Blackwell Publishing AsiaMelbourne, AustraliaAJRAustralian Journal of Rural Health1038-52822006 National Rural Health
Alliance Inc.? 2006145178183Original ArticleHOUSING AND HEALTH IN INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIESR. S. BAILIE AND K. J. WAYTE
Aust. J. Rural Health (2006) 14, 178–183
Original Article
Housing and health in Indigenous communities: Key issues for
housing and health improvement in remote Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander communities
Ross S. Bailie and Kayli J. Wayte
Menzies School of Health Research, Casuarina, Northern Territory, Australia
Abstract
Indigenous people living in remote communities face
some particular difficulties with regard to housing and
its impact on their health. This paper reviews the con-
temporary international understanding of the relation-
ship between housing and health, the history of
settlement and housing conditions in remote Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander communities, and some of
the recent initiatives to improve housing in these
communities.
KEY WORDS: housing, Indigenous health, remote
communities.
Introduction
The importance of living conditions, and specifically
housing, or ‘shelter’, has been recognised for centuries
as a fundamental requirement for health.1,2 The nature
of the benefits and risks of housing to health is diverse,
and may be related to the availability of housing, the
specifics of housing design and construction, the condi-
tion of the house and surrounds, and to settlement
design. While many of the threats to health of poor
housing are common to other disadvantaged groups, the
history of colonisation and the relationship of Indige-
nous people to their land add to the significance of
housing conditions as a determinant of health for Indig-
enous Australians. The vastness of the Australian con-
tinent, the relatively high proportion of Indigenous
people living outside the major cities and towns, and the
small size and isolation of many communities make
issues of housing particularly acute in rural and remote
communities.
Correspondence: Professor Kayli Wayte, Menzies School of
Health Research, PO Box 41096, Casuarina, Northern Terri-
tory 0810, Australia. Email: kayli.wayte@menzies.edu.au
Contribution of authors: Ross Bailie wrote this article, with
successive feedback and modification done by Kayli Wayte.
Accepted for publication 22 May 2006.
© 2006 The Authors
Journal Compilation © 2006 National Rural Health Alliance Inc.
This paper discusses some key issues for housing and
health improvement in remote Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander communities in the context of the con-
temporary international understanding of the relation-
ship between housing and health.
A brief historical perspective
The history of colonisation, the processes of disposses-
sion, and the creation of reserves and resettlement that
occurred with the establishment of missions, cattle sta-
tions and mines is widely recognised as having had a
major impact on the lifestyles and health of Australia’s
Indigenous people. Dispossession and resettlement dis-
rupted established social systems.3 Indigenous people
were excluded from their familiar country, and notions
of private property were forced on people who had a
communal view of space and place.3 A number of writ-
ers have described the historical and ongoing impor-
tance of the connection that Indigenous Australians
have with their land. Lack of recognition of Indigenous
people’s property rights has led to a loss of control over
their lives and living environments, and the poor health
status of the Indigenous people has been described as
being fundamentally related to this loss of control and
subsequent social disruption.4
Housing conditions and the expected
contribution to ill-health for
Indigenous Australians
The inadequacy of housing for Indigenous Australians
has been widely acknowledged.5–12 ‘Adequacy’ of hous-
ing includes quality of basic services, materials, facilities
and infrastructure; habitability; affordability; accessibil-
ity; legal security of tenure; and location and cultural
adequacy.1 Housing may affect health through both
direct and indirect ways. Direct influences include the
effect of the material conditions of housing on physical
health and the effect of the associated social conditions
on mental health and well-being. Housing has an
doi: 10.1111/j.1440-1584.2006.00804.x
HOUSING AND HEALTH IN INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES
indirect influence on health, at both the individual and
neighbourhood or group level, by being an important
component of general socioeconomic status and influ-
encing access to services (Fig. 1).1 The interrelationships
between these mechanisms mean that they operate
together, and that they are generally associated with
other negative social and economic influences.
The health problems faced by remote communities
can be broadly grouped into three interrelated catego-
ries: infectious diseases; problems resulting from social
disruption and despair; and ‘lifestyle-related’ diseases
resulting from poor nutrition, lack of exercise and emo-
tional stress.13 The quality of housing impacts on all
these three categories. Infectious diseases have the great-
est impact on Aboriginal children and are directly
related to factors such as inadequate water supplies,
washing facilities, sanitation and overcrowding.
Crowding and ‘overcrowding’
Indigenous households tend to be larger than non-
Indigenous households, with the average size of an
Indigenous household being 3.5 people compared with
2.6 for Australia overall.14 In 2005, the Australian
Bureau of Statistics (ABS) reported that households in
Indigenous or community housing tended to be larger,
with an average of 4.7 people compared with 3.4 for
Indigenous home owners. ‘Overcrowding’ is defined by
the ABS according to a standard that specifies the num-
ber of bedrooms required in a dwelling based on the
number, age, sex and interrelationships of household
members.14 Based on this standard, in 2002, 6% of
Indigenous households were identified as being over-
crowded. In remote areas, almost 20% of households
Direct Indirect
Individual/household level
Hard/ Indicator
Physical/ (and part of)
Damp, cold,
SES-
Material heat, mould,
income, wealth
Effects homelssness,
crowding
Proximity to
services,
facilities
Soft/ Effect of
Household and area
poor housing,
Social/ culture and behaviours
insecurity and debt
Meaningful on mental health
Effects Feeling of ‘home’,
social status, and
ontological security
© 2006 The Authors
Journal Compilation © 2006 National Rural Health Alliance Inc.
179
were overcrowded compared with approximately 4% in
non-remote areas. In some remote communities, the
number of people per house has been reported to be as
high as 33.10 The excessive number of people in a house
puts strain on a range of household facilities, and can
be an important contributor to the poor state of infra-
structure in many dwellings, and a major limiting factor
in conducting ‘healthy living practices’.9
Crowded housing conditions facilitate the spread
of a number of common infectious and parasitic
conditions. Recurrent and chronic infections contribute
generally to poor growth and development, and exacer-
bations of chronic disease. Important examples of these
infectious and parasitic conditions are bacterial ear
infections and scabies skin infestation. These in turn can
lead to hearing impairment and consequent learning
difficulties, and renal and heart diseases. Tuberculosis is
another disease of poverty and overcrowding15 that has
largely been controlled in Australia, but which contin-
ues to occur in remote Indigenous communities.16
Crowded conditions have been associated with
poorer self-reported mental and physical health.1,17 The
social stress associated with overcrowding is likely to be
an aggravating factor in physical and mental illness in
many situations. This social stress associated with
crowding is also expected to be an important contribu-
tor to high rates of domestic violence.
Furthermore, crowded conditions are likely to exac-
erbate the range of health effects of environmental
tobacco smoke – an issue of particular concern for child
health given the high rates of smoking in the Indigenous
adult population.14 Smoking and crowding are among
a range of factors that may increase risk of house fires
and the associated risk of injury and death.1
Area level
Availability of services
facilities;
features of the
natural and
built environment
Community,
social capital and
FIGURE 1: Direct and indirect ways in
social fragmentation
which housing can affect health (adapted
from Shaw1). SES, socioeconomic status.
180
Quality of housing infrastructure
Much of the work on housing in remote Indigenous
communities in Australia is built around the nine
‘healthy living practices’ that emerged from work in
Central Australia in the mid-1980s (Box 1). Being able
to carry out these practices effectively is dependent on
functioning household infrastructure.8,18
Evidence on the extent of the poor state of housing
infrastructure on a broad and reasonably comparable
scale has only recently begun to become available.14,18,19
Surveys of Indigenous communities in the Northern
Territory (NT) in 1999 showed that the amenities
required for a number of the healthy living practices
were functioning adequately in only 38% to 68% of
surveyed houses.19 While adequate knowledge and
appropriate behaviour are critical requirements for
good domestic hygiene,20 the extent to which hygiene
can be maintained is clearly limited by the availability
of functioning infrastructure.
The effective and safe removal of human waste, and
the provision of an adequate and safe water supply for
washing, drinking and cooking have long been recogn-
ised as essential to health and have been key factors in
improvements in health in developed countries. Five of
the nine healthy living practices are to some extent
dependent on water supply. Water supplies are deficient
in many Indigenous communities, and many households
lack adequate facilities for washing people and
clothes.14,21 Sewerage infrastructure is also inadequate
and is subject to frequent breakdown and leakages.21
These factors are barriers to good domestic hygiene,
including hand washing with soap and toilet training of
young children. Failure to dispose safely of human faeces
contributes to high rates of gastroenteritis and parasitic
conditions, which are in turn also important factors in
malnutrition and decreased resistance to infection.
There are major structural problems in many (58 100
(35%)) households, most commonly (55%) in house-
holds in Indigenous or community housing rental pro-
BOX 1: The nine ‘Healthy Living Practices’ 18
1. Washing people
2. Washing clothes and bedding
3. Removing waste safely
4. Improving nutrition: the ability to store, prepare and
cook food
5. Reducing crowding
6. Reducing negative contact between people and
animals, insects and vermin
7. Reducing dust
8. Controlling the temperature of the living environment
9. Reducing trauma
R. S. BAILIE AND K. J. WAYTE
grams.14 In 2001, almost one-third (32%) of permanent
dwellings in discrete Indigenous communities required
major repairs or replacement.22 Structural deficiencies
present risk of injury and exposure to heat, cold, dust
and insects. These exposures increase risks of heart,
respiratory, eye and insect-borne diseases and skin infec-
tions.18 Structural deficiencies may also limit privacy,
interfere with personal hygiene behaviours and increase
social stresses, all of which may have a variety of con-
sequences for health and well-being.
The lack of reliable and safe power supplies is also a
barrier to good health through a number of ways –
exposure to excessive cold or heat, and lack of hot water
for washing, a safe fuel source for cooking, and good
lighting for a range of domestic activities, including
studying. Almost two-thirds of permanent dwellings in
discrete Indigenous communities rely on community
(58%) or domestic (2%) generators, or some form of
solar power (3%).22 Community power supplies are
subject to relatively frequent interruptions, and the use
of power by many households is limited by lack of funds
for purchasing electricity.
Housing tenure, housing assistance
and housing affordability
A range of factors may contribute to an association
between housing tenure and health.1,23 Owning rather
than renting may confer ontological security – a sense
of security, control and mastery – which in turn may
have flow on effects to health and well-being.1
Home ownership provides the most secure form of
housing tenure. In only 30% of Indigenous households
was the house owned or being purchased by the resi-
dents (compared with 70% for all Australian house-
holds), and in only one-third of these was the home
owned outright.14 There is some evidence that there has
been an increase over the past decade in the percentage
of Indigenous households where the home is being pur-
chased by the residents.
Patterns of home ownership and rental vary by loca-
tion. The proportion of home owners and private rent-
ers is highest in Victoria, New South Wales and
Queensland, and lowest in the NT.14 In discrete Indige-
nous communities in the NT, dwellings are generally
owned by the community, and opportunities for home
ownership are limited. Correspondingly, the NT has the
highest proportion of people (48%) living in Indigenous
or community housing. Western and South Australia
have relatively high proportions of people renting from
state housing authorities. Among Indigenous house-
holds in remote areas of Australia, two-thirds (67%) are
renting Indigenous or community housing (50%) or
public housing (17%).14
© 2006 The Authors
Journal Compilation © 2006 National Rural Health Alliance Inc.
HOUSING AND HEALTH IN INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES
Homelessness
Homeless people tend to have poor health,1 and
homelessness may be regarded as being at the extreme
of housing disadvantage. While health problems
might predate or contribute to becoming homeless,
many of the negative health impacts of poor housing
referred to above can be expected to be more severe
for homeless people. Furthermore, the lack of a regu-
lar place of residence may itself be a significant bar-
rier to employment and regular access to health and
social services.23
A number of recent publications have recognised that
‘home’ may have a different meaning14 and the concept
of ‘homelessness’ may differ for Indigenous people com-
pared with the general Australian population.24,25 These
differences may relate to different values and beliefs,
spiritual connection with the land and the transition
from a traditional lifestyle. Some Indigenous people
choose not to live in conventional ‘homes’ for extended
periods, and may not regard themselves as ‘homeless’.
Memmott et al. have described these people as ‘public
place dwellers’.24 They also describe ‘spiritual homeless-
ness’, which may not necessarily be associated with a
lack of conventional housing.24 However, higher levels
of mobility associated with living in remote regions and
the need to access services or to attend to cultural obli-
gations, and higher levels of poverty, lack of housing
and the associated lack of access to adequate temporary
accommodation mean that Indigenous people are
more likely to be in emergency, temporary or no
accommodation.
Rates of homelessness among Indigenous people in
2001 ranged from 92 per 10 000 in Tasmania to 344
per 10 000 in the NT. Rates for Indigenous people were
between 30% and 500% higher than non-Indigenous
people.26
Governance and management of
Indigenous housing programs
There are two main forms of social housing specific to
Indigenous people:
• State-owned and managed Indigenous housing
(SOMIH), which is managed by state governments
with funding provided by State–Commonwealth
Housing Agreements.
• Indigenous community housing (ICH), which is
managed by Indigenous community housing
organisations (ICHO) with funding provided
by both the states and territories and the
Commonwealth.
With the abolishment of the Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) and Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander Services (ATSIS), the Depart-
© 2006 The Authors
Journal Compilation © 2006 National Rural Health Alliance Inc.
181
ment of Family and Community Services has taken
over Commonwealth responsibility for Indigenous
housing.27 In the states, territories and regions, multi-
agency Indigenous Coordination Centres (ICC) have
been established, managed by the Office of Indigenous
Policy Coordination (within the Department of
Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous
Affairs). It is intended that the ICC will work with
regional networks of representative Indigenous organi-
sations to ensure that local needs and priorities are
understood. Nationally, there are 23 regional and
remote, and seven urban ICC.27 Thus, governance
arrangements for Indigenous housing have been frag-
mented and unstable.
Initiatives to improve housing
conditions in remote
Indigenous communities
In recent decades, there have been a number of
initiatives that have aimed to address the challenges of
Indigenous housing. These have included:
• High-level policy and strategy statements, for exam-
ple the National Aboriginal Health Strategy of
198911 and the national housing minister’s statement
on Building a Better Future: Indigenous Housing to
2010 (Box 2)28
• Infrastructure funding programs, for example the
Health Infrastructure Priorities Projects and the
National Environmental Health Strategy
• Information initiatives, for example the Northern
Territory Environmental Health Survey,19 the Com-
munity Housing and Infrastructure Needs
Survey,22,29 and the National Reporting Framework
for Building a Better Future30
• Building and maintenance programs, for example
Fixing Houses for Better Health31 and a number of
state- and territory-based programs
• Building standards and guidelines, for example the
National Indigenous Housing Guide,18 and the
National Framework for the Design, Construction
and Maintenance of Indigenous Housing32
• Innovative governance and funding arrangements,
for example ATSIC and the Indigenous Housing
Authority of the Northern Territory33
• Workforce programs, for example Aboriginal Envi-
ronmental Health Worker and Healthy Housing
Worker Programs34
• Homemaker or home management programs
designed to enhance the ability of households to
maximise the social and health benefits of housing.35
The initiatives in the last area have been particularly
insubstantial. Other initiatives appear to have had vary-
ing levels of success, but few of them have been formally
182 R. S. BAILIE AND K. J. WAYTE

BOX 2: Desired outcomes from the new directions for Indigenous housing: 28

• Better housing: housing that meets agreed standards is appropriate to the needs of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
people, and contributes to their health and well-being;
• Better housing services: services that are well managed and sustainable;
• More housing: growth in the number of houses to address both the backlog of Indigenous housing needs and emerging
needs of a growing Indigenous population;
• Improved partnerships: ensuring that Indigenous people are fully involved in the planning, decision-making and delivery of
services by governments;
• Greater effectiveness and efficiency: ensuring that assistance is properly directed to meeting objectives, and that resources
are being used to best advantage;
• Improved performance linked to accountability: program performance reporting based on national data collection systems
and good information management; and
• Coordination of services: a ‘whole of government’ approach that ensures greater coordination of housing and housing-
related services linked to improved health and well-being outcomes.

evaluated, and the undeveloped state of housing infor- Conclusion

mation systems has failed to provide a clear picture of
progress.
Housing and health research
Recent reviews of the literature highlight that the quality
of evidence linking housing to health effects is generally
poor.1,2,36 Few intervention studies, and even fewer with
designs adequate to control for confounding, have been
completed. Methodological difficulties and political
obstacles are the reasons cited for these deficiencies.36
It is increasingly recognised that broad generalisations
about the links between deprivation and health are of
limited value in informing social policy decisions, and
there is an associated need for more and better research
in this area.1,23,36,37 Evidence of the effectiveness and
cost-effectiveness of interventions is important, and in
many sectors there is increasing commitment to using
good evidence to inform policy decisions.
The methodological limitations of the research to date
make it difficult to specify the nature or size of potential
health gains of improved housing, and to determine
priorities for intervention. The differences between
remote Indigenous communities and the social and
physical environment in which most research has been
conducted limit the relevance of the findings of these
studies to the Indigenous Australian context and to
many other settings where poor housing is a barrier to
good health.
Ongoing elucidation and documentation of the rela-
tionship between policy and neighbourhood differences
should contribute to a much needed debate on priorities
and strategies for health promotion and disease preven-
tion.38 Housing policy and practice in the Indigenous
Australian context could benefit from a stronger local
research and evaluation base.
There have been some significant efforts made to
improve the housing situation in Indigenous communi-
ties, but these appear to have suffered from fragmenta-
tion and instability. There is some evidence of a longer-
term more strategic approach being taken through the
Building Better Futures initiative. However, the undevel-
oped state of information systems will continue to limit
the understanding of the extent to which housing pro-
grams can and are achieving their objectives. While
housing has been the focus of some attention, there is
clearly a need for dynamic political leadership and an
increase in resources and capacity at local levels.
Acknowledgements
The first author’s work in this area is funded by a
National Health and Medical Research Council
Fellowship, grant #283303.
References
1 Shaw M. Housing and public health. Annual Review of
Public Health 2004; 25: 1–22.
2 Hood E. Dwelling disparities: how poor housing leads to
poor health. Environmental Health Perspectives 2005;
113: A311–A317.
3 Troy P. Foreword. In: Read P, ed. Settlement: A History
of Australian Indigenous Housing. Canberra: Aboriginal
Studies Press, 2000; v–vi.
4 Trudgen RI. Why Warriors Lie Down and Die. Darwin:
Aboriginal Resource and Development Services, 2000.
5 Dodson M. More than bricks and mortar: the implications
of housing assistance reform for Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander peoples. Shelter – NHA 1996; 12: 7–14.
6 Heppell M. Aboriginal housing a forlorn future. Shelter
– NHA 1977; 4: 3–6.

© 2006 The Authors

Journal Compilation © 2006 National Rural Health Alliance Inc.
HOUSING AND HEALTH IN INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES
7 Marra Worra Worra Aboriginal Corporation. A Regional
Approach to Delivery of Housing and Essential Services
to Aboriginal Communities in the Kimberley: Submission
to the Government of Western Australia, the Common-
wealth Government, and ATSIC Concerning Policies and
Practices, and ‘Regional Service Agreements’ as a Pilot
Project in the Kimberley. Fitzroy Crossing: Marra Worra
Worra Aboriginal Corporation, 1995.
8 Nganampa Health Council, South Australian Health
Commission, Aboriginal Health Organisation of SA.
Report of Uwankara Palyanyku Kanyintjaku: An
Environmental and Public Health Review within the
Anangu Pitjantjatjara Lands. Adelaide: Nganampa
Health Council, 1987.
9 Pholeros P, Rainow S, Torzillo P. Housing for Health:
Towards a Healthy Living Environment for Aboriginal
Australia. Newport Beach: Healthabitat, 1993.
10 Johnston E. Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in
Custody. Canberra: AGPS, 1991.
11 National Aboriginal Health Strategy Working Party.
A National Aboriginal Health Strategy. Canberra:
Australian Government Printing Service, 1989.
12 Jones R. The housing needs of Indigenous Australians
1991. Canberra: Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy
Research, ANU, 1994.
13 Menzies School of Health Research. Environmental
Health Handbook: A Practice Manual for Remote Com-
munities. Darwin: Menzies School of Health Research,
2000.
14 Australian Bureau of Statistics, Australian Institute of
Health and Welfare. The Health and Welfare of
Australia’s Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples.
4704.0. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2005.
15 Acevedo-Garcia D. Residential segregation and the
epidemiology of infectious diseases. Social Science and
Medicine 2000; 51: 1143–1161.
16 Wallace T, Williams M, Krause V. Results of contact
tracing following transmission of Mycobacterium tuber-
culosis in an urban itinerant Aboriginal population in
Australia. The Northern Territory Disease Control
Bulletin 2005; 12: 16–22.
17 Waters A. Do Housing Conditions Impact on Health
Inequalities between Australia’s Rich and Poor. Canberra:
AHURI, 2001.
18 Department of Family and Community Services. National
Indigenous Housing Guide. 2nd edn. Canberra: Depart-
ment of Family and Community Services, 2003.
19 Bailie RS, Runcie MJ. Household infrastructure in
aboriginal communities and the implications for health
improvement. Medical Journal of Australia 2001; 175:
363–366.
20 EHP, UNICEF/WES, USAID, World Bank/WSP, WSSCC.
The Hygiene Improvement Framework: A Comprehen-
sive Approach for Preventing Childhood Diarrhea.
Washington, DC: US Agency for International
Development, 2004.
21 Bailie RS, Carson BE, McDonald EL. Water supply and
sanitation in remote indigenous communities – priorities
for health development. Australian and New Zealand
Journal of Public Health 2004; 28: 409–414.
© 2006 The Authors
Journal Compilation © 2006 National Rural Health Alliance Inc.
183
22 Australian Bureau of Statistics. Housing and Infrastruc-
ture in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Communi-
ties: Australia 2001. 4710.0 edn. Canberra: Australian
Bureau of Statistics, 2002.
23 Phibbs P, Young P. Housing Assistance and Non-Shelter
Outcomes. Sydney: AHURI, 2005.
24 Memmott P, Long S, Chambers C, Spring F. Categories
of Indigenous ‘Homeless’ People and Good Practice
Responses to Their Needs. Melbourne: Australian Hous-
ing and Urban Research Institute, 2003.
25 Keys Young. Homelessness in the Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander Context and its Possible Implications for
the Supported Accommodation Assistance Program.
Canberra: Department of Family and Community
Services, 1998.
26 Chamberlain C, Mackenzie D. Australian Census
Analytic Program Counting the Homeless. Canberra:
Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2003.
27 Office of Indigenous Policy Coordination. New Arrange-
ments in Indigenous Affairs. Canberra: Office of Indige-
nous Policy Coordination, 2004.
28 HMAC Standing Committee on Indigenous Housing.
Building a Better Future: Indigenous Housing to 2010.
Sydney: NSW Aboriginal Housing Office for HMAC,
2001.
29 Australian Bureau of Statistics. Housing and
Infrastructure in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
Communities: Australia 1999. McLennan W, ed. 4710.0
edn. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2000.
30 Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. National
Reporting Framework For Indigenous Housing.
Canberra: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health
and Welfare Unit, 2004.
31 Pholeros P. Housing for health and fixing houses for
better health. Environmental Health 2002; 2: 34.
32 Commonwealth SaTHMWGoIH. National Framework
for the Design, Construction and Maintenance of
Indigenous Housing. Canberra: Commonwealth Depart-
ment of Family and Community Services, 1999.
33 Indigenous Housing Authority of the Northern Territory.
Minimum Standards for Housing Management. Darwin:
Indigenous Housing Authority of the Northern Territory,
1998.
34 enHealth Council. National review of indigenous environ-
mental health workers. Discussion Paper. Canberra:
Department of Health and Ageing, 2004.
35 Cairnduff S, Guthridge S. Exploring Indigenous Home
Management Programs in the Northern Territory.
Darwin: Cooperative Research Centre for Aboriginal
and Tropical Health, 2001.
36 Thomson H, Petticrew M, Morrison D. Health effects
of housing improvement: systematic review of interven-
tion studies. British Medical Journal 2001; 323: 187–
190.
37 Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute.
AHURI Research Agenda 2004. Melbourne: AHURI,
2003.
38 Diez Roux AV. Investigating neighborhood and area
effects on health. American Journal of Public Health
2001; 91: 1783–1789.