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THE ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK OF
PHILOSOPHY OF THE CITY
The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of the City is an outstanding reference source to this excit-
ing subject and the first collection of its kind. Comprising 40 chapters by a team of international
contributors, the Handbook is divided into clear sections addressing the following central topics:
• Historical Philosophical Engagements with Cities

• Modern and Contemporary Philosophical Theories of the City
• Urban Aesthetics
• Urban Politics
• Citizenship
• Urban Environments and the Creation/Destruction of Place.
The concluding section, Urban Engagements, contains interviews with philosophers discussing
their engagement with students and the wider public on issues and initiatives including expe-
riential learning, civic and community engagement, disability rights and access, environmental
degradation, professional diversity, social justice, and globalization.
Essential reading for students and researchers in environmental philosophy, aesthetics, and
political philosophy, The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of the City is also a useful resource for
those in related fields, such as geography, urban studies, sociology, and political science.
Sharon M. Meagher is the Vice President for Academic Affairs, Dean of the Faculty, and
Professor of Philosophy at Marymount Manhattan College, USA.
Samantha Noll is an Assistant Professor in the School of Politics, Philosophy, and Public
Affairs at Washington State University, USA, and a bioethicist with the Functional Genomics
Initiative.
Joseph S. Biehl is the founder and Executive Director of Gotham Philosophical Society, Inc.,
a federal 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization dedicated to promoting philosophy in New York
City, USA.
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All chapters for each volume are specially commissioned, and written by leading scholars in
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THE ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE CITY

Edited by Sharon M. Meagher, Samantha Noll, and Joseph S. Biehl
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Handbooks-in-Philosophy/book-series/RHP
THE ROUTLEDGE
HANDBOOK OF
PHILOSOPHY OF THE CITY
Edited by Sharon M. Meagher, Samantha Noll, and

Joseph S. Biehl
First published 2020
by Routledge
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© 2020 selection and editorial matter, Sharon M. Meagher, Samantha Noll,
and Joseph S. Biehl; individual chapters, the contributors
The right of Sharon M. Meagher, Samantha Noll, and Joseph S. Biehl to
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CONTENTS
Notes on contributors x
Introduction: transforming philosophy and the city 1

Samantha Noll, Joseph S. Biehl, and Sharon M. Meagher
PART I
Urban philosophies 17
SECTION 1
Historical philosophical engagements with cities 19
1 Plato’s city-soul analogy: the slow train to ordinary virtue 21

Nathan Nicol
2 Philosophers and the city in early modern Europe 32

Ferenc Hörcher
3 Pragmatic engagement in the city: philosophy as a means for

catalyzing collective, creative capacity (lessons from John
Dewey and Jane Addams) 42
Danielle Lake
4 Back to the cave 51

Joseph S. Biehl
v
Contents
SECTION 2
Modern and contemporary philosophical
theories of the city 63
5 Urban philosophy in Walter Benjamin’s Arcades Project65

Frank Cunningham
6 Henri Lefebvre and the right to the city 76

Loren King
7 Foucault and urban philosophy 87

Kevin Scott Jobe
8 Iris Marion Young’s city of difference 101

Elyse Purcell
PART II
Philosophical engagement with urban issues 111
SECTION 1
Urban aesthetics 113
9 Urban planning and design as an aesthetic dilemma:

void versus volume in city-form 115
Abraham Akkerman
10 Architecture and philosophy of the city 131

Saul Fisher
11 A philosophy of urban parks 143

Amanda J. Meyer and Charles Taliaferro
12 Political aesthetics of public art in urban spaces 149

Fred Evans
13 Walking the city: flânerie and flâneurs 160

Kathryn Kramer and John Rennie Short
14 How might creative placemaking lead to more just cities? 169

Sharon M. Meagher
vi
Contents
SECTION 2
Urban politics 181
15 Beyond deliberation and civic engagement: participatory

budgeting and a new philosophy of public power 183
Alexander Kolokotronis and Michael Menser
16 Constructing communities in urban spaces 193

Brian Elliott
17 Houselessness 203
Kevin Scott Jobe
18 Residential segregation and rethinking the imperative

of integration 216
Ronald R. Sundstrom
19 Gentrification 229
Tyler Zimmer
20 The Occupy movement and the reappearance of the polis 238

Chad Kautzer
SECTION 3
Citizenship251
21 City and common space 253

Paula Cristina Pereira
22 The concept of public space 263

Brian A.Weiner
23 From Good to Progressive Planning 271

Peter Marcuse
24 Hospitality in sanctuary cities 279

Benjamin Boudou
25 Black Lives Matter and the Ferguson moment:

toward a philosophy of urban relegation 291
Paul C.Taylor
vii
Contents
26 Nature where you’re not: rethinking environmental

spaces and racism 301
Esme G. Murdock
27 Ghost cities: globalization, neo-capitalist speculation,

and the empty cities of the Global South 314
Sharon M. Meagher
SECTION 4
Urban environments and the creation/destruction of place 325
28 Metropolitan growth 327

Robert Kirkman
29 Environmental philosophy in the city: confronting the

antiurban bias to overcome the human-nature divide 335
Alexandria K. Poole
30 Zoöpolis: animals in the city 353

Cynthia Willett
31 Philosophy of the city and transportation justice 360

Shane Epting
32 Returning water to urban life: governmentality of green infrastructure

and the emergence of new human-water relations 366
Irene J. Klaver and J. Aaron Frith
33 Urban agriculture and environmental imagination 379

Samantha Noll
34 Paradox in the city: urban complications regarding climate change

and climate justice 390
Michael Goldsby
SECTION 5
Urban engagements 401
35 An agora grows in Brooklyn: an interview with Ian Olasov 403
36 Reaching out to the underrepresented: an interview

with John R. Torrey 407
viii
Contents
37 Blurring the boundaries between the classroom and

the city: an interview with Stephen Bloch-Schulman 412
38 Phronesis Lab: practical wisdom in the city: an interview

with Sharyn Clough 417
39 Doing field philosophy in the gas fields of Texas: an

interview with Adam Briggle 421
40 Engaging cities at home and abroad: connecting our students with

urban communities: an interview with Sarah Donovan 423
Index429
ix
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Abraham Akkerman is a Professor in the Department of Geography and Planning, and Asso-
ciate Member in the Department of Philosophy, University of Saskatchewan, Canada. His
research and publications focus on history and philosophy of the built environment, urban
planning, and demography. His latest book is Phenomenology of the Winter City (Springer, 2015).
Joseph S. Biehl holds a PhD in Philosophy from the City University of New York. He is the
founder and Executive Director of Gotham Philosophical Society, Inc., a federal 501(c)(3) non-
profit organization dedicated to promoting philosophy in New York City, USA.
Stephen Bloch-Schulman is an Associate Professor and Chair of Philosophy at Elon Univer-

sity, USA. He works at the intersection of political philosophy and the scholarship of teaching
and learning. He was the inaugural (2017) winner of the Prize for Excellence in Philosophy
Teaching, awarded by the American Philosophical Association, the American Association of
Philosophy Teachers, and the Teaching Philosophy Association.
Benjamin Boudou is a postdoctoral research fellow at the Max Planck Institute for the Study
of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, Göttingen, Germany, in the department of Ethics, Law, and
Politics.
Adam Briggle holds a PhD in Environmental Studies from the University of Colorado and
is currently an Associate Professor and Director of Graduate Studies in the Department of
Philosophy and Religion at the University of North Texas, USA. He is the author of several
books – most recently A Field Philosopher’s Guide to Fracking (Liveright Publishing, 2015) and,
with Robert Frodeman, Socrates Tenured: The Institutions of 21st Century Philosophy (Rowman &
Littlefield, 2016). He founded and served as President of the Denton Drilling Advisory Group,
which led the successful Frack Free Denton campaign to ban hydraulic fracturing in the city
limits of Denton, Texas, in 2014. He would later be arrested in an act of civil disobedience after
the ban was overturned by the Texas state legislature.
Sharyn Clough is a Professor of Philosophy at Oregon State University, USA. She examines
the complex relationship between science and politics, especially the importance of basic peace
x
Notes on contributors
skills for deliberation about science policy. She is the Director of Phronesis Lab and the Cur-
riculum Coordinator for the Peace Literacy Project.
Frank Cunningham is an Emeritus Professor of Philosophy and Political Science at the Uni-
versity of Toronto and Adjunct Professor of Urban Studies at Simon Fraser University, Canada.
The concluding chapter of his recent The Political Thought of C.B. Macpherson: Contemporary
Challenges (Palgrave, 2019) applies Macpherson’s theories to urban issues and problems.
Sarah Donovan is a Professor of Philosophy at Wagner College in New York City, USA. Her
research interests include feminist and social philosophy; community-engaged philosophy; and
equity, diversity, and inclusion in the classroom. She regularly teaches in innovative programs that
include interdisciplinary co-teaching and community-based projects.
Brian Elliott works at the intersection of political, social, and cultural theory. He has published
six books, most recently Natural Catastrophe: Climate Change and Neoliberal Governance (Edin-
burgh University Press, 2016).
Shane Epting is a founding member and the current President of the Philosophy of the City
Research Group. He is also an Assistant Professor of Philosophy at the Missouri University of
Science and Technology, USA.
Fred Evans is a Professor of Philosophy, Duquesne University, USA. He is the author of Public
Art and the Fragility of Democracy: An Essay in Political Aesthetics (Columbia University Press, 2018),
The Multivoiced Body: Society and Communication in the Age of Diversity (Columbia University
Press, 2008, 2011), and Psychology and Nihilism: A Genealogical Critique of the Computational Model
of Mind (SUNY Press, 1993).
Saul Fisher is a Visiting Associate Professor of Philosophy and Associate Provost for Research,
Grants, and Academic Initiatives at Mercy College, New York, USA. His work in philosophical aes-
thetics is centered on architecture, for which he was awarded a Graham Foundation grant (2009).
J. Aaron Frith is a postdoctoral researcher for the Philosophy of Water Project. His current
work brings together the environmental, urban, and political histories of North Texas.
Michael Goldsby is a philosopher of science, whose main interests involve the use of scientific
models (e.g., climate models) in the production of knowledge as well as how they are used in
policy decisions. He also works on a project to provide greater food-energy-water security in
the face of a changing climate.
Ferenc Hörcher is a political philosopher and philosopher of art. He studied in Budapest,

Oxford, and Brussels-Leuven. He is a Professor of Philosophy at Pázmány Péter Catholic Uni-
versity, Hungary, and director of the Institute of Philosophy of the Hungarian Academy of Sci-
ences. His research interests include the intellectual history of the city, early modern history of
political thought, early modern aesthetic thought, and conservative political thought.
Kevin Scott Jobe is an Assistant Professor and Program Head of Philosophy at Our Lady of the
Lake University in San Antonio, USA. Jobe specializes in 20th-century continental philosophy,
critical social theory, and philosophy of the city. He is currently working on a manuscript titled
“The Coloniality of Homelessness.”
xi
Chad Kautzer is an Associate Professor of Philosophy at Lehigh University, USA. He is the

author of Radical Philosophy: An Introduction (Routledge, 2016) and coeditor of Pragmatism,
Nation, and Race: Community in the Age of Empire (Indiana, 2009).
Loren King is an Associate Professor of Political Science at Wilfrid Laurier University, Canada.
He is a political philosopher and social scientist who studies water, justice, and democratic
legitimacy in cities.
Robert Kirkman is an Associate Professor in the School of Public Policy at the Georgia Insti-
tute of Technology, USA. His research centers on practical ethics and related issues. He has a
substantive focus in environmental ethics and policy, especially ethics of the built environment.
Irene J. Klaver is a Professor and Associate Chair, Department of Philosophy & Religion, Uni-
versity of North Texas, USA, and Director of the Philosophy of Water Project. She works at the
interface of social-political and cultural dimensions of water, with a special interest in urban rivers.
Alexander Kolokotronis is a PhD student in political science at Yale University, USA. His
research broadly touches on anarchism, participatory democracy, and workers’ self-management.
His current research focus is on the general strike, as well as participatory democracy in public
schools. Alexander has also written on issues related to municipalism, worker cooperatives, and
union democracy for popular publications such as ROAR Magazine, New Politics, and In These Times.
Kathryn Kramer is a Professor of Art History in the Art and Art History Department at
SUNY College at Cortland, USA. Her scholarship on Paul Klee’s late work has appeared in
journal articles, book chapters, and exhibition catalogue essays. She and John Rennie Short
have copublished their work on flânerie and globalization since 2011. Her current research
focuses on biennialization and the Global South. She has published exhibition reviews of con-
temporary art in Afterimage: The Journal of Media Arts and Cultural Criticism since 2012.
Danielle Lake is the Director of Design Thinking and Associate Professor at Elon Univer-
sity, USA. Her scholarship explores the potential for meliorating wicked problems through
philosophic activism and collaborative engagement. Recent publications can be found at http://
works.bepress.com/danielle_lake/.
Peter Marcuse, F.A.I.C.P., has taught urban planning at Columbia University in New York
City, USA, for more than 30 years. He is past President of the Los Angeles City Planning
Commission, is former chair of Community Board 9’s Housing Committee in Manhattan, and
has long been active in Planners Network. He has written widely on housing, planning, pro-
fessional ethics, globalization, and policy issues, with a focus on affordable housing and social
justice issues. He retired in 2017.
Sharon M. Meagher began her career as a philosophy faculty member at the University of
Scranton, USA, where she became active in city life and was the founding president of the
Mulberry Central Neighborhood Development Corporation. She is the Vice President for Aca-
demic Affairs and Dean of the Faculty at Marymount Manhattan College, USA, where she is
also a Professor of Philosophy. She was formerly Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences at
Widener University, where she also cofacilitated and developed a creative placemaking project
called Building Bridges as part of the Chester Made initiative. She was the cofounder of the
xii
Public Philosophy Network, where she launched the affinity group on philosophy of the city.
She has published on philosophy of the city, contemporary social and political philosophy, and
university social responsibility.
Michael Menser is an Assistant Professor who teaches Philosophy and Urban Sustainability
Studies at Brooklyn College, USA, and Earth and Environmental Sciences and Environmental
Psychology at the CUNY Graduate Center, USA. He is the author of We Decide! Theories and
Cases in Participatory Democracy (Temple, 2018) and is a contributor to Prospects for Resilience:
Insights from New York City’s Jamaica Bay (Island, 2016). He is the cofounder and President of
the Board of the Participatory Budgeting Project, and his research and publications are on par-
ticipatory democracy and public participation, particularly as they pertain to socio-ecological
resilience, technology, food, and environmental justice with respect to governance.
Amanda J. Meyer is a graduate student in the Natural Resources Science and Management
Program at the University of Minnesota, USA. She is an environmental sociologist with a focus
on urban ecosystems, including urban parks and urban natural resources.
Esme G. Murdock is an Assistant Professor of Philosophy at San Diego State University, USA.
Her research explores the intersections of social-political relations and environmental health, integ-
rity, and agency. She has work appearing in Environmental Values and the Journal of Global Ethics.
Nathan Nicol is a Clinical Associate Professor in the School of Politics, Philosophy and Public
Affairs and in the Honors College at Washington State University, USA. His main interests are
in Plato, Aristotle, and the Stoics.
Samantha Noll is an Assistant Professor in the School of Politics, Philosophy, and Public
Affairs (PPPA) at Washington State University, USA. She is also the bioethicist affiliated with
the Functional Genomics Initiative, which marshals genome editing to control disease in live-
stock and feed a growing population. Her research and teaching focuses on ethical and philo-
sophical topics in food and agriculture. In particular, she publishes widely on topics such as
how values impact consumer uptake of agricultural products, local food movements, and the
application of genomics technology. She contributes to the fields of bioethics (ethics of bio-
technology), philosophy of food, and environmental philosophy.
Ian Olasov is a graduate student in philosophy at the CUNY Graduate Center, USA. He is the
founder and organizer of Brooklyn Public Philosophers and Secretary of the Public Philosophy
Network. His writing for a general audience has appeared in Vox, Slate, and Public Seminar.
Paula Cristina Pereira is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Philosophy at the Faculty
of Arts and Humanities, University of Porto (Portugal) and she teaches Philosophical Anthro-
pology; Public Space: Themes and Problems; Ethics and Politics, Philosophical Education, and
Social Development. In addition she is Director of the Doctoral Program in Philosophy and
she is Principal Researcher of the Philosophy and Public Space Research Group of the Institute
of Philosophy (R&D Unit). She has been a visiting professor in some European universities, as
well as in Brazilian and Mozambican universities. Her current research focuses on the human
and urban condition; on the philosophy of the city and public space; and on the contemporary
meanings of commons. She has published eight books, book chapters, and multiple papers in
national and international journals.
xiii
Alexandria K. Poole is an Assistant Professor of Philosophy in the Department of Politics,

Philosophy and Legal Studies at Elizabethtown College, USA. Her research focuses on urban
sustainability and environmental ethics to develop avenues for social and environmental justice
within education, development, and policy.
Elyse Purcell is an Assistant Professor of Philosophy at the State University of New York
(SUNY) at Oneonta, USA, and the Secretary-Treasurer of the American Philosophical Associa-
tion Central Division. Her research focuses on how various forms of disability present chal-
lenges for identity, moral personhood, virtue, and social justice.
John Rennie Short is a Professor in the School of Public Policy at the University of Mary-
land, USA. He is author of 48 books and many academic articles. Recent books include Hosting
the Olympic Games (Routledge, 2018) and The Unequal City (Routledge, 2018). His work has
been translated into Chinese, Czech, Japanese, Korean, and Spanish. His writing also appears
throughout the popular press in Associated Press, Business Insider, Citiscope, City Metric, Market
Watch, Newsweek, Quartz, Salon, Slate, Time, US News and World Report, The Washington Post, and
The World Economic Forum.
Ronald R. Sundstrom is a Professor and former Chair of Philosophy and member of the
African-American Studies and Critical Diversity Studies programs at the University of San Fran-
cisco. In addition, he is the Vice Director of the Philosophy of the City Research Group and
coproducer of the San Francisco Urban Film Fest. His areas of research include philosophy of
race, political and social philosophy, and African-American philosophy. He has published several
essays and a book in these areas, including The Browning of America and The Evasion of Social Jus-
tice (SUNY, 2008). His current book project is on gentrification, integration, and racial equality.
Charles Taliaferro is a Professor of Philosophy and a member of Environmental Studies, St.

Olaf College, USA. He is the author or editor of 30 books. He writes on environmental ethics
and agrarianism.
Paul C. Taylor is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University, USA.
He received a bachelor’s degree in philosophy from Morehouse College, a master’s degree in
public administration from Harvard University, and a PhD in philosophy from Rutgers Uni-
versity. His research focuses primarily on aesthetics, social and political philosophy, critical race
theory, and Africana philosophy. His books include On Obama and Black is Beautiful: A Philoso-
phy of Black Aesthetics (Wiley-Blackwell, 2016), which received the 2017 Monograph Prize from
the American Society for Aesthetics. He has also provided commentary on four continents for
print and broadcast outlets, including Xinhua News and the BBC.
John R. Torrey is currently a Visiting Assistant Professor of Philosophy and Provost Doctoral
Fellow at SUNY Buffalo State, USA. He holds a bachelor’s degree in philosophy from More-
house College, and a master’s degree and PhD in philosophy from the University of Memphis.
Brian A. Weiner is an Associate Professor of Politics at the University of San Francisco, USA.
He is the author of Sins of the Parents:The Politics of National Apologies in the United States (Temple
University Press, 2005) and is currently completing a manuscript tentatively entitled “Visual
Cacophony: Contemporary Public Visual Culture, Democratic Theory and Practice.”
xiv
Cynthia Willett is the Samuel Candler Dobbs Professor of Philosophy at Emory University,
USA. She has a coauthored book with historian Julie Willett, A Theory of Humor: How Feminists,
Animals, and Other Subversives Talk Truth, forthcoming from University of Minnesota Press. Her
other authored books include Interspecies Ethics (Columbia University Press, 2014); Irony in the
Age of Empire: Comic Perspectives on Freedom and Democracy (Indiana University Press, 2008); The
Soul of Justice: Racial Hubris and Social Bonds (Cornell University Press, 2001); and Maternal Eth-
ics and Other Slave Moralities (Routledge, 1995). She edited Theorizing Multiculturalism (Wiley-
Blackwell, 1998). Current projects are on music and disaster ethics.
Tyler Zimmer teaches in the Department of Philosophy at Northeastern Illinois University,

USA. His research focuses on inequality, with special emphasis on race, class, and gender. He
also frequently writes for nonacademic publications such as Slate, The Los Angeles Review of
Books, and Jacobin. He lives in Chicago, where he is involved in a variety of activist initiatives
relating to housing, policing, and public schooling.
xv
INTRODUCTION
Transforming philosophy and the city
Samantha Noll, Joseph S. Biehl, and Sharon M. Meagher
Part I: why philosophy? why cities?

Since the 1960s, the field of urban studies has blossomed in the United States and the United
Kingdom, but philosophers participated very little until recently. We are now seeing Western
philosophy both return to its urban roots and develop in new directions that ancient Greek
philosophers based in Athens never could have imagined. Of all the disciplines, philosophy is
one of the most ancient, and it is rooted in ancient cities; indeed, we could argue that philoso-
phy was demanded by the new political form of the city that developed in Athens. Ancient
Athenian philosophers were called to reflect on the meaning of the good city, the good life,
and good citizenship.
“When urban riots erupted around the world in 1968, scholars turned their attention to
the cities. . . . Now many colleges and universities also house urban outreach centers that con-
nect academics and community members . . . [these] programs are emblematic of an academic
recommitment to cities, to public scholarship, and to civic engagement” (Meagher 2008: 1).
Philosophers were slow to embrace the return to the city, but that has now changed. This vol-
ume is the product of philosophy’s recommitment to cities, as scholars rediscover and embrace
the classical dedication to public philosophy and to serving the wider community. This intro-
ductory chapter provides an overview of both the content of the urban questions that contem-
porary philosophers of the city are addressing and the new philosophical methodologies and
practices that are being developed, in real time, as philosophers reengage with these questions.
If Western philosophy was born in the city, why did the discipline retreat from it for so
many years? This question is worthy of its own book-length treatise. But we might briefly say
that with the rise of the nation-state and the development of modern science, public problems
became the purview of a new field of knowledge called social science. Depending on who is
telling the story, either philosophers lost some of their turf to social scientists or they conceded
it. It seems likely to be a bit of both. Machiavelli is more often read as the founder of political
science rather than as a philosopher because of his insistence on attention to the problems of
power and the shift of politics from the city-state to the nation-state. Given that philosophers
increasingly focused on thinking about universal concepts (Mendieta 2001: 203), Machiavelli
was seen as breaking from philosophy.
1
Samantha Noll et al.
With a long tradition that dates back to various forms of Platonic idealism, many philoso-
phers have understood their task as one that makes universal claims divorced from particulars
of time and place, and philosophy as such, seemingly “located nowhere, causes us to often to
dismiss philosophy that explicitly and consciously locates itself in the city” (Meagher 2007: 8).
The changing understandings of the task of the philosopher and what constituted appropriate
subject matter for philosophy has made it difficult for most to recognize urban philosophical
thinking as philosophy.
There is an entire urban philosophical canon from the 19th and 20th centuries that remains
unknown to most philosophers but that was rediscovered by social scientists seeking theoretical
frameworks for their research. Philosophers such as Henri Lefebvre play central roles in urban
geography, and yet Lefebvre receives little or no attention from philosophers in traditional sur-
veys of Western philosophy. Other philosophers such as Iris Marion Young and Hannah Arendt
are well known to political philosophers, but most readers pay scant attention to their works
on the city. Definitions of what is and is not philosophy have influenced both philosophers’
relationship to the city, but also the way in which both philosophers and the public read the
engaged intellectual. Often these works are classified as social science rather than philosophy.
But philosophy of the city is now becoming a recognizable and fast-growing subfield of
philosophy. Critiques of various forms of philosophical idealism and “ivory tower” philosophy
have caused many philosophers to rethink the discipline and ground it in everyday life and in
specific political forms. The city has reemerged as a key political form, given that recent trends
in globalization have caused the urbanization of life for the majority of the world’s popula-
tion and the creation of megacities with economies and knowledge networks that dwarf most
nation-states (Magnussen 2012; Meagher 2013; Mendieta 2007).
In several key subfields of philosophy, there have been turning points that have opened up
new directions for philosophy, allowing philosophers to participate in an articulation of urban
values and ideals and to engage in philosophical reflection on urban issues and problems (Epting
2016; Meagher 2008; Cunningham 2005). The new developments in philosophy of the city
bring traditionally recognized subdisciplines of philosophy to bear while also raising new ques-
tions about the discipline and its engagement with public life.
In political philosophy, for example, the (re)turn to the city became most visible in Iris Mar-
ion Young’s last chapter of Justice and the Politics of Difference (1990), where Young asks whether
the city might not hold the promise for a situated political ideal that recognizes and negotiates
difference in positive ways. Interceding in the debate between liberals and communitarians,
Young argued that our experiences of the best that city life promised offered a third option. But
Young’s chapter has taken on a life that Young could not have anticipated, as it has served as “the”
contemporary philosophical essay on cities at a time when political philosophers were being
pressed to address cities as a reemerging central political form and social scientists needed new
theories to frame their work. We have included a chapter by Elyse Purcell to highlight Young’s
importance and influence.
Environmental philosophers have argued in recent years that it was an error of early environ-
mental philosophy to bracket out the city from its purview. According to Epting, “environmen-
tal philosophers have been emphasizing this point for years, urging their fellows to pay attention
to urban issues” (2016: 101). Philosophers including Gunn (1998: 341), King (2000: 115–131),
Light (2001: 7), and Kirkman (2004: 202) initiated the critique that the city is missing from dis-
cussions in environmental philosophy, arguing that many environmental philosophers wrongly
conceive of urban areas as separate from the ecological world that make these settlements pos-
sible.The chapters in this volume by Alexandria K. Poole, Cynthia Willett, Michael Goldsby, and
Samantha Noll frame their engagement with the city through an environmental lens. Alexandria
2
Introduction
K. Poole discusses the rich history of environmental movements and environmental philosophy
in urban areas. Michael Goldsby turns the philosophical lens on climate change mitigation and
Samantha Noll explores the value-laden project of rekindling agricultural production and food-
ways in the city.
But environmental philosophy is not the only subfield of philosophy that has taken an urban
turn. As readers will see in this volume, there are philosophers who are making meaningful
contributions in many other areas where philosophers historically have failed to attend to cities
and urban life, examining urban architecture and planning, transportation, citizenship, housing
policy, migration policy, social justice, and democratic ideals.
What is philosophy of the city?

In order to understand what philosophy of the city encompasses and why it is important today,
we might first ask what we mean by “city.” As philosophical investigation grew out of the polis,
this discipline was one of the first fields to grapple with metaphysical questions concerning the
nature of the city, what separates a good one from a bad one, and what capabilities separate
urban from rural areas. As the study of the city has splintered into different disciplines and the
city itself has taken different forms over time and across cultures, we now see that there are
vastly different conceptions and definitions of urban areas. For example, cities can be defined by
measuring the extent of built up or developed areas, impervious surfaces, number and type of
architectural structures, or population density (see Potere et al. 2009: 6532; Bagan & Yamagata
2012: 210; Kirkman in this volume). Urban ecology often separates urban areas from other
spaces in qualitative terms or as areas under intensive human control (McIntyre, Knowles-
Yánez, Hope 2008; Marcotullio & Solecki 2013). In contrast, social scientists often prioritize
high population density over human influence (McIntyre et al. 2008).
The lack of a common definition about the city has motivated some philosophers to try to
develop a unified one and to see that task as one that is central to contemporary philosophy
(Uchiyama & Mori 2014), while others have argued that such work is unnecessary. In addition
to these conflicts concerning the criterion that defines “the city” or even “the urban,” there
are also disparate views on the primary function of cities. Following Aristotle, one can argue
that these disputes also involve metaphysics, for the nature of a thing might be understood in
light of its function.
Cities are commonly conceived as having a wide range of primary functions for society, such
as economic areas, centers of production, political centers, cultural and social hubs, and so on
(Meagher 2008; Uchiyama & Mori 2017). These disparate ways of understanding what cities do
often illustrate fundamental tensions in cities themselves. For example, according to Uchiyama
and Mori, contemporary cities are thought to exist to help communities benefit “from their
agglomeration effects such as scale of economy, positive externality, accumulation of labor
force, and spillover effects of knowledge” (2017: 345). However, cities often include slum areas
along their peripheries, as the poor from rural areas migrate into urban spaces in order to pursue
better opportunities (UNPF 2011). This vision of contemporary cities encapsulates the rise of
economic disparity that results from the goal of intense capital accumulation. In addition, cities
can be understood as main contributors to climate change (Baumgärtner & Quaas 2010) but
are also conceived as spaces where long-term environmental sustainability initiatives are gaining
traction (Spiekermann, Wegener, & Wegener 2003).
The city has raised important questions in metaphysics at least since ancient Athens, as we
raise existential questions about human nature and ourselves as social-political beings as well as
questions about the one and the many. As Meagher has argued, though, “the conditions that
3
made intellectual life in Ancient Athens possible were . . . dependent on the existence of an
invisible city of women and slaves that fueled the economic engine of the city” (2007: 8; see
also Meagher 2008: 4). Moreover, few philosophers still hold to an understanding of metaphys-
ics as First Philosophy – that is, as the foundation of all things. In recent years, the metaphysical
questions are also linked to questions about how we positively recognize diversity, and cities –
as the social-political form that we think of as most diverse, reemerge as central to how we
think about intersection of gender, race, class, and other identities.
These conflicts concerning what cities are and the functions that cities perform (or should
perform) provide an explanation as to why philosophy of the city is once again moving to the
forefront of philosophical analysis. Such ontological and ethical questions are part and parcel of
this field. Without some understanding of the many forms that a city can take and an analysis of
the power dimensions of their functions, we will continue to struggle with conflicts that arise
due to competing visions of urban spaces. Indeed, it appears that we are once again back in
Ancient Greece, critically reflecting on the structure of settlements and what separates a “good”
city from a “bad” one. The contemporary philosopher of the city is working to (a) flesh out
accurate conceptions of the city and/or aspects of urban life, (b) interrogate taken-for-granted
assumptions concerning its structure and functions, and (c) identify new structures and mean-
ings that could take hold in the future (Epting 2016; Meagher 2008).
These investigations in turn have raised new questions about the nature of citizenship.
Although the term “citizen” is rooted in the “city,” citizenship was generally discussed in terms
of the rights and responsibilities of members of nation-states during the 19th and 20th centuries.
But the increased visibility of stateless persons and new trends in migration have both turned us
back to Kant’s concept of cosmopolitanism and toward a radical rethinking of citizenship that
might be grounded in claims to the right to the city or claims to global citizenship unbound
from state membership.
In aesthetics, philosophers have long weighed in on questions of urban design and archi-
tecture as well as the roles of nature and culture in cities, but these questions are taking new
turns in several directions. A range of philosophers from Henri Lefebvre to Edward Casey
have spurred a renewed interest in the role of place and everyday life, opening up new paths
for philosophers to think about architecture, public art, public space, and green space in cities.
Taken together, these directions in philosophy of the city offer both philosophers and urban
social scientists new ways to connect theory and practice so that we might address some of the
greatest challenges of our time. The purpose of The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of the City
is to gather those essays together to provide a state of the subfield so that we can open up new
directions in urban studies. The multifaceted nature of urban contexts also brings unique chal-
lenges to the field – challenges that require creative developments in the discipline. In the next
section we highlight some of those developments, particularly in terms of methodology.
Part II: methodology: how urban engagement challenges our

understanding of philosophy and its methods
As we noted in Part I of this chapter, Western philosophy was born in the city – in the polis
of Athens to be exact. All of us familiar with Socrates as depicted by Plato in his dialogues (and
there is other historical evidence to corroborate at least some of this depiction), know Socrates
as the philosopher of the agora, or the marketplace. Socratic method, his way of engaging in
dialogue with various public participants, is well known. But it has come to be used in the
classroom rather than on the streets, and this retreat of philosophy to the academy may be, as
we argued above, both a symptom and a cause of historical shifts in our understanding of both
4
Introduction
the task of the philosopher and the methods appropriate to that task. In this section, we briefly
explore those methodological shifts in philosophy so that we might better appreciate the new
methodologies being employed by contemporary philosophers of the city.
Classic Greek philosophers, most notably Socrates, thought that “the unexamined life – a
life without philosophy – was not worth living. And the life of philosophy was nurtured within
the walls of the city” (Meagher 2008: 3). The field of philosophy then, as envisioned during its
birth, recognized a deep connection between urban life and the practice of doing philosophy.
This critical reflection could be understood as a dialog between citizens, as they explore key
questions together, such as what it means to live a good life, what form a settlement should
take, and what duties fellow citizens have to one another and to the polis itself. This exploration
was intensely place-based and community focused, as philosophical reflection was used for the
edification of the citizens living in the polis. Socrates’s apparent refusal to commit his teachings
to writing might be understood as his prioritization of living dialogue, electing to spend his
days in community and civic centers, engaging in dialogs with fellow citizens (Plato 2010). It
is this sort of engagement that is largely neglected today in the historical wake of philosophical
discussion moving from the streets and into the ivory tower.
Conventional Western philosophical method(s)

Philosophical discussions have become so highly specialized as to be esoteric, and the criti-
cal reflection on questions that guide the very shape and tenor of daily life has ceased to be a
community-based practice. Today, philosophical inquiry predominantly occurs in professional
journals, rarely read by those outside philosophical subdisciplines, or in college classrooms, with
tuition serving as a “pay-to-play” requirement that many cannot meet.
The type of Socratic dialogue portrayed in Plato’s dialogues is now often read and practiced
as what Janice Moulton terms “an adversarial method” (Moulton 1993: 14–15). Here “the
philosophical enterprise is seen as an unimpassioned debate between adversaries who try to
defend their own views against counterexamples and produce counterexamples to opposing
views” (Moulton 1993: 14). This method has become the privileged way that Western phi-
losophers conduct themselves philosophically, while other types of philosophical engagement
are understood to be “unphilosophical,” thus pushing those who utilize different methods and
methodologies outside the disciplinary boundaries of philosophy as defined by mainstream aca-
demic philosophers (Dotson 2011: 201).
When philosophers address contemporary issues, they often do so in what might be under-
stood as a “top-down” approach, in the sense that the ivory tower philosopher chooses a philo-
sophical position or text and then applies it to the given subject. For instance, applied branches
of philosophy (such as business ethics and bioethics) have historically adopted a naïve under-
standing of the relationship between theory and practice in which philosophical theories are
applied to questions that arise in the specific area being explored. Heather Douglas argues that
it has become increasingly apparent that the “application of traditional theories rarely provides
either the philosophical insight or the practical guidance needed” (2010: 322). She concludes
that “coming into a complex context . . . with a particular theory [e.g., a Kantian approach]
and attempting to simply apply that theory rarely provides much assistance or illumination”
(Douglas 2010: 322). The adversarial and applied or top-down approaches to philosophy limit
the questions that philosophers view as philosophical, since only some issues lend themselves
to these methodologies. Moreover, these methods tend to place the philosopher in the role of
critic rather than problem-solver, and they provide little ability to posit alternative frameworks
for resolving complex issues.
5
Current conventional methodologies employed by philosophers have come under fire, as

scholars turn their critical eye to the methodologies that guide philosophical investigation. Rob-
ert Solomon argues that “our critical scrutiny today should be turned on the word ‘philosophy’
itself . . . to realize that what was once a liberating concept has today become constricted, oppres-
sive, and ethnocentric” (2001: 101). Dotson’s argument builds on the critiques of Moulton and
Solomon, arguing that the dominant methodologies both yield little meaningful knowledge and
can be harmful to diverse practitioners in the field. As Dotson puts it, “Academic philosophy is
structured in such a way that established trends in philosophical thought delimit what questions
can be addressed, and this is reinforced by the dominant conception of philosophy as critique;
this effectively marginalizes problems and/or concerns of diverse people that do not fit comfort-
ably within an already set disciplinary agenda” (2011: 407).
There are increasing pressures both within and outside the discipline of philosophy for the
discipline to transform itself. A new generation of publicly engaged philosophers is being shaped
by the concern for (and growing legitimacy of) practical and applied ethics, feminist and critical
race theories, and other new subdisciplines. This is a development that has been promoted by
the changing demographics of the discipline: As more women of all ethnicities and races, more
men of color, and more working-class persons have entered the discipline, they have insisted
that philosophy be practiced in ways that address the questions salient to their experiences and
their histories. Together with the allies they have cultivated, these thinkers are transforming the
discipline in multiple ways to ensure its relevance.
It is becoming increasingly clear that philosophy needs new methodologies beyond the top-
down theoretical application, the adversarial method, and other non-collaborative approaches
(Dotson 2011; Moulton 1993). This is particularly true for philosophy of the city, as the com-
plexity of the city and its issues demand more from us philosophers. Philosophers of the city
are engaged in the development of new methods and methodologies, effectively expanding the
ways that philosophers can conduct themselves philosophically beyond the adversarial method.
Within this context, philosophy of the city is transformative as it pushes back against the delimi-
tation of what questions can be asked and opens up philosophical analysis to a wider circle
of impacted parties. The chapters in this volume suggest a new typology of emerging and
established philosophical methodologies that have both been shaped by philosophers’ grow-
ing interest in cities and in turn opened up the subfield of philosophy of the city to address a
greater range of urban questions and issues. In this way, philosophy of the city contributes to the
discipline of philosophy itself, as urban areas act as a catalyst forcing the field to develop new
methodological approaches.
Intradisciplinarity
The complexity of cities and urban contexts demands that philosophers with interests in the
city must be prepared to engage with one or more subfields of philosophy. According to Ept-
ing (2016), this type of work constitutes a new type of research in the field, as it requires the
development of methodologies that have the elasticity to weigh a myriad of factors. In contrast
to interdisciplinary research, or work that draws from at least two disciplines, “intra-disciplinary
approaches require insights from two or more sub-fields from a single discipline. Although a
philosopher can rely on interdisciplinary research to support an intra-disciplinary argument, he
or she employs two or more of philosophy’s subfields to build a case” (Epting 2016: 104). This
could include a fusion of any of the main branches of philosophy, such as logic, metaphysics,
epistemology, social and political philosophy, ethics, and so on. This requires a different kind
of scholarship than many of us have been trained to do. The chapters by Saul Fisher, Peter
6
Introduction
Marcuse, Shane Epting, and Fred Evans in this volume provide examples of intradisciplinary
methodologies. Fisher provides an illuminating discussion of social and political considerations
of architecture. He interweaves political, ethical, and ontological philosophical approaches in
their analyses. In a similar vein, Evans draws on aesthetics and social and political philosophy
when discussing the multifaceted impacts of public art in the city. Epting’s entry in this volume
on transportation justice likewise demonstrates how an adequate treatment of the phenomena
must include insights from environmental philosophy, the philosophy of technology, and ethics,
as well as work from both the “continental” and “analytic” traditions.
Inter- or multidisciplinarity
Most philosophers of the city must engage in inter- or multidisciplinary work, and we also see
that social scientists are turning increasingly to philosophical concepts to provide a framework
for their analyses. In short, we require different types of critical dialogue and exchange between
the disciplines if we are to improve our understanding of cities and move toward more just poli-
cies and practices.
In Sharon M. Meagher’s chapter “Ghost Cities” in this volume, she makes a compelling case
for the need for philosophers to understand social scientific evidence if philosophers are to
address the important social justice issues arising in both global cities discourse and in actual
globalization policies. Ronald R. Sundstrom makes a similar case for our understanding of
racial segregation. Social scientific data is an important source to help us understand the urban
phenomena that we are addressing. At the same time, philosophers’ engagement with social
scientific data can also reveal problematic definitions and assumptions in that work. Paul C. Tay-
lor’s chapter on Black Lives Matter places philosophical analysis in conversation with evidence
grounded in social science. Tyler Zimmer’s analysis of the problem of gentrification utilizes
empirical research, as he explores the tensions between equality and efficiency, occupancy and
removal of tenants, and the push to commodify basic needs, such as housing. And Kevin Scott
Jobe’s chapter on houselessness interrogates the ways that social scientific definitions, assump-
tions, and therefore policy are shaped by particular political agendas. He further argues that
those definitions also affect our understandings of philosophical concepts such as autonomy and
agency. Benjamin Boudou’s chapter on sanctuary cities traces the political philosophical history
of the ideas of hospitality and sanctuary against the sanctuary city movement that has developed
globally. In doing so, he both offers a critique of some assumptions and practices while at the
same time shows how the movement can and should influence our thinking about these philo-
sophical concepts. Paula Cristina Pereira engages in similarly methodology in her discussion of
common spaces, as do Amanda J. Meyer and Charles Taliaferro in their discussion about parks
and Kathryn Kramer and John Rennie Short in their chapter on urban walking. Additionally,
social scientists are drawing on philosophical concepts to frame their discussions. Urban planner
Peter Marcuse discusses the power and promise of designing cities from a concept of “Good
Planning.”
Philosophers engaged in urban environmental questions must also engage evidence from
the natural sciences. Michael Goldsby’s chapter “Paradox in the City: Urban Complications
Regarding Climate Change and Climate Justice” shows the importance of informed engage-
ment with climate science and its methodology if philosophers hope to offer compelling dis-
cussion of what a morally just approach to this challenge will look like. Cynthia Willett takes
a deeply interdisciplinary approach to recovering what we have lost in our understanding of
animals and animal life in the city.
7
The urban public philosopher

Many philosophers of the city understand themselves as public philosophers, and public philoso-
phy can take many forms, including (as we noted earlier) those who utilize scientific research
and data to address issues of shared public concern. This work may also demand that the phi-
losophers engage in their own field work. Ronald R. Sundstrom’s work on gentrification, for
example, has involved a great deal of research on the ground; Sundstrom attended community
meetings, interviewed activists, and listened to those most affected by housing policies.
Community-based research and other types of urban engagement

Sometimes that field work takes the form of participant observation. In this volume, Chad Kau-
tzer writes about the Occupy movement and draws heavily on journalism and other reports for
his analysis, but also participated in Occupy Denver. Sharon M. Meagher’s chapter on creative
placemaking draws heavily on her own work as a scholar-activist partnering with both other
faculty and with local community-based artists to make change in the city of Chester, Pennsyl-
vania. Meagher’s chapter on global cities draws heavily on the scholarship of others, but also on
her direct experiences in Kigali, Rwanda, and Doha, Qatar.
In networks composed primarily of analytic philosophers, the term “field philosopher” is
gaining traction to help us understand this methodological approach. Danielle Lake’s chapter
provides some very different examples of philosophical “field work,” drawing attention to the
work of Andrew Light, who served as a member of President Obama’s United Nations Climate
Change. This sort of “formalized” engagement in policy-making is usefully contrasted with the
sort of civic activism embodied by Grace Lee Boggs. But as Lake shows in her chapter, looking
to the precedent set by John Dewey and Jane Addams, philosophers can find any number of
ways to multiply their impact by stepping outside of the academy.
In contrast to conventional philosophical methodologies that aim to apply theory to prac-
tice, community-based or engaged philosophical investigations begin from the contexts where
the questions being explored arise (Lindemann, Verkerk, & Urban 2009). The analysis is col-
laborative, as contextual factors play a key role in shaping epistemologies (Zagzebski 2015) and
methodologies (Harding 2015) and how these are applied (Noll 2017). Epting (2016) calls this
type of work “trans-disciplinary,” or work that begins by engaging with the community itself
(in social, political, and cultural contexts) and uses this engagement as the basis for philosophical
inquiry. Both philosophical and scientific work utilizing a transdisciplinary methodology con-
ceptualizes theoretical work in the larger framework of “cultural ideas, subjective experiences
of the researchers involved in the research process, and of imagination and the artful creation
of possible new realities” (Dieleman 2017: 170). With approximately 3.6 of seven billion people
on this planet living in urban areas (UN DESA 2017), the city is the natural choice for reviving
community-based philosophical investigation in the tradition of the Greeks. As urban residents
live in areas whose definition literally includes tensions and paradoxes, they are uniquely situated
to develop community-based or bottom-up, rather than top-down, approaches to philosophical
investigation.
As Meagher and Feder (2010) have argued, philosophical methods that demand that we
apply philosophical theories to issues or problems place philosophers in the problematic role of
expert. Where the expert claims authority, the public philosopher in contrast “should under-
stand their work as ‘public work’ (Boyte & Kari 1996) that is co-built in dialogue with various
public constituents” (Meagher & Feder 2010: 10). This entails a recognition of the value of
community-based knowledge. In this conception, public philosophers do not remain above or
8
Introduction
outside the fray but acknowledge their stakes in the discussions (as members of various publics
themselves) and their locations in it (Meagher & Feder 2010: 10).
Alexander Kolokotronis and Michael Menser demonstrate the value of understanding how
to navigate the political and economic topography of the particular cities with which urban
philosophers attempt to engage. This kind of engagement receives especially illuminating dis-
cussion in Kolokotronis and Menser’s chapter on participatory budgeting (PB). Reflecting
on how Menser’s work with various communities and organizations (including the nonprofit
he co-founded, Participatory Budgeting Project) has shaped his role as “public” philosopher,
Kolokotronis and Menser note:
It is of various types of ethical and political import, and epistemic advantage, to tie
yourself to some non-academic group within your field of inquiry whether it’s aes-
thetics or democratic theory. By “tie” I don’t just mean “connect,” but to join, or
even better, to be enjoined. In this sense a public philosopher becomes responsive to
the needs and aspirations of some constituency or audience, and maybe even interac-
tively accountable to them. In my case with participatory budgeting, this happened
with regard to my role in the design and maintenance of various participatory budget-
ing processes in several cities and my own university. Here it’s not just about what my
view of participatory democracy wants to see in a process. Rather, the construction
of the process is dialogic and deliberative; yes, there are values that guide, but com-
munities sometimes diverge in their understandings of the core PB values of inclusion,
empowerment, and equity. And part of the mission of participation is to empower,
to create a sense of ownership. Here “public” means sharing power plus creative
collaboration.
(this volume: 189)
Here Kolokotronis and Menser capture the crucial function of the civically oriented phi-
losopher as facilitator: to seriously engage in philosophical activity with members of wider
community demands that one collaborate and share rather than dispense. What philosophers
“in the field” have learned is that only by working with (and refraining from lecturing to or at)
can they actually provide the people they engage with the benefit of their own training, skills,
and expertise.
The chapters by Kolokotronis and Menser and Joseph S. Biehl, as well as the “Urban
Engagements” interviews with Ian Olasov, John R. Torrey, Sarah Donovan, Sharyn Clough,
Adam Briggle, and Stephen Bloch-Schulman all provide further examples of how philosophers
can make the public – rather than the profession – their priority. Kolokotronis and Menser
show what is involved in getting elected officials to empower their constituents by allowing
the responsibility of budgeting to be a participatory endeavor. Briggle has used philosophical
engagement with his students and his local community to successfully campaign for a ban on
the use of hydraulic fracking in the town of Denton, Texas. Olasov provides a wonderful exam-
ple of the “meet people where they are” approach when he sets up an “Ask a Philosopher”
booth at crossroads and public gathering spots in New York City, and curious pedestrians are
then invited to pick a topic to discuss, or to ask a question and start a discussion of their own.
Biehl’s Young Philosophers of New York, Clough’s Phronesis Lab at Oregon State University,
and Donovan’s experiential learning projects with students in Port Richmond, as well as the
Philosophical Horizons program in Memphis that Torrey worked with, are all unique examples
of the growing commitment among professional philosophers to positively impact the lives of
students before they arrive at college.
9
The turn to the city has also caused a shift in the orientation of many philosophers as more
philosophers are attempting to engage the people with whom they share the city in addition
to their colleagues in the academy. In the last section of this volume, we highlight interviews
with philosophers who are doing this sort of work, which we might call the public or urban
philosopher as facilitator. These philosophers are engaged in a return to the Socratic example of
philosophizing in the agora, with philosophers going (literally as well as figuratively) where the
audiences are, in the spaces where they live, work, and entertain themselves. This difference in
orientation and context changes not only the dynamic of the philosophical interactions them-
selves but the relative positions of the participants. Socrates referred to himself as a “midwife,”
someone who helped give birth to knowledge that was already within his interlocutor but
struggling to come to life in a coherent form. Hence today’s urbanized philosophers increas-
ingly present themselves to their audiences not as “professors” or “experts” dispensing their own
wisdom but as “facilitators” of conversations and investigations that principally belong to the
citizens themselves.
Addressing general, nonacademic audiences sounds simple, and perhaps suggests to some that
all that all one needs to do is to dumb down one’s presentation by limiting the amount of tech-
nical vocabulary one uses, if not eliminating it all together. Being able to communicate philo-
sophical ideas directly to an audience that is not immersed in “the literature” and unfamiliar with
professional philosophers’ terms of art is indeed important, but as those who pursue this work
know well, rather than dumbing down the philosophy, general audience engagement challenges
the philosophers to exercise skills that enable them to recover the connections between philo-
sophical investigations to the thought-provoking features of our shared lived experience. Those
connections are often lost in the sort of interaction that characterizes the academic scholarship
and discourse, yet, as Olasov notes, it is usually the conundrums of ordinary life that generate
philosophical inquiry in the first place. The Gotham Philosophical Society (GPS), for example,
has sought to make those connections vivid through a series of events called “A Lawyer, a Poet,
and a Philosopher Walk Into a Bar,” which is exactly that – a collaboration between a lawyer, a
poet, and a philosopher who approach a topic that matters to each of us (e.g., truth, love, money,
misery) and proceed to explore it from legal, artistic, and philosophical perspectives. A notable
feature of these events is the predominance of the philosophical in the ensuing audience-driven
discussion.This is not due to the philosopher’s contribution being more significant, but from the
fact that even the artistic and legal presentations prompt reflections of an inherently philosophi-
cal character. People will philosophize if they are inspired to do so. Shifting the philosopher’s
focus from presenting a tightly argued position in conceptual space to collaborating with one’s
fellow citizens results not in diluted versions of academic colloquia and conference proceedings,
but in community-building enterprises where people with varying backgrounds and experi-
ences jointly attempt to gain helpful insight into the human condition.
As Biehl mentions in his contribution to this volume, philosophers are also attempting to
direct some of their writing to engage citizens and policy makers at a more local level, mak-
ing contributions to their community’s discussions, debates, and deliberations on such worka-
day issues as educational, environmental, and electoral (for example) policies and practices. The
Gotham Philosophical Society’s Φ on New York, an online magazine project, for example, is
predicated on the refusal to see these sorts of matters as “outside” or “beneath” the scope of
philosophical relevance. On the contrary, these are the issues that are of the greatest consequence
for the day-to-day welfare of the city’s inhabitants. The goal of this effort, therefore, is to foster
a deeper, more thoughtful, and argumentatively “sound” process through which the city comes
to regulate the lives of its citizens and sets its future course.
10
Introduction
Projects in the recuperation of the history of Western philosophy in

and for the city
The discussion of new methodologies requires us to ask whether and how there is room for
more conventional approaches to philosophical research. And the answer is yes! Given the cri-
tiques of conventional methodologies, it is important that we expand what “counts” as philoso-
phy, and, as we noted earlier and is evident in this volume, philosophers of the city are leaders in
making these moves. Both the development of intra-, inter-, and transdisciplinary philosophical
methodologies (Epting 2016) and the various engaged philosophical practices that we summa-
rize above are important contributions to the discipline of philosophy as a whole and also allow
for philosophy to make meaningful contributions to urban studies. But those moves also demand
the kind of conventional close readings and interpretations of philosophical texts that have tradi-
tionally been the stock in trade of philosophers. Part I of this volume therefore feature chapters
that engage in the recuperation of the history of Western philosophy in and for the city. There
are also chapters throughout the volume that engage in a history of philosophical thinking about
key concepts in urban planning and/or policy as a way of helping us better understand and
reflect on contemporary urban policy, practices, and conditions. Abraham Akkerman’s chapter
on the philosophical history of the aesthetics of urban planning and design is one such example.
Part III: content: the subject(s) of philosophy of the city

Part I of this volume, “Urban Philosophies,” includes chapters that help us reorient philosophy
toward the city through a reinterpretation and recuperation of philosophies in the Western tra-
dition that provide important theoretical frameworks or lenses through which to view the city.
Contemporary essays on key historical figures in the first section of the book will both help
philosophers trained in varying traditions understand how they can draw on that tradition to
inform urban work and orient nonphilosophers to a possible canon of works that provide theo-
retical lenses. It will further give background in the history of philosophy to provide an intel-
lectual context useful to urban planners, urban geographers, and other social scientists who often
lack deep background in the history of philosophy and its traditions but need urban theory to
frame their own work. The chapters by Nathan Nicol, Joseph S. Biehl, Ferenc Hörcher, and
Danielle Lake take up the legacies of Plato, early modern philosophers such as Machiavelli, and
19th-century philosophers such as Dewey and Addams.
Addams is rarely read as a philosopher, and as we have noted earlier, a surprising number
of modern and contemporary philosophers of the city remain unknown to most philosophers.
In fact, most of these writers are better known by urban social scientists, as they draw on these
thinkers to provide a theoretical framework for their research. But often social scientists only
know these thinkers in narrow terms of what they have to say about cities, and they could ben-
efit from an understanding of the fuller philosophical import of their work that the chapters in
this section will provide. And philosophers need to understand the richness of their philosophi-
cal heritage if they are to continue to develop philosophies of the city. Section 2 of Part I of
this volume features chapters on Henri Lefebvre (by Loren King), Walter Benjamin (by Frank
Cunningham), and others missing from the philosophical canon to recenter philosophy on
the city. While Foucault is often claimed by philosophers, we rarely read him as a philosopher
of the city, but Kevin Scott Jobe’s chapter in this volume makes a case to do so. Many other
contributors to this volume draw extensively on this revised canon in their chapters (see, e.g.,
Brian Elliott’s chapter, in which he draws on a wide range of continental philosophers – many
11
of whom are more often cited by social scientists than by philosophers – to help us think more
robustly about the concept of urban communities).
The remaining sections of this volume in Part II, “Philosophical Engagement With Urban
Issues,” are organized by varying types of philosophical engagement with urban issues. We cre-
ated categories to try to highlight the major areas where philosophers are now contributing
to urban studies and where there are opportunities for future research. That said, much of the
richness of works by philosophers of the city is that it crosses some of the usual lines. As editors
of the volume, we had to make often difficult decisions as to where to place a particular chapter,
and readers will see that many chapters belong to more than one section. In other words, clas-
sification systems provide some help and organization, but they always fall short in capturing the
full breadth and depth of our work.
Urban aesthetics
The battle for the aesthetics of cities has been ongoing. Philosophers are capable of both under-
standing aesthetics in terms of principles of beauty but also linking urban aesthetics to other
philosophical dimensions. Was Walter Benjamin correct in claiming that Haussmann’s plans for
Paris were not merely aesthetic, but a politically motivated attempt to thwart street protestors?
What sorts of assumptions about the good life and about technology are at stake in the battle of
visions between Jane Jacobs and Robert Moses for the soul of New York? What roles do parks
and public art play in our sense of the good city and the beautiful city? The chapters in this
section discuss aesthetic dimensions of cities, drawing out the philosophical theories that under-
score many debates around aesthetic issues. Philosophers of architecture have never abandoned
their focus on the city, and both Abraham Akkerman and Saul Fisher help us understand some
key issues in those discussions. Philosophers have tended less to questions of public art, and
Fred Evans’s chapter helps fill that void. Parks play roles in aesthetic, environmental, and politi-
cal dimensions of cities, and Amanda J. Meyer and Charles Taliaferro trace the history of parks’
complex roles, making a case for the democratic function of them. Finally, Kathryn Kramer and
John Rennie Short discuss the importance and ramifications of walking in the city, and Sharon
M. Meagher draws connections between creative placemaking and justice in urban contexts.
Urban politics
This section features chapters by philosophers involved in various ways with urban politics,
reflecting on the ways that their urban political activity has been shaped by their philosophical
educations and how their philosophical thinking has been transformed by their various urban
political engagements. From city hall to participatory budgeting, from planning and policy to
community organizing and protest, this section aims to place the city at the heart of political
philosophy in a time when the nation-state no longer commands our singular focus. The last
chapters in this section deal with policies around homelessness and surveillance and thus con-
nect to political philosophical questions of freedom and security.
Since at least George Simmel’s analysis of cities, we have defined cities as essentially diverse
places. Lewis Mumford argued that cities are our repositories of cultures and cultural artifacts. In
this sense, we celebrate cities. On the one hand, philosophers have drawn on aesthetics to think
about the sensory diversity of cities. Other contemporary philosophers have drawn on philo-
sophical political theory to analyze critically the politics of inclusion and exclusion, unpacking
assumptions in urban policy and practice and allowing us to view the city from multiple per-
spectives. This work is particularly important, as philosophical branches, such as environmental
12
Introduction
philosophy, have historically ignored tackling concerns that are important to communities of
color, such as the placement of waste facilities in nonwhite neighborhoods. The now famous
Commission for Racial Justice (1987) study brought environmental racism into the purview
and formed the foundation for the new field of environmental justice, a field that wholeheart-
edly grapples with the unique environmental problems faced by urban communities. This work
stands in sharp contrast to the historically homogenous field of environmental philosophy, criti-
quing its lack of diverse perspectives, and daring it to do better. In this vein, Esme G. Murdock’s
chapter on rethinking environmental spaces and racism captures the importance of doing phi-
losophy from multiple standpoints. Her contribution grapples with and highlights key justice
questions, such as who is at the table when decision-making happens, and how the construction
of the urban–wilderness dualism is steeped in racist, classist, and sexist systems of oppression, as
certain urban communities are deemed to be disposable.
Housing issues have gained considerable attention by philosophers because they also raise
questions about justice and interlocking systems of oppression. Ronald R. Sundstrom’s chapter
on racial segregation makes these connections, and Tyler Zimmer and Kevin Scott Jobe both
raise important questions about housing policy and the displacement of people. In a similar
vein, Brian Elliott discusses the nuances of constructing communities in urban spaces, Alexander
Kolokotronis and Michael Menser offer an illuminating treatment of the power of civic engage-
ment, and Chad Kautzer grapples with the ramifications of the Occupy movement.These issues
are intimately connected to questions of citizenship.
Citizenship
The Western concept of “citizen” was born and grew up in the ancient cities of Athens and Rome
but by the 16th century, Hobbes and other philosophers were transforming the concept to fit
emerging new political forms that were consolidating cities and rural territories into what became
the nation-state. But recent globalization pressures and the rise of megacities, which dwarf many
nation-states, give rise to new questions about citizenship. There are also a growing number of
stateless persons that challenge the grounding of citizenship rights in the state. Chapters in this
section explore the shifting terrain and how philosophers have and can contribute to our rethink-
ing of citizenship. They also explore alternative models of citizen engagement developed through
movements like Black Lives Matter, Occupy, and right to the city. Paul C. Taylor also helps us
understand how the work of these movements can and should inform our philosophical thinking.
Several chapters engage questions about cities as public spaces, or as having public spaces, or
as a place to create common spaces (see, e.g., the chapters by Paula Cristina Pereira, and Brian
A. Weiner). The concept of the right to the city often emerges in these discussions, as cities can
be seen as places to exercise or claim rights to citizenship in a broader political sense that is not
tied to the nation-state but to the urban condition in a globalized world.
The influences of globalization and of neoliberalism– that is, the emergence of laissez-faire
market economic theories and policies that privilege the global circulation of capital– are themes
that emerge throughout the volume, but particularly in the sections on politics and citizenship.
Benjamin Boudou asks us to think about migration policy in the context of the sanctuary city
movement. Sharon M. Meagher’s “Ghost Cities” chapter focuses on the megacities of the Global
South, asking what sorts of philosophical concepts we can bring to analyze the challenges and
opportunities afforded by rapid urbanization around the globe. With a similar goal in mind,
Peter Marcuse also uses the city as a touchstone for discussing philosophical questions, such as
the connections between planning and what constitutes a “good” city.
13
Urban environments and the creation/destruction of place

As we discussed earlier in this introduction, many philosophers of the environment have
ignored the city, as they equated the environment with wilderness, as that which escaped and
remained outside the city. But in the last 15 years, philosophers of the environment began to
question the dichotomous thought that separated “city” from “environment,” recognizing that
cities also include nonhuman species, plants, water, and multiple types of terrain. The envi-
ronmental justice movement also has exposed the ways that some cities or parts of cities have
become the dumping grounds for others’ wastes and toxins. Pressures of growth place even
greater strains on urban infrastructures and natural environs.This section contains chapters that
outline the rich contributions that philosophers are now making on these issues. For example,
Robert Kirkman discusses metropolitan growth, connecting the city to the ebbs and flows
associated with the development of place, while Irene J. Klaver and J. Aaron Frith provide
an illuminating account of the sociopolitical-cultural ramifications of green infrastructure. In
this vein, Michael Goldsby’s chapter grapples with climate change mitigation in the city. And
both Cynthia Willett and Samantha Noll challenge readers to broaden their conceptions of
the modern city, so that it can be understood as a home for a wide range of animal species
(beyond the human) and as a fertile space for food production. Finally, Alexandria K. Poole’s
chapter provides a theoretical framework designed to confront anti-urban bias and complicate
the human-nature divide.
Philosophical engagements
The last section of the volume includes interviews with philosophers who report on various
types of philosophical engagement with cities or urban communities, as we thought it important
to provide not only notes for further research but also for other types of philosophical engage-
ment, including teaching and community outreach. We include these as interviews rather than
chapters to highlight the fact that the new content and methodologies of philosophy of the city
demand that our work take different forms. The content of these interviews suggests the rich
variety of place-based work in which philosophers are (and can be) engaged.
Conclusions
Taken together, the chapters in this volume offer both philosophers and urban social scientists
new ways to connect theory and practice so that we might address some of the greatest chal-
lenges of our time, challenges that are relevant not only to academics but to all of us, as cities
affect the lives of all. Cities magnify and intensify human cultural achievements and the diversity
of the human social and political project as well as social injustices and environmental crises.
The purpose of a Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of the City is to gather those essays together to
provide a state of the subfield so that we can open up new directions in urban studies.
We hope that our readers will continue to build and improve on the excellent contribu-
tions to this volume. Most chapters end with suggestions for further research and direction,
and the authors do well in citing existing gaps in both specific content areas of philosophy of
the city as well as in the subdiscipline overall. There are admittedly gaps in this volume; there
are some urban issues that have thus far received scant attention from philosophers. One of the
functions of this volume is to lay out the state of current research in philosophy of the city to
spur new research and questions; understanding the contributions that philosophers of the city
have been and are making is crucial, but so is highlighting the glaring gaps where there remains
14
much work to be done. Much greater attention needs to be paid to the wide-ranging issues of
diversity, inclusion, and injustice in the city. This is particularly true in the Global South, where
urbanization is progressing at a more rapid rate than in the Global North.
Both the new philosophical methodologies and the content of the chapters featured in this
Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of the City should provide readers with a new sense of hope for
what philosophy might contribute while also enabling us to recognize its limits. It is our hope
that this transformative journey is just beginning, as philosophers of the city engage both with
other academic disciplines and with urban communities across the globe to improve the quality
of urban life (and thus the lives of all beings) and affirm the right to the city for all urban dwell-
ers and a realized vision for beautiful, sustainable, and just cities.
Notes
1 Here and in what follows, translations from Plato are based on Cooper (1997), with some slight altera-
tions. The references to Plato’s text are to the Stephanus pages (e.g., 435a), standard in most editions.
2 For fresh, lively discussions of Plato’s moral psychology, see the excellent collection of essays in Barney,
Brennan, and Brittain (2012).
3 Williams (1973). The vast influence of this paper is evident in the near cottage industry that has grown
up in response to it. My own response here draws from Blössner (2007), Keyt (2006), Kraut (1973), Lear
(1992), Schofield (2006), and Scott (2011).
1 This chapter is a revised and edited version of the paper I delivered at the 2017 meeting of the Phi-
losophy of the City Research Group, which took place October 11–13 at the University of Porto in
Porto, Portugal. I am grateful to Andrea Robotka, who took care of its written version. We chose to
leave gendered pronouns in Machiavelli and other classic texts as is.
2 Due to the limitations of the knowledge of the present author, this chapter will narrow its scope to the
Western canon of urban developments. This move does not mean, however, that it is meant to suggest
that other models (like city life in the Asian and Southern context on a global scale) are less appealing.
3 “Look at the man who has been knocking about in law-courts and such places ever since he was a
boy; and compare him with the man brought up in philosophy, in the life of a student. It is surely like
comparing the up-bringing of a slave with that of a free man” (Plato, Theaetetus 172d). There is reason,
however, to suspect an ironic (and self-critical) use of language in this description, as in the case when
Plato claims that “the philosopher grows up without knowing the way to the market-place,” and refers
to “every sort of difficulty” that he needs to tackle as a result of “his lack of experience” (174c–175e).
I rely here on Allen (2010: 79).
4 From this letter we also learn that he found himself guilty of having influenced his politician-pupil in
the wrong direction in a political sense due to his effort to translate his philosophical ideas into practice.
5 James Hankins pointed out that both Bruni and Machiavelli produce “readings of the past designed to
influence the actions of statesmen in their own day” (2015: 1).
6 We refer here to the open access edition at www.gutenberg.org, which does not provide page numbers.
7 Jacques II de Goyon, seigneur de Matignon (1525–1598), a friend of Montaigne who followed him in
the chair of the mayor of Bordeaux. The correspondence was published as Correspondance de Montaigne
avec le maréchal de Matignon (1582–1588).
8 Goyet claims, “As much as the sublime prince and perhaps even more than him, he is the incarnation
of the prudens” (2005: 132).
9 “His term as mayor of Bordeaux is the most salient moment of this role, but his responsibilities did not
end after his mayoralty, and they probably began before it” (Goyet 2005: 123).
10 “Montaigne was one of those ‘political professionals’ who populated all the chancelleries and courts of
the sixteenth century” (Goyet 2005: 123).
11 One should also note, however, the dedication of the third edition of the Politica: “Dedicated to the
estates of (the Dutch provinces of) Frisia. Contains new chapters on provincial administration as well as
on the right of resistance against tyranny” (quoted in Hueglin 1999: 234–235). No doubt Althusius was
deeply engaged in the Dutch revolt against their Spanish oppressors, which was interpreted by many
along denominational lines, and this political engagement can explain this dedication.
1 Which is not to say none. Some philosophers whom I mention later, and in the introduction on meth-
odological practice, are doing very important and impactful work in New York.
2 So, too, to varying degrees, other public-oriented organizations and enterprises, such as Brooklyn Public
Philosophers, Columbia University’s Rethink program, and the Philosophical Café hosted by the New
York Society for Ethical Culture.
3 In terms of my own experience, the worst I have faced has been a very contentious and uncomfort-
able “conversation” during an event on the nature of money (in particular, on the propositions that we
think of it as a public good and that we prohibit private financial institutions from profiting from its
“creation”).
4 Changes are afoot, however, as attempts to bring the classroom out into the street are increasing. See, for
example, Oxley and Ilea (2016).
5 “Nothing can count as a reason for holding a belief except another belief ” (Davidson 2001: 141, 155).
Davidson was, in turn, paraphrasing Richard Rorty (and no doubt many others). See Rorty (1979: 178).
6 Case (2018) offers an especially crimped portrait of the discipline.
7 See GPS website (www.philosophy.nyc). I discuss these and other efforts in the methodology intro.
8 We refer to it as a magazine rather than journal since we insist that the writing be free of technical jargon
as well as many of the features and practices associated with scholarly journals such as extensive notes and
citations.
9 Statistics demonstrating the relatively high average/median salary of philosophy majors, or the claims of
certain employers that they seek employees who are able to think, appear to have limited effect, either
on students or administrators. I know first hand that neither such “evidence,” nor the fact that a number
of the recent valedictorians and salutatorians were philosophy majors, could ultimately save the Felician
University (née College) philosophy department from being stripped of majors and being restructured
as a joint study program with Religious Studies.
1 Unless otherwise indicated, page references are to Benjamin’s Arcades Project (1999). That Benjamin
reviewed, reorganized, and often repeated his comments throughout the period of writing the Project is
taken to license drawing from passages in it without regard to where in the nearly 1,000-page text they
appear.
1 Not only moral significance: David Imbroscio (2010) argues that liberal urbanists tend to be too friendly
toward mobility-related reform programs, and less friendly toward place-building strategies that arguably
respect a reasonable expectation for spatial permanence that I am citing here. Some of his interlocutors
suggest that Imbroscio’s charge is too sweeping, leading him to downplay important place-based reforms
endorsed on liberal-egalitarian grounds; see, for example, Todd Swanstrom (2006). I take no sides in that
dispute here; I only mean to flag this as an important social-scientific and policy debate over whether
and how liberals can take seriously something like a right to place, understood as feasible spatial perma-
nence enjoyed by residents in given neighborhoods.
2 The reference is to Wesley Hohfeld (1919), an enormously influential work in legal thought, which is
the starting point for Wenar’s and many other modern analyses of rights.
3 Wenar (2005: 224 and 252), where he concludes that “all rights are Hohfeldian incidents. All Hohfeld-
ian incidents are rights so long as they mark exemption, or discretion, or authorization, or entitle their
holders to protection, provision, or performance.Therefore, rights are all those Hohfeldian incidents that
perform these several functions.”
4 Or, “Des droits se font jour; ils entrent dans des coutumes ou des prescriptions plus ou moins suivies
d’actes” (Lefebvre 2009: 106).
5 For an overview of the contrast, most prominently between G.A. Cohen and Steven Lukes, see Brenkert
(1986); also Boyd (2009).
6 I have in mind here Marx’s discussion of estranged labor, early in the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts
of 1844; see Tucker (1978: 76–77 and 114–115).
7 There is, curiously, a strong resonance between Lefebvre’s characterization of socially elaborated needs,
on the one hand, and on the other how John Rawls (1999: 79) elaborates the socialness of some primary
goods, their quality and distribution being deeply implicated in the basic institutional structure of any
given society.
8 Think here especially of Marx’s remarks about the transcendence of private property in the Economic
and Philosophic Manuscripts, a process through which, inter alia, “the senses and enjoyment of other
men have become my own appropriation” such that, “for instance, activity in direct association with
others . . . has become an organ for expressing my own life, and a mode of appropriating human life”
(Tucker 1978: 88).
9 Table page references are to Lefebvre (1996).
1 Likewise, Merry (2001) considers the shopping mall the “prototype” of this new spatial governmentality.
1 Wendell defines the “healthy disabled” as the individuals who have “physical conditions and functional
limitations [that] are relatively stable and predictable for the foreseeable future” (2001: 19). By this she
means those who are relatively stable and are not motivated to seek medical treatment or cures or who
face fluctuating and at times uncertain futures.
1 See, for example, Halliwell (1998: 109–110).
1 While compositionalism may resemble the CAI thesis, it is neutral between that view and any “double-
counting” theory: All we get is the notion that cities comprise discernable parts in the form of archi-
tectural objects, without regard to whether city x just is the sum of its built structures, or an additional
entity.
2 As in ecology, the level of analysis determines the focus on structure and function of the system (down-
ward) or its sub-systems and parts (upward).
3 See, for example, Epting (2016), for a broad systems focus that moves away from a compositionalism of
architectural stripe.
4 Another reason to consider for strong architectural compositionalism, if entailment can be shown,
would be an architectural formalist stance; compositionalism may be detachable from formalism yet
preferable if formalism is true.
5 Most prominently, we find this sort of view in the urban planning tradition associated with Jane Jacobs
(1961), wherein the right mix of ingredients yields a particular urban character. Tursić (2017) offers
one latter-day theoretical framework, weaving together Bunge’s emergent systemism (2000) and Lévy’s
systemisme dialogique (1999).
6 Vesely (2016: 155) allows that cities comprise other parts than architectural objects, yet sees a special
cultural and situational connection among architectural parts and the city as a whole: “The relation of
architecture and city should be seen as a relation of reciprocity, in which the city can receive a higher
level of articulation and subtlety from architectural design, and architecture can receive higher level of
culture from the life of the city.”
7 In this regard, and for purposes of brevity, I offer as basic an architectural inclusivism thesis:
Thus, the Kuala Lumpur Middle Ring Road 1 and the Canal St. Martin (Paris) are architectural objects
as much as the buildings that line each of those thoroughfares. So, too, for banal building designs whose
architects were long forgotten and perhaps deservedly so. The contrary exclusivist view yields results
similar to what Carlson calls the “designer” view, limiting architectural objects to those conforming to
traditional notions of art objects.The reason for the inclusivist assumption is that exclusivism severely pro-
scribes our ability to address aesthetic, moral, or other qualities of those objects designed by architects
as built structures.
8 Kevin Lynch (1960) proposes that our epistemic access to the city as a whole is a function of its “image-
ability,” or capacity to prompt our mentally conjuring its organization and salient features, as in a mental
map. Lynch’s other well-known proposed feature of environmental cognition is the “legibility” or
navigability of an environment, which depends on our being able to evaluate or find meaning in that
environment – in part by recognizing patterns (structural or otherwise) and by identifying component
structures. The ensuing tradition in environmental and spatial cognition, as applied to the city, focuses
on related capacities of distinction, differentiation, orientation (“wayfinding”), visibility, and appearance
of usability, all of which assume our individuation of physical parts– that is, architectural objects (cf.
Weisman 1981; Passini 1984; Devlin 2001; Nasar 2011).
9 For contemporary holist views, see, for example, the related concept of integral urbanism, in Ellin
(2011); or the systems analyses at the center of urban studies, with debts to such diverse influences as
holistic human ecology (cf. Hawley 1950) and sustainable cities planning (cf. Hester & McNally 2011).
Perhaps the ultimate tribute to holist urbanism is the planned city – whether reflecting plans of archi-
tects, such as Broadacre City (Frank Lloyd Wright), Chandigarh (Le Corbusier, with Jane Drew and
Maxwell Fry), and Brasilia (Lúcio Costa and Oscar Niemeyer, with Roberto Burle Marx); or of urban
planners and developers, such as Irvine, California, or Aventura, Florida. One key historical text in this
tradition is Sitte (1889).
10 For example, political issues of urban design, urban planning, and architecture divide not only by goals
but as well by decision-making processes. Further, relative to constituents and participants, those pro-
cesses fork into (a) experts, (b) clients (including developers), and (c) the public (citizens, residents, or
transient populations); and experts sort into yet other groups, including at least (a) architects and plan-
ners, qua vendors, (b) scholars, and (c) civically engaged institutional actors.
1 1 Hence, possibly, an indirect function of planning or design.
12 This assumes roughly a stable population and minimal speculation on, for example, “destination” devel-
opment such as intended to attract those who, by dint of minimal or low-stakes citizenry, have needs
or preferences unmoored from those of the city they inhabit.
13 This, as committed by traditions around the world – in ancient Greek, Roman, Indian, and Chinese
texts.
14 A broader compositionalism might pick out parts that are not only physical but as well natural, social,
cultural, technological, and so forth. Epting’s modified CAI (2016) picks out parts of more or less any
nature, which runs a risk of being indiscriminate to the point of losing explanatory power.
15 For the Platonist tradition that precedes Aristotle, see Morrison (2001).
16 Berleant (1986) earlier suggests that centrally important elements of the urban environment are not
even localized parts at all, but sensory qualities diffused through the environment – such as sound and
smell – constituting a “perceptual plenum.”This, too, he takes to be a irreducible whole (perhaps of dif-
ferent kind), though one might otherwise take physical manifestations of sound, smell, and other sensed
qualities as greatly diffused parts.
1 For more on public space, see Kohn’s distinction between “public space” and “social space” and her
emphasis on the former as a way of establishing social solidarity (2004: 196); Miller’s idea that public
space in democratic life must be a “hybrid of actual physical spaces and active public spheres,” where
the latter means “a dynamic relationship among publics formed around issues of concern and bodies
accountable for addressing these issues” (2007: xii, xvii); and Butler’s treatment of public space in terms
of her “performative theory of assembly” (2015: 70–77, 155). One should also read Deutsche’s article
on the famous case of Richard Serra’s Tilted Arc, which was originally government sponsored, and how
its removal was determined by uncontested and misleading definitions of public space (1996c). See also
Miles (1997) for a comprehensive treatment of urban art and spaces.
2 For a critical summary of other defacings of Confederate monuments and the issue of whether they
count as transgressive acts of iconoclasm or, instead, vandalism, see Doss (2010: 361–362), Gell (1998),
and Evans (2016a).
3 Two key websites for images of Danzas Indigenas and the mobile memorial You Are My Other Me, as well
as for official statements by Baca, city citizens, and officials, the white supremacist group Save Our State
(SOS), and the Social and Public Art Resource Center (SPARC) are <http://sparcinla.org/baldwin-
park-controversy/> and <www.judybaca.com/artist/porcccccctfolio/danzas-indigenious/>. All quotes
on the two memorials and the protests I mention come from these sources.
4 <http://sparcinla.org/baldwin-park-controversy>
5 See Evans (2008, 2019).
6 See Derrida (2005: 35–36, 38–39, 52–53, 135, 144, 148, 152) and Evans (2016b).
1 One of the best discussions of the literature of walking, especially of the mostly unspoken rural/urban
divide that marks the genre, remains Rebecca Solnit’s Wanderlust (2000), which also is one of the earliest
walking histories to present the prehistorical evidence.
2 Raymond Williams’s analysis of Wordsworth’s ambivalent interactions with London in The Country and
the City is required reading when considering the growing impact of the urban experience in the 19th
century (1975: 127–152).
3 Priscilla Parkhurst Ferguson’s chapter on flânerie in her book on 19th-century Paris delves into its Paris-
ian history going back to the very beginning of the century and is highly recommended to the student
researcher (1994: 81–114).
4 Rebecca Solnit’s summary of flânerie’s linguistic derivation is most thorough (2000: 198–199).
5 Peters’s citing of Alfonso Montuori’s definition of transdisciplinarity bears quotation as it is descriptively
applicable to flânerie’s epistemological implications:
1 Porto Alegre’s PB had an incredible, robust run from 1989 to 2004. It then suffered major attacks and has
been weakened, leading to a one-year “suspension” in 2017. See Chavez (2008) and Abers et al. (2018).
2 For a pragmatist view that is more skeptical of PD, see Lacey (2008).
3 Young also had concerns about participatory democracy more broadly (1990: 249–250, 2000:
180–195), but comes back to it in later work (Menser 2018: 268).
4 For a radical post-Marxist social ontological view on this, see Holloway (2002, 2010); for a more consti-
tutional republican one, see Thomas (2017).
1 This brief characterization of neoliberal social policy is discussed later in this chapter and is inspired by
the work of disability scholars David Mitchell and Sharon Snyder (2015: 101).
2 For a brief but detailed historical account of neoliberalism, see Harvey (2007).
3 See von Mahs (2013).
4 See Castells and Portes (1989: 11–37).
5 See “Only 13% of World’s Cities Have Affordable Housing – According to New Research,” UN-Habitat,
July 26, 2016. <https://unhabitat.org/only-13-of-worlds-cities-have-affordable-housing-according-
to-new-research/>.
6 Fitzpatrick and Stephens (2007: 61–62) note that Sweden and Hungary are the only countries that pro-
vide a legally enforceable right to permanent housing (not merely temporary or emergency), but only for
elderly, ill, or severely disabled homeless populations.
1 For an invaluable collection that gathers together a significant number of the classic and foundational
readings in African-American social and political thought and sorts them into categories based on their
broad political schools, see Brotz (1992).
2 For a survey and critical analysis of that debate, see Merry (2013).
3 A liberal-egalitarian approach toward urban policy and affairs also appears in Williamson (2010) and
Fainstein (2010).
1 For helpful timelines of the Arab Spring, Indignados, and Occupy movements, see Castells (2012:
247–287).
2 In the case the of Zapatista rebellion, one of the goals was to protect Article 27 of Mexico’s constitu-
tion, the foundation of land tenure law and the outcome of the Mexican Revolution (1910–1917) led
by Emiliano Zapata, namesake of the Zapatistas. Controversial changes to Article 27 in 1992, recom-
mended by the World Bank, ended land distribution to landless communities and made a market in
agricultural land possible (Kelly, Jr. 1994: 561). “An orthodox neoliberal model,” writes Mariana Mora,
“considered the ejido [communal landholding] a source of uncertainty that hinders private investment
and considered people who collectively owned lands to have limited access to the loans required to
increase productivity” (2017: 116).
3 See Polletta (2004) on the history of prefigurative movements in the United States. On the influence
of anarchism on Occupy, see Bray (2013, 2018) and Graeber (2013).
4 The pamphlet explicitly viewed student actions as part of a larger movement: “We have seen a new
wave of takeovers in the U.S. over the last year, both at universities and workplaces: New School and
NYU, as well as the workers at Republic Windows Factory in Chicago, who fought the closure of their
factory by taking it over. Now it is our turn” (Research and Destroy 2009: 19).
5 Activists in Madison, Wisconsin, also created a “Walkerville” encampment near the state capitol build-
ing, named in honor of Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker, which inspired Bloombergville in New
York.
6 Jacque Rancière describes such irreconcilability as “dissensus,” which he argues is the essence of
politics. It is the disruption of the established order by those excluded from it. They make themselves
and alternative futures visible in the present and thereby put “two worlds in one and the same world”
(2010: 69).
7 According to the report “The State of Housing in Black America,” published by the National Asso-
ciation of Real Estate Brokers (2013), between 2007 and 2013, half of the net worth of the African-
American community in the United States was lost due to the foreclosure crisis and recession.
8 There are various theories of representation within political liberalism today, but it is common to
distinguish delegation and trusteeship. A delegate represents the explicit interests of the represented,
while a trustee exercises their judgment and thus need not act in a way that directly reflects the will
of the represented. Philip Pettit (2009) identifies three basic modes – simulative (indicative), enactive,
and interpretive – and argues that the lack of explicit preferences by the represented on so many issues
necessarily leads the representative to speak and act in an interpretive manner.
9 The first step was the wording of equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the US
Constitution, adopted in 1868. It used the word “person” rather than “natural person,” thus open-
ing the door to the possibility of nonnatural persons becoming constitutionally protected. This did
not happen directly, but rather through a misleading summary or headnote for a decision, written
by a court reporter in the case of Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad Company, 118 U.S.
394 (1886). Although the equal protection of nonnatural persons was not at stake, the court reporter
(a former railroad executive) stated that it was and that Santa Clara County had extended the protec-
tions of the Fourteenth Amendment to corporate persons. Santa Clara County was later and mistakenly
cited as precedent in other decisions. This constitutionally protected corporate person was more or less
speechless until Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976), the US Supreme Court decision that made money
constitutionally protected speech, but with some restrictions. Citizens United (2010) lifted most of those
restrictions.
10 As a participant in Occupy Denver, I organized with the education working group for years after the
Denver encampment was forcibly removed. The Colorado Foreclosure Resistance Coalition, founded
by Denver occupiers and a local nonprofit, as well as the groups Boycott the Urban Camping Ban
and Denver Homeless Out Loud, continue to embody the horizontalism, solidarity, and mutual aid of
Occupy to this day.
1 This publication is funded with National Funds through the FCT/MCTES – Fundação para a Ciência
e a Tecnologia/Ministério da Ciência, Tecnologia e Ensino Superior (Science and Technology Foundation/
Ministry of Science, Technology and Higher Education), in the framework of the project of the Insti-
tute of Philosophy with the reference FIL/00502. This study results from research conducted within
the Philosophy and Public Space Research Group, founded in 2007, in which the researchers have
focused on the city as a concept and on the spatial repositioning of philosophy, through the critical
analysis of the notion of public space framed by contemporary political and social representations and
dynamics.This research is primarily based on the conceptual trajectory of the notion of public space in
its correlation with the city, from the polis to its contemporary (global) version of the deterritorializa-
tion of political processes.
2 Social Forum of the Americas, Quito – July 2004; World Urban Forum, Barcelona – September 2004;
and World Social Forum, Porto Alegre – January 2005.
3 Author’s translation.
4 It should be noted that phronesis is constituted on the basis of the experience of the other in the polis.
According to Aristotle, practical wisdom is sustained in a distinct thought of demonstration, but which
is regardless still rational.
5 See the chapter on “Foucault and Urban Philosophy.”
10 Studies on philosophy of the city are not limited to political philosophy, but cross, necessarily, the
history of philosophy, philosophy of technology, ethics, and philosophical anthropology, for example,
since reflection on human nature and, above all, on the human condition, on the new modes and figures
of dwelling, require reflection on the city of men, the urban condition as object of study. Philosophy of
the city also draws on other areas of knowledge, such as urbanism, architecture, ecology, geography,
sociology, history, economics, political science, communication, and information sciences, which thus
contribute, as mentioned previously, to a multidisciplinary and transdisciplinary approach.
1 1 Author’s translation.
12 Others have already been mentioned previously in reference to some of the questions raised in philoso-
phy of the city.
13 See the chapter on “Gentrification.”
14 A public-private partnership (PPP) implies a contract between the public sector and the private sector,
in which the private company/institution provides a service for which the public sector pays. These
contracts are almost always justified on the basis of increasing the quality of public services. It can be
said that PPPs are a management model with an underlying political ideology that defends the presence
of private sector activity in public services.
15 I do not intend to outline all the dimensions and currents of the common (because it is not my purpose,
nor does it fall within the scope of this work), but rather to highlight the political relevance today of
the rise of the common as part of the demand to make the city. However, other key contributions to the
debate should be mentioned; see “Further Reading.”
1 9 Experience of the common good, intersected with the concept of biopolitical production, is a concept proposed
by Hardt and Negri, which expresses collaboration and cooperation as essential to immaterial work.
20 See Lefebvre (1996 [1968]) as well as Loren King’s chapter in this volume, “Henri Lefebvre and the
Right to the City.”
21 Degrowth is a radical critique of the Western model of production of growth, and is, therefore, the
defense of diminishing levels of production and consumption (Serge Latouche’s proposal on degrowth).
See “Further Reading.”
1 The New York Times, “Cities Imagining the Future” and “Cities for Tomorrow,” <https://www.
nytimes.com/interactive/2016/07/21/us/innovation>, <www.nytimes.com/issue/us/2016/07/21/
cities-for-tomorrow>.
2 “First Principle: Each person has the same indefeasible claim to a fully adequate scheme of equal basic
liberties, which scheme is compatible with the same scheme of liberties for all; Second Principle: Social
and economic inequalities are to satisfy two conditions: They are to be attached to offices and positions
open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity; They are to be to the greatest benefit of the
least-advantaged members of society (the difference principle)” (Rawls 1971: 42–44).
3 A fuller discussion of transformative proposals is in a number of my blogs. See, for instance, blog #30,
“Transformative Demands,” at pmarcuse.wordpress.com.
1 I am not considering here the deeper historical roots of these movements, which rightly trace back the
origins of sanctuary to archaic socioreligious practices, and more recently in the United States to the
Underground Railroad and the protection of conscientious objectors during the Vietnam War. See Bau
(1985).
2 Council of Europe, Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe, 2nd session, Resolution 17 (1995),
<https://search.coe.int/congress/Pages/result_details.aspx?ObjectId=0900001680718f31>.
3 “City and County of San Francisco, Office of Civic Engagement and Immigrant Affairs,” Sanctuary City
Ordinance, available at <http://sfgov.org/oceia/sanctuary-city-ordinance-0>.
4 <http://chicityclerk.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/document_uploads/executive-order/1985/F85-
116.pdf>.
5 “Executive Order: Enhancing Public Safety in the Interior of the United States, President Don-
ald Trump,” January 25, 2017, available at <www.whitehouse.gov/the-pressoffice/2017/01/25/
presidential-executive-order-enhancing-publicsafety-interior-united>.
6 “Congressional Record,” Volume 161, Number 183 (Wednesday, December 16, 2015) [Senate] [Pages
S8717–S8720].
7 Conditions that are regularly denounced by the European Court of Human Rights; for instance, see A.B.
and others v. France, n°11593/12, 2012; O.M. v. Hungary, n°9912/15, 2016; Richmond Yaw and others
v. Italy, n°3342/11, 3391/11, 3408/11, 3447/11, 2017; Arratibel Garciandia v. Spain, n°58488/13, 2015;
I.M. v. France, n°9152/09, 2012.
1 For a statement of this view of philosophy in more or less these words, see Sellars (2007).
2 There would be more had I not chosen to focus rather narrowly on writings by card-carrying philosophers –
on, to put it (marginally less) crudely, writings either composed by employees of academic philosophy
departments or appearing in journals and books with which academic philosophers routinely involve
themselves. One can count the journal articles on two hands, and most of these, like the few books in the
area, engage BLM only in passing, as we’ll soon see. There is, of course, more writing in adjacent fields,
like political theory, but surveys of those fields can capture that work. Focusing here on the narrower
picture will helpfully delimit the scope of this study while also painting a useful picture of a field that
still exists at some remove from other currents of humanistic inquiry and of life.
3 See Monaghan (2017).
4 Lowery (2016: 89) writes: “[R]eductive media coverage became a major fault line among the activists –
who began to bicker about when, exactly, this ‘movement’ had begun, and who deserved credit for its
inception: the three ‘founders’ or the organic protesters in places like New York and Ferguson.”
5 “Variegated” appears here because it is tempting, but inaccurate, to describe these as areas of concen-
trated poverty. The problems go well beyond poverty, to include such problems as asymmetric police
surveillance.
6 This argument would come more clearly into view if we expanded this study to include other BLM
tendencies, such as the anti-organizational, horizontalist tendency represented by Elzie, McKesson, and
others. But limitations of space make that impossible here. See Taylor (2017: 174).
7 On unruly populations, see Sheth (2009). On disposability, see Hill (2016).
1 Later, we will see how this “devoid of humans” condition for nature will be further amended to exclude
humans of color or bodies of color while making space for certain raced, classed exceptions (whiteness)
for human presence in “wilderness.”
2 This is a problematic conclusion and proposition for many reasons, which I will not expand upon here,
but most critically because it assumes that all human existence is necessarily detrimental to the ecological
flourishing of Earth.
1 For more on this, see DeLind and Bingen (2008); Guthman (2004, 2008); Vandermeer and Perfecto
(2005).
2 See Glaeser (2011).
1 This essay was written with grant support from the National Science Foundation (NSF EAR #1639458)
and the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA #2017-67004-26131).
2 See Glazebrook and Goldsby (2018).
3 To be more accurate, while Trump announced his intention to withdraw, the United States cannot
officially announce its intention to withdraw from the treaty until November 2019, and the withdrawal
will not be effective until November 2020 (after the next presidential election). However, since the
mitigation targets are voluntarily set, the intention is a de facto withdrawal. Further complicating issues is
the fact that Trump has signaled that the United States might rejoin the climate agreement. Still,Trump’s
signals are not always indicative of his actions.
4 There were 402 signatories to the “US Climate Mayors” commitment (#climatemayors). Additionally,
more than two hundred city governments are also part of the “We Are Still In” campaign.
5 See the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication for great interactive maps that provide cli-
mate opinion maps at the county level in the United States. <http://climatecommunication.yale.edu/
visualizations-data/ycom-us-2018/?est=happening&type=value&geo=county>.
6 As an unscientific experiment, I tried five different calculators and I got five different carbon footprint
estimates – ranging from 14–37 metric tons of CO2 equivalent. I encourage the reader to try a similar
experiment.
7 With my very unscientific experiment, there was generally more agreement of whether my footprint
was higher or lower than the “average.”
8 Estimates of emissions at the national level – and in some cases, at the regional level – are a bit more
standardized, although some similar problems still obtain (IPCC 2014).
1 Adapted and expanded from an interview published August 15, 2017 (republished with permission).
<www.engagedphilosophy.com/2017/08/15/ian-olasov/> (updated August 23, 2018).
1 Adapted and expanded from an interview published July 26, 2017 (republished with permission). <www.
engagedphilosophy.com/2017/07/26/john-torrey/> (updated September 22, 2018).
1 Adapted and expanded from an interview published August 23, 2016 (republished with permis-
sion). <http://Www.Engagedphilosophy.Com/2016/08/23/Stephen-Bloch-Schulman/> (updated
August 23, 2018).
2 For the description of the Barnett prize, its purpose and history, and for the description of the project
mentioned, see <https://www.elon.edu/u/academics/honors/thomas-barnett-scholarship/>.
3 Though they are not always able to participate.
4 The main campus is 12 or so miles from Greensboro, but we get included because I am a co-teacher and,
at least, Elon has its School of Law (where the class is held) in downtown Greensboro.
5 For more on the class, see Bloch-Schulman et al. (2015).
1 Adapted and expanded from an interview published January 9, 2018 (republished with permission),
<https://www.engagedphilosophy.com/2018/01/09/sharyn-clough/> (updated August 23, 2018).
1 Briggle, A. (2016) Interview on Engaged Philosophy, <www.engagedphilosophy.com/2016/10/30/
adam-briggle/>. Posted October 13, 2016. This interview is reprinted by permission of the author and
the website editors.
1 Adapted and expanded from an interview published February 5, 2017 (republished with permission),
<https://www.engagedphilosophy.com/2017/02/05/1834/> (updated August 23, 2018).
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Below is a representative sample of works on Benjamin directly or indirectly relating to philosophy in the
Arcades Project. Some of them informed this chapter others exhibit alternative interpretations of Benjamin.
Space constraints dictate leaving out of account Benjamin’s treatment of many themes and figures impor-
tant to the Arcades Project. To note a few, the collector, the Jugendstil movement, montage, the feuilleton,
Proust, Hugo, Brecht, Balzac, and Grandville. Some of these topics are treated in the readings listed below
and in other readings to which they lead.
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Sparks Will Fly: Benjamin and Heidegger (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2015), pp. 145–174.
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H. Eiland & M.W. Jennings, Walter Benjamin: A Critical Life (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
2014). B. Elliott, Benjamin for Architects (New York: Routledge, 2011). E. Friedlander, Walter Benjamin:
A Philosophical Portrait (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012). D. Frisby, “The Flâneur in
Social Theory,” in K. Tester (ed.), The Flâneur (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 8–110. G. Gilloch, Myth
and Metropolis: Walter Benjamin and the City (Cambridge, MA: Polity Press, 1996). B. Hanssen, Beatrice,
“Language and Mimesis in Walter Benjamin’s Work,” in D. Ferris (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to
Walter Benjamin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 54–72. G. Hartoonian, “Looking
Backward, Looking Forward: Delightful Delays,” in G. Hartoonian (ed.), Walter Benjamin and Architec-
ture (New York: Routledge, 2010), pp. 23–38. J. McCole, Walter Benjamin and the Antinomies of Tradition
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993).T. Miller, “Glass Before Its Time, Premature Iron: Architec-
ture, Temporality and Dream in Benjamin’s Project,” in B. Hanssen (ed.), Walter Benjamin and the Arcades
Project (New York: Bloomsbury, 2006), pp. 240–258. P. Schwebel, “Monad and Time: Reading Leibniz
with Heidegger and Benjamin,” in A. Benjamin & D. Vardoulakis (eds.), Sparks Will Fly: Benjamin and
Heidegger (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2015), pp. 123–144. R. Tiedemann, “Dialectics
as a Standstill: Approaches to the Passagen-Werk,” appended to W. Benjamin, The Arcades Project (Cam-
bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991), pp. 930–945. S. Weber, Benjamin’s Abilities (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).
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Brenkert, G.G. (1986) “Marx and Human Rights,” Journal of the History of Philosophy 24, pp. 55–77.
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THE ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE CITY

For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/Routledge-

Edited by Sharon M. Meagher, Samantha Noll, and

Introduction: transforming philosophy and the city 1

1 Plato’s city-soul analogy: the slow train to ordinary virtue 21

2 Philosophers and the city in early modern Europe 32

3 Pragmatic engagement in the city: philosophy as a means for

4 Back to the cave 51

5 Urban philosophy in Walter Benjamin’s Arcades Project65

6 Henri Lefebvre and the right to the city 76

7 Foucault and urban philosophy 87

8 Iris Marion Young’s city of difference 101

9 Urban planning and design as an aesthetic dilemma:

10 Architecture and philosophy of the city 131

11 A philosophy of urban parks 143

12 Political aesthetics of public art in urban spaces 149

13 Walking the city: flânerie and flâneurs 160

14 How might creative placemaking lead to more just cities? 169

15 Beyond deliberation and civic engagement: participatory

16 Constructing communities in urban spaces 193

18 Residential segregation and rethinking the imperative

20 The Occupy movement and the reappearance of the polis 238

21 City and common space 253

22 The concept of public space 263

23 From Good to Progressive Planning 271

24 Hospitality in sanctuary cities 279

25 Black Lives Matter and the Ferguson moment:

26 Nature where you’re not: rethinking environmental

27 Ghost cities: globalization, neo-capitalist speculation,

28 Metropolitan growth 327

29 Environmental philosophy in the city: confronting the

30 Zoöpolis: animals in the city 353

31 Philosophy of the city and transportation justice 360

32 Returning water to urban life: governmentality of green infrastructure

33 Urban agriculture and environmental imagination 379

34 Paradox in the city: urban complications regarding climate change

35 An agora grows in Brooklyn: an interview with Ian Olasov 403

36 Reaching out to the underrepresented: an interview

37 Blurring the boundaries between the classroom and

38 Phronesis Lab: practical wisdom in the city: an interview

39 Doing field philosophy in the gas fields of Texas: an

40 Engaging cities at home and abroad: connecting our students with

Stephen Bloch-Schulman is an Associate Professor and Chair of Philosophy at Elon Univer-

Ferenc Hörcher is a political philosopher and philosopher of art. He studied in Budapest,

Chad Kautzer is an Associate Professor of Philosophy at Lehigh University, USA. He is the

Alexandria K. Poole is an Assistant Professor of Philosophy in the Department of Politics,

Charles Taliaferro is a Professor of Philosophy and a member of Environmental Studies, St.

Tyler Zimmer teaches in the Department of Philosophy at Northeastern Illinois University,

Part I: why philosophy? why cities?

What is philosophy of the city?

Part II: methodology: how urban engagement challenges our

Conventional Western philosophical method(s)

Current conventional methodologies employed by philosophers have come under fire, as

The urban public philosopher

Community-based research and other types of urban engagement

Introduction: transforming philosophy and the city 1

1 Plato’s city-soul analogy: the slow train to ordinary virtue 21

2 Philosophers and the city in early modern Europe 32

4 Back to the cave 51

5 Urban philosophy in Walter Benjamin’s Arcades Project65

6 Henri Lefebvre and the right to the city 76

7 Foucault and urban philosophy 87

8 Iris Marion Young’s city of difference 101

10 Architecture and philosophy of the city 131

11 A philosophy of urban parks 143

12 Political aesthetics of public art in urban spaces 149

13 Walking the city: flânerie and flâneurs 160

14 How might creative placemaking lead to more just cities? 169

16 Constructing communities in urban spaces 193

20 The Occupy movement and the reappearance of the polis 238

21 City and common space 253

22 The concept of public space 263

23 From Good to Progressive Planning 271

24 Hospitality in sanctuary cities 279

28 Metropolitan growth 327

30 Zoöpolis: animals in the city 353

31 Philosophy of the city and transportation justice 360

33 Urban agriculture and environmental imagination 379

35 An agora grows in Brooklyn: an interview with Ian Olasov 403