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If Fairness Is The Problem Is Consent The Solution
If Fairness Is The Problem Is Consent The Solution
©2001 Business Ethics Quarterly. Volume 11, Issue 3 ISSN 1O52-15OX. pp. 481-499
482 BUSINESS ETHICS QUARTERLY
whether they are being treated fairly. My concern about Phillips' definition of
stakeholder fairness is based on its utility; I will argue that this definition of
fairness does not provide a basis for ameliorating injustices suffered by stake-
holders. After summarizing both the literature on stakeholder identification and
Phillips' fairness principle, I will propose that a reconstructed principle of fair-
ness can be combined with the idea of consent, as outlined in integrative social
contract theory (ISCT), to bring about a more normative stakeholder theory.
and Lowe 1994; Atkinson, Waterhouse, and Wells 1997; Burke and Logsdon
1995; Clarkson 1995; Gregory and Keeney 1994) have taken up how stakeholder
theory might prove beneficial to strategic planning—a kind of instrumental stake-
holder analysis. Stakeholder theory has properly become a useful means of
communicating to students and managers the importance of non-stockholder
groups to the success of an organization.
But the normative aspect of stakeholder theory has not progressed as far as
its descriptive and instrumental aspects. In particular, one worrying trend m stake-
holder theory has been its focus on entities whose ability to directly and
immediately affect the firm s operations through concrete actions makes them
salient to managers. This focus on the stakeholder who can do the firm good or
ill based on its autonomous actions leaves out one critical group: the dependent
stakeholder who possesses the relationship attributes of legitimacy and urgency
(Mitchell, Agle, and Wood 1997) but does not possess the power needed to press
its claims. Mitchell, Agle, and Wood note that such stakeholders must rely on
either the advocacy of other stakeholders who possess power or the internal val-
ues of organizational managers to seek consideration of their claims. While this
is certainly good advice in terms of describing how such stakeholders actually
get heard, it also means that there will be many stakeholders whose urgent and
legitimate claims will not be heard. From the standpoint of developing a stake-
holder-oriented system of business ethics, it is the powerless stakeholders who
have legitimate and/or urgent claims that are of greatest concern. Simply put,
stakeholders with power will be heard if they wish and stakeholders without
power will not without someone else's help.
Do powerless stakeholders exist? Quite obviously—there are lots of groups
with legitimate and urgent claims that do not have power. Environmental racism
analyses (see Krieg 1995), for example, focus on the powerlessness of minority
communities and the concomitant result that dangerous facilities are dispropor-
tionately located therein. Employees of contract suppliers (see Van Buren 1995a)
that sell to firms in the United States often live in countries where collective
bargaining is prohibited; the state exercises its power in ways that ensure the
powerlessness of such stakeholders. In the next section, these two examples of
dependent stakeholders will be examined. But it is important to note that many
stakeholders exist who lack power but present legitimate and/or urgent claims;
these stakeholders must necessarily be at the center of any normative stakeholder
theory. In the next section, one such theory will be explored.
One reason that stockholders are traditionally set apart in much of the man-
agement and economics literature is the recognition of their status as owners of
the firm. Friedman's (1962/1982) analysis of the social responsibilities of cor-
porations (often discussed in its truncated 1970 form) is actually an argument
about human freedom as expressed through the prerogatives of property rights.
In one stylized version of neoclassical economic analysis, property owners have
a right, subject to the demands of law and moral custom, to dispose of their
property as they see fit. If they decide to use their property in a business enter-
prise, property owners will need to contract with some groups that provide needed
resources (employees, suppliers) that are trying to achieve their own goals and
will be constrained by public policy mechanisms that reflect commonly held
understandings of the role and responsibilities of the business enterprise. The
rights of non-stockholder stakeholders that provide resources to the firm are
protected either by the terms of contracts freely reached by both parties ("the
firm as 'nexus of contracts' approach," see Coase 1937 and 1960, Williamson
and Winter 1991) or by government regulation that sets the rules businesses
must follow. The market provides yet another line of defense: if the actions of a
firm are seen as socially illegitimate, the firm will suffer in the marketplace as
its "stakeholders" will not do business with it.
This story is a common one in economic discourse. Further, as Chamberlain
(1973) has pointed out, it is consistent with the values of American society—
individual freedom, an emphasis on equality of opportunity rather than equality
of outcome, and anti-statism. Unfortunately for the powerless stakeholders dis-
cussed in the previous section, this version of the economic story has its problems.
The nexus of contracts approach to imagining the firm's relationships with its
stakeholders fails to protect those most in need of protection—those who lack
bargaining power. Consider the two groups of powerless stakeholders mentioned
in the previous section—minority communities and maquiladora workers. Cer-
tainly the latter group would be included as a stakeholder under the narrowest of
definitions, and most stakeholder definitions would include communities in which
facilities are sited. Yet, stakeholder status in and of itself does relatively little to
protect either group. The minority community may be able to resort to judicial
means to prevent a hazardous plant from being sited in its midst, but its poverty
makes unlikely the possibility that it will be able to marshal the resources (po-
litical, legal, economic) needed to wage this kind of battle successfully. The
maquiladora workers face not only the poverty that makes it difficult for them to
assert their rights (lest they be fired), but also a hostile national government that is a
powerful opponent of labor rights. In both cases, a nexus of contracts approach to
safeguarding the interests of these stakeholders is likely to lead to injustice.
What do both groups lack? In short, what they lack is the relationship at-
tribute of power. Such stakeholders (following Mitchell, Agle, and Wood 1997)
have legitimate and urgent claims, but unless they (1) are dealing with managers
whose personal values do not permit them to take advantage of such stakehold-
ers or (2) are able to find patrons with power over the relevant focal organization.
INTEGRATING ISCT AND STAKEHOLDER THEORY 485
organization and stakeholder groups are sufficient to protect the latter's interests
(see Jensen and Mechling 1978). Although Donaldson and Preston do not pro-
pose that property rights located in human rights should rise to the level of formal
property rights, they nevertheless point out that such quasi-property rights give
non-shareholder stakeholders a moral interest in the affairs of the corporation. A
fuller explication of this idea is beyond the scope of the present paper, but for
the purposes of the present discussion it is sufficient to say that locating property rights
in human rights provides an additional grounding for a principle of faimess that moves
the discussion of stakeholder faimess beyond discussions of contracts.
Returning to the powerless stakeholders previously discussed, Phillips' defi-
nition of faimess provides a means for adjudging their treatment. To the degree
that focal organizations take advantage of the powerlessness of minority com-
munities or maquiladora workers to provide lesser benefits to these stakeholders
than obligations of fairness would demand (which will be discussed in a later
section), then it can be stated that these stakeholders have been treated unfairly.
While Phillips himself allows that the principle of fairness as he has defined it
says little about the content of obligations to stakeholders, simply providing a
normative justification for including some groups and not others as stakeholders
is itself an important step in normative stakeholder theory.
This said, stakeholder identification—even based on normative grounds—
can only take us so far. Not only does the content of obligations need to be
discussed, but means by which stakeholders can press their claims must also be
delineated. If we imagine the focal organization and its goals as the center of
analysis, the work of Mitchell, Agle, and Wood (1997) is instructive in this re-
gard. One conclusion that can be drawn from this work is that the way in which
a stakeholder becomes salient—and thus deserving of immediate attention—is
to acquire legitimacy, urgency, and power. But as previously noted, not all of
these attributes are of equal importance. Power matters most; if a stakeholder
has power alone, it may indeed be a "dormant" stakeholder. But any powerful
stakeholder who presents either an urgent or legitimate claim is likely to at least
get a hearing from organizational managers—and stakeholders who possess all
three relationship attributes will be heard and attended to. It is easy enough to
acquire an urgent claim (as a stakeholder itself defines the urgency of its claim),
and not too much harder to make a claim that is seen as legitimate. But of the
three relationship attributes, power is both the most difficult to get and the most
important for stakeholder salience. Shareholders often have actual power by vir-
tue of their property rights as recognized by law and custom (but see Berle and
Means 1932 and Kaufman, Zacharias, and Karson 1995 for a critique of the
actual power of shareholders over organizational managers), but more appropri-
ately for the current discussion this stakeholder group is seen as having the most
legitimate grounds for influencing managerial activities.
The powerlessness of many stakeholders, when analyzed via a principle of
fairness, raises important issues about corporate governance and consent. Sim-
ply put, if fairness is the problem, is consent the solution? I will take up this
INTEGRATING ISCT AND STAKEHOLDER THEORY 487
for endogenous safeguards that are built into the contracting process itself (which
presumably preserves the freedom of parties to engage in voluntary contract-
ing). Alternatively, voting membership of the board of directors might be another
means of protecting stakeholder interests, although this might require some safe-
guards to protect the residual rights of some stakeholders (like shareholders).
What is notable about this approach to stakeholder theory is its emphasis on
corporate govemance—either in reforming the process of contracting or by ex-
plicitly including non-shareholder stakeholders on the board. Underpinning both
proposals for interpreting corporate governance through a stakeholder analysis
is the idea of consent of stakeholders to their treatment by the focal organiza-
tion. Preserving stakeholder interests through endogenous processes is thus
proposed to include contracting processes in which consent is made apparent or
by participation in governance processes that guide the policies and practice of
the organization. The supposed importance of consent in analyzing stakeholder
relations is not new, of course. Social contract theory—best applied to business
ethics questions in the form of integrative social contract theory (ISCT) makes
consent an important element of its analysis of relationships among participants
in a collective scheme for mutual benefit (Donaldson 1982; Donaldson and
Dunfee 1994, 1999; Dunfee 1991; Dunfee and Donaldson 1995).
Like traditional social contract theory (Rawls 1971, Gauthier 1986), ISCT
proposes the idea of consent to a hypothetical social contract that governs rela-
tionships in society as the starting point for the ethical analysis of social
relationships. There are actually two levels of social contract: a macro-social
contract that serves as the set of principles that contractors would agree upon to
ensure procedural fairness, and myriad extant local social contracts that are con-
cerned with how communities actually govern themselves. Parties engaged in
private transactions will insist on "moral free space" that allows for the estab-
lishment of local micro-social contracts that are consistent with the values of the
community. To the degree that local social contracts do not violate hypernorms—
"principles so fundamental to hnman existence that they serve as a guide in
evaluating lower-level moral norms" (Donaldson and Dunfee 1994, p. 264)—
and are consistent with the macro-social contract, they should be followed by
contracting parties. To fiirther elaborate on the ISCT framework, a number of con-
cepts relevant to the theory have been developed (Donaldson and Dunfee 1994):
1. Local economic communities may specify ethical norms for their mem-
bers through micro-social contracts;
2. Norm-specifying micro-social contracts must be grounded in enforced
consent buttressed by a right of exit;
3. In order to be obligatory, a micro-social contract must be compatible
with hypernorms.
ISCT is thus meant to bridge the gap between ethics and organizational studies
by making it possible to be simultaneously prescriptive and descriptive in the
INTEGRATING ISCT AND STAKEHOLDER THEORY 489
and discuss the purpose that corporate governance serves. In theory, boards of
directors and the corporate officers appointed by the board are understood to be
fiduciaries for the true owners of the corporation—owners of common stock
(Goodpaster 1991). This view of board and corporate officer responsibilities is
widely held by economics and finance scholars. But it is important to note that
statutory and common law have increasingly recognized that organizational
fiduciaries may take into account the interests of other stakeholders when making
decisions, even if there is some harm to shareholders (see, for example. Freeman
and Reed 1983). Further, the notion that only common stockholders have property
rights in the corporation has been discussed and critiqued in a variety of literatures
(Coase 1960. Donaldson and Preston 1995).. and it is proposed that such a
definition of property rights is too narrow for the purposes of normative
stakeholder theory building.
In a previous section, I discussed how consent (understood as participation in
the process of corporate governance) might ameliorate the unfair treatment of
powerless stakeholders. Following Freeman's (1994) Principle of Governance—
"the procedure for changing the rules of the game must be agreed upon by
unanimous consent"—and Donaldson's and Preston's (1995) discussion of how
property rights might be embedded in human rights, the reconstructed theory of
fairness takes up the issues of redefining property rights and including all
stakeholders in corporate governance processes to ensure that the interests of each
are taken into consideration. These issues are reflected in propositions 3a and 3b:
Proposition 3a: Every group that participates in a mutually beneficial
scheme of cooperation possesses property rights (whether
quasi- or literal) that must be taken into consideration.
Proposition 3b: All participants in a mutually beneficial scheme of coop-
eration have arightto participate in governance processes
as a means of ensuring that express consent exists.
We are now ready to take up proposition 4 from Phillips' principle of fairness. It
should be apparent that a principle of fairness must not only include mention of
dispersing the results generated by the scheme of cooperation, but must also
make provision for the kinds of corporate governance principles that ensure an
equitable result for all stakeholders. Proposition 4 is therefore rewritten as
follows:
Proposition 4': In any mutually beneficial scheme of cooperation, obligations
of fairness arc created among the participants in the coopera-
nve scheme in proportion to the benefits received, but are
preceded by obligations to include each stakeholder in the
process of corporate govemance in proportion to the sum of
Its contributions to and sacrifices for the collective scheme.
Now all of the pieces are in place to reconstruct the principle of fairness. The
new principle reads as follows:
494 BUSINESS ETHICS QUARTERLY
There are increasing numbers of cooperative efforts that bring together man-
agers and stakeholders that illustrate the value of discourse between managers
and stakeholders. The CERES (Coalition for Environmentally Responsible Econo-
mies) Principles for Public Environmental Accountability, for example, were
developed by a working group of corporate managers and environmental group
representatives. In addition to developing the principles themselves, CERES
provides for standardized reporting on environmental performance; such report-
ing is developed and shaped by discussions between the corporations that have
endorsed the principles and the non-corporate members of CERES (CERES re-
port standardform, 1998). In a similar way, the social responsibility in investment
movement has begun to embrace dialogue with corporations about issues related
to corporate social performance (Van Buren 1995b); in many cases, these dialogues
take place over several years and lead to significant policy changes. These and other
examples illustrate that discourse between managers and stakeholders is not only
possible, but also beneficial to corporations and their constituents alike.
The principle of fairness proposed in this paper connects concerns about fair-
ness with the need to find alternate means of corporate governance. Certainly
American business is a long way off from including labor or community mem-
bers on their boards of directors. But Phillips' principle of fairness points us in
the right direction—the organization is a cooperative means through which stake-
holders seek to achieve desired ends, as opposed to the private property of one
group of stakeholders (namely shareholders). Managers might well act more
justly, however, if obtaining express consent from the governed—stakeholders—
is an ethical minimum.
Conclusion
The proposal offered in this paper is simple: if fairness is the problem, then
consent is the solution. A reconstructed principle of fairness in stakeholder theory
places stakeholder consent at the heart of reforming the ways in which corpora-
tions are governed. The earliest insights from stakeholder theory reflect an
emphasis on corporate governance as a means of ensuring consideration of non-
stockholder stakeholder interests. The work in this paper, building on and
extending previous work in business ethics and stakeholder theory, provides a
basis for thinking about alternative means of governance that might serve to
enhance justice.
Stakeholder theory has come a long way in the past fifteen years; the idea
that managers have obligations to stakeholders others than stockholders has be-
come part of both academic and practitioner discourse. Business students have
received training m stakeholder analysis and management; the managerial as-
pects of stakeholder theory are well discussed in the literature, although more
work needs to be done here. The next step in stakeholder theory is building up
Its normative base. This paper is offered as one step on that journey.
INTEGRATING ISCT AND STAKEHOLDER THEORY 497
Notes
An earlier version of this paper was presented during the 1999 Academy of Management
(Social Issues in Management division) and published m abbreviated form in the 1999 Acad-
emy of Management Best Paper Proceedings. This paper has benefited from the comments of
Robert Phillips, Donna Wood, and various anonymous reviewers.
•In a later paper, Phillips (1999) notes that there are some stakeholder groups—like
competitors and terrorists—who are not normative stakeholders in that they make contri-
butions to and sacrifices for the cooperative scheme, but who should be considered
instrumental stakeholders that can affect the achievement of the firm's objectives (follow-
ing Freeman 1984)
^Although the popularity of the term stakeholder is of recent origin, the term can be
found in management literature as early as the 1960s (Stanford memo, 1963) The notion
that organizations can affect or be affected by the actions of internal and external groups
can be located even earlier in management thought, as in discussions of managerial stew-
ardship in the 1920s (see Heald 1970)
31t is possible—although highly unlikely—that faimess and coercion can exist (think
of the idea of the benevolent dictator). I submit, however, that this is not an equilibrium
condition; coercion is likely to yield in the long run to unfairness. I am grateful to Robert
Phillips (private communication) for this point. The broader issue of the relationship of
coercion and unfairness m stakeholder relationships has not been analyzed to the extent
that is merited; Nozick's (1969) work e.Kplormg the relationship between coercion and
liberty is helpful on this point
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