boss
of Hjortspring type on a Scanian settlement (Martens
2001; 2006c). This underlined how little we know of
the armaments of the area and, thereby, how little
we can actually conclude concerning the provenance
of one of the period’s absolutely most magnificent
find – the war booty site in Hjortspring Bog (Rosen-
berg 1937).
The aim of this contribution is to review and ana­
lyse the finds available for the study of armaments
and fortification in the region (fig. 1) with the aim
of evaluating the military and social organisation, as
well as cultural links.
Finds of weapons
Grave finds (see appendix 6)
The archaeological record relating graves on Zealand
is very limited. Only on Lolland has a large ceme-
tery been investigated: Lundegårdsmarken, from
the end of the period. Furthermore, most of the evi-
dence is unpublished. It is therefore not surprising
that weapon graves are virtually unknown from this
group of islands. The fact that this is not entirely the
case is demonstrated by a review undertaken by Lotte
Hedeager in her doctoral thesis (Hedeager 1992, fig.
98, list of finds p. 408, reproduced by Jensen 2003,
175). According to Hedeager, there are three weapon
graves which can be dated to the end of the Pre-Ro-
man Iron Age.2 However, it is only possible to verify
one of these: a grave at Hoby on Lolland contain-
ing a La Tène sword and an imported bronze bucket
(see Klingenberg, this vol.). The two other graves are
said to have been found, respectively, on Falster and
at Næstved, and suggest thereby that this tradition
has a southerly distribution in the archipelago (fig.
1). A further find often seen assigned to the Early
Pre-Roman Iron Age is a sword found in a crema-
tion grave at Gladsaxe (illustrated in Becker 1948a,
fig. 20, right, and in Kaul 2003, fig. 4.30). According
to the excavation report, produced by H.C. Broholm,
in addition to the sword the grave contained only a
little highly degraded burnt bone and can therefore
not be dated on the basis of its context (its dating is
dealt with under the section ‘Weapon types’).
Neither can Scania display a large quantity of
148
grave material from the period. Consequently,
weapon graves are similarly not numerous. Within
the last decade a couple of reviews of the evidence
have appeared (Nicklasson 1997; Björk 2005). From
these it can be concluded that one to three graves
with weapons can be dated to the Pre-Roman Iron
Age. The secure example originates from the first
part of the period. This is a grave found at Vedhygge,
Ignaberga parish, in NE Scania. The equipment com-
prised a few potsherds, three flint flakes and a lance
point of Early Pre-Roman Iron Age form (Björk 2005,
242, fig. 22). There is greater uncertainty with regard
to the other finds. These were early investigations,
carried out by non-professionals, and the artefacts
arising from them have today been lost (Montelius
1887, 76‑77, figs. 6‑7; Nicklasson 1997, 93; Björk 2005,
240). The best known example was discovered in
1883 during gravel quarrying, and according to Mon-
telius the description suggests that this could have
been an inhumation grave. The equipment which
was recovered comprised a La Tène sword and two
spear heads. There is even less information about the
second find. Montelius does not mention anything
concerning the find circumstances, while Björk in
reference to the find uses the term ‘grave?’ although
without giving any background for this presumption
(Björk 2005, 241). All that is known about the find is
that it comprised a La Tène sword.
The exceptionally few finds, and the sparse infor-
mation concerning their context, make it difficult to
use the record for anything other than establishing
that the weapon-grave practice was known in the
area but not commonly widespread and probably in-
troduced at a very late stage of the period (i.e. phase
IIB2, Martens 2002). The Early Pre-Roman Iron Age
grave from Scania is interesting in itself as it belongs
to a very small group of weapon-furnished graves
which precedes the actual weapon-grave horizon
(Martens 2001).
Wetland finds (see appendix 5)
Another category of finds that is abundant elsewhere
in Northwestern Europe comprises weapons found
in bogs, lakes, watercourses and springs. It can be
difficult to distinguish between the sub-groups ‘lake’
and ‘bog deposits’ and also ‘watercourse deposits’
in the absence of specialist investigations, since most
finds in this group have been discovered by chance
during various forms of work: peat cutting, ditch
digging, ditch cleaning and so on.
There are several fine finds from this category
from the Zealand archipelago. The typologically rich-
est ‘locality’ is the watercourse Værebro Å in NE
Zealand. This has produced a double-edged and a
single-edged sword, an iron lance head as well as
several bone points. These do not, however, repre-
sent a single deposit as the artefacts were found over
a longer period of time and along an extended stretch
during repeated cleaning out of the watercourse. The
same stretch has also yielded finds from other peri-
ods, and these include weapons, showing that this
part of the river was the centre of a watercourse cult
with a long tradition stretching both backwards and
forwards in time (the finds from the Viking Age and
the Medieval period have been discussed by Lund
(2004, 199‑202)).
Most of the other seven finds must be considered
to be bog or lake deposits. Four can be seen as single
deposits, including two La Tène swords (Tissø: Liv-
ersage 1980, fig. 34, E7; Lindholmgård: Klindt-Jensen
1949, 43‑45, fig. 15) and two bone points (Høng and
Præstemosen). Further to these are a deposit of a
couple of single-edged swords in the bog Præste-
mosen in Holstrup, NW Zealand (Liversage 1980, 78,
pl. 53, E3), three to four wooden helmets in the bog
Uglemosen on Lolland (Kaul 1996, 29ff) and, finally,
13 bone points in the bog Kildebæk Mose at Stenløse
in NE Zealand (Kaul 2003, 168, fig. 4.31).
In Scania, it is in particular a river, Sege Å, which
has yielded finds. Exactly as was the case for the
Værebro Å finds, these have appeared over the
course of a number of years and along an extended
stretch in connection with cleaning out and straight-
ening of the watercourse. And, as with Værebro Å,
the finds here also display a broad chronological
range (Salomonsson 1971, 140, 156; Lund 2004, 198).
The artefacts which are interesting in the present con-
text comprise 10 bone points found on nine separate
occasions (Martens 2001, figs. 11‑12). Further to these
are three bone points found in a spring, Röekällorna,
which also represents an accumulated assemblage
with deposits from several periods (Stjernquist 1997)
and, finally, two bone points found in a lake, Näs-
byholmsjön, and one from a bog, Tormetorps Mosse
(Martens 2001).
The deposits in the two rivers and the spring
must be perceived as being cumulative, allowing
the conclusion that multi-type deposits of weapons
(i.e. deposits of an army’s equipment) are not known
from the Pre-Roman Iron Age within the study area.
This is not a surprising observation as finds of this
type are rare in Northern Europe during this period.
It is actually only possible to name two such finds
for Scandinavia as a whole: Hjortspring (Rosenberg
1937) and Krogsbølle (Kjær 2901; Becker 1948a).
On the basis of the find circumstances and avail-
able records it is, in general, difficult to prove that
large depositions, even of single types, took place
on Zealand or in Scania. Flemming Kaul highlights
the find of 13 bone points from the bog Kildebæk
Mose as a possible example of a single deposit (Kaul
2003, 168). However, according to the finds report,
the artefacts were submitted to the National museum
on two separate occasions. In 1901, nine bone points
were submitted but, according to the report, they
had been found during peat cutting over the course
of a decade. The question then is how much weight
should be given to the information that they are said
to have been found »in roughly the same place.« In
1906, a further four bone points were submitted,
about which is stated that they were found »not close
together.« The relationship between the two finds
is unclear in the very brief finds record, but both
are said to originate from the »SW corner« of Kilde-
bæk Mose. It is therefore difficult to decide whether
they represent a single deposit or a cumulative find.
This is important when considering whether the find
should be interpreted as a minor war booty deposit
(Kaul 2003) or lost hunting equipment (Henriksen
1997). A more probable example of a single deposit
is seen in the wooden helmets from the bog Ugle-
mose on Lolland (Mathiassen 1952). It is true they
were found in a bog displaying evidence of repeated
depositions during several periods, but the helmets
in themselves are so special that it must be presumed
that they represent a single deposit. The same applies
to the two double-edged swords from the bog Præ-
stegårdsmosen at Holmstrup in West Zealand. Apart
from these two finds, all the finds from Zealand and
Scania could represent single depositions.
It is clear that the depositions of single artefacts
could, theoretically, have had the same meaning as
large multi-type depositions, for example in the form
of pars pro toto deposits. It is, however, very diffi-
cult to prove, just as it is difficult to find out what,
in this case, the deposits are intended to symbolise:
victory in battle, a peace agreement, the forging of
an alliance, a successful plundering trip, a boundary
marker, a propitiatory sacrifice? The possibilities are
legion. The weapons at the Hjortspring and Krogs-
bølle sites were partially destroyed. The swords were
bent double or broken. Some of the lance heads were
also bent. This form of destruction, also seen inflicted
on weapons in graves from the Late Pre-Roman Iron
Age, is interpreted as being ritual in nature. And
when considering wetland depositions, reference is
often made to descriptions in Classical sources of
how the Barbarians destroyed the enemy’s weapons
and offered them to their gods of war (see discus-
sion and literature in Pauli Jensen 2008, 318‑330; Jør-
gensen 2008, 117‑120). It is therefore important to
note that the wetland finds of weapons from Eastern
Denmark do not show signs of such violent treat-
ment. This treatment is often included in the defini-
149
tion of ‘war booty offerings,’ and therefore the finds
discussed here fall outside this find group.
It is an interesting feature that two watercourses,
Sege Å and Værebro Å, are so conspicuous in the
finds record presented here. To these can be added
a third, Vædebro Å (FHM 691) near Skanderborg
in Eastern Jutland. This well-known site (Andersen
1957; 1959) has achieved renewed relevance through
new investigations by the Institute of Anthropol-
ogy, Archaeology and Linguistics at the University
of Aarhus. A characteristic of all three finds is their
chronological range, the relatively limited extent of
each individual deposition and the fact that they
represent depositions in watercourses. Addition-
ally, they belong to an unfortunately poorly stud-
ied but widespread find group (Pearson 2003). The
reason for the relatively poor state of research is the
nature of this source material. Firstly, most of the
finds are chance discoveries arising from dredging
operations. And should an excavation subsequently
be carried out, the observations are rendered dif-
ficult by the nature of the deposits in the river bed;
these are very complex due to repeated re-deposition
caused by the flowing water (Martens 2006d). Even
so, it is a find group which deserves greater atten-
tion. Single deposits of weapons in watercourses and
lakes represent a find group with traditions extend-
ing far back into prehistory (Karsten 1994; Pearson
2003; Lund 2004; Frost 2010). Solely for this reason,
there are grounds to seek other possible frames
of understanding than war booty offerings. In her
study of single depositions of weapons in wetlands
on Zealand and in Scania during Viking times and
the medieval period, Julie Lund has suggested other
contexts such as initiation rites and travellers’ offer-
ings, the latter with reference to the fact that the finds
are often found at fords, bridges and river mouths
(Lund 2004). In the same way, it is conceivable that
agreements of various kinds which were entered into
could be consolidated by the deposition of weapons
in the boundary-marking wetland areas.
Settlement finds (appendix 7)
A final, not very numerous but very interesting find
group comprises weapons found on settlements. This
group would not have been so extensive were it not
for the bone points. On Zealand, it comprises five
localities; four of them with only bone points. The
fifth, Borrebjerg on Sejerø, also has lance heads of
iron (Kjær 1901; Müller 1906). Admittedly, Borreb-
jerg is not a ‘settlement’ in the classical sense but
more a kind of ‘fortified structure’ (Liversage 1973;
1982) and thereby related to the English hill forts,
although perhaps remotely. In Scania, bone points
150
have been found at five localities, whereas a shield
boss of Hjortspring type was found preserved in
a well at a settlement at Kvärlöv (Martens 2001).
This sensational find provides food for thought as
it gives a striking illustration of the random way in
which the archaeological record is formed. Prior to
investigation, the site seemed to be a completely or-
dinary average settlement and was on the point of
being discounted in order to limit the level of costs
for the developer. The discovery was made on the
very margins of the settlement, in a depression; this
was only investigated to obtain samples of organic
material in order to study activities at the site. And
the shield boss was preserved here solely due to it
being deposited in a well. If it had been placed in a
pit a little higher up at the site there would have been
no trace of it. And if it had formed part of grave fur-
nishings it would have been burnt on the cremation
pyre or would have rotted and decayed away. It was
preserved and found due to the wet conditions and
could thereby enter the exclusive group of weapons
found on settlements.
Whereas weapons deposited in graves and wet-
land areas can be assumed to have been ascribed
symbolic significance, there is a considerably greater
chance that weapons found on settlements could
have been associated with ‘real life,’ even though
it must be recognised that votive contexts can also
occur here (Carlie 2004; Hansen 2006). The shield
boss from Kvärlöv was damaged at the time of its
deposition and could, as such, simply have been
discarded. Another interesting settlement find that
sheds some light on the use of weapons during the
period, is the fortunate discovery made at the set-
tlement of Overbygård in Northern Jutland (Lund
1979). Here, a cellar was destroyed by fire towards
the end of the Pre-Roman Iron Age with the result
that everything stored in it became charred or heated
to a high temperature. As a consequence, two single-
edged iron swords were recovered, still within in
their wooden sheaths. Apparently the cellar’s owner,
a wealthy person judging from the other equipment
in the cellar, had the two swords hanging on a peg
inside the door. This find sheds light on other finds
of weapons from settlements. Weapons were not
uncommon at these sites and must, of course, have
been kept somewhere before they were used in war,
deposited as grave goods or as offerings. Further-
more, the owner of this cellar had not only one but
two swords hung up. It is exceptionally rare to find
more than one sword in the graves of the period.
This can be interpreted as an indication that the fam-
ily who owned the cellar either included more than
one weapon-bearing individual or that they were
responsible for equipping more than one weapon-
bearing individual. In the latter case, it is difficult not
to contemplate Tacitus’ account of how, in the Suio-
nes tribe, the ‘king’ kept the tribe’s weapons locked
away in peace time (Tacitus, Germania 44,1).
Whether the many bone points should also be
assigned to the category of weapons found on set-
tlements is an open question. However, this is sug-
gested not only by the two war booty depositions at
Hjortspring and Krogsbølle, but also the occurrence
of bone points in combination with iron lances at
Borrebjerg can be interpreted in this direction.
Weapon types
Swords (appendix 3)
Despite the very few records of grave sites, a total of
nine swords have been found within the area. Most
of these are from wetland contexts. Before looking
at these in more detail, it should be mentioned that,
in several contexts, a tenth sword has been stated as
being from the Pre-Roman Iron Age (Becker 1948a,
fig. 20 right, and Kaul 2003, fig. 4.30). This sword (fig.
2) was found in a cremation grave in Gladsaxe. Ac-
cording to the excavation report, produced by H.C.
Broholm, in addition to the sword the grave only
contained a little highly degraded burnt bone, and
the sword cannot therefore be dated on the basis of
its context. Becker justifies his dating of the piece to
the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age by the position of the
hilt in continuation of the blade’s longitudinal axis
and not in continuation of the back, which is the
norm for swords from the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age
and Roman Iron Age (Becker 1948a, 172). However,
single-edged swords with an approximately central
hilt are also characteristic of the Germanic Iron Age
(Gudesen 1980; Jørgensen 1999). The sword from
Gladsaxe has several typological features which fit
better into the latter group, for example the edge and
the back curve along the direction of the edge. In ad-
dition, its dimensions fit: total length 36 cm, blade
length 28 cm, blade width 3.2 cm. Good morphologi-
cal parallels for this sword are found, for example,
in the Norwegian graves from Hermindstad, Nedre
Røirvik and Sandvik (Jørgensen 1999, cat. nos. 22,
57, 114) or in a grave from Nørre Sandegård Vest
on Bornholm (Jørgensen 1999, cat. no. 212). These
swords belong to Jørgensen’s types Sax 2, 3 and 4.
On the other hand, with respect to its dimensions, the
sword falls within the range of the definition of Sax
1, the short single-edged sword with a narrow blade
(Jørgensen 1999, 50). Regardless of its precise iden-
tification, there can, however, be no doubt that the
Fig. 2. The sword found
in a grave at Gladsaxe.
J. Martens, drawn from
original.
sword from Gladsaxe originates from the Merovin-
gian period and not from the Early Pre-Roman Iron
Age.
Among the other swords, double-edged La Tène
swords are the most numerous with a total of six
examples (fig. 3): Værebro Å, Lindholmgård, Tissø,
Hoby, Nosaby (two finds). Of these, half were found
in wetlands, the other with greater or less probability
in graves. As La Tène swords can occur in contexts
dated to the beginning of the Early Roman Iron Age
(Becker 1961, 263, fig. 78; Nielsen 1975, 95) it can
be difficult to date more precisely finds lacking a
context. The non-professionally recovered find from
Nosaby contained, in addition to the sword, two
lance heads of at least 15 cm in length. This type
of spearhead cannot be dated more closely than to
the time around the birth of Christ. The most secure
chronological fix point for this grave is Oscar Monte-
lius’ assumption that this was an inhumation burial
(Montelius 1887, 76‑78, figs. 6‑7). In so far as this is
the case, then this probably represents a grave from
the Early Roman Iron Age. With respect to the Hoby
grave, reference is made to Klingenberg’s contribu-
tion to this volume. With regard to the magnificent
sword from Lindholmgård, David Liversage points
out that the ornamental silver ball, which presum-
ably had been mounted on the end of the hilt, is a
late feature (Liversage 1980, 78). Silver appears first
to any great extent in the Roman Iron Age. In addi-
tion, he finds a parallel to the sword in grave 26 of
the Harsefeld cemetery at Hamburg (Wegewitz 1937,
151
Fig. 3. Double-edged La Tène swords from Zealand and Scania. a. Værebro Å, J. Martens, drawn from original; b.
Tissø, after Liversage 1980, pl. 53; c. Lindholmgård, after Klindt-Jensen 1949, fig. 15; d. Nosaby, after Montelius 1887,
fig. 6.

26, pl. 5). This grave is dated to the Early Roman Iron
Age on the basis of, among other things, a fibula of
unambiguous Early Roman Iron Age form.
The remaining three swords are single-edged. Of
these, two (fig. 4, b-c), were found together in the bog
Præstemosen in Holmstrup parish in NW Zealand
(Liversage 1980, 55, 78, pl. 53, E3). These are long
swords (more than 70 cm) with a relatively broad,
slightly longitudinally curved hilt. There are rivets at
the base of the blade and in the handle. Accordingly,
the swords fall within the definition of Wolagiewic-
zowie’s type II (Wolagiewiczowie 1964, 41), which
is typical of the Pre-Roman Iron Age weapon grave
horizon’s second phase or phase IIB-1 (Martens 2002,
257). Accordingly, these swords document the fact
that deposition of weapons in wetlands took place
in the area during the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age.
The final, and perhaps most interesting, sword
comes from Værebro Å (fig. 4a). In contrast to the
above-mentioned examples, which belong to inter-re-
gional types from the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age and
the transition to the Roman Iron Age, this sword is

152

Fig. 4. Single-edged swords from the Pre-Roman Iron
Age on Zealand. a. Værebro å, J. Martens, drawn from
original; b-c: Præstemosen, after Liversage 1980, pl. 53.
of a more locally distributed type and from the early
part of the period. Flemming Kaul has the honour of
having brought this find out into the spotlight (Kaul
2003, 166, fig. 4.28). He compares the sword with
those from Hjortspring and, in particular, with the
short slashing sword (fig. 13d), but he also highlights
the decorative band between the blade and the hilt,
seen on several swords from Hjortspring, as a com-
mon feature. The broad triangular hilt is a feature
in common with certain swords from Krogsbølle
(fig. 15a), and this prompts Kaul to assume that the
Værebro sword occupies a typological, and thereby
a chronological, middle position between the two
finds.
Lances (appendix 2)
A total of ten lance heads that can be dated to the
Pre-Roman Iron Age have been found within the
study area. This small number possibly reflects
the great typological variation in lance heads from
the period and that only a few have been found in
datable contexts. The great variation in form is not
just a Nordic problem but is also recognised on the
Continent (Boch niak 2002; 2005; Luckiewicz 2006).
This variation could reflect several different circum-
stances: firstly, lance heads are easier to manufacture
and therefore their production took place in a de-
centralised way, secondly, lance heads were not as-
cribed the same signal/symbolic value as large battle
weapons and were therefore not subject to a fixed
idiom or check and could therefore be manufactured
locally and as required. There are arguments for and
against both models, but this does not change the fact
that this artefact type causes a headache for anyone
wishing to assign them to a particular typology.
The oldest find from our region (fig. 5a) comes
from a cremation grave in Scania and comprises, in
addition to a lance head of Salo’s type B (lance heads
with ferule embedded in blade, Salo 1962), only a few
potsherds and three pieces of flint. It is therefore the
characteristic lance head which dates the find (Björk
2005, fig. 22, 242). The type is known from the whole
of Scandinavia and occurs in Denmark at Hjortspring
and also in a hoard from Wöbs in Eastern Holstein
(Bemmann 1998). The type was dealt with in detail by
Unto Salo, who lacked, however, good fix points for
a more precise dating. His two main arguments were
that: Firstly, the type occurs at Hjortspring which he,
with reference to Becker, dates to »period II of the
Pre-Roman Iron Age« (Becker 1948a), secondly, the
type occurs in a grave from Lindsborg in Östergöt-
land. The latter was taken by Salo as an indication
that the type was in use until the introduction of the
Late Pre-Roman Iron Age weapon grave tradition.
However, Jan Bemmann draws attention to the fact
that a lance head of this type was found in combina-
tion with a spade-headed pin (Spatenkopfnadel) in a
grave from Moi in Vest-Agder. This pin type is dated
within its main area of distribution in Northern Ger-
many to Hingst’s period Ic1, i.e. the later phase of the
Early Pre-Roman Iron Age, corresponding to phase
IB in Denmark (Martens 1996, fig. 13). At the same
time, radiocarbon dates and a renewed typological
analysis of the weapons from Hjortspring show that
this find should also be dated to the same period
153
Fig. 5. Lance heads from Zealand and Scania mentioned in the text. a. Vedhygge, Scania, after Bjørk 2005, fig. 22; b.
Værebro Å, J. Martens, drawn from original; c. Nosaby, after Montelius 1887, fig. 7.

Fig. 6. Lance heads from Borrebjerg, Sejerø. J. Martens, drawn from original.

154
(Martens 2001; Kaul 2003). Finally, graves contain-
ing weapons are not a completely totally unknown
phenomenon in the time just prior to the beginning
of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age weapon-grave hori-
zon; this weakens Salo’s argument for extending the
type up into the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age (Martens
2001, appendix 2).
The fact that Salo was, perhaps, correct anyway is
shown by an assemblage which he strangely enough,
but like Becker, maintains categorically does not con-
tain the type: i.e. that from the Krogsbølle site. The
latter has never been published in its entirety, and
it is most commonly illustrated by photographs of
the artefacts (Becker 1948a; Kaul 1988, fig. 27; 2003,
fig. 4.26‑27). This must be the explanation for this
fact being overseen until now. The strange thing is
that, even though the assemblage has never been
fully published, a lance of this type was illustrated
in the first account describing it (Kjær 1901, fig. 23).
Another definite example can be added in the form
of a rather divergent blade form (fig. 16). One of the
lance heads has a blade cross-section like Ilkjær’s
type 4, the other like type 5 (Ilkjær 1990, fig. 18).
In the other lance heads, the free part of the ferrule
Fig. 7. Unornamented bone points from Borrebjerg, Sejerø. J. Martens, drawn from original.
is generally quite short (0.5‑4 cm) and, as a rule, it
continues into the blade.
Flemming Kaul has proposed a lance head from
Værebro Å as being from the Pre-Roman Iron Age
(Kaul 2003, 167, fig. 4.29). Its find context is rather un-
certain, but it was submitted to the museum together
with the single-edged sword of Early Pre-Roman
Iron Age type described above (fig. 4a). The lance
head has a clearly marked conical ferrule (fig. 5b).
In the finds report, the lance head is compared with
Rosenberg’s type δ in the Hjortspring find (Schultz
1950; Rosenberg 1937, 44, fig. 24). However, Kaul
identifies several typological differences between
this type and the Værebro piece and includes instead
Continental Celtic parallels. The find circumstances
and, not least, the character of the find are so un-
clear that it is difficult to argue the case for a closed
context or a single deposition. Accordingly, there is
nothing which conditions contemporaneity between
sword and lance head. Conversely, other finds from
the river document an extended continuity in the
weapon depositions along this stretch (Lund 2004,
199‑202). It is therefore possible that parallels should
rather be sought in later periods. For example, Jørgen
155
Ilkjær has published a lance head which appears al-
most identical with the Værebro piece (Ilkjær 1990,
60‑61, fig. 44). This comes from Illerup Ådal and Il-
kjær assigns it to his type 6. Unfortunately, this type
is on the author’s own admission more a ‘residual
group’ than an actual type. Even so, he dates it to the
Early Roman Iron Age (see also Pauli Jensen 2008,
64‑66). In summary, it can be said that the type is
very simple and therefore difficult to date more pre-
cisely. The close similarity to individual examples of
Ilkjær’s lance type 6 and, not least, the chronological
spread of the other weapon finds from Værebro Å
result in it appearing most probable that the lance
head (fig. 5b) represents a single deposition from the
Early Roman Iron Age.
The largest find of lance heads comes from the re-
markable structure at Borrebjerg on Sejerø (Liversage
1973, 104‑112; 1982). The find comprises six lance
heads of iron which, together with a large number
of bone points and pottery, were found in a thick
cultural layer at the foot of the hill (Kjær 1901, 48;
Müller 1906, 175‑178). On the basis of the pottery,
David Liversage dates the find to his Rørby phase
of the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age (Liversage 1980),
which corresponds to phase IIA (Martens 1996). The
six lance heads are relatively poorly preserved (fig.
6). Only one survives in its full length, two lack the
blade almost completely and a third is only pre-
served at the rusty core of the blade’s mid rib. The
heads display a relatively great typological homo-
geneity. The most significant divergence is that one
point has a blade cross-section like Ilkjær’s cross-
section type 6, while the others have a cross-section
like Ilkjær’s type 2 (Ilkjær 1990, fig.18). The only fully
preserved lance head has a blunt point which could
result from re-sharpening. Its surviving length is
15.5 cm, which appears to be the maximum length
of the other pieces if they had been fully preserved.
The blade is broadest close to the base. On the basis
of this description, these artefacts fall within Piotr
Luczkiewicz’ type m7 (Luczkiewicz 2006, 129, fig.
45.9‑12) and Thomasz Boch niak’s type 9b (Boch niak
2005, 79, tab. XXVIII.4). These types are dated unani-
mously to the final phase of the Pre-Roman Iron Age
in Poland, A3, which corresponds to the late part of
phase IIB (IIB-2) in Denmark (Martens 2002, 257, fig.
19). Before embarking on a discussion of the reason
for this apparent incongruity between the dating of
the lances and the dating of the pottery, it should
be pointed out that morphologically the Borrebjerg
pieces have good parallels within Luczkiewicz’ type
A1 (Luczkiewicz 2006, 101, fig. 30.1‑2), which occurs
throughout the whole of the Late Pre-Roman Iron
Age. The reason that the Borrebjerg pieces do not fall
within the definitions for this type is due primarily to
156
the fact that the Polish representatives of this type are
considerably larger. It is possible that this particular
parameter is not so significant for the dating of the
Sejerø pieces, the distance to Poland being taken into
consideration.
The two final lance heads from the region are
from a grave in Nosaby near Kristianstad (fig. 5c).
The finds have been lost and we therefore only have
the illustration of one of them which Montelius pub-
lished in his account of the find (Montelius 1887, fig.
7). The illustrated lance head is about 15 cm long, of
which just less than half comprises the ferrule. Typo-
logically, it falls within Luczkiewicz’ type M3, which
occurs throughout most of the Late Pre-Roman Iron
Age (Luczkiewicz 2006, 127‑128, 152, fig. 44.6‑9).
Bone points (appendix 1)
Points of bone or antler are manufactured by the
base of the piece being cut at either right angles or
obliquely and by the point being cut obliquely. The
inner tissue is hollowed out and in this the remains
of a preserved wooden shaft are sometimes seen.
Close to the base there may be one or two perfo-
rations, most commonly interpreted as rivet holes
for securing a shaft, but points also occur with no
rivet holes. The raw material used most commonly
comprises sheep metatarsals but other material does
occur, for example antler. The length of the points
varies somewhat, dependant apparently on the start-
ing material. Also the finishing of the pieces varies
from coarse, almost raw examples to finely polished
and even ornamented pieces.
Due to its primitive appearance, the bone point
is an artefact type which can easily be overlooked.
Even so, it was recognised as an artefact type as early
as the second half of the 19th century (Engelhardt
1869, pl. 19.11‑12; Müller 1896, 437). Subsequently,
the type was dealt with in detail by Hans Kjær and
later, for Scania, by Carl-Axel Althin (Kjær 1901; Al-
thin 1951; see Martens 2001 for other references). Due
to its inconspicuous nature it can be difficult to say
anything definitive concerning the distribution of the
type. New museum visits and revisions of collections
would quickly be able to change this. However, it
can be established that the type occurs across the
whole of Northern and Central Europe from the Brit-
ish Isles in the west to the Baltic countries in the east
and is also known in the Balkans. In Scandinavia,
it occurs not only in Scania and Denmark but also
further north in Sweden and in Norway (Martens
2001; Nummedal 1913, 31).
Some scholars have wanted, on the basis of the
type’s occurrence at Hjortspring and Krogsbølle, to
see it as being a diagnostic type for the Early Pre-

Roman Iron Age (Althin 1951; Nicklasson 1997; 2002,
269), but it is actually of significantly broader date,
and apparently occurs in securely dated contexts
from the end of the Bronze Age and through the
whole of the Pre-Roman and Roman Iron Age (Mar-
tens 2001, 143‑47).
The function of these artefacts has been subject to
some discussion. As the type is relatively common
on settlements, it is in this situation often seen as a
tool. The English term used is ‘gouge’, but the lack
of wear/trace analyses makes it difficult to confirm
this interpretation (Olsen 2003). The wetland finds
include individual points found thrust down into the
mud along rivers, lakes and coasts. This has led Mo-
gens Bo Henriksen to suggest that at least these ex-
amples were used as hunting or fishing implements
(Henriksen 1997). The occurrence of bone points fit-
ted onto shafts in the two Pre-Roman Iron Age war
booty deposits of Hjortspring and Krogsbølle are,
however, a good argument for the points found here
being perceived as weapons – a kind of lance.
The predominant burial practice in Northern
Europe at this time was cremation, and this could
have been the reason that the type occurs so rarely
in graves. Even so, in 1954 Klaus Raddatz was able to
name three graves equipped with bone points from
the northern part of Central Germany (Raddatz 1954;
Martens 2001, 154). Unfortunately, these are crema-
tion graves so it is difficult to conclude anything
about the use of these points on the basis of their
context. In England, the burial practice is different,
and there are examples here of bone points placed
in graves together with iron-tipped lances, and in
the same way. One grave was found to contain as
many as 13 bone points (Pearson & Field 2003, 175).
Further to this, bone points are numerous at the Iron
Age hill forts and similarly occur in the finds as-
semblages from the settlements of the time and in
wetland depositions (Olsen 2003, 102). Their occur-
Fig. 8. Ornamented bone points from
Borrebjerg, Sejerø. J. Martens, drawn from
original.
rence in graves and at hill forts could suggest that
these were weapons. The record from Zealand and
Scania can make further contributions to the argu-
ment in this respect.
A large number of bone points have been found
on Zealand and in Scania: 57 from Zealand and 25
from Scania (Martens 2001). Several of these are from
settlements that are dated to the Roman Iron Age;
others are from wetlands, either in the form of single
depositions or without further information concern-
ing their find circumstances. It is both important and
interesting that the largest find, which comprises
24‑26 bone points (figs. 7‑8), comes from the possible
fortification at Borrebjerg on Sejerø, where they were
found together with six lance heads (fig. 6). On the
basis of the pottery, David Liversage dates this find
to his Rørby phase (Liversage 1973, fig. 15; 1980, 44;
1982), which corresponds to phase IIA of the Late
Pre-Roman Iron Age (Martens 1996).
Only six of the 16 pieces can be considered as
being fully preserved. Their length varies from 10.5
to 16.5 cm (average 12.4 cm), their weight, corre-
spondingly, from 16 to 30 g (average 22 g). A com-
mon feature of the points is the obliquely-cut point.
The bases, conversely, were cut either obliquely or
at right angles and were, similarly, with and with-
out perforation. The reasons for these differences are
not immediately apparent, and it is far from certain
that they reflect divergent use. Of greater interest,
and of significance for the interpretation of the use
and status of the pieces, is the fact that four of the
points are carefully ornamented with wavy lines and
point circles (fig. 8). This stands in marked contrast
to the simple nature of the type and argues against
the idea that these were disposable artefacts. Corre-
sponding ornamentation is found, for example, on
a point from the river Sege Å in Scania, and on a
piece from Hjortspring and a few points found in
Northern Germany (fig. 11). The level of care taken
157
in decorating these artefacts suggests that they were
ascribed a certain status. Corresponding care and
meticulousness is often seen on weapons and per-
sonal equipment but rarely on everyday tools.
The role played by the points in weaponry is an-
other matter. Klavs Randsborg suggests that they
have functioned as points on throwing spears or jav-
elins, launched in the introductory phase of battle
(Randsborg 1995, 54‑56). Is this a realistic sugges-
tion? On ballistic grounds, the point of balance of a
throwing spear should lie within the first 40% of the
total length of the spear. However, as the density of
the bone points does not significantly exceed that
of the wood of the spear, it would be difficult to
achieve this weight distribution without extra mea-
sures, about which we know nothing. According to
Jon Bryant Finley, the ideal weight for a javelin lies
from 600 to 800 g. Through experiments, it has been
possible to demonstrate that it is first with a spear
point weighing 55 g that the spear attains its ideal,
smooth flight (Finley 2006). Even though it must be
presumed that the bone points during their time in
the earth have through leeching suffered a weight
loss of up to 1/3 of their total weight (Nielsen 1991,
69), their adjusted average weight (33 g) is too low,
according to Finley’s calculations, for them to be
suited as points for actual javelins. Accordingly, they Fig. 9. Shield boss from Kvärlöv, Scania, after Martens
probably functioned as thrusting weapons, whereas 2001, fig. 5, and 2006c fig. 3.
javelins were equipped with iron heads of a more
functional weight and penetration ability. For the
sake of completeness, it should be noted that the two 1994, 283), this argument loses its weight. A pos-
almost complete iron lance heads from Borrebjerg sible explanation for the time discrepancy is that old
have a weight of around 80 g and could, therefore wood, for example found in a bog, was used in the
have served as points for throwing spears according manufacture of the helmets. Peat cutting was not an
to Finley’s criteria. unknown phenomenon in the Pre-Roman Iron Age,
and the helmet was carved from root wood, prob-
ably of alder, a tree fond of wet conditions. However,
Defensive weapons (appendix 4)
even the Negau find is not simple to date as it only
This group of weapons is not abundantly represented comprises helmets, and these represent several time
in the region. There are, however, two spectacular periods apparently extending from Hallstatt times
finds. The bog of Uglemosen on Lolland was the find until the 1st century BC. Flemming Kaul suggests that
site for three to four remarkable wooden helmets these were deposited in connection with the Cim-
(Mathiassen 1952) which Flemming Kaul has com- brian incursions, which touched this area in 113 BC,
pared with certain helmets from Negau in Slovenia and that it was survivors from this campaign who
(Kaul 1996, 29‑32, figs. 14‑15). Even though it must took the form with them to the north (Kaul 1996,
be conceded that there is great similarity between 30‑32).
the helmets in the two finds, radiocarbon dating of The surprising find of a wooden shield boss in
one of the Uglemose helmets (AMS dated to 4060±95 a well at Kvärlöv in Scania (fig. 9) is mentioned
BP), Heinemeier et al. 1994, 290) prompts caution. above (Martens 2001; 2006c). The shield boss is of
The date assigns the helmets to the Neolithic, a pe- ‘Hjortspring type,’ i.e. lenticular, carved from a single
riod from which this type of artefact would not be piece of wood and riveted onto the shield (which
expected. The finding of Funnel Beaker pottery in the was not deposited in the well) by the use of wooden
same bog could be seen as support for this date, but rivets. The wood has been identified as willow (Salix
as there is also pottery and skeletal material dated sp.), although the rivets are juniper (Juniperus com-
to the Pre-Roman Iron Age (2450 ± 105 BP, Rahbæk munis). Along the back of the boss, a rib has been

158
Fig. 10. a. Bayonet-shaped wooden point from Dösjebro, Scania, after Martens 2006d, 47; b. Wooden helmet from
Uglemose, Lolland, after Kaul 1996 fig. 15a.
carved running in longitudinal direction, dividing
it symmetrically into two halves. There is a groove
running around the outer surface of the edges of
the boss which could be associated with attachment
of the boss to the shield or of a leather covering to
the outer surface of the shield. A leather covering of
precisely this kind, radiocarbon dated to c. 350 BC,
was found the North Jutish bog of Borremose (Jen-
sen 2003, 87). There are no traces of the actual shield
grip, but from the Hjortspring find we know that this
feature, which also consisted of wood, would have
been let into into the shield board.
Material from the well lining has been radiocar-
bon dated to 2470±70 BP, which corresponds to a
calibrated date within the range of 780‑400 BC. Due
to the behaviour of the calibration curve during this
time, there is no indication as to which part of this
range is most probable. In archaeological terms,
the date corresponds to the end of the Late Bronze
Age (periods V-VI) or the earliest Pre-Roman Iron
Age (phase IA). The reason it was decided to date
the well and not the shield boss is that wickerwork
well casings have a limited lifetime and the with-
ies themselves cannot themselves have any great
residual age. The date is somewhat earlier than that
usually ascribed to the best parallels for the find, the
shield bosses from Hjortspring (Becker 1948a; Kaul
1988; 2003). In connection with the new exhibition
of the Hjortspring boat at the National Museum in
Copenhagen the find site was re-excavated leading
to the finding of further parts of the boat. These were
radiocarbon dated and the results indicated that the
find must be dated to the 4th or the early part of
the 3rd century BC (Tauber 1987). The Kvärlöv well
is older than this, and taking the contemporaneous
archaeological material in consideration, it is most
likely that this also applies to the shield boss. In
Central Europe, metal fittings provide evidence for
shield bosses of this type from the 5th century BC on-
wards, and it is not at all unlikely that the form could
be even older than the metal fittings. An indication
of this is given by illustrations on Polish face urns
from the 6th century BC which show both oval shield
bosses and shields in combination with weaponry
that otherwise comprises primarily lances (Martens
2001, 139‑142 with references). A date in the 6th or 5th
century BC must therefore be seen as being accept-
able. The settlement on the small elevation south of
Kvärlöv had its main phase at the end of the Late
Bronze Age; only two houses were later than this
(Artursson 2005, 129, fig. 14; Martens 2006c). Accord-
ingly, the shield boss could have been deposited at
the end of the settlement’s main phase, and possibly
in order to mark the abandonment.
A final find which could be included under this
weapon category is a bayonet-like wooden point
(fig. 10a) of Borremose type (Martens 2006d). This
unusual find was recovered during the investigation
of a stream course at Dösjebro in Scania and was the
first of its kind outside the eponymous site of Bor-
remose. Preliminary investigations had yielded skel-
etal remains which were radiocarbon dated to the
time around the birth of Christ. Expectations were
therefore great. The find circumstances revealed
themselves, however, to be very difficult due to the
constant re-deposition of the stream course, and the
stratigraphy was therefore not to be trusted. In ad-
dition to the above-mentioned bayonet-like wooden
point, the investigation produced a fragment of the
cranium of an older man. Subsequent radiocarbon
analysis dated the man’s cranium to 1185 ± 65 BP
and the point, which was carved from oak, to 945
± 75 B.P. Accordingly, it falls outside the scope of
this article and is only included in order to draw
attention to the fact that this artefact type occurs in
the region. At the time of its discovery, there were
159

no secure indications of the function of this artefact
type. Subsequently, points like this have been found
in situ at two localities in Jutland. Firstly, they oc-
curred pushed down into the base of the moat which
surrounded the fortified village of Lyngsmose in
Western Jutland (Eriksen & Rindel 2003), and sub-
sequently they were found in extension of a moat
which surrounded the Pre-Roman Iron Age village
of Brændgårdshede in Central Jutland (Mauritzen
in press). Here, there was only a semicircular bank
protecting the village towards dry land. The points
were pushed into the ground in extension of the
moat in the adjoining wetland area. With this new
discovery there are grounds to consider whether
or not all points of this type formed parts of cor-
responding structures (contrary to Martens 2006d).
The point from Dösjebro was, true enough, not found
in a context which provides new information about
the function of the type, but Saxo provides informa-
tion on how Absalon subdued a peasant revolt at
Dösjebro in AD 1181 (Saxo, Gesta Danorum, 15.4.26).
As this date lies within the range of the radiocarbon
date for the wooden point, it is not improbable that
it stems from this conflict and that it had a function
corresponding to that mentioned above.
160
Fig. 11. Examples of
ornamented bone
points. a. Hjortspring,
Als, J. Martens drawn
from original; b. Segeå,
after Martens 2001, fig.
11a; c. Pritzerber See,
Brandenburg, after
Raddatz 1954, fig. 1.3.
Fortifications
It is difficult to claim that fortified structures have
definitively been demonstrated within the region.
But even in the light of this situation, it is still pos-
sible to identify possible candidates.
The most well-known of these is Borrebjerg on
the island of Sejerø. Borrebjerg is, by Danish stan-
dards, a pronounced hill with relatively steep sides.
Here, several large prehistoric earthworks have been
demonstrated including some moat-like features at
the foot of the hill (Müller 1906, 170‑178; Liversage
1973; 1982). The special aspect of these is that they
were back-filled before the structure stood finished.
Several other aspects render this locality something
special. This is a fortified hill, not – as known from
Jutland – a fortification on low-lying, wet land. The
defensive works do not, as is usually the case, lie at
the top of a hillside, but at its foot. In this way the
advantages provided by the natural terrain of the
difference in height and the difficulty in advancing
up the slope, which the choice of the hill top as the
defensive position would have given, have not been
exploited. This is usually the main criteria for select-
ing hill tops as defensive positions. Despite the fact
that several investigation trenches have been cut,
including on the flattened hill top and its edges, no
traces have been observed of defensive works here.
The question can therefore be asked whether this is
a fortified structure in the usual sense of the term
(Martens 2007, 89). The finds of weapons suggest this
is likely, but it is also conceivable that these represent
depositions and that the site should instead be seen
as a place where votive offerings were performed, i.e.
a parallel to the Jutland-Funen bog offerings, but on
dry ground. The fact that this type of find is not un-
known in the region is revealed by another example
of just such a find from the Roman Iron Age and
Migration period, discovered at Uppåkra in Scania
(Hårdh 1999, 127‑128).
Apart from Borrebjerg, only potential sites can
be identified. During aerial reconnaissance of a rela-
tively low-lying area to the east of Ubby on Zealand,
the Danish National Museum’s long-serving exca-
vation tech nician Per Poulsen observed crop marks
which could be interpreted as a moat, something
which subsequent trial excavations at the site were
able to confirm. The pottery from the excavations can
be dated to the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age (Martens
2007, 95), but the same locality also produced pottery
and flint from the Funnel Beaker culture.
A corresponding coincidence of periods is found
beneath the Viking Age stronghold of Trelleborg
near Slagelse. Here, there were not only pits con-
taining Neolithic pottery, which has prompted an
interpretation of the promontory as a site of Sarup
type, but also pits containing pottery from the Early
Pre-Roman Iron Age. It is therefore not inconceivable
that, also during this period, the site was selected due
to its obvious defensive advantages (Becker 1948b;
Martens 2007, 95).
A third potential site is the Tibirke causeway in
Northern Zealand. This leads out to an islet sur-
rounded by bog and wet meadow, a situation very
much reminiscent of the Borremose site. Like in Bor-
remose, no road continuing on from here has been
demonstrated. On the islet, finds from the Neolithic
were encountered, but nothing which could be inter-
preted as traces of settlement or fortification linked
to the causeway (Kunwald 1944, 85‑86). However,
the excavators did not investigate larger areas on
the islet so it is possible that it does in fact contain
a Borremose-like site. The causeway is dated to the
Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. This is a period during
which we know that the settlements on Zealand do
not have many finds and are therefore difficult to
demonstrate without opening up large areas.
Furthermore, Vilhelm la Cour mentions a couple
of medieval stronghold sites which may have prehis-
toric roots, including Orebygård on Lolland, where
an early, undated bank structure is compared with
the defensive works at Borremose (la Cour 1972,
32‑36). A common feature of la Cour’s sites and
those mentioned here is, however, that they have
not been dated or investigated to a sufficient degree.
To a great extent this unfortunately reflects the status
of Danish prehistoric stronghold research (Andersen
1992). It is therefore not possible to involve these
sites in a discussion either of battle tech niques or
social organisation during the Pre-Roman Iron Age
on Zealand and in Scania.
The sword as an emblematic
type during the Late Pre-Roman
Iron Age
Even though there are only few finds of weapons
from the region, they do even so reflect general ten-
dencies, both regionally and chronologically. It can
be perceived that, also in this region, there was a
shift from regional Nordic weapon types to inter-
regional types during the course of the Pre-Roman
Iron Age (Martens 2002). Even though the record
is very sparse, it is also possible to detect a move
towards more generous burial practices, where the
inclusion of weapons, among other things, was in-
troduced. These changes reflect the supra-regional
phenomenon which during the course of the Late
Pre-Roman Iron Age washed over Northern Europe
and the northern part of Central Europe and which
goes by the term of ‘La Tèneisation’ (Martens 1998).
Despite its name, this does not comprise an actual
‘Celtification’ of Barbaricum to the north of the Cen-
tral European Highlands. Conversely, there was an
active selection of Celtic forms and elements which
were employed in an alternation of the ideological
and social organisation of lowland European soci-
eties (Martens 1998, 178). In brief, it involved the
use of specific Celtic style elements and types by the
elite in order to create a common emblematic idiom
across cultures and societies. Where costume and
burial practices previously demonstrated an affilia-
tion to a particular local group, they now signalled
to a greater degree affiliation to a particular social
stratum. Whereas the burial practice previously
ordained moderation and placed the group above
the individual, it now emphasised the role and the
prestige of the person being buried (Martens 1998;
2008b; 2009). This also means, unfortunately, that it
is more difficult, although not impossible, to dem-
onstrate regional differences and therefore cultural
links in the ‘La Tèneisated’ Late Pre-Roman Iron Age.
It does, however, require a greater body of evidence
than that available from Zealand and Scania. It is
possible, even so, to draw some further conclusions
161

Fig. 12. a. The re-forged La Tène sword from Tjetthög,
Öland, after Rasch 2002, fig. 8b; b. The re-forged single-
edged sword from Harsefeld near Hamborg, Northern
Germany, after Wegewitz 1937, fig. 44.
with regard to the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. This
is due to the fact, as mentioned above, that the ma-
terial culture during this period reflects to a higher
degree local conditions and groups. In the case of
costume accessories this is a phenomenon which has
long been recognised (Becker 1956; Keiling 1968). In
the following it will be demonstrated that this also
applies to certain weapon types.
The fact that weapons, including swords, can ap-
pear in the role of an emblematic type is illustrated
by several examples. In the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age
there is no doubt that there is a difference in the
symbolic value of single-edged and double-edged
swords. In certain areas the types occur side by side,
in others they exclude one another. Öland is an area
where the single-edged sword is universal. Even so, a
grave in Tjetthög, Gårdlösa parish contained a sword
(fig. 12a), the blade of which was unmistakably dou-
ble-edged. The hilt and the blade had, however, been
re-forged and the base of the blade equipped with
rivet holes in the same manner as an actual single-
edged sword (Rasch 2002, 289, fig. 8b). In its present
form, the sword is single-edged and not just the hilt
but also the blade have been adapted to the local re-
quirements concerning the appearance of a sword. A
corresponding example is known from the Hamburg
162
area. Along the lower reaches of the Elbe, around the
birth of Christ, double-edged swords were, if not
universal, then heavily dominant (Adler 1993, 63‑66).
From grave 21 on the cemetery at Harsefeld there is
a weapon showing the unmistakable features of a
single-edged sword (Wegewitz 1937, 12, fig. 44 and
pl. 4; Adler 1993, fig. 12, SII-Sonderform). Even so,
the blade is double-edged. Adler is therefore of the
opinion that this must be a re-forged sword.
Both of these finds illustrate the great significance
ascribed, in the time around the birth of Christ, to the
shape of a sword and the battle tech nique consequent
upon this. At the same time, the finds tell of swords
that must have followed peculiar routes in reaching
their owners. These two swords were obviously of
such great importance to their owners that, instead
of acquiring a local sword, they chose to re-forge
the foreign swords. Therefore they very probably
do not represent war booty, as in that case it would
have been more in line with tradition to destroy the
weapons. Instead, they could represent gifts or the
possessions of foreign warriors who married into
the local population and brought their own weapons
with them to their new home. Not just the sword, but
also the lance head in the Tjetthög grave is of foreign
design and indicates that the weapons, and possibly
also the deceased’s origins, should be sought south of
the Baltic. A re-forging of foreign weapons to a local
form is a powerful symbolic action which must have
had the function of demonstrating that the bearer of
the weapon had been accepted into his new group.
The reforging of the sword can be interpreted as a
symbol of a bond forging two distant social groups
or elites together. Corresponding indications of
long-distance exogamy have previously been dem-
onstrated on the basis of female accessories (Becker
1993; Martens 1998). The great distances over which
these relationships have taken place, bear witness to
an extended system of alliances that, at the end of
the Pre-Roman Iron Age, bound Europe together in
all directions.
Excursus: Sword typology in
the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age
The swords of the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age are
often described as strongly typologically variable
and therefore an expression of a society with a low
degree of organisation. Flemming Kaul, who is the
most recent to have dealt with the subject in detail
writes, for example, in his account of the swords
from Hjortspring, that »the swords differ greatly
from each other, save for one significant, shared fea-
ture: they are single-edged and have a hilt that lies
on the central axis of the sword« (Kaul 2003, 149). It
is further apparent that the Hjortspring swords are
perceived as originating from a time prior to swords
becoming subject to general rules regarding their
shape (Kaul 2003, 164). In other words, in the Early
Pre-Roman Iron Age, swords were rare and were
not of prominent significance in military equipment.
Therefore, there were no fixed rules for the shape
of the swords and it was implied that they could
be manufactured by anyone and anywhere. The
Krogsbølle site represents for Kaul the typological
link between this anarchist state and the fixed inter-
regional types which characterise the end of the Late
Pre-Roman Iron Age. Kaul does not, however, deny
that the difficulty in isolating types could be due to
so few swords having been found from the period
and that the burial practices can be an important
factor in this.
According to Rosenberg, the Hjortspring find
comprises eight virtually complete swords, as well
as fragments of three blades (Rosenberg 1937, 40).
Rosenberg divided them up into three types, primar-
ily on the basis of the cross-section of the blade. If this
typology is accepted, then it also requires acceptance
of very great variation within each type. Thereby,
one is also forced to accept the claim that no fixed
rules existed regarding the shaping of swords in the
Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. But Kaul is critical of
this classification as, in his opinion, it does not take
account of the swords’ more obvious typological fea-
tures. After an examination of the swords, I find it
more obvious to divide them up into the following
four types:
Sword type HS1 comprises find numbers 517,
521, 523 and 520, which could be a part of 523 (see
Rosenberg 1937, 40‑42) (fig. 13a). These swords are
approximately 60 cm long, slender and with an ap-
proximately T-shaped blade cross-section. The back
is sturdy, around 1 cm wide and presumably had
the function of stabilising the long, narrow (up to
2.5 cm wide) blade, which is so thin that it has often
corroded away. In the final third of the blade, the
back and the edge may curve downwards. The hilt
is 8‑12 cm long, slightly tapered and lacks rivet holes.
At the transition between blade and hilt on all these
swords there is a profiled metal band. From one of
the swords, a disc-shaped pommel of bronze sur-
vives which presumably decorated the hilt. This
group, which includes most of the swords in Rosen-
berg’s type a, is very homogeneous.
Sword type HS2 comprises find numbers 518, 525,
526 (two fragments) and 527 (?) (fig. 13b). The swords
in this group are significantly less well preserved
and only one (518) is sufficiently complete that a full
impression of the type is gained. This is, conversely,
almost preserved at its full length and measures 56
cm from the butt of its hilt to blade tip. The blade is
narrow (up to 2 cm) and only hollow-ground on one
side; the back is c. 0.5‑0.6 cm wide. In other words,
the cross-section of these swords lacks the broad back
and the markedly T-shaped profile that characterises
type HS1 and is more in the shape of an L. The hilt is
shaped as a narrow tang, with approximately paral-
lel sides, extending 10‑12 cm out from the blade. At
the transition between hilt and blade, a characteristic
V-shaped depression or ‘fold’ is apparent which pre-
sumably was produced during forging. The swords
of this group are classified by Rosenberg to his types
a and c.
Sword type HS3 comprises finds numbers 515 and
516 (fig. 13c). These are two well-preserved swords
of, respectively, 49 and 39 cm in length. These are
characterised by broad (up to 3.5 cm) blades with
flat side surfaces and a narrow back. The back can
be slightly arched along its longitudinal axis. On one
of the swords (516), there is a double-sided blood
groove running below the back. Only this sword has
a preserved hilt of full extent. This is short (6 cm),
with an approximately rectangular cross-section and
parallel sides; near its base there is a rivet hole. At the
transition from hilt to blade there is a profiled metal
band, and there are also four bronze bands, presum-
ably belonging to the handle, which indicate that
the sword has had a grip of organic material with a
diameter of just less than 2 cm. On the slightly less
well-preserved sword 515, remains of organic mate-
rial can be seen at the base of the hilt. Conversely,
metal bands are not preserved. Rosenberg classified
the two swords into two separate groups, respec-
tively c and b, due to the presence or absence of rivet
holes in the hilt.
Sword type HS4 comprises find number 524 (fig.
13d). The latter find number can hardly be classed
as a ‘sword.’ It is a sturdy, just less than 34 cm long
slashing knife with a broad (up to 7 cm) blade. In
common with the other swords it has, as pointed out
by Kaul, the placing of the hilt in extension of the
sword’s longitudinal axis and profiled metal bands
at the transition between hilt and blade. Further-
more, the blade has the T-profile characteristic of
type HS1, which in this case is difficult to justify. A
special feature of the sword is also the short, broad,
almost triangular plate-like hilt which is, further-
more, equipped with two rivet holes. On the basis
of the latter mentioned feature, Rosenberg places the
type in his b group.
Of the four types outlined here, the first two
can be said to be so consistent to type that they can
be assumed to represent two distinct but different
163
workshops. Consequently, one could also assume a
different provenance. Confirmation that these really
are distinct types and not variations on an undefined
theme would come from finding representatives of
the type outside the Hjortspring assemblage. In this
respect, a problem is quickly encountered in that
weapon finds from the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age
are generally very rare, probably in particular due
to the predominant burial practice. In spite of this,
there is a find which confirms the typology proposed
here or, at least, the identification of type HS2. This
is a single-edged sword (fig. 14a) found in a bog,
Stengårds Mose, close to the east end of lake Mossø,
164
near Skanderborg. It was C.J. Becker who involved
the sword in the discussion of the Hjortspring find
(Becker 1948a, 172, fig. 20), whereas Kaul does not
mention it in his examination of the comparative
material (Kaul 2003). The sword is 51 cm long, has
a maximum surviving breadth of c. 2 cm and has
the characteristic fold in the blade at the transition
to the hilt, indicative of type HS2. The sole deviation
relative to the Hjortspring examples is that the blade
is hollow-ground on both sides and thereby has a
weakly T-shaped cross-section, which is a little remi-
niscent of the cross-section of type HS1. The back is,
however, much less robust than on the latter pieces
Fig. 13. The four
sword types in
the Hjortspring
assemblage, Als,
Jylland: a HS1, b,
HS2, c HS3 and d
HS4. J. Martens,
drawn from
original.

Fig. 14. a. Sword of Hjortspring type HS2 found in
Stensgård Mose, near Skanderborg, Eastern Jutland. J.
Martens, drawn from original; b. Sword related to HS2
found in Schwelbeck, Eastern Holstein, after Raddatz
1958, fig. 1a.
and measures only 0.6 cm. The find from Stensgård
Mose indicates, accordingly, that people with swords
manufactured in the same workshop operated both
on Als and in the eastern Central Jutland sometime
in the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. It is of further in-
terest that the find site lies not far from the above-
mentioned Vædebro find (just less than 1 km south
of this), and that the watercourse Vædebro Å drains
the valley of Illerup Ådal, the site of the great Roman
Iron Age war-booty site, which lies only 5‑6 km up-
stream.
A sword related to type HS2 (fig. 14b) was found
in a bog at Schwelbeck in SE Holstein (Raddatz 1958,
fig. 1a; Völling 1998, 563, fig. 3a). This measures al-
most 82 cm in length and the hilt terminates in a
round disc, as seen on one of the swords of type
HS1. Conversely, the cross-section of the blade re-
sembles type HS2, although it is somewhat more
robust (0.8 cm thick across the back). It is not pos-
sible, on the basis of the published illustration, to
determine whether the sword has the fold between
the hilt and blade typical of type HS2. The blade is
sturdier (up to 3 cm wide) than on the similar swords
from Hjortspring, but despite these differences there
can be no doubt as to the relationship between the
Schwelbeck sword and the two slender Hjortspring
types.
Another way of looking at the sword types pre-
sented here is according to the fighting tech nique
for which the swords were intended. It is difficult to
imagine a battle between two opponents where one
uses an HS1 sword and the other an HS4 sword. The
swords can thus be divided up into two clearly dis-
tinguishable main groups, according to blade type:
swords with long, narrow blades (HS1 and 2) and
swords with short, broad blades (HS3 and 4). The
latter main group is the one which survives in the
Late Pre-Roman Iron Age and is a form which im-
plies the use of the sword as a slashing weapon. This
is underlined by the ultra-short sword HS4, which
does not permit any great distance to the enemy if
the blow is to strike home. Of greater interest is the
slender type. Flemming Kaul has already directed
attention towards this type by comparing it with the
Greek machaira, a sword type which was used as a
slashing sword by the classical Greek infantry (Kaul
1988, 80‑82); 2003, 170). The Hjortspring swords of
type HS1 do, however, have a feature which makes
it difficult to imagine that they were suited to, and
that their main function was, slashing. The blade’s
broad back (1 cm) and the consequent pronounced
T-shaped cross-section, as well as the length rela-
tive to the breadth, makes these swords unsuited for
cleaving let alone delivering a forceful cut or blow.
In the light of its form, HS1 appears better suited
165
Fig. 15. The single-edged sword types represented in the Krogsbølle assemblage, Northern Funen. a. KS1; b. KS1a; c.
KS2; d. KS3; e. Parallel to type KS1 found in Gravdalen, Oppland, Norway. J. Martens, drawn from original.

to keeping the enemy at bay and seems more like
a fencing and stabbing weapon rather than a tradi-
tional slashing sword. The almost rapier-like blades
on type HS1 seem to demand single combat and not
a chaotic battle between two armies clashing tumul-
tuously together. With its long narrow blade, type
HS2 seems to be best suited to this form of fighting.
Völling also interprets the sword from Schwelbeck as
a stabbing weapon (Völling 1998, 563). The swords
in the Hjortspring assemblage represent, therefore,
two different battle types and perhaps a transitional
stage between them – archaic, heroic single combat
between a society’s leaders and a battle between or-
ganised armies, led by these leaders.
According to Kaul, the Krogsbølle swords con-
stitute an intermediate stage between the apparent
typological anarchy of the Hjortspring phase and
the fixed interregional types of the Late Pre-Roman
Iron Age. In contrast to the Hjortspring finds, the
Krogsbølle assemblage has never been published in
its entirety and it can be difficult to gain a precise
overview of the find without carrying out new stud-
ies of the artefacts.
The assemblage comprises six single-edged
swords and one double-edged sword (Becker 1948a,
166‑168, fig. 17; Kaul 2003, 164‑166, fig. 4.26‑27). Just
as at Hjortspring, there is a dominant form, as well
as some swords which are difficult to classify.

166
 Sword type KS1 (fig. 15a) comprises three swords
(NM C7764, C7856 and FS5136), of which only one
is preserved in its entirety. This is a sword with a
relatively broad (more than 4 cm), flat blade and a
c. 7 cm long, almost triangular plate-like hilt with
one to two rivet holes. The hilt lies almost on the
sword’s central axis, only slightly displaced towards
the back. Between the hilt and the blade there is a
narrow guard. The total length of these swords lies
between 56 and 70 cm; one of them has a double-
sided blood groove running along the back. These
swords are rather uniform and could originate from
the same workshop.
Sword type KS1a (fig. 15b). Further to the previ-
ous type is a smaller sword, the total length of which
could not have been much more than the surviv-
ing 26.5 cm (FS5038). It deviates from the swords in
the previous group primarily by way of its smaller
dimensions, the lack of a hilt and in that the blade
tapers more markedly towards the point. In reality,
this is not really a sword but more of a combat knife.
Due to the great typological similarity with the above Fig. 16. Lance head of Salo’s type B in the Krogsbølle
type, the knife could originate from the same work- assemblage. J. Martens, drawn from original.
shop environment.
Sword type KS2 (fig. 15c) comprises a small sword
(C7855) which cannot have been much longer than
the surviving 39.5 cm. The blade is broad (up to 4 cm), assemblage, it is also possible to identifiy good and
flat and tapers gradually towards its tip. The hilt lies less good parallels to the types at Krogsbølle. On
almost in continuation of the back, the transition only a previous occasion, I have drawn attention to the
marked by a ledge. At the hilt end, which is relatively similarity between the swords in two Pre-Roman
short and almost rectangular, there is a rivet hole. Iron Age graves from Himmerland and the swords
Sword type KS3 (fig. 15d) comprises one sword of types KS2 and KS3 (Martens 1998, 171, fig. 9a-c;
(FS5135) which had originally measured at least 45 2002, 230‑238, fig. 1). These are, however, not di-
cm in length. The blade is broad (4 cm), flat and has rectly identical pieces but parallels which display
a double-sided blood groove. The hilt on this sword a cultural and chronological affinity. Even so, these
is preserved solely in the form of a short, upturned parallels are important because, together with the
1 cm long protrusion. If this is the original extent of the double-edged La Tène sword in the Krogsbølle as-
hilt, then the protrusion must have functioned as an semblage, they point forward in time, whereas the
attachment hook for a grip of organic material. There main type in the find, KS1, has clear roots in the Early
are no traces of rivets either in the blade or in the hilt. Pre-Roman Iron Age. It is this type which has an al-
As this account shows, the swords in the Krogs- most identical parallel in a sword (fig. 15c) found in
bølle assemblage are just as typologically variable Gravdalen, Vågå district in Oppland, Norway (Oslo
as those from Hjortspring. Presumably as a conse- C36421). The similarity is so great that these swords
quence of the smaller number, only one type is repre- must have been produced in the same workshop.
sented by more than one example. Remarkably, there The Norwegian sword was found at great altitude
is no real overlap between the types in the two finds, in the mountains at a place usually covered by snow
although there is a certain similarity between types and ice. In the catalogue text, mention is made of a
HS4 and KS1. Whether this is due to chronological or trapping system in the vicinity. Finds arising from
regional circumstances cannot be determined. How- the melting of glaciers are generally not uncommon
ever, in general, the Krogsbølle find is perceived as in Norway, but from this period they are. A sword is
being later than Hjortspring. Therefore, HS4, which no hunting implement and must therefore have been
represents the typological link, must represent the deposited in this unusual place for other reasons.
most modern weapon form in the Hjortspring as- The Norwegian sword forces us to lift our gaze
semblage. to an, for the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age, unexpected
As was the case with type HS2 in the Hjortspring height. But the sword is not the only link between

167
Funen and Jutland and the Scandinavian Peninsula.
The previously mentioned lance head with embed-
ded ferrule (Salo’s type B) is also a type which is best
perceived as belonging to the Scandinavian Penin-
sula. The distribution of this type has been mapped
by Jan Bemmann in connection with the publication
of a hoard of these lance heads found in Eastern Hol-
stein. In connection with this, he also drew attention
to a Norwegian find which has the combination of a
lance head of this type with a spade-headed pin of
Jastorf type. The latter pin type is a foreign form in
Norway and therefore presumably an imported find
(Bemmann 1998).

The Hjortspring assemblage

and SE Scandinavia
From Zealand and Scania there is only one known
sword of Early Pre-Roman Iron Age type: that from
Værebro Å. Flemming Kaul considers this to be a
typologically intermediate form between represen-
tatives of the sword types identified here, HS4 and
KS1, but also points out that it has the profiled metal
bands at the transition between hilt and blade, char-
acteristic of several of the Hjortspring swords (Kaul
2003, 166). Even though Kaul is correct in these ob-
servations, closer analysis shows that the sword lies
typologically much closer to type HS4 than type KS1.
In addition to the already mentioned profiled metal
band, the outline of the actual blade is also very
similar to HS4. The Værebro sword also has a short,
almost triangular blade which has, furthermore, the
suggestion of a splayed-out back (a slight hint of
T-profile) in the style of, although not as marked
as, HS4. In contrast to this, the swords of type KS1
have long, flat blades with roughly parallel sides that
first taper near the tip. Accordingly, these swords
are much closer typologically to the single-edged
swords from the final phase of the Late Pre-Roman
Iron Age. Even though it must be admitted that the
hilt plate of the Værebro sword, due to its more slen-
der form, appears to lie closer to KS1, the narrower
form can be attributed to the fact that the blade is
also narrower than that on the Hjortspring sword.
Normally, a certain amount of variation is permitted
within a type and the so-called fixed sword types of
the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age are a good example of
this (see Wolagiewiczowie 1964). The Værebro sword
can therefore be identified as a representative of type
HS4, and the sword supports accordingly Kaul’s hint
at the possibility of participation from Zealand in the
Hjortspring army (Kaul 2003, 177).
Another definite Early Pre-Roman Iron Age
Fig. 17. Distribution map for spearheads of Salo’s
type B (black circles), after Bemmann 1998, fig. 3, with
addition of the finds from Vedhygge, Eastern Scania
and Krogsbølle, Northern Funen (grey circles). Solid and
open triangles show finds of spade-headed pins.
weapon from the region is the lance head found at
Vedhygge in Eastern Scania. Apart from this, there
are only three grave finds containing points of this
kind, all from the Scandinavian Peninsula (Moi:
Bemmann 1998; Lindsborg: Salo 1962, 76; Nyckelby:
Nicklasson 2002, 269). Despite their modest number
it can be assumed that they demonstrate where the
type was in use. There are actually also a few Early
Pre-Roman Iron Age graves containing lance heads
on the Continent, although none of these include this
type (Martens 2001, appendix 2). The assumption
concerning a Scandinavian origin is also supported
by the general distribution of the type; outside the
Scandinavian Peninsula, it has only been found in
the war booty depositions at Krogsbølle on Funen,3
Hjortspring on Als and in a single-type hoard at
Wöbs in Eastern Holstein (fig. 17). The type docu-
ments and supports thereby the Nordic involvement
in these finds as already suggested by the aforemen-
tioned Norwegian sword of KS1 type.
The final definite weapon from the period is the
shield boss of Hjortspring type from Kvärlöv in Sca-
nia. Even though this is of a supra-regional type, the
find also contributes to underlining the likelihood of

168
a Scandinavian or Eastern Danish participation in the
actions which led to the war booty deposits on Funen
and along the eastern coast of Jutland (Martens 2001;
2006c; Kaul 2003, 177).
Seen in isolation, these three finds are a fragile
basis for a statement concerning supra-regional al-
liances and warfare. The Early Pre-Roman Iron Age
is, however, a period of inferences, something which
presumably is due first and foremost to the dominant
egalitarian ideology and the consequent restrictive
burial practices (Martens 1998; 2009). Furthermore,
the period is generally poor in finds, for which the
Hjortspring finds provides an explanation. As Flem-
ming Kaul has proposed, these suggest that the army,
or parts of it, originated from a place where wooden
containers were preferred to pottery vessels (Kaul
2003, 177). This appears to have been the case over
large parts of Scandinavia. In the Early Pre-Roman
Iron Age, we find only pottery of high quality and
in abundant quantities on the Continent as well as
in Jutland and on Funen. On the Scandinavian Pen-
insula the pottery found in graves is, in general, of
such poor quality that it can hardly have been used
for any other purpose than as urns. Furthermore, the
remains of the deceased were often buried in con-
tainers made of organic material rather than pottery
(Nybruget & Martens 1997, 86‑87).
Kaul is correct in his view that the turned wooden
containers in the Hjortspring finds assemblage bear
witness to a highly developed level of craftsman-
ship. This would make sense if production of these
containers was not in competition with, but in place
of, pottery, as could have been the case in Eastern
Denmark and on the Scandinavian Peninsula dur-
ing the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. Conclusions ex
silentio are, however, dangerous and support must
therefore be sought for such a theory, however dif-
ficult this may be. The fact that an advanced level
of wood-carving and wood-turning craftsmanship
really existed at the end of the Bronze Age and dur-
ing the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age is shown by the
surprisingly abundant evidence from Norway (Mar-
strander 1967; 1980). Here, there are both bowls like
those from Hjortspring and ornamental carvings of
high artistic quality. The most important of these
finds, from Høstad, comprising several bowls as well
as a low stool, is dated by Marstrander on the basis
of tech nique and typological features to the end of
the Bronze Age or the beginning of the Pre-Roman
Iron Age. This date has subsequently been confirmed
by radiocarbon dating (Solberg 2005, 396).
Høstad is in Central Norway (Trøndelag), which
could seem very far away considering the period,
but from the same region there is also a fragment of
a boat of Hjortspring type (Sylvester 2006). In addi-
tion to this, the only other known physical remains
of yet another possible boat of Hjortspring type is a
thwart fragment found at Hämpnäs in Central Swe-
den (Crumlin-Pedersen 2003). Together with rock
carvings, these show the widespread Scandinavian
distribution of this type. Randsborg uses as an argu-
ment for a more southern origin of the Hjortspring
boat the fact that it is built of broad planks of lime
wood, which require access to trees of considerable
girth (Randsborg 1995). However, lime’s area of dis-
tribution covers much of the Scandinavian Peninsula,
extending northwards to just south of Trondheim
(Skard 2002, 117). Even though it would not have
been possible to find trees of sufficient girth for the
purpose all over this area, this would be the case in
the areas which are of interest here; Eastern Norway,
Southern Sweden, Scania and Zealand.
Klavs Randsborg was the first to involve the small
pyxis-like wooden boxes from Hjortspring in the
discussion of the origin of the military equipment
(Randsborg 1995, 33‑36, figs. 10‑12). Even though he
used their form to argue the case for a link between
Hjortspring and the Lower Elbe, he did, however,
point out that there is a good parallel to these in a
small pottery box from Bornholm. Subsequently, it
has been demonstrated that this type is also found
elsewhere in Eastern Scandinavia (Martens 2002, 148,
fig. 15).
One of the very finest wooden artefacts in the
Hjortspring find is find no. 538, which is described
as a »wheel-shaped, carved disc« (Rosenberg 1937,
67, fig. 34). The artefact is not only beautifully orna-
mented but also executed in open-work design. On
the basis of a central perforation, Rosenberg suggests
that it could have functioned as a spindle whorl. The
artefact is, like most of the artefacts from Hjortspring,
without any clear parallels. The interesting feature in
the present context is its open-work ornamentation.
There are actually parallels to this on certain and-
irons (i.e. fire dogs) from Zealand and Scania (Becker
1948b, fig. 165; Holmberg 1965, figs. 5‑6; Salomons-
son 1971, 133; Stjernquist 1969, fig. 8; 1998, fig. 6;
Vifot 1934, figs. 4‑5). According to an unpublished
but oft-quoted study carried out by Jan Augusts-
son, this type of andiron first appears at the end of
the Pre-Roman Iron Age (phase IIB) and the Early
Roman Iron Age (Stjernquist 1998, 179; Bäck 2003,
27‑28 and fig 1). However, if the context for the and-
irons from Trelleborg is considered (Becker 1948b,
particularly figs. 161‑163), this date appears too late.
The pottery from Trelleborg pit 4, the origin of the
best parallels, can be dated at the latest to a time cor-
responding to phase IIA of the Late Pre-Roman Iron
Age. Accordingly, the andirons are still later than
the Hjortspring find, but at least they document the
169
presence not only of open-work ornamentation but
also the kerbsch nitt-like zig-zag band ornamentation
on Zealand and in Scania in the time immediately
following the deposition of the Hjortspring find.
Conclusion: Zealand and
Scania in the Early Pre-Roman
Iron Age and the long-term
perspective
No clear and unambiguous evidence for a SE Scan-
dinavian origin of the Hjortspring army is presented
here, and neither was it the intention. Firstly, the ar-
chaeological record does not provide a basis for such
a conclusion, and, secondly, it is far from certain that
the origin of the Hjortspring army should be sought
just in one place. As demonstrated with respect to the
Late Pre-Roman Iron Age, societies during the Early
Pre-Roman Iron Age were very probably linked in all
directions by long-distance alliances. The finding of
a Krogsbølle sword in the Norwegian interior and a
Jastorf pin on the SW coast of Norway provide mere
tiny glimpses of a reality which was considerably
more complex than we usually assume. As argued
in another context (Martens 2009), behind an appar-
ently impoverished and egalitarian society hides an
organisation which managed to form supra-regional
networks and gather armies with contingents from
several different regions. The Hjortspring find con-
tains features which point towards eastern Central
Jutland, the Hamburg region, Zealand, Scania and
Bornholm. This alone should be enough to explain
the diversity of the weapon types.
In so far as the Hjortspring army was composed
of small contingents from many different areas –
who were these people? In a newly published paper,
Heiko Steuer feels able to see indications of an early
system of retainers (Gefolgschaft) behind the find. His
arguments include the numerical ratio between lead-
ers and warriors of 1:9 – a ratio he also finds in other
earlier and later finds (Steuer 2009). The company
is said to consist of people from near and far who
were attracted by the leader’s charisma. The leader
armed them and secured their livelihood through
plundering raids. This model requires a leader with
the power and accommodation to house and feed
such a company of retainers. These requirements are
described by Frands Herschend in his study of the
Late Iron Age hall (e.g. Herschend 1999). The ques-
tion is whether these conditions could be met in the
Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. Apart from the fact that
the 1:9 ratio of leaders to warrior cannot be read from
170
the Hjortspring find, there are much more serious
objections to this model. There are no known traces
of actual halls from the Pre-Roman Iron Age and it
is only possible to point out a very few farmsteads
having larger living quarters than others (Rindel
2001; Martens 2010). Furthermore, a much smaller
variation in weaponry would be expected than is
actually the case if one or a few leaders had equipped
the Hjortspring army. Something which does appear
to be able to support a theory that a retainer system
existed in the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age is that, dur-
ing this period, large cauldrons are found in richly
equipped graves. Similarly, graves may be furnished
with a large number of pottery vessels. These two
features could be interpreted as an expression of the
dead being seen as having to entertain a large entou-
rage. The two elements do not, however, go hand in
hand and there also seem to be far too many graves
containing large quantities of pottery for this to be
perceived as an exclusive feature reserved for leaders
with a company of retainers (Martens 1998, table 4b).
Flemming Kaul has compared the peculiar,
slender single-edged swords of type HS1 with the
Greek machaira. Perhaps this comparison should be
taken further and comparison made between the
Hjortspring army and Agamemnon’s levy at Troy.
It was not eth nicity or a strong central power which
made possible and assembled the Hjortspring army
on Als but rather mutual connections and obliga-
tions between leading families. This would provide
an excellent clarification for the diffuse origin of the
find. It would also be a good explanation for the
strange rapier-like swords. These were intended as
single-combat weapons between equals. War was a
privilege and a game for people of noble birth. The
ratio between ‘officers’ and ‘privates’ was, if each
warrior was equipped with two lance heads, c. 1:5.4 If
one assumes that the enclosed village of Grøntoft is a
reflection of an average village during the Early Pre-
Roman Iron Age, this corresponds to the levy only
being made up of the inhabitants of larger farms. The
people occupying smaller houses were presumably
dependant on the inhabitants of the larger ones, and
thereby not worthy of military service, apart from
possibly in defence of their own village. Participation
in long-distance campaigns extending over longer
periods must, on the other hand, have been a privi-
lege and a duty for the wealthier classes.
This does not, however, answer the question
concerning in whose interest it was that they found
themselves on an inhospitable shore on Als on that
fateful day in the 4th century BC. If Bemmann’s dis-
tribution map of lance heads with embedded ferrules
is updated to include the most recent finds, a very
interesting picture emerges (fig. 17). This picture re-
sembles to a very high degree the pattern from the
Late Roman Iron Age war booty offering horizons.
The war booty offering sites lie on Funen and the
east coast of Jutland, whereas their artefact types
originate from the Scandnavian peninsula (Ilkjær
1990, 337‑339, figs. 202‑207). Zealand and Scania lie
in the eye of the storm. Bearing in mind the common
features seen in the distribution maps from the two
periods it is tempting to assume that these reveal
different expressions of the same phenomena. The
composition of the army and the apparently great
distance from home do not suggest that this was a
plundering voyage but more probably, as Flemming
Kaul has suggested (Kaul 2003, 177, 185), a puni-
tive expedition. The reasons for this could have been
many: broken obligations, response to attacks etc.
In a new study of the Viemose find, Xenia Pauli
Jensen has underlined the difficulties in identifying
a particular geographical area or a particular tribe
as being the place of origin for sacrificed military
equipment from the Early and Late Roman Iron Age
(Pauli Jensen 2008, 296‑311, figs. 80‑88). Pauli Jensen
also discusses the nature of the depositions and, with
reference to Roman sources, questions whether they
always only contain weapons belonging to the de-
feated (Pauli Jensen 2008, 322‑326). If the victorious
part offered some of their own equipment together
with that of the defeated enemy, for example, as was
the practice of the Romans, this would contribute to
explaining the divergent provenances of the finds
while at the same time confusing any attempt to cal-
culate the composition, organisation and extent of
the forces involved. It can be added that correspond-
ing mixtures of local and foreign types would also
arise if the conflict was between two local chieftains,
each with their army comprised of contingents of
allies from near and far.
These are important objections which, to a high
degree, render difficult any interpretation of Early
Iron Age war booty depositions, but which at the
same time challenge us to be aware of the ambiguity
of the finds. With respect to the Early Pre-Roman Iron
Age it is, due to the limited number of finds, very
difficult to distinguish between local and foreign. It
is therefore also difficult to evaluate which of the al-
ternative interpretations lies closest to the truth.
In the Late Roman Iron Age the distribution pat-
tern of centres of wealth/power and war booty de-
positions seem to be complementary. In so far as this
is not coincidental, but an expression of a connection,
the bog sites could be interpreted as an expression of
both an east-west conflict and a north-south conflict
in Southern Scandinavia. These are conflicts which,
according to Saxo, can be traced far up into the Mid-
dle Ages and, consequently, they have their roots
way back in the Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. This is
then a phenomenon which can be traced through
many centuries and very different historical contexts.
The question which arises is whether this phenom-
enon was, during all these times, an expression of
the same type of historical event. The answer must
necessarily be no, but this does not mean that it could
not be an expression of different stages in the same
historical process; that which ultimately led to for-
mation of the Danish Kingdom. Extrapolation of this
process all the way back to the Early Pre-Roman Iron
Age would undoubtedly provoke protest. It is, how-
ever, not ‘Project Denmark’ but the process which
later led up to this phenomenon which is referred
to here. With the development of seaworthy, high-
speed boats such as the Hjortspring boat, the foun-
dation was laid for rapid seaborne communication.
This would, as a consequence, result in areas of land
cut traversed by navigable waters being linked to-
gether in an increasingly stronger network. Zealand
and Scania presumably played a central role in this
process from the very beginning. In the Pre-Roman
Iron Age, Southern Jutland formed, however, part of
another strong network which linked it to the north-
ern part of the Continent. This is also a long-term
trend which, recurrently, has caused conflict with
the east-west network.
Notes
1. I would like to thank Xenia Pauli Jensen, Torbjörn Brorson,
Benny Staal and, not least, my wife Vibeke Vandrup
Martens for valuable input and help in obtaining records
and other evidence as a basis for this article. Also thanks to
the staff of Odense City Museums, Moesgård Museum, the
National Museum in Copenhagen, the Heritage Agency of
Denmark/Sites and Monuments, Malmöhus Museum and
Lund University Historical Museum for help in locating
artefacts and records.
2. Weapon graves from the Zealand archipelago according to
Hedeager 1992, fig. 98, finds list p. 408 and microfiche: 5.5:
C9488‑91, found at 05.04.08, Rønnebæksholm; 7.1: 18221,
found at 07.02.11, Corselitze; 7.25: C9428‑29, found at
07.05.08, Hoby. Only the latter can be identified today. The
two other find numbers refer to finds from other periods.
3. After completion of the manuscript, a further example has
appeared on Funen. This was found in the bog, Rønninge
Mose, Rønninge parish, close to a large settlement area from
the Pre-Roman Iron Age. The find, OBM 7171x3, comes from
Christian Mikkelsen’s collection. Personal communication
from Mogens Bo Henriksen, 15th April 2010.
4. According to Rosenberg, there were 130 iron lance heads
in the find (Rosenberg 1937, 43). If each warrior was
equipped with two lance heads, as suggested by Randsborg
(Randsborg 1995, 38‑42), this corresponds to 69 warriors, of
which 11 also carried a sword. The ratio is then (69/11)/11
= 1:5.27.
171
Appendices Zealand archipelago
1. Værebro Å IV, Jyllinge parish, Frederiksborg county,
020407‑32
Finds of weapons Bone point, NM 525/69, NMC30368 (?)
Zealand
Sejrø 2. Værebro Å II, between Kirkeholmen and Stenløse bridge.
010605‑84 Kildebæk, Stenløse, bone points (C10214‑22, Gundsømagle parish, Frederiksborg county
C13251‑54) Single-edged sword, lance head of iron, two bone points,
030204‑83 Høng Mose, Finderup, Holbæk, bone point (NM NMC26038‑41
file no. 30/56, C14583) 3. Værebro Å III, Værebro Drengehjem, Gundsømagle par-
ish, Frederiksborg county, 020403‑125
Appendix 1 Bone point, NMC26241

Finds of bone points of Hjortspring type 4. Værebro Å I, Viksø Bro, Viksø parish. Frederiksborg
county
Wetland – see appendix 5 La Tène sword found when cleaning out watercourse,
Zealand: nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, NMC26687
Scania: nos. 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24
5. Kildebæk Mose, Stenløse, Zealand, 010605‑84
Settlement finds – see appendix 7 13 bone lance heads, bog deposit (Kaul 1988, 38, fig. 28),
Zealand: nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 NM file no. 575/01, 790/06, NMC10214‑22, C13251‑54
Scania: nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10
6. Høng Mose, Finderup, Holbæk, bone point, 030204‑83,
Stray finds/lacking information – see appendix 8 NM file no.30/56, NMC14583
Zealand: nos. 1, 2, 3, 4
Scania: nos. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 7. Præstemosen, Holmstrup parish, Holbæk county,
030605‑62
Bone point, NM file no. 30/56
Appendix 2
8. Præstemosen, Holmstrup parish, Holbæk county,
Finds of lance heads 030605‑54
Wetland – see appendix 5 Two single-edged swords found during peat cutting,
Zealand: no. 2 1 m below the surface (Liversage 1980, 55, pl. 53, E3),
NMC26025
Grave finds – see appendix 6
Scania: nos. 1, 2 9. Tissø, Store Fuglede parish, Holbæk county, 030106‑90
Double-edged La Tène sword found by amateur archaeolo-
Settlement finds – see appendix 7 gist using metal detector in shallow waters (Liversage 1980,
Zealand: no. 1 57, fig. 34, E7), NM file no. 868/57, NMC27244

10. Lindholmgårdsmose, Uvelse, Frederiksborg county,

Appendix 3 010314
Finds of iron swords Double-edged La Tène sword with bronze- and silver-
ornamented grip (Liversage 1980, 55; Klindt-Jensen 1949,
Wetland – see appendix 5 43f, fig. 15)
Zealand: nos. 2, 4, 8, 9, 10
11. Uglemosen, Birket parish, Maribo county, Lolland
Grave finds – see appendix 6 070401‑110
Zealand no. 4 Three to four wooden helmets (Mathiassen 1952) classi-
Scania nos. 2, 3 fied by F. Kaul as helmets of Negau type (Kaul 1996, 29ff),
AMS radiocarbon dated to 4060BP ±95 (Heinemeier et al.
Appendix 4 1994, 290).

Finds of defensive weapons Scania

12. Näsbyholmsjön, Gärdslöv parish, Scania, LUHM
Wetland finds – see appendix 5 8440:17
Zealand no. 11 Bone lance head found in lake (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 1e;
Settlement finds – see appendix 7 Martens 2001, fig. 13b)
Scania no. 11 13. Näsbyholmsjön, Gärdslöv parish, Scania, LUHM
8440:12
Appendix 5 Antler lance head found in lake (Martens 2001, fig. 13e)

Wetland finds 14. Segeå stream, Arlövsgården, Burlöv parish, Scania,

LUHM 26485:69

172
Antler lance head, ornamented with circular grooves at
base and a wave-shaped groove at point, found when
cleaning out the watercourse Segeå in 1932 (Althin 1951,
274, fig. 2a; Martens 2001, fig. 11a)
15. Segeå stream, Arlövsgården, Burlöv parish, Scania,
LUHM 26950:7‑8
Antler lance head and bone lance head found when clean-
ing out Segeå in 1933, »not far from LUHM 26485« (Althin
1951, 274, not depicted; Martens 2001, fig. 11b-c)
16. Segeå stream, Arlövsgården, Burlöv parish, Scania,
LUHM 28005:4
Bone lance head found when cleaning out Segeå in 1935
(Althin 1951, 274, fig. 2b; Martens 2001, fig. 12a)
17. Segeå stream, Stjärnelund, Görslöv parish, Scania,
LUHM 27098:4
Bone lance head found when cleaning out Segeå in
1933/1934 (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 2e; Martens 2001, fig. 11f)
18. Segeå stream, St. Bernstorpsgården, Södra Sallerup par-
ish, Scania, LUHM 26977:2
Bone lance head found when cleaning out Segeå in 1933
(Althin 1951, 274, fig. 2c; Martens 2001, fig. 11d)
19. Segeå stream, St. Bernstorpsgården, Södra Sallerup par-
ish, Scania, LUHM 27062:12
Point of bone lance head, found when cleaning out Segeå
in 1933/1934 (Althin 1951, 274, not depicted; Martens 2001,
fig. 11e)
20. Segeå stream, St. Bernstorpsgården, Södra Sallerup par-
ish, Scania, LUHM 28119:b
Bone lance head, found by dredging Segeå in 1936 (Althin
1951, 274, fig. 2d; Martens 2001, fig. 12c)
21. Segeå stream, St. Bernstorpsgården, Södra Sallerup par-
ish, Scania, LUHM 28266:6
Bone lance head, found by dredging Segeå in 1937 (Althin
1951, 274, fig. 2f; Martens 2001, fig. 12b)
22. Segeå stream, Törringe parish, Scania, private collection
Bone lance head found by Segeå (Salomonsson 1971, 131,
fig.? on p. 131)
23. Tormetorps Mosse, Ö. Sallerup parish, Scania, LUHM
20569
Antler lance head, bog find (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 1d)
24. Röekällorna, Hagastad 41, Löderup parish, Scania,
LUHM
Three bone lance heads (Stjernquist 1997, 41, figs. 5, 100,
101)
Appendix 6
Grave finds
Scania
1. Vedhygge, Ignaberga, Kristianstad
Cremation grave, four potsherds, including one from a
sieving vessel, three flint flakes, spearhead of Salos type
B, human bone (teenager) (Björk 2005, 242, fig. 22)
2. Nosaby, Kristanstad
Inhumation grave? Destroyed. Heavily rusted double-
edged sword and two spearheads (Nicklasson 1997, 248,
find no. 14; Björk 2005, 240, Kat. No. 187. SFT VI, 77‑78)
3. Nosaby Kristanstad
Destroyed grave? Heavily rusted double-edged sword
(Nicklasson 1997, 252, find no. 37; Björk 2005, 240, Cat.
No. 188, SFT VI, 77)
Zealand archipelago
4. C9428‑29, Hoby
La Tène sword, imported bronze bucket (see contribution
by Susanne Klingenberg)
Appendix 7
Settlement finds
Zealand archipelago
1. Borrebjerg, Sejerø
26 bone lance heads, found at a fortified site in association
with six iron lance heads and pottery, which Liversage
dates to his Rørby phase (Liversage 1980, 44), i.e. phase
IIA; four are ornamented with circles or semicircles ar-
ranged in rows (Kjær 1901, 48‑49; Müller 1906, 175; Becker
1948a, 170; Liversage 1973, figs. 13‑14; Liversage 1980, 44;
Liversage 1982)
2. Hemshøjgård, Vig, Zealand
Bone lance heads, settlement, pottery dating it to the Early
Roman Iron Age (B2) (Liversage 1980, 45f, 78, 94f, fig. 34,
C12)
3. Gurede, Hagested, Zealand
Bone lance head, settlement, pottery dating it to the Early
Roman Iron Age (B1/B2) (Liversage 1980, 45, 78, 94f, fig.
34, C9)
4. Nissehøj, Næstved, Zealand
Bone lance head, settlement, pottery dating it to the Early
Roman Iron Age (B1) (Liversage 1980, 48, 78, 94f, fig. 34,
C21)
5. Vejleby, Vejleby parish, Lolland
Five bone lance heads found at Early Roman and Late Ro-
man Iron Age settlement (Kjær 1901, 49; Müller 1906, 124ff)
Scania
6. Sunnanå 15:1, Burlöv parish, Scania, MHM 7371
Bone lance head found in well at settlement (Nicklasson
1997, 246, fig. 3; Martens 2001, fig. 13a)
7. Valdemarsro, Malmö town, Scania, MHM 6541
Bone lance head, found at settlement (Nicklasson 1997,
246, fig. 15)
8. Ringvägen, Södra Sallerup 15D, Södra Sallerup parish,
Scania, MHM 9141:1183
Bone lance head, found in well A697 at settlement (pers.
comm. Nina Norha, Malmöhus Museer)
9. Risaberga Grustäkt, Husie/Västra Skrävlinge parish,
Scania, MHM 6270
Bone lance head, pottery, fire dogs, Early Pre-Roman Iron
173
Age, found in pit complex A95 at settlement (Martens 2001,
fig. 14c)
10. Hötofta 18:3, Södra Åkarp parish, Scania, LUHM 80420
Three bone lance heads found at Early Roman Iron Age
settlement (Stjernquist 1969 (does not mention the lance
heads); Martens 2001, fig. 14a-b)
11. Kvärlöv, Annelöv parish, Malmö
Wooden shield boss found in well (Martens 2001, figs. 4‑5)
Appendix 8
Stray finds
Zealand archipelago
1. Ganløse, Ore, Zealand
Bone lance head, further similar objects lost (Kjær 1901,
50, note 2)
2. Møn, unknown location
Two bone lance heads (Kjær 1901, 50, note 2)
3. Lolland-Falster, unknown location
Bone lance head (Kjær 1901, 50, note 2)
4. Zealand, unknown location
Four bone lance heads at the National Museum, two in
private collections (Kjær 1901, 50, note 2)
Scania
5. Arlövsgården, Burlöv parish, Scania, LUHM 28005:5
Antler lance head? Fragment of point, find circumstances
unknown (Martens 2001, fig. 12d)
6. Stjernelund, Görslöv parish, Scania LUHM 27098:2
Antler/bone lance head, fragment of the point, find cir-
cumstances unknown (Martens 2001, fig. 12e)
7. Stengård, Grönby parish, Scania, LUHM 25048
Bone lance head, acquired from private collection (Niels
Nilsson’s Collection), find circumstances unknown (Mar-
tens 2001, fig. 13c)
8. Rebbelberga, Osbyholm, Hörby parish, Scania, LUHM
20570
Antler lance head, point facetted, reverse ornamented with
parallel grooves; acquired from private collection, find cir-
cumstances unknown (Althin 1951, 274, fig. 1c; Martens
2001, fig. 13f)
9. Scania, unknown find site, SHM 3142
Bone lance head, find circumstances unknown (Althin
1951, fig. 1a; Salo 1962, 74, fig. 28; Martens 2001, fig. 14d)
10. Scania, unknown find site, LUHM 5086
Antler lance head, acquired from private collection (Sven
Nilsson’s Collection), find circumstances unknown (Mar-
tens 2001, fig. 13d)
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