Professional Documents
Culture Documents
By Dimitrios S. Dendrinos
Emeritus Professor, School of Architecture and Urban Design, University of
Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas, USA.
In residence at Ormond Beach, Florida, USA
1
Introduction
On July 19, 2016 the author became aware that a paper by Mr. Antonio Corso, whose title in [1]
is listed as “Grantee of the Lord Marks Charitable Trust – Benaki Museum”. Benaki is a
noteworthy quasi-public, quasi-private Museum in Athens, Greece. According to its own website,
the Benaki Museum “operates as a Foundation under Private Law” [2].
Mr. Corso has been associated, apparently as a consultant, with the archeological team in charge
of the excavation at Kasta Tumulus’ tomb, although his official association has not been formally
and clearly stated publicly, to this author’s knowledge. In his apparent capacity as a consultant,
Corso had evidently access to drawings drafted by the architect of the excavation team, Mr.
Michaelis Lefantzis, access that the general public didn’t and still doesn’t have. In his paper, Mr.
Corso acknowledges Mr. Lefantzis’ drawings in a number of occasions regarding these drawings,
see for example p. 195, 196, 197, 216, 217 in [1]. Of course, the jurisdiction of these drawings
raise some issues. One wonders whether they belong to the public, i.e. to the Greek Ministry of
Culture and Sports, or to the architect of the team since they were drawn during his employment
with the Ministry. This is a fuzzy issue that involves legal jurisdiction of an archeologist work.
Although, it is a significant issue on many grounds, this angle and its broad implications for
Archeology will not be further elaborated here.
Excavations at Kasta Tumulus apparently commenced sometime in 2012, by archeologist Mrs.
Katerina Peristeri. They were made public in August 2014, and ended in November 2014. Since
then, although the archeological findings have been to a limited extent presented to the public
(professionals and non-professionals) through announcements in some both professional and
press conferences, there hasn’t been any related official publication in any archeological journal
by any member of the archeological team to this date. This paper by Mr. Corso thus represents
the first, more or less “quasi-official”, publication on matters of Kasta Tumulus. In that sense, it
is very welcomed.
To this date, hard data (exact measurements for example) and much evidence from the
archeological dig (sherds and coins for example) as gathered by the excavation team during the
excavation at Kasta have not been made public. Neither has been any stratigraphic analysis of
the excavation process, specifying the exact location of artifacts found either inside or outside
the tomb. Thus, some of the drawings Mr. Corso refers to in his paper (especially those by
architect Mr. Lefantzis) are personal communications (as such also acknowledged by Mr. Corso).
A number of them for the first time are made public. Some of them present some new evidence
about the architecture of the Kasta Tumulus’ tomb, and again from that standpoint they are
welcomed.
In the concluding remarks section of this review, the reviewer offers a recap of the monument’s
historiography as is now shaped following certain minor Architecture related new findings as
reported in Mr. Corso’s paper.
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Some preliminary comments
Kasta’s Tumulus and its tomb do in fact contain numerous sculptures of extraordinary quality,
and fully deserving extensive and meticulous study and analysis, and this effort by Mr. Corso is
welcomed as a start. Whether Mr. Corso’s work accurately and fully discusses them, and whether
it represents the last word on them, is something that future studies by many analysts,
archeologists and non-archeologists alike, will render judgement. Not being an expert in Greek
Classical or Hellenistic Art, this author will refrain from taking positions on strict matters of Art.
However, being an architect and in that capacity alone, the author will supply a critique of the
paper by Me. Corso, to the extent that matters of Architecture are involved. The author has
written extensively on Kasta Tumulus, and many points made in the past, for example in [3], will
not be repeated here. The interested reader is advised to consult that reference for more detail.
Architecture matters (along with matters of Astronomy and Mathematics) are considerable and
significant, complex and of a great variety at Kasta. Regretfully, the way they are treated by Mr.
Corso is not always balanced. Some are treated extensively, as for example the topic of the
Amphipolis Lion, which takes slightly less than about 40% of the paper’s length. Whereas some
others are addressed in a rather cursory manner, like for example the statement “….the entrance
to the tumulus was closed with a pseudo-isodomic wall perhaps at the end of the Macedonian
kingdom in the second quarter of the II c BC or sometime during the late Hellenistic period” (p.
220, line 6, before the end of the main text and prior to the “Acknowledgements”). This
undoubtedly constitutes a major statement on the Architecture of Kasta Tumulus.
The above statement by Mr. Corso is grossly inaccurate at least in its reference regarding the
“isodomic” (and the “pseudo-isodomic” characterization) term. As to its historical accuracy, a few
comments on that claim will be supplied later in the text of this critique. The term “isodomic” is
quite specific in Architecture, as it implies “repetition” of layers of equal dimensions in height
and length. We encounter repetition in the case of the marble clad inside the tomb (as indicated
by Mr. Lefantzis drawings). We also encounter an attempt to imitate the interior marble clad by
the Entrance exterior (outside the Sphinxes’ wall) limestone sidewalls which are covered by a
layer of gypsum containing a decorative pattern of dimensions similar to those found inside the
tomb. However, the marble coverage of the exterior wall, the wall referenced in the above
citation by Mr. Corso regarding the perimeter of the Tumulus, is not isodomic, thus the term
“pseudo-isodomic” is meaningless in this context. It doesn’t contain any repetition among the
five layers of marble blocks that it contains [3]. It would only make sense to use the term “pseudo-
isodomic” if sets of uneven in height layers of blocks were to be repeated. But this isn’t the case
here.
Mr. Corso is not an architect, thus a priori he can’t be held accountable when referring to and
evaluating matters of Architecture. But he elaborates on matters of Architecture in his paper, as
he bases some of his Art-related arguments on an alleged Architecture of the monument and its
sculptures. He obviously bases these Architecture related arguments on determinations by the
architect of the archeological team, Mr. Lefantzis. The problem is that these assertions by Mr.
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Lefantzis have not been published. Thus Mr. Coro’s Architecture related arguments can’t be
admissible as stated, unless Mr. Corso provides arguments to back them up. In that framework,
comments on Architecture asserted by Mr. Corso must be analyzed as if made by him. Thus he’s
accountable for them, since the burden of proof rests on him and not Mr. Lefantzis in so far as
the Architecture-related arguments of this paper are concerned. This is point made as well in [3]
about another paper, by Professor Mavrojannis regarding similar matters, also discussed in [3].
One is however deprived from obtaining a fuller exposition, explanation and documentation of
such a major Architecture related statement, as there isn’t any follow up to it. Parenthetically,
this statement represents a serious reversal of the archeological team’s position. It stands in
sharp contrast to what it was said by the chief archeologist in August 2014 and has been
maintained ever since over the past two years. Just above that line (and at line 5 in the above
cited page of the paper), another stamen of interest is made: “Perhaps (the monument’s
architect) can be identified as Dinokrates”. This represents another major reversal of position by
the archeological team (if this is in fact the archeological team’s position and not just Mr. Corso’s.
Again, regrettably, no follow up to this new view as to the monument’s architect is to be found
in the paper.
This author doesn’t wish to make this review a report on his positions on Kasta, since this isn’t
the objective here. On that subject alone, this author has written numerous papers, all found in
[4], as well as in a more recent paper [5]. Parenthetically, none of these (listed in [3], [4], [5])
papers are referenced in Mr. Corso’s paper [1], but this will not by all means be something this
author will hold Mr. Corso accountable, since whatever Mr. Corso analyzes in [1], only a subset
of them are topics also addressed in [3 – 5]. In those subjects, found at the intersection of the
two sets of topics analyzed by Mr. Corso and this author, his analysis stands in considerable
distance and in sharp contrast from the positions expressed in [3 - 5].
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A general critique on method
Mr. Corso ventures into other matters of Architecture regarding this monument as well. But
these excursions (as evidenced by the brief reference above on the Tumulus’ exterior wall, or
about the monument’s architect), fail short from rising to the level of a documented thesis,
requiring (let alone affording) a critique, as they are not presented at any depth. They are simply
served to the reader with a modicum of evidence, solely stated in the form of an abstract, fairly
preliminary sounding idea.
Academic work employs methods associated with statements in the form of falsifiable
hypotheses, where (at best) statistical evidence can be supplied for the testing of scientific
hypotheses. Unfortunately the paper’s main text is overwhelmed with suppositions on matters
of Architecture, where they are presented as facts. This is mainly demonstrated by the way the
subject of the Amphipolis Lion’s location is presented, which will preoccupy this review shortly.
If one is to summarize the paper’s methodological weakness, this would be the most evident and
impressive of all.
Lack of falsifiable hypotheses culminates in the paper’s “Epilogue”, which is referred to by Mr.
Corso as “general interpretations of the tumulus” (p. 220). These “interpretations” must be
viewed as not much more than personal “reflections” on matters of Kasta’s Architecture and
beyond. They do not follow from the main body of the paper in any systemic way, thus they will
not be reviewed here at any length.
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Whether the Amphipolis Lion does indeed belong to the top of the Tumulus (as it has been also
claimed in chorus by the archeological team since day one of the excavation, at least since August
2014) does not seem to be of any obvious concern to Mr. Corso. It is treated as if this is without
a shred of a doubt a part of the “tomb’s sculptures”. He does not even get into the labor of
insinuating that some doubts have been expressed about this claim, and not only by this author,
let alone try to answer those doubts.
As one encounters the Amphipolis Lion to play such a prominent role in Mr. Corso’s exposition,
one would expect that he would had spent considerable effort in documenting the exact
(preferably many) sources for such an extraordinary contention. Especially since the Amphipolis
Lion in its entirety (inclusive of all its various parts – with one possible exception to be discussed
in a bit) was not found on top of the Kasta Hill (or Tumulus), but in pieces scattered for miles
along the banks of the River Strymonas. Unfortunately, the only source cited by Mr. Corso as
placing the “assembled” Lion on top of the Tumulus is the architect of the excavation team, Mr.
Lefantzis. Moreover, a very elaborate scenario is then appended, regarding the Lion’s
“assembly”, an alleged “disassembly”, packaged with an associated convoluted and largely
undocumented, Tumulus historiography.
Let’s take a brief look at the sculptural ensemble in question, the Amphipolis Lion, what is known
about it, and what is assumed about it. First, what is (partially) known about it; that is the actual
Lion as reconstructed in the 1930s, see Figure 1. What is then assumed about it (by the members
of the archeological team, including Mr. Corso) is this: it must have contained an impressive
marble base. Although the paper makes no explicit mention of the base’s dimensions, it is
deduced from various announcements by the archeological team members, which Mr. Corso
seemingly espouses {p. 195, line 6, of section (b)} that the base was to stand on top of some
“limestone foundations” at the hill’s top.
These statements constitute indeed huge subjects, see [3] for details, which Mr. Corso doesn’t
seem to fully capture and appreciate their significance, as deduced by the fact that not much
more is said about all of them in the 30-page long paper and more specifically in those 11-page
long diatribe about the Lion found in the paper.
Here we have three in sequence Architecture-related issues: the Lion’s base and its dimensions,
the form of the base in both Architecture and Art, and the foundations of this base. Of all three,
Mr. Corso only covers its alleged Art in some depth. A fortiori, the subject of the Lion’s base Art
is conditionally pegged to the suppositions about its dimensions and location, without any
attempt to provide proof for these two critical suppositions. It does provide some analysis of the
base’s Architecture – and we shall review this analysis momentarily.
In addition of course, the unknown is whether the Lion was ever assembled and put on top of
the hill, if that’s what the architect of the monument intended. If the topics about the specifics
of the foundations, base and intended location of the lion aren’t huge enough, in this case we
must also deal with the question (and uncertainty) whether the Lion was actually ever assembled
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in antiquity, and then dis-assembled (in antiquity). If a reader had expected however Mr. Corso
to cover at least partially and at least some of these questions, by offering either evidence or
strong insight, the reader will certainly feel disappointed. Because Mr. Corso fails to offers neither
to any appreciable degree.
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Figure 1. The Amphipolis Lion at its location as re-assembled and its base re-constructed in the
1930s. The Lion was not known to any sources Greek or Roman. Corso (along with the Kasta
archeological team) contends that it was made to honor Hephaestion and placed on top of
Kasta Tumulus. The author of this review contends that the Lion was the marker () of a
system of monuments at an area North of Amphipolis (inclusive of Hill 133).
But before we discuss the “story telling” scenario, one must mention some other sources who
have worked on the Amphipolis Lion. Presumably they must have considered the likely location
of the Lion, before putting it where they did in the 1930s.
Mr. Corso cites those who at various stages during the 20th century, from the 1910s, to the 1930s,
to the 1960s, had worked on both the periphery of Kasta (without knowing anything about the
buried tomb there, or Kasta’s also buried perimeter wall) and on recreating the base of the Lion,
assembling it from its various scattered pieces along the Strymonas river, and placing it where it
is found today. What Mr. Corso doesn’t mention in his paper [1] is that no one had ever suggested
for sure (beyond simply maybe assuming) or found hard core evidence to prove two things
regarding this Amphipolis Lion, up till August 2014: first, that it was ever assembled in the distant
past (the 4th century BC), and disassembled shortly thereafter (a few centuries later); and second,
that it was to be put on top of a Hill.
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Figure 2. The Chaeronea Lion at its actual location when constructed in the early 330s BC. The
Lion was made to commemorate a battle, not to honor any specific person. The sculpture was
well known to writers both Greek and Roman.
The individuals involved back in the 1930s on the Amphipolis Lion recognized of course the
equivalences between the Chaeronea Lion and the Amphipolis lion, and they supplied an
equivalent base from the blocks available along Strymonas. Note, the Chaeronea Lion is not
sitting on top of a hill, but on flat solid ground. See Figure 1 (the Amphipolis lion) and Figure 2
(the Chaeronea Lion).
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records about such a huge monument at Kasta to start with is a puzzle that the archeological
team has never addressed and come to grips with, although now there have been suggestions
made as to why there has been a lack of records, see [3].
Concluding comments
A host of issues the author could add to the comments and the review just presented. For brevity
concerns, the concluding comments will be confined to three specific areas, for reasons that will
be discussed at the very end. A note on the two Kores will be offered first. It will be followed by
a note on Mr. Corso’s supposition that the Hephaestion monument was converted into a house
by someone issuing “oracles”. Finally, a short note will be added about the change of hearts by
the archeological team, regarding the exterior wall, and its date of construction.
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Greek-Egyptian God Serapis, wearing a modius
First, a note in reference to the two Kores (Maidens, Caryatids) of the Chamber after the Entrance
with the two Sphinxes (a Chamber usually referred to as Chamber #1). A key and impressive
element of the two Kores, as well as the one with the head found in the funerary Chamber
(Chamber #3) is that they wear a modius. Mr. Corso in his analysis of the Kores totally disregards
this modius, discussing instead at length the drapery of their “chiton” and their sandals,
undoubtedly important subjects in style and artwork. But he doesn’t spare not even a word on
the modius. However, this is possibly the most important and impressive of all Kores’ features.
See [6] for more on this symbol. Modius is a symbol of the Greek-Egyptian god Serapis, inherited
from Akhenaten, and with deep Mesopotamian roots.
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Mr. Corso contends, based on evidence extracted from the architrave of Chamber #2 (the mosaic
containing Chamber) that this tomb was converted (at some time in the 310s BC decade) from a
prior monument () for Hephaestion into a place of “oracles”. The evidence is apparently
extracted from some extraordinarily convoluted arguments, related to interpretations of what is
“seen” in the faded paintings of the Chamber #2 architrave. These sightings are based on some
drawings by the architect of the team, Mr. Lefantzis, standing for various “scenes” from the
architrave. Such a sequence of arguments by Mr. Corso (and by the archeological team) find this
author incredulous. This slim and tenuous piece of evidence resulting in such extraordinary claim
is reminiscent of the case involving the Lion’s shoulder, producing the extraordinary claim of an
assembled Lion on the summit and Roman general Sulla. So, beyond just mentioning this bizarre
sequence, no commentary shall be added.
But what may be an interesting revelation coming from Mr. Corso’s paper, is an almost incidental
statement, few lines in length and expressed as a hypothesis, at the tail end of the paper. It was
cited already in the main text of this review, and it has to do with the perimeter wall. He says
that maybe the perimeter wall was constructed (thus blocking the Entrance to the house of
“oracles”) at the end of the Macedonian Kingdom, or even at the end of the Hellenistic years.
Never mind the many inconsistencies this statement contains within it, as it doesn’t explain many
architectonic elements of the monument, especially the question that the archeological team has
never been able to answer: how could possibly one get on top of the perimeter wall, to get down
inside the tomb through the 16-step stairway? What is the meaning of this strange stairway?
How was the tomb protected from the elements, given such a stairway? It also fails to answer
key questions; questions such as, for example, who and when made the hill a Tumulus and for
what purpose? How was the burial done, and why, let alone by whom then? If all was looted,
what was it that got protected? Did the burial happen under Roman supervision? And was it at
all possible? Of course, Mr. Corso is mute on all such matters, questions, concerns.
But there lies a more fundamental issue. The statement in Mr. Corso’s “interpretations” is a
torpedo to the initial statements made by Mrs. K. Peristeri (August 2014) that this “magnificent
monument” sporting an almost “half a kilometer in length, three-meter high marble wall” was
made during the time of “Alexander the Great’s death” in the last quarter of the 4th century BC.
Of course, this (one is reminded) is not the only erroneous announcement made by the
archeological team, which by late October 2014 was also contending that the tomb at Kasta
Tumulus was intact and not raided.
It was recognized then as it is still recognized today, that the amount of resources required to
carry out such a monumental construction project must have been extraordinary. Of course the
Macedonian coffers were full by the time Alexander III died. But who else, after him would have
had the resources and political power to carry out such a huge undertaking? There simply is no
candidate. One might argue that Demetrius A’ the Macedon ( ) is
a possible candidate, as is Antigonus II ( ’ ). However, both didn’t have
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the resources Alexander III had, and both were pre-occupied with large building projects at other
places (example, in Samothrace). However, not much on these directions of inquiry will be
supplied here, as it isn’t related to Mr. Corso’s paper directly. It is indicative however of how
inadequate the paper regrettably is, as nothing along these lines is even insinuated there.
One could easily dismiss Mr. Corso’s statement in his “interpretations” as one more of those
tenuous statements his paper contains in abundance. But this is not the main point. What is the
point to be retained, is that the archeological team finally is coming around to realizing something
this author has brought up repeatedly in the past: that the tumulus’ exterior wall was never of
such magnitude as first announced in August 2014.
It also is encouraging that the archeological team is finally getting to recognize another major
point brought up by this reviewer as early as October 2014. Namely that different phases of
constructions are involved here, The monument, its tomb and the Entrance as it now stands were
not done at the same time, by the same political establishment, by the same architect, and the
monument served different purposes over the decades (possibly centuries) of its existence.
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A possible addendum to the above sequence is this: given the archeological team’s finding that
the marble door and its wall (that between the mosaic floor containing Chamber and the crimson
funerary Chamber), as well as the architrave in the mosaic Chamber are of later than the rest of
the Phase II construction; then, in the above sequence of four Phases, one may add as some
intermediate activity following Phase II, and prior to Phase III, a minor renovation sub-phase. As
to the “representations” as seen by Mr. Lefantzis on the architrave of the mosaic Chamber, it is
the opinion of this reviewer that they are overly “interpreted” (not to mention, “read” as tea
leafs) and they should not terribly affect the historiography of this monument given all the other
testimonials offered by the overwhelming majority and import of all other architectonic elements
of the tomb.
In ending this review, this author wish to point out that the three issues brought up in the
concluding remarks (and their treatment or lack thereof by Mr. Corso) are indicative of how
someone can pick and choose items from an ancient artifact, make associations such as “item X
of period Y from location Z bears resemblances to item X1 of period Y1 from location Z1, thus it
follows proposition A1 according to references R1”. And how, some other analyst may then make
the different association “item {X, Y, Z} -> {X2, Y2, Z2} following proposition A2 as of references
R2”. Unfortunately, there isn’t a way to statistically test the null hypotheses in A1, A2. Thus the
two propositions co-exist, in a “quantum superposition of states” as the dear and elucidating
expression, used often by this author, goes. There are numerous propositions of the type just
mentioned in [1]. In fact the paper is full of them.
It is the beauty and the curse of Archeology.
References
[1] Antonio Corso, 2015(?), “The sculptures of Tumulus Kasta near Amphipolis”, Journal of
Intercultural and Interdisciplinary Archeology, Volume (?), Number (?), pp: 193-222. The paper
is available in pdf format at: https://journals.ub.uni-
heidelberg.de/index.php/jiia/article/view/29461/23130
[2] http://www.benaki.gr/index.asp?lang=en&id=401
[3] Dimitrios S. Dendrinos, 10/27/2015 3rd Update: 1/10/2016, “On the Tumulus at Amphipolis”
available on academia.edu :
https://www.academia.edu/20142815/On_the_Tumulus_at_Amphipolis._Update_3
[4] Dimitrios S. Dendrinos, 1/18/2016, “The Tumulus at Amphipolis: A Summary of a Theory” in
academia.edu available here:
https://www.academia.edu/20339980/The_Tumulus_at_Amphipolis_Summary_of_a_Theory
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Akhenaten wearing a modius
[5] Dimitrios S. Dendrinos, 2/14/2016, 1st update: 2/17/2016, “The Earth’s orbit around the Sun
and the Tumulus at Kasta” in academia.edu and found here:
https://www.academia.edu/22103391/The_Earths_orbit_around_the_Sun_and_the_Tumulus_
at_Kasta._Update_1
[6] Dimitrios S. Dendrinos FB post of February 7, 2016:
https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=1559675707606408&id=100006919804
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The author Dimitrios S. Dendrinos retains all legal rights to the contents of this
paper. No parts or the whole of it can be reproduced, without the explicit written
consent by the author.
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