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Cognitivehistoryofscienceexaminesthecognitive employandthe
toolsscientists
theyconstruct
artifacts andexperimental
intheoretical thinking Itattempts
practices.
toreconstruct dimensions
thecognitive oftheprocessesthrough whichvaguespecu-
intoscientific
lationsgetarticulated understandings,arecommunicated toothersci-
andcometoreplaceexisting
entists, representationsof a domain.These reconstruc-
method,
tionsemploya "cognitive-historical" which joins historical
inquiries with
in of
thosecarriedout thesciences cognition. Dimensions ofthehistoryof science
analysisincludedevisingand executing
thatare amenableto cognitive-historical
real-worldand thought experiments,constructingarguments, inventing and using
Communication,
*Schoolof Literature, and Culture,GeorgiaInstitute Atlanta,
of Technology,
Georgia30332-0165.
forthecomments
I am grateful ofnumerous colleagues,especiallythoseofAnneHarringtonand
StephenKosslyn.Researchforthisarticlewas supportedinpartbytheNationalScienceFoundation,
ScholarsAwardsDIR 8821422andDIR 9111779,andthePrinceton Committee
University on Re-
andtheSocial Sciences.
searchin theHumanities
ofScienceSociety.All rights
? 1995byThe History 0021-1753/95/8401-0001$01.00
reserved.
Cognitivescienceemploysexperimental
techniquesandcomputer
modelingto in-
howknowledge
vestigate is producedandis represented
bythemind.4
The central
I FredericL. Holmes,"ResearchTrailsandtheCreativeSpirit,"
MS (1993), p. 22.
4 Foran engagingpopularhistoryofcognitivesciencesee HowardGardner, TheMind'sNewSci-
ence:A HistoryoftheCognitiveRevolution(New York:Basic Books, 1985). BarbaraVonEckardt,
Therearepowerful regularities
tobe describedata levelofanalysisthattranscends
the
detailsof thespecificdomain.It is notpossibleto discovertheseregularities
without
understanding thedetailsofthedomain,buttheregularities arenotaboutthedomain
specificdetails,theyareaboutthenatureofcognition inhumanactivity.9
6 WilliamBevan,"A TourInsidethe
Onion,"American Psychologist,1991,46:475-483.
7Allen Newell,Unified
TheoriesofCognition(Cambridge, Mass.: HarvardUniv.Press,1990).
8
JamesG. Greeno,"Situations,
MentalModels,and Generative Knowledge,"in ComplexInfor-
mationProcessing,ed. D. Klahr and K. Kotovsky(Hillsdale,N.J.:LawrenceErlbaum,1989),
pp. 285-318.
9As quotedin David D. Woods,"Towardsa Theoretical Base forRepresentation Designin the
Computer Medium:EcologicalPerception andAidingHumanCognition," inTheEcologyofHuman-
MachineSystems,ed. J.Flachetal. (Hillsdale,N.J.:LawrenceErlbaum,inpress),p. 15.
scienceattempts
to explaintheproductionof scientific
knowledge whollyin terms
ofsocialfactors.
BrunoLatourandSteveWoolgarhavegoneso faras to call fora
"ten-yearmoratorium" on cognitive claimingthatat theendof that
explanations,
timesociologicalexplanations
willhaveestablished
thatthereis nothing
leftto ex-
plain.13
Although sociologicalinsights andmethods haveenriched thehistory ofscience,
theconcernsof thehistorian of sciencedo notreduceto thoseof thesociologist,
andnoneoftheworkproducedbysociohistorical analysissupports thereductionist
position.One valuablecontribution sociologists of sciencehavemadeto history is
to showhowpositivist philosophy of sciencehas undulyinfluenced thehistorian's
conception ofthescientific enterprise.Thisinsight is important becauseone'scon-
ceptionof sciencedoes motivate how one framesquestions,whatproblemsone
workson,whatavenuesofinquiry onepursues, andwhatfactors oneseesas relevant
totheexplanations thatareadvanced.Yetbecauseofthisverycircumstance histori-
ansshouldnotendup substituting onemonolithic conception foranother. Sociology
of scienceadvancesa specificconception ofthenatureandproduction ofscience.
Thecognitive historian contends thatalthough itis truethatscienceis a socialprod-
uct,it is also themostcerebralof enterprises andthecomplexcognitive activities
oftheindividual scientistareequallypertinent to a historicalunderstanding ofthe
product andtheprocessesthrough whichitis produced.
Whatfactorsare relevant to historicalexplanation is nota questionthatcan be
answereda priori.Historians of sciencefrequently use theresources of otherdis-
ciplines-anthropology, economics, politics,literature, sociology-tofurther their
analyses.Whatresourcesoutsideof history one drawsuponin anygivenanalysis
dependson thequestionsoneis asking.Drawingfromthecognitive sciencesinthe
wayoutlinedin SectionI can helpto makesenseofcertain theoreticalandexperi-
mentalpractices ofscientists.Butthecognitive is onlyonedimension totheseprac-
tices,andquestionsaboutscientific cognition arebyno meanstheonlyquestions
historians wantto ask.
Shouldhistorians ofscience,in thecurrent research climate,viewcognitive his-
toryas reactionary? As a harbinger ofa return totheexternal-internal distinctionin
a newguise?Cognitive historyis notreactionary becauseitspractitioners do notsee
themselves inconflict withthesociologyofscience.Manyoftheimportant concerns
raisedbysociohistorical analysisareconcerns forcognitive historiansas well.Both
cognitive and socialhistorians agree,forexample,that"thinking" is an inherently
social activity,it is notsomething thatsimplygoes on "in thehead."Wherethey
disagreeis overtheclaimthatsocial factorsare all thatcountin explaining the
production ofscientific knowledge.
Thereductionist claimthatknowledge production is purelya product ofenviron-
mentalinfluences has curiousresonanceswithbehaviorist psychology.'4 Indeed,
tacitpsychological assumptions do underliesociohistorical analysis.Forexample,
Cognitive addressproblems
historians customarilytreatedundertherubricsofsci-
entific scientific
revolutions, discovery,andindividual The
creativity. research
pro-
ducedthusfarencompasses workon conceptual andexperimen-
change,theoretical
andmethodological
talpractices, andtechnologicalinnovation.Workin thegenre
of cognitive
historyhas from the outsetbeen thustheresearch
interdisciplinary;
discussedhere includesthatcarriedoutby historiansof philosophers
science, of
in Experimental
Creativity Practice
Psychologists werethefirst tobegintouse theresources ofcognitive psychology in
studying scientific practices.Individualcreativity has been a focalpointof their
analyses.18Thepsychologist RyanTweney's examination ofFaraday's notebook, dia-
ries,andloose noteshas madesignificant contributions toourunderstanding ofhis
discovery of electromagnetic induction. Tweney'sfinely detailedanalysisprovides
an integrated modelof Faraday'sexperimental and theoretical reasoning between
his firstattempts at detectingelectromagnetic induction in 1821andhissuccessat
itin 1831.19 Therewas alreadya substantial literatureon thisdiscovery.PearceWil-
liams'sextensive examination ofFaraday'sactivities during thattenyearssucceeded
inconveying theimpression thatthediscovery wasnotsimplytheproduct ofa flash
ofcreative insight.Although Williamshadtheimportant intuitionthattheworkon
acousticalfigures andcrispations justpriorto thediscovery ofelectromagnetic in-
duction"musthaveaffected Faradaydeeply,"he did notrevealthepatterns lying
beneathFaraday'smanyactivities andthoughts during thatperiodthatwe getfrom
Tweney'sanalysis.20 By utilizing thenotionsdrawnfromcognitive psychology of
"schemata""scripts," and "heuristics," Tweneywas able to reconstruct thesepat-
ternsandprovidea plausibleinterpretation ofhowtheyled tothe1831discovery.
DavidGooding,too,has focusedon theroleofFaraday'sexperimental practices
in his conceptual innovations. In wrestlingwiththeproblemofhowto accessand
unraveltheprocedural knowledge thatinforms experimental practices,Goodingis
concerned moregenerally todevelopmethods ofrecovering andrepresenting exper-
imental procedures andtoexaminethepractical andinferential structureofexperi-
mentalproblemsolving.His recentbook providesdetailedanalysesof Faraday's
experimental procedures thataddmuchtoourunderstanding ofFaraday, laboratory
recordsingeneral, andthecognitive andsocialdimensions ofexperimental practice.
His latestworkextends theanalysistothought experiments andseesthemas rooted
intheprocedural knowledge ofhowexperimental processesworkintherealworld.2'
One analyticaltool thatGoodingused to capturethe "on-line"dynamicsof
ConceptualChange
Fromtheperspective ofcognitive theproblem
history, ofconceptual changeappears
as follows:Howis itthatscientists,workingalone orin collaboration, combinetheir
humancognitive with
abilities theconceptualresources available to them as mem-
bersofscientificcommunities and widersocialcontexts to createand communicate
newscientificrepresentations ofa domain?Thisformulation shiftsthefocusofthe
problem the
from customary preoccupationwithhow structures
linguistic changeto
in
theroleofhumanagency conceptual change.
My ownresearch centers on thetheoretical
reasoning andrepresentational prac-
whocreatedmajorconceptual
ticesof scientists innovations.Despiteall theatten-
tiongiventotheory inthehistory andphilosophy ofscience,thereis stillverylittle
understandingof thetheoretical practicesthatscientistsemployin general,andin
conceptualinnovation in particular.
Thus,myinvestigation is complementary to
in questionwentdowndead ends,contributed
scientists to "winning" science,or
employed strategies
different in making a "simultaneous discovery." Cognitive re-
searchonordinary reasoning practicesprovides supportfortheir salienceandinsight
intohowtheyfunction reasoning.
in scientific
Thoughthetopicof scientific methodmightseemmoreappropriate fora philo-
sophicalaudience,historians do makeimplicit assumptions aboutmethod thataffect
theiranalysessignificantly.As is wellknown,the"whig"history of thepastwas
heavilyinfluencedbythepositivist conception ofmethod, andthatconception con-
tinuesto influencehistorical analysesand playsa criticalrolein somehistorical
controversies.
Witness thecaseofMaxwell.FromPierreDuhemtothepresent histo-
rianshavearguedwhether theanalogicalmodelMaxwellpresented in his second
paperonelectromagnetism wascritical tohisderivation oftheelectromagnetic field
equations.Thosewhosee theanalogicalmodelas offtotheside,while"theresults
areknownbysomeothermeansbeforeuseofthemodel," haveatleasttacitly bought
thephilosopher's
assumption thatreasoning is onlybymeansofinductive ordeduc-
tivealgorithms.30
Researchin cognitive psychology forcestheconclusionthatanalogiesare not
"merely suggestive"oran "unproductive digression" butarefundamental intherea-
soningprocess.An extensive psychological showshowprominent
literature a role
analogyplaysinproblemsolvingin general;theseinvestigations seektodetermine
howanalogygenerates solutionsandto differentiate betweenproductive andnon-
productiveuses.ViewingMaxwellas reasoning throughtheanalogyfitsthehistori-
andobviatestheneedto throwawayinconvenient
cal recordbetter pieces,suchas
his"errors."Indeed,thisviewbetter fitsMaxwell'sowninsights intohowwhathe
called"themethodofphysicalanalogy"functions inthemathematization process.
Fromtheperspective of cognitivehistory theanalogies,visualrepresentations,
and thought experiments scientistsemployin theirresearchare notancillary, but
playa crucialrolein thecreative process.Theyall involvecreating, manipulating,
and reasoningaboutintermediary models.3'Theyare also the principalmeans
through whicha scientisttransportsconceptual resourcesdrawnfromthewidercul-
turalmilieuintoscienceandtransmits novelrepresentations to thescientific com-
munity.
Innovation
Technological
newundertaking
A relatively analysisin studiesof
is to applycognitive-historical
MichaelGorman,
innovation.
technological andBernardCarlson,a
a psychologist,
joinedforcestocomparetheinvention
historian, ofthetelephonebyThomasEdison
andbyAlexander GrahamBell.32Theircomparative analysisexaminestheinterac-
tionbetweenmentalmodels,mechanical andheuristics
representations, in techno-
Thusfartheyhavedemonstrated
logicalinnovation. thecomplexrelation between
mentalmodelingandconducting experimentsandhaverevealedsignificant differ-
encesinthecognitivestylesofBell andEdison.GaryBradshaw, a cognitive
psychol-
ogist,hasappliedHerbertSimon'sproblem-solvingmodelofdiscovery totheinven-
tionoftheairplanetosee howwellitcanbe extended totechnological
innovation.33
Communicative
Practices
Manycontemporary historians
areexamining theformandrhetoric ofpresentations
of experimental and observational activitiesand results.Theyusuallyframetheir
studiesinterms ofhowscientists adoptcertain modesandconventions ofwritingin
orderto gainauthority andthusto persuadeothersof theirinferences. Whattends
tobe overlooked is thatthereis a significantcognitivedimension topersuasion. In
theprocessof persuading one has to getone'scolleaguesto comprehend thenew
ideas,and,again,in orderto negotiate one has to comprehend whatis beingpro-
posed.Theseareinterconnected, thoughnotnecessarily sequential, steps.Success
atcommunication, ofcourse,does notentailsuccessatpersuasion.
A cognitive historian takesthepubliccommunications of scientistspresenting
newrepresentations as attemptstocreatea sharedunderstanding. Thatis,thesecom-
munications are devisedto bridgethegap betweendoing,on theone hand,and
comprehending andevaluating, ontheother. Although StevenShapinandPeterDear
havepresented insightful analysesof RobertBoyle'scontributions to shapingthe
formofresearch papers,34 thereis moretobe toldinthisstory. Forexample,Shapin
claimsthatBoylecreatedhis literary techniques to gainauthority forhis conclu-
sions,devisinga wayof "witnessing" an experiment whilenotbeingpresent. But
howandwhydoes creating an "impression ofverisimilitude"
conveyauthority and
"compelassent"?My analysisofthought experiments pointsto a possibleanswer.
Boyle'stexts,
including boththenarrative andthevisualparts,assistreadersincon-
structingtheirownmentalsimulation, therebycreatingan understanding of what
theyhavenotactuallywitnessed themselves.
Holmes'sanalysisoftherelation betweenargument andnarrative inthescientific
paperarguesthatthedifference in stylebetweenresearchpapersproducedat the
RoyalAcademyandattheAcademiedes Sciencesstems,in part,fromthepractice
ofFrenchacademicians ofcarrying outcommunal investigations.
In theircase au-
thoritywasnotinquestion.35 A cognitive perspective wouldaddthatwhencreating
Nersessian,"In theTheoretician's
Laboratory: ThoughtExperimentingas MentalModeling,"PSA,
1992,2:291-301.
32 MichaelE. Gormanand W. Bernard Carlson,"Interpreting
Inventionas a CognitiveProcess:
The Case ofAlexanderGrahamBell,ThomasEdison,andtheTelephone," Science,Technology,and
HumanValues(forthcoming).
33 GaryBradshaw, "TheAirplaneandtheLogic ofInvention,"in Cognitive
ModelsofScience,ed.
Giere(cit.n. 11),pp. 239-250.
34 StevenShapin,"Pumpand Circumstance: RobertBoyle'sLiterary
Technology,"Social Studies
ofScience,1984,14:481-520;andPeterDear,"Totiusinverba.Rhetoric andAuthorityintheEarly
RoyalSociety,"Isis, 1985,76:145-161.
35 Holmes,'Argument andNarrative"(cit.n. 26).
TrainingPractitioners
The roleof training changeand in sciencemoregenerally
in scientific has only
recently theattention
attracted of historians. The history
of pedagogicalpractices
offerspotentially groundforexamining
fertile howcognitive andsocialfactorsin-
teractin scientific
change.
Training, whether oras an experimentalist,
as a theoretician comprises morethan
learning throughtextsandworking problemexemplars. Kathryn Olesko'sstudyof
FranzNeumann's seminar attemptsto capturetheexplicitandimplicit pedagogical
practicesthatformed "theactivityof learning" withintheseminar.37Her analysis
reconstructs variousmethodsNeumanndevisedto teachmeasuring procedures,
theoreticaltechniques, mathematical She argues
skills,and evaluativestrategies.
thattheworkofindividual studentsexhibited techniquestheylearnedintheseminar
andthusshowshowtheseeducational practicesshapedthecontext andcontent of
thelocal scientific
practices.
36 JamesR. Griesemer andWilliamWimsatt, Weismannism:
"Picturing A Case StudyofConcep-
tual Evolution,"in WhatthePhilosophyof BiologyIs: EssaysforDavid Hull, ed. MichaelRuse
(Dordrecht:Kluwer,1989),pp. 75-137.
37 Kathryn M. Olesko,Physicsas a Calling:Disciplineand Practicein theKbnigsberg Seminar
forPhysics(Ithaca,N.Y.: CornellUniv.Press,1991). See also Nersessian, Labora-
"Theoretician's
Think?"(cit.n. 11); and NersessianandGreeno,
"How Do Scientists
tory"(cit.n. 31); Nersessian,
"DynamicMentalModeling"(cit.n. 12).
A cognitivehistorian
wouldtakethisanalysisfurther
byexamining howhistorical
andpsychological intopedagogycouldenhanceoneanother.
inquiries Forexample,
of centralimportanceto bothis how a community's implicitknowledgeis made
explicitforpedagogicalpurposesandthenbecomestacitforthenewpractitioners.
The traineeinphysics,
inlearning modeling mustfirst
techniques, learnthegenera-
tiveprinciples
andconstraints
forphysicalmodelsina domain.Thesethentransform
intothetacitassumptionsofthethinking andcommunicative ofthecom-
practices
munity ofexpertphysicists.
Cognitive
Psychology
The historyofscientific
changecouldwellcreatemoresophisticated psychological
modelsthatsee conceptualchange,creativity, and organization of knowledgeas
intertwinedwholes.Manycognitive psychologistsrecognizethis,andseveralhave
undertaken historical
studieson theirown.Since theyare nottrainedhistorians,
though,psychologistswouldprefer thathistorians
carryouttheanalytical worknec-
essary.Historical
analysis,
unliketheircustomary interviews andprotocol analyses,
providespsychologistswithanintegrated pictureofa significant
setofachievements
overan extended periodoftime-one thatcanenrichtheirdata.Used in combina-
tionwithinterviews, historicalanalysescan clarifyissuesandprevent misleading
interpretations,
suchas thosethatarosefromWertheimer's interviews ofEinstein.39
Theseanalysescaninform thedesignoflaboratory experiments andchallenge inter-
pretationsbased on psychological studiesalone.40Additionally,as scientistshave
reflected
throughout history on howto learnaboutandrepresent nature, theyhave
refinedand extendedtheirrepresentational and communicative practices.These
"metacognitive"reflectionsarea valuableresourceforcognitive psychologists con-
cernedwithlearning.
One prominent questionin thecontemporary psychologicalliteratureis,Arethe