10.

Hindi

10.0.1. Neutral Hindi pronunciation is presented in detail (whereas regional

variants are given only for the /EE, OO/ ae˚ ao phonemes, which constitute the ma-
jor peculiarity – Ô û 10.2.å). Our transliteration diverges from more traditional
one(s) – and from English orthography as well, which neglects vowel duration. It
shows çlongÇ vowels by doubling their graphemes (ii˚ aa˚ uu), as it does for conso-
nants (pp˚ nn), even when there is no opposition between short and long (ee˚ oo),
for coherence. On the contrary, the historical indication of diphthongization is
kept, for the two vocalic phonemes mentioned at the beginning (ae˚ ao), instead
of using a more complicated spelling (even if a little less inaccurate, perhaps, such
as ùù˚ §§]˘
We can still find –and quite often, even if it is, rightly, losing ground– a kind
of transliteration which shows the three short vowels, /i, a, u/ (I, å, U), as i˚ a˚ u˚
and the three corresponding long, /ii, aa, uu/ (ii, aa, uu), as i˚ a˚ u÷ but, at the
same time, it shows /ee, oo/ (ee, oo), just as e˚ o (since there are no corresponding
short phonemes). ‹en transcriptions are not added, in that kind of system, it
would be decidedly better to write e, o. However, we are left with the problem of
/EE, OO/, which –if transcriptions are still lacking– could perhaps coincide more
with the last indications given above, if one chose to write them as ™, Ø.

10.0.2. Nasalized vowels are marked with the çtildeÇ sign (i˚ q˚ ãã); however, in
accordance with the system of marking long vowels with a macron, awkwardly,
the tilde should be put over the macron (≤˚ >˚ <]˚ as some transcribe. Nevertheless,
others use –less satisfactory– digraphic devices (aµ˚ aµ÷ añ˚ añ).
Postalveolar consonantal articulations are indicated by a dot underneath (=˚ ƒ˚
ó); postalveopalatal ones with an inverted circumflex (or ha£ek\ £˚ À˚ ∞; instead of
traditional, but ambiguous, c˚ j˚ ≈]÷ for the uvulars of Arabic and Persian loanwords
we use particular signs (q˚ Æ˚ ‚; instead of digraphs or other more complex combi-
nations, or less evident, from a visual point of view, as well). ˛ese have been men-
tioned in order to avoid both signs and also digraphs which could be too generic.
˛e latter are reserved for çaspiratedÇ consonants (ph˚ bh˚ óh…). Furthermore, we
decidedly prefer w (to v]˚ for (6, j) /w/.

10.0.3. Traditional devanagari script [deewnaagrii /deew'naagrii/ (de6'naag-Ri))

is not of great help, unless one has already learnt it. On the other hand, it is more
syllabic than alphabetic (and with a lot of monographs, indeed more than 150, in
addition to the over 40 basic signs), for sequences of polyphonemic graphemes.
˛erefore, it is not suitable to indicate actual phonic structures in a simple way,
with a further complication constituted by (short) çinherentÇ a, which is not writ-
ten when preceded by C˚ except in (some) transliterations. ˛ese transliterations
330 a handbook of pronunciation

are, basically, of two kinds: those that indicate /a/ only when it is really pro-
nounced, and those that show every a (or very many), as for instance in ('måt-låb)
/'matlab/ matlab (or matalaba]. However, the actual phonetic situation may be
something in between, as can be seen in § 10.3.1.1 as well.

Vowels

10.1.1. û 10.1 shows Hindi vowels, which are ten: three short, (I, å, U) /i, a, u/,
and seven çlongÇ. ˛ese are actually diphthongs: five monotimbric, with narrow
movements, but nevertheless perceptible, (ii, ee, aa, oo, uu) /ii, ee, aa, oo, uu/, and
two more evident ones (even if, generally, they are simply described as long V˚
themselves), (Ä™, ∏ø) /EE, OO/ (because native speakers think they are monoph-
thongs, including the variants given, and use them as such when learning foreign
languages).
Let us see, for now, some examples of the three short V\ ('dIn) /'din/ din˚ ('påR)
/'par/ par˚ ('kUl) /'kul/ kul÷ the three corresponding diphthongs are: ('diin) /'diin/
diin˚ ('paaR) /'paar/ paar˚ ('kuul) /'kuul/ kuul÷ the other four diphthongs are: ('beeR)
/'beer/ beer˚ ('bÄ™R) /'bEEr/ baer˚ ('booR) /'boor/ boor˚ ('b∏øR) /'bOOr/ baor˘ We will
deal again with the geographic variants of /EE, OO/ (Ô û 10.2.å) again, only here,
('bÄ™R) /'bEEr/ baer˚ ('b∏øR) /'bOOr/ baor\ ('bå™R, 'b√øR) (east: Bihar, West Bengal),
('bE™R, 'bOøR) (west: Rajasthan), ('bπER, 'bØOR) (northwest: Panjab)˘
û 10.1. Hindi vowels.
/ii/ ('ii, &i, ’i) /uu/ ('uu, &u, ’u)
/i/ (I) /u/ (U)
/ee/ ('ee, &e, ’e) /oo/ ('oo, &o, ’o)
/EE/ ('Ä™, &Ä, ’™) /OO/ ('∏ø, &∏, ’ø)
/a/ ('å, &å, ’å0, ’‘˘)
/aa/ ('aa, &a, ’a)

10.1.2. Each Hindi vowel may be (distinctively) nasalized: (t'hI) /t'hi/ thi˚ ('Hì™,
&Hì, H™) /'híí/ hãq˚ (b'HÅÅ®) /b'hÅÅ#/ bhããó˚ (k'h_9) /k'hÓÓ/ khã£÷ let us consider, for
instance ('Råg) /'rag/ rag çveinÇ ('RAg) /'rÅg/ rãg çcolorÇ. Currently, words such as
('Hå∫s) /'hans/ hans tend to be confused with ('HAs) /'hÅs/ hãs÷ but, in neutral pro-
nunciation, they must be accurately distinguished, even if (∫) has no full contact
with the alveolar ridge (Ô § 10.2.1.1-2).
‹en ae˚ ao are followed by /j, w/, they correspond to (åI, åU) /ai, au/: ('måIãa)
/'maijaa/ maeyaa˚ (tåI'jaaR) /tai'jaar/ taeyaar˚ ('HåUja) /'hauwaa/ haowaa˘ ˛e same
should hold for Sanscrit words with ae˚ ao (èai˚ au¶); but, currently, these become
/EE, OO/ (Ô § 10.2.1.2).
Intra-lexemic sequences /eeh0, ooh0/ may be realized as short vowels: ('seeH-Ra,
'seH-) /'seehraa/ seehraa˚ ('mooH-låt, 'moH-) /'moohlat/ moohlat÷ when there is gram-
memic derivation, no shortening occurs: ('leeH-jÉ) /'leehja/ leehya˚ ('mooH-na)
10. hindi 331

/'moohnaa/ moohnaa˘ Even in English loanwords we find (more or less evident)

shortenings: ('pee˛) /'pee˛/ pee= çstomachÇ, but ('pe;˛, 'pe˛, 'p™˛) /'pee˛/ pee= çpet (ani-
mal)Ç.
˛e sequence /ah/, in front of a C˚ or in front of short /a/, or at word boundary
(/ah0, aha, ahò/), is realized as ('ÄH, ’ÉH) (which could be marked as ç/E/Ç): (kÉH-
'naa) /kah'naa/ kahnaa˚ (pÉH'laa) /pah'laa/ pahlaa˚ (lÉ'HåR) /la'har/ lahar˚ ('tÄH) /'tah/
tah˘ In the other cases, /a/ remains (Ô the following section) with the following re-
alizations (å, ‘, É, ê, x, ∑): (kx'Haa) /ka'haa/ kahaa˚ (d‘'Hii) /da'hii/ dahii÷ in Sanscrit
loans we find /a/ before /ha/ as well: (R‘'Hås-jÉ, 'RåHåsª) /ra'hasja/ rahasya˚ (gx'Hån)
/ga'han/ gahan˚ (mê'Håt:j∑) /ma'hattwa/ mahattwa˘
û 10.2. Regional variants (å) and unstressed neutral taxophones of /a/ (∫).

å. Regional variants of ae˚ ao /'EE, 'OO/: ('E™, ∫. Attenuated taxophones of /’a˘/: (‘),
'Oø) west (Rajasthan); ('πE, 'ØO) northwest ((’0‘)), (’jÉ, ’ãÉ÷ ’j∑), ((’±ê)): ± (m, p[h],
(Panjab); ('å™, '√ø) east (Bihar, West Bengal). b[H], å, 6), ((’ôx)): (k[h], g[H], ›, ˜, r).

10.1.3. In unstressed syllables, çinherentÇ a is pronounced only when it is neces-

sary to give substance to a phono-syllable. ˛us, it is often not pronounced at all,
except in the case of consonant clusters which are not so easy to produce. Conse-
quently, at the end of words (or word-internally, mainly after /h/), some un-
checked phono-syllables are generally produced with a fading vocoid of the (‘)
type (Ô û 10.1). However, this timbre, although attenuated (in length as well),
changes in accordance with the contoids preceding it (even in /0h/ sequences).
˛erefore, as shown in û 10.2.∫, after labials ((m, p[h], b[H], å, 6)) it has rounded
lips, (ê); after velars or uvulars ((k[h], g[H], ›, ˜, r)), it moves back, (x) (besides, af-
ter (j), we have (∑)); after /j/, it moves forwards, (É) (this phone also occurs in
('ÄHÉ0, ’ÉHÉ0) /ah0/ ahC˚ and with /h/, near /ee, EE/, as well – as an echo).
It is a good thing to manage to use these five vocoids (in their attenuated, rather
than full, forms), since the coarticulatory logic is quite evident. However, a rather
satisfying result can be achieved, if we systematically use an attenuated (‘) (while
a full (å) would sound too pushy).
Let us see some examples (but it should be noted that, often, in various pub-
lished texts, we find ç(È)Ç for (å), even if stressed): ('kåN˛-h‘) /'kan˛h/ ka¿=h˚ ('på~-
C‘) /'panc/ pan£˚ ('kåRmê) /'karm/ karm (çkarmaÇ), ('baÅ˙gx) /'baang/ baa;g
(('baÅ˙) /'baa˙, 'baang/ is possible as well), ('muuRk-hx) /'muurkh/ muurkh˚ (åM'6å-
ãÉ) /an'waj[a]/ anway(a)˚ (‘'gåM-jÉ) /a'gamj[a]/ agamy(a)˚ ('ån-jÉ) /'anj[a]/ any(a)˚ (‘-
'gåπ-jÉ) /a'gaNj[a]/ aga¿y(a)˚ ('mooH‘&na) /'moohnaa/ moohnaa˚ ('mÄHÉl) /'mahl/
mahl˚ ('meeHÉ&tåR, &meHÉ'tåR) /'meehtar/ meehtar˘
332 a handbook of pronunciation

10.1.4. In unstressed syllables, the phonetic diphthongs are normally realized

as short monophthongs (or, in slow or more accurate pronunciation, as half-
-lengthened monophthongs): ('HIndi÷ -di;) /'hindii/ hindii˚ (I'daaRa÷ -Ra;) /i'daaraa/
idaaraa˚ ('jaadÚ÷ -dÚ;) /'jaadÚÚ/ yaadõõ˚ (ëa'baaë÷ ëa;-) /Saa'baaS/ ∞aabaa∞˘ According
to stress strength in sentences, for /EE, OO/, as in hae˚ we have: ('HÄ™, &HÄ, ’H™) /hEE/.
Unfortunately, Hindi grammars persist in placing among the çvowelsÇ the
grapho-syllable which in Sanscrit indicated /(/ (“) and traditionally is transliterat-
ed ®, but today it only stands for /ri/ (RI) (¤ a /0é/ sequence): (ë'RI) /S'ri/ ∞ri˘

Consonants

10.2.0. û 10.3 shows Hindi consonants, including phono-stylemes for words

coming from Sanscrit (corresponding to ¿˚ ;˚ «) and Arabic, Persian, Turkish and
English (q˚ f˚ z˚ Æ, ‚), and taxophones as well.
û 1.9-15, instead, show the orograms (gathered by articulation manners) of all
the contoids given in the chapters of this book –even as secondary, occasional, or
regional, variants– for the 12 languages dealt with. ˛is exposition makes neces-
sary comparisons more direct.
û 10.3. Table of Hindi consonants.

rounded
postalveo-

laryngeal
palatal

provelar
veolar
alveolar
bilabial

palatal

uvular
postal-
dental

velar

velar

ö mÌ|(M) (n) nÌ|(∫) {N|(π)} (~|µ) (n) («Ì) {˙Ì}|(˙) {(,)}

F p5 bÌ t5 dÌ ˛5 ÃÌ k5 gÌ {›} {ö}
Ô C5 ‚Ì
ƒ {å} 6
_ s {z} {ßÌ} ë /w/
ß j|(ã) {˜} (h) H
R ®Ì (j) {r}
ó
‹ (l) lÌ ($) (¬)
/c, G/ (C, ‚), /S/ (ë), /j/ (j, ã), /F/ (å), /w/ (6, j), /r/ (R), /#/ (®)

Nasals

10.2.1.1. ˛ere are two fundamental nasal phonemes, /m/ (m), and /n/ (m, n,
N, ~, ˙, ,), since the NC sequences are homorganic. Besides, (M) ((˘)} occurs be-
fore /w, F/; (∫) ((ˆ)) before /s/; (n) ((q)) before /j/; and («) {(Ö)} before /h/ – with
a rare /˙/, which would give /˙h/ (and this would show the advantage of consider-
ing sequences of Ch biphonemic, even for stops) or /ngh/ (˙gH, «H). (It is worth
observing that (M, ∫, µ, n, «) are nasals with no full contact (¤ semi-nasals): semi-
-labial, semi-alveolar, semi-postalveo-palatal, semi-palatal, and semi-provelar, re-
spectively, Ô § 9.9 of HPh˚ and (π) {(¯)} as well, given in § 10.2.1.2.)
10. hindi 333

On the other hand, it is not necessary to use the specific symbols ((˙, n)):
('mooH) /'mooh/ mooh˚ ('såmbål) /'sambal/ sambal˚ ('tiim ma'taÅe) /'tiin maa'taaee/
tiin maataaqq˚ (såM'jaad) /sam'waad/ samwaad˚ ('nåbH) /'nabh/ nabh˚ ('kåN˛h)
/'kan˛h/ ka¿=h˚ ('kå~‚) /'kanG/ kanÀ˚ ('6åµë) /'wanS/ wan∞˚ ('ån-jÉ) /'anja/ anya˚
('på˙k) /'pank/ pa;k˚ (&I,›x'laab) /in›a'laab/ inqalaab˚ ('sI«H[x]) /'si˙h[a]/ sinh(a)˘
In some words, we find /m, n/ before heterosyllabic C\ (bê'RaÅmda) /ba'raam-
daa/ baramdaa˚ (åm'Ruud) /am'ruud/ amruud˚ ('gUm˛i) /'gum˛ii/ gum=ii˚ ('CåmCa)
/'camcaa/ £am£aa˚ ('‚Umka) /'Gumkaa/ Àhumkaa˚ ('meenka) /'meenkaa/ meenkaa
(indicated in writing by the segments m˚ n˚ instead of by anuswaar˚ a diacritic
sign).

10.2.1.2. Furthermore, in lofty Sanscrit words, also /N, ˙/ (N, Í÷ ˙) occur, and
have specific graphemes, ¿˚ ;, but generally change into /n/. ˛e more frequent
genuine realization of /N/ is (Í), a nasalized postalveolar flap, or even a nasalized
postalveolar approximant, (¯), so it is better to use the symbol of the diaphone,
(π), which incorporates these values, although it generally becomes /n/. Also (~)
has a particular grapheme, n, even if it does not represent a phoneme (as was the
case instead in Sanscrit): ('baÅm) /'baam/ baam˚ ('baÅn) /baan/ baan˚ ('baÅπ, 'baÅN,
'baÅn) /'baaN/ baa¿˚ (gx'πeeë, gx'Neeë, gx'neeë) /ga'NeeS/ ga¿ee∞˚ (‘'gåN-jÉ, ‘'gåπ-jÉ)
/a'gaNja/ aga¿ya˚ ('6aÅ˙måI, -˙mêãÉ, -«m-, -nmÄ™, -mmÄ, -mm™) /'waa˙maj/ wa;-
may˚ ('baÅ˙[gx]) /'baang/ baa;g.
Furthermore, we find the sequences /mh, nh/ (mH, nH), which (together with
/lh/ (lH) and, possibly, /˙h/, Ô § 10.2.1.1) have no o‚cial devanagari graphemes,
but combinations. In fact, they did not occur in Sanscrit, contrary to çaspiratedÇ
stops and stopstrictives, including /#h/ (®H), which comes from /Ãh/ (ÃH): (kUm-
'HaaR) /kum'haar/ kumhaar˚ ('kaÅnH) /'kaanh/ kaanh˘

Stops

10.2.2.1. ˛ere are four diphonic pairs, /p, b÷ t, d÷ ˛, Ã÷ k, g/ (p, b÷ t, d÷ ˛, Ã÷ k,

g), in addition to the voiceless uvular phonostyleme /›/ (›) (which, currently, be-
comes /k/ (k)): (pI'taa) /pi'taa/ pitaa˚ ('åb) /'ab/ ab˚ ('Raat) /'raat/ raat˚ (n‘'dii) /na-
'dii/ nadii˚ (˛'hiik) /˛'hiik/ =iik˚ ('pINÃ) /'pinÃ/ pi¿ƒ˚ ('k∏9n) /'kOOn/ kaon˚ ('gaÅna)
/'gaanaa/ gaanaa˚ ('kÄ™) /'kEE/ kae˚ ('›Ä™) /'›EE, 'kEE/ qae˘

10.2.2.2. ˛e most remarkable peculiarity of stops is that the elements of di-

phonic pairs may occur in sequences, with /h/, producing /ph, bh÷ th, dh÷ ˛h, Ãh÷
kh, gh/ (ph, bH÷ th, dH÷ ˛h, ÃH÷ kh, gH) (it is not rare to find that the çaspiratedÇ
voiced ones are, actually, devoiced, (ÊH, ∂H, ∂H, âH), although a fully voiced pro-
nunciation is perfectly acceptable too). Generally, they are considered to be uni-
tary phonemes: çaspiratedÇ opposed to the corresponding çnon-aspiratedÇ. No
doubt, this opinion derives from traditional writing as well, since particular graph-
emes are in use.
We prefer to consider the çaspiratedÇ sounds as phonemic (and phonetic) se-
334 a handbook of pronunciation

quences constituted by plain stops + /h/, which is realized as (h), after voiceless C˚
or as the normal (in Hindi) voiced laryngeal approximant, (H), after voiced C (all
the more so because they are realized as heterosyllabic, instead of tautosyllabic; this
can be seen by the placement of stresses, which is more evident and logical with-
in a word or a rhythm group): ('pål) /'pal/ pal˚ (p'hål) /p'hal/ phal÷ ('baala) /'baalaa/
baalaa˚ (b'Haala) /b'haalaa/ bhaalaa÷ ('tål) /'tal/ tal˚ (t'hål) /t'hal/ thal÷ ('daa6a) /'daa-
waa/ daawaa˚ (d'Haa6a) /d'haawaa/ dhaawaa÷ ('˛åppa) /'˛appaa/ =appaa˚ (˛'håppa)
/˛'happaa/ =happaa÷ ('Ãiil) /'Ãiil/ ƒiil˚ (Ã'Hiil) /Ã'hiil/ ƒhiil÷ ('kaal) /'kaal/ kaal˚
(k'haal) /k'haal/ khaal÷ (gI'Raa) /gi'raa/ giraa˚ (gHI'Raa) /ghi'raa/ ghiraa˘

10.2.2.3. It is not unusual for /b, bh/ to be realized as (6, 6H). Besides, attenua-
tions are also possible for /k/ (∆, ◊, â), /kh/ (xh, x), /g/ (Ÿ, y, µ), /gh/ (ŸH). Before
front vowels (and before /j/), /k[h], g[h]/ are realized as prevelar, but no special sym-
bol (([”]´, [”]Ò)) is necessary. In final position, the stops may have inaudible reali-
zations: ('naak, 'naakæ) /'naak/ naak˚ ('åb, 'åbæ) /'ab/ ab÷ this is contrary to what hap-
pens to çaspiratedÇ sequences, which do not simplify, even if the laryngeal element
may be less evident, in this final position (for other C too), but it may not be miss-
ing, because it is distinctive\ ('siikh, -kh) /'siikh/ siikh˚ ('nåbH, -bH) /'nabh/ nabh
(and: ('boo‚H, -‚H) /'booGh/ booÀh˚ ('baa®H, -®H) /'baa#h/ baaóh]˘ Only within se-
quences like /0h0/, may /h/ be dropped (Ô § 10.3.1.5). Also word-final /h/ may be
attenuated (and even disappear completely): (b'jaaH, -aaH, -aa) /b'jaah/ byaah˘

Stopstrictives

10.2.3. We only find the postalveopalatal diphonic pair, /c, G/ (C, ‚) (with the
corresponding çaspiratedÇ sequences, /ch, Gh/ (Ch, ‚H), and the possibility of
(äH), as for the stops): (C‘'tUR) /ca'tur/ £atur˚ ('Raa‚) /'raaG/ raaÀ˚ ('Caal) /'caal/
£aal˚ (C'haal) /c'haal/ £haal˚ ('‚aal) /'Gaal/ Àaal˚ (‚'Haal) /G'haal/ Àhaal˘ In various
contexts, there may be frequent attenuated realizations (¤ constrictives or approx-
imants), even after a pause (or, instead, sharper ones, ¤ stops), for /c/ (ë, À÷ T), /ch/
(ëh, Àh÷ Th), /G/ (ò, ö÷ D), /Gh/ (òH, öH÷ DH).

Constrictives

10.2.4. In actual fact, we find two voiceless constrictives: /s, S/ (s, ë) (sometimes,
the latter is realized as velarized postalveolar, (∑), ¤ (ß) with velarization) and the
voiced /w/ (6, j) (whose rounded semi-velar approximant variant, (j), mainly oc-
curs after C˚ after /uu, u/, and sometimes after a pause – but, in actual fact, the
two types alternate quite freely): ('sÄ™R) /'sEEr/ saer˚ ('kooëIë) /'kooSiS/ koo∞i∞˚ (&R‘6I-
'6aaR) /rawi'waar/ rawiwaar˚ ('nii6, 'nii˘, 'niiM) (with possible nasalization, near
nasalized V]\ /'niiw/ niiw˚ (6'Råt) /w'rat/ wrat˚ ('HåUja) /'hauwaa/ haowaa˚ (s'jåRg)
/s'warg/ swarg˚ (6ê'HÅÅ, |j∑-) /wa'hÅÅ/ wahãã˘
In Sanscrit loans, we also find /ß/ (ß) (which currently becomes /S/ (ë): ('bIß, 'bIë)
10. hindi 335

/'biß/ bi«; on the other hand, /s/ becomes (ß), before /˛/: ('kå߲) /'kas˛/ ka«= (shown
in writing as well). In Persian, Arabic, and English loans, we find /F, z/ (å, z) too
(which currently become /ph, G/ (ph, ‚)): (åê'›iiR, phê-, -'kiiR) /Fa'›iir, -'kiir/ fa-
qiir˚ ('åUt, p'hUt) /'Fut/ fut˚ (ba'zaaR, ba'‚aaR) /baa'zaar/ baazaar˘

Approximants

10.2.5. In this articulatory manner, there are two fundamental phonemes, /j,
h/ (j, ã÷ H, h); (the semi-palatal) (ã) occurs between V˚ in unstressed syllables: ('jee)
/'jee/ yee˚ (dH'jaÅn) /dh'jaan/ dhyaan˚ ('lIe, 'lie, 'lIãe) /'lijee/ liyee˘ ‹en in unstressed
final position (with an inherent a]˚ its sound is (-ãÉ, -™); when preceded by i˚ it
drops, often closing /i/ {(I) = (i)}, except in careful pronunciation: (s‘'måãÉ, s‘'må™)
/sa'maj/ samay˚ (k'ßåãÉ, -å™, k'ë-) /k'ßaj/ k«ay˚ ('CaaãÉ, 'Caa™) /'caaj/ £aay˚ (k'ßåt-RIãÉ,
kßåt'RIãÉ, -IÉ, -iÉ, kë-) /k'ßatrij/ k«atriy˘
Generally, the /h/ phoneme is (H)÷ while (h) occurs with voiceless çaspiratedÇ
consonants. Near nasalized V˚ /h/ becomes nasalized: ('Haathi) /'haathii/ haathii˚
('gåRH) /'garh/ garh˚ (&pÄHÉ'laa) /pah'laa/ pahlaa˚ ('teeRÉH, te'RÄH) /'teerah/ teerah˚
(HAs'naa) /hÅs'naa/ hãsnaa˚ ('bÅÅH) /'bÅÅh/ bããh˚ (kx'HÅÅ) /ka'hÅÅ/ kahãã˘
˛ere are two further approximants, for Persian and Arabic loans, for which the
o‚cial uvular constrictives symbols are often used, /X, º/ (or, even less precisely,
the velar ones, /x, Ÿ/); they are uvular approximants (˜, ˜) (but, for the voiced one,
more often, the uvular tap, (r), occurs). However, currently they become /k, g/ (k,
g): (d‘'˜ål, d‘'kål) /da'Xal/ daÆal˚ ('˜aana, 'kaana) /'Xaanaa/ Æaanaa (Ô (k'haana)
/k'haanaa/ khaanaa]˚ ('baar, 'baa˜, 'baag) /'baaº/ baa‚ (Ô ('baag) /'baag/ baag]˘

£Trills∞

10.2.6. In this category, we have an alveolar tap, /r/ (R), and a postalveolar flap,
/#/ (®), which oppose distinctively (and sometimes the former may be stronger, a
true trill (r), or –on the contrary– weaker: an approximant (¸); often, the latter is
weaker than normal: an approximant (Í), similar to British English (>), but with
no lip rounding at all): (H‘'Rå®) /ha'ra#/ haraó˚ (lå®'kaa) /la#'kaa/ laókaa˘ ˛ere is al-
so the sequence /#h/ (®H, ÍH): (bå®'Haa, -Í'Haa) /ba#'haa/ baóhaa (Ô (bê'®aa, -'Íaa) /ba-
'#aa/ baóaa]˘

Laterals

10.2.7. ˛ere is only one lateral phoneme, /l/ (l, $, ¬); besides, there is the se-
quence /lh/ (lH): ('laat) /'laat/ laat˚ (mê'laal) /ma'laal/ malaal˚ ('kå¬ C‘'loo) /'kal ca-
'loo/ kal £aloo˚ ('kå¬ jÉ'HÅÅ 'aao) /'kal ja'hÅÅ 'aaoo/ kal yahãã aaoo˚ ('Ãaa$Ãa) /'ÃaalÃaa/
ƒaalƒaa˚ ('kuula) /'kuulaa/ kuulaa˚ ('kuulHa) /'kuulhaa/ kuulhaa˚ ('deelHi) /'deelhii/
Deelhii˘
336 a handbook of pronunciation

Structures

10.3.0. We will consider here the relationships between segments, syllabic struc-
ture, stress, and intonation. Most examples –re-transliterated and transcribed– are
based on recordings expressly made (taken from Shukla, 2000).
A typical Hindi pronunciation shows a particular kind of paraphonic setting
with breathy voice §ÿ@, or, less positively, with tense voice ≠§÷@.

Taxophonics

10.3.1.1. As for V˚ which oppose as short and çlongÇ, or rather (very) narrow
diphthongs (generally represented by geminating symbols, Ô § 10.1.1), gemina-
tion is distinctive for C too: (pê'taa) /pa'taa/ pataa˚ ('påtta, påt'taa) /'pattaa/ pattaa˚
(bê'Caa) /ba'Caa/ ba£aa˚ ('båCCa, båC'Caa) /'baccaa/ ba££aa˚ (U'see) /u'see/ usee˚
('Usse, Us'see) /'ussee/ ussee˘ ˛is fact changes the syllabic structure, consequently,
often even stress changes (although without phonemic relevance).
We have already mentioned and demonstrated in our examples, that –in
Hindi– sequences of two or three C syllabify moving the last one to the beginning
of the next syllable: ('såt-jÉ) /'satja/ satya˚ ('gåd-Ha) /'gadhaa/ gadhaa˚ (åbH'Råk) /abh-
'rak/ abhrak˚ ('ëUk-l‘) /'Sukla/ ∞ukla˚ (åkh'®aa) /akh'#aa/ akhóaa. Obviously, in case
of isolated initial sequences, the syllabicity scale joins the elements in one syllable,
although some slight di‡erence is maintained; however, if they are internal, they
divide into two syllables, including the preceding V\ (‚'Hiil) /G'hiil/ Àhiil. ˛e
geminates are (0˘0) between V˚ but (0:˘) + C˚ even for /j, w, h, r, #, l/ (in this last
context, especially short stops and stopstrictives are often realized as (0:˘) + C˚ thus
neutralizing the di‡erence with geminates): ('bUÃ:Ha) /'buÃÃhaa/ buƒƒhaa˚ (6Id[:]-
'ãaal‘ãÉ, -lÄ™, -lÉ) /wid'jaalaj/ widyaalay˘ If the number of C in the sequences ex-
ceeds three, the last two move to the beginning of the second syllable: (såt'jaaRth-
pR‘&kaë) /sat'jaarthprakaaS/ Satyaarthprakaa∞.
Another interesting phenomenon, that complicates the description and the ac-
quisition of this language, concerns the epenthesis of a vowel; therefore, an attenu-
ated vocoid is inserted (Ô § 10.1.3, although here we indicate it simply as an audi-
ble o‡set, ($)), not only in complex consonant clusters, but also –in not quick pro-
nunciation– at the end of words, even after a single consonant: (‘'gåR$) /a'gar/ agar˚
('uupåR$) /'uupar/ uupar˚ (Cål$'naa) /cal'naa/ £alnaa˚ ('phuul$) /'phuul/ phuul˚ ('ëåR$-
båt) /'Sarbat/ ∞arbat˚ (båd$'maaë) /bad'maaS/ badmaa∞˚ (lå®$'kaa) /la#'kaa/ laókaa˚
(khI®$'kii) /khi#'kii/ khiókii˚ (åbH'jaas$) /abh'jaas/ abhyaas˚ (s‘'måã$) /sa'maj/ samay˚
(Rakh$'naa) /rakh'naa/ rakhnaa˚ (Ug$'naa) /ug'naa/ ugnaa˚ ('uugH$na;) /'uughnaa/
££ghnaa˚ ('på®$) /'pa#/ paó˚ ('på®H$) /'pa#h/ paóh…

10.3.1.2. Hindi phonotactics presents some peculiar consonant clusters, both

at the beginning and end of words. In fact, we may find, for instance: (m'RIg)
/m'rig/ mrig˚ (m'laÅn) /m'laan/ mlaan˚ (n'jaa™) /n'jaaj/ nyaay˚ (nRI'ëå∫s) /nri'Sans/
nri∞ans˚ (p'jaala) /p'jaalaa/ pyaalaa˚ (b'Rå‚) /b'raG/ braÀ˚ (b'laak) /b'laak/ blaak˚
(bH'Råm) /bh'ram/ bhram˚ (tj∑'Raa) /twa'raa/ twaraa˚ (t'Raas) /t'raas/ traas˚ (d'juut)
10. hindi 337

/d'juut/ dyuut˚ (dH'jåni, -∑'nii) /dh'wani/ dwani˚ (dH'RU6) /dh'ruw/ dhruw˚ (Ã'joo®-
Hi, Ãjo®'Hii) /'Ãjoo#hii/ ƒyooóhii˚ (C'jUt) /c'jut/ £yut˚ (‚'jooti) /G'jooti/ Àyooti˚ (k'jaa)
/k'jaa/ kyaa˚ (k'jaath) /k'waath/ kwaath˚ (kh'jaab) /kh'waab/ khwaab˚ (g'RaÅm)
/g'raam/ graam˚ (g'laÅni) /g'laani/ glaani˚ (gH'RaÅπ, -N, -n) /gh'raaN/ ghraa¿.
More: (˜'jaal, kh'j-) /X'jaal/ Æyaal˚ (H'Raas) /h'raas/ hraas˚ (ëmê'ëaÅn) /Sma'Saan/
∞ma∞aan˚ (ë'RaÅnt) /S'raant/ ∞raant˚ (ë'låth) /S'lath/ ∞lath˚ (s'kåndH) /s'kandh/ skandh˚
(skhx'lån) /skha'lan/ skhalan˚ (s'tåR) /s'tar/ star˚ (s'thål) /s'thal/ sthal˚ (s'mIt) /s'mit/
smit˚ (s'naÅn) /s'naan/ snaan˚ (s'jaaH) /s'jaah/ syaah˚ (s'jåRg) /s'warg/ swarg˚ (s'Rå߲a)
/s'ras˛aa/ sra«=aa˚ (z'jaada) /z'jaadaa/ zyaadaa˚ (6jåt'haa) /wjat'haa/ wyathaa˚ (6'Råt)
/w'rat/ wrat˘ In words of Sanscrit origin, we find /òkß/ as well (but people current-
ly change it into (kë)): (k'ßåπ, k'ßåN, k'ëån) /k'ßaN/ k«a¿˚ (k'ßiiR, k'ë-) /k'ßiir/ k«iir˘
Furthermore, for initial sequences with /òs0[0]/, current pronunciation prefixes
an epenthetic vowel, generally (I, I) – but (å, å) is possible as well (and also (‘, ‘),
with the other variants seen, Ô § 10.1.3), before non-front vowels: (s'tRii, Is-, Is-)
/s'trii/ strii˚ (sp'huuRti, Is-, Is-, ås-, ås-, ‘s-, ‘s-) /sp'huurti/ sphuurti˚ (s'naÅn, Is-, Is-, ås-,
ås-, ‘s-, ‘s-) /s'naan/ snaan (also with /S/: (ë'look, Ië-, Ië-, åë-, åë-, ‘ë-, ‘ë-) /S'look/ ∞look]˘

10.3.1.3. As far as word-final position is concerned, we find consonant clusters

such as: ('gUpt) /'gupt/ gupt˚ ('ëåbd) /'Sabd/ ∞abd˚ ('lUbdH) /'lubdh/ lubdh˚ ('˛åps)
/'˛aps/ =aps˚ ('nåbz) /'nabz/ nabz˚ ('kUb‚) /'kubG/ kubÀ˚ ('mUåt) /'muFt/ muft˚ ('Uts)
/'uts/ uts˚ ('Råkt) /'rakt/ rakt˚ ('dågdH) /'dagdh/ dagdh˚ ('åks) /'aks/ aks˚ ('mookß, -kë)
/'mookß/ mook«˚ ('så˜t, -kht) /'saXt/ saÆt˚ ('ëå˜s, -khs) /'SaXs/ ∞aÆs˚ ('bå˜ë, -khë) /'baXS/
baÆ∞˚ ('CUst) /'cust/ £ust˚ (s'jåsth) /s'wasth/ swasth˚ ('kå߲) /'kas˛/ ka«=˚ ('6aaëp)
/'waaSp/ waa∞p˘
In final position, geminates are possible as well, realized as long: ('gåp:) /'gapp/
gapp˚ ('Cåm:) /'camm/ £amm˚ ('CIt:) /'citt/ £itt˚ ('Råd:) /'radd/ radd˚ ('ån:) /'ann/ ann˚
('såR:, -r[:]) /'sarr/ sarr˚ (pRåp'hUl:) /prap'hull/ praphull˚ (b'Hå˛:) /b'ha˛˛/ bha==˚ (U'‚åÃ:)
/u'GaÃÃ/ uÀaƒƒ˚ ('UC:) /'ucc/ u££˚ (nI'lå‚:) /ni'laGG/ nilaÀÀ˚ ('dåg:) /'dagg/ dagg÷
sequences which include a laryngeal are also found: ('‚Ut:h) /'Gutth/ Àutth˚ ('jUd:H)
/'juddh/ yuddh˚ ('sIk:h) /'sikkh/ sikkh˚ (s'jåC:h) /s'wacch/ swa££h˘
≈nal consonant clusters, in morphological derivation, resyllabify in accordance
with the phonic structure of the Hindi language: ('paap) /'paap/ paap˚ ('paa-pi)
/'paapii/ paapii÷ ('Råkt) /'rakt/ rakt˚ ('Råk-tIm) /'raktim/ raktim˘

10.3.1.4. Short (I, å, U) /i, a, u/, in final position, have the peculiarity of fading
(Ô § 10.1.3), to a point in which they drop as well, as happens to /a/, (å÷ å, ‘, ê, x,
∑÷ `), or strengthen, ¤ (i, u), simply as closer realizations of /i, u/, or actually be-
coming /ii, uu/. In this case, stress shifts are also possible, according to the weight
of the syllables constituting given words: ('Rå6i, R‘'6ii) /'rawi/ rawi˚ ('tIthi, tIt'hii)
/'tithi/ tithi˚ ('ëIëu, ëI'ëuu) /'SiSu/ ∞i∞u˚ ('6åsu, 6ê'suu) /'wasu/ wasu˘ ˛e change Vò =
VVò is not considered completely neutral, in spite of being very widespread indeed
(with many supporters too).
≈nally, as many examples have already shown, sequences of /'ééö/ + /é, ò, 0/
are realized as ('é–ö): ('HaÅni) /'haani/ haani˚ ('kaÅm) /'kaam/ kaam˚ (ak'RaÅnt)
/aak'raant/ aakraant˘
338 a handbook of pronunciation

10.3.1.5. Dealing with consonants, we have already seen the assimilatory char-
acteristics within words. ˛e same holds in sentences, for words linked by mean-
ing, especially if joined in rhythm groups, as in: ('tiim ma'taÅe) /'tiin maa'taaee/ ti-
in maataaqq˚ ('tiim pê'piite) /'tiin pa'piitee/ tiin papiitee˚ ('tiiN 'Ãaal) /'tiin 'Ãaal/ ti-
in ƒaal˚ ('tii˙ kx'mål) /'tiin ka'mal/ tiin kamal˚ ('tii˙ 'gaaÉ) /'tiin 'gaaj/ tiin gaay˚
('tii~ 'CaaÉ) /'tiin 'caaj/ tiin £aaj˚ ('tii~ '‚aal) /'tiin 'Gaal/ tiin Àaal˚ ('tiin ë‘'Raab) /'ti-
in Sa'raab/ tiin ∞araab˚ ('tiin 'jaaR) /'tiin 'jaar/ tiin yaar˚ ('tiiM 'jåRß, -Rë) /'tiin 'warß/
tiin war«˚ ('tii, ›x'saai, -˙ kx-) /'tiin ›a'saaii/ tiin qasaaii˚ ('tii« 'Haath) /'tiin 'haath/
tiin haath˘
Besides, both within words and sentences, in not slow –nor emphatic– speech,
for diphonic C˚ voicing assimilation is regular, to the second element of a sequence
(while a possible /h/ is lost): ('ågbåR, åg'båR) /'akhbar/ Akhbar˚ (tåz'biiH) /tas'biih/
tasbiih˚ ('CUb 'bÄ™˛ho, 'CUb b™˛'hoo) /'cup 'bEE˛hoo/ £up bae=hoo˚ ('Chåb gx'jaa)
/'cap ga'jaa/ £hap gayaa˚ ('saad 'bÄ™˛ho, 'saad b™˛'hoo) /'saath 'bEE˛hoo/ saath bae-
=hoo˚ ('åp 'tåk) /'ab 'tak/ ab tak˚ ('Haad 'doo) /'haath 'doo/ haath doo˚ ('aakpåR) /'aag-
par/ aak par˚ ('eeg 'dIn) /'eek 'din/ eek din˚ ('‚åpki) /'Gabki/ Àab ki˚ ('baa˜ 'kaa, -k
'k-) /'baaº 'kaa/ baa‚ kaa˘

Stress

10.3.2.1. In Hindi, stress position is not distinctive; in fact, the same speaker,
in di‡erent occasions, may stress di‡erent syllables of the same word. Furthermore,
these fluctuations also depend on the placing of words in sentences, on nearby
words, on orthological highlighting and emphasis. Still more important is the fact
that stress is distributed among rhythm groups, usually moving back from the end,
according to syllabic çweightsÇ. ˛is holds for isolated words as well, but always
with a certain flexibility. For instance, we normally have ('HIndi) /'hindii/ hindii˚
but (HIn'dii&ke, -&ka) /hin'diikee, -kaa/ hindii kee˚ hindii kaa˘
On the other hand, given its non-distinctiveness, native speakers use stress as
something fluctuating (without fully realizing it), frequently alternating, for rhyth-
mic reasons, within rhythm groups. After all, it is the same thing for segmental
duration and for syllabic pitch, in languages where they are not distinctive: they
may change quite freely, without real problems. In Hindi intonemes (both for the
three marked and the unmarked one, or continuative), the terminal posttonic syl-
lable, generally, bears a secondary stress, which complicates the (already unsettled)
di‡erentiation and identification of stress strength on the di‡erent non-light sylla-
bles (but sometimes on the light ones too).

10.3.2.2. However, some rules may be formulated in order to produce a coher-

ent e‡ect, if rigorously applied (even if they might be considered excessively pre-
cise or even mechanical as regards current language).
Regardless of the C that may precede a V˚ we define a light syllable one which
contains a short V˚ (I, å, U) /i, a, u/ not followed by any C (in the same syllable):
(kI, ki) /ki/ ki˚ (sU'måtI, -ti) /su'mati/ sumati÷ within a word, the attenuated reali-
10. hindi 339

zations of /a/ (‘, É, x, ∑, ê) do not count (Ô § 10.1.3), being usually more elusive,
(‘, É, x, ∑, ê), and are just a mere physical support, necessary to make a word pro-
nounceable, but they may drop completely.
Furthermore, we have mid syllables˚ constituted by VC (¤ a short V and a C]˚
or by VV\ ('bål) /'bal/ bal˚ (k'jaa) /k'jaa/ kyaa˚ ('HIndi) /'hindii/ hindii˚ ('ëåjja) /'Saj-
jaa/ ∞ayyaa˚ including çdisyllabicÇ syllables in counting morae, as (b'Haai) /b'haaii/
bhaaii (ç/aa/ + /ii/Ç = four morae).
Besides, there are heavy syllables˚ formed by VCC˚ or VVC (more rarely VVCC
as well): ('ånt) /'ant/ ant˚ ('aÅm) /'aam/ aam˚ ('aaRt) /'aart/ aart˚ ('6aaëp) /'waaSp/
waa∞p˘

10.3.2.3. Stress assignment, in isolated words, is done on the basis of the identi-
fication of the çheaviest syllableÇ, as in: (U'paadHi) /u'paadhi/ upaadhi˚ (U'paÅnt)
/u'paant/ upaant˚ (&ad-jo'paÅnt) /aadjoo'paant/ aadyoopaant˚ (kx'lii) /ka'lii/ kalii˚
(kx'maÅn) /ka'maan/ kamaan˚ ('kaÅmna) /'kaamnaa/ kaamnaa˚ (ko'πaaRk, ko-
'NaaRk, ko'naaRk) /koo'Naark/ koo¿aark˚ ('˜aÅndani) /'Xaandaanii/ Æaandaanii˚
(‚'jaÅmIti) /G'jaamiti/ Àyaamiti˚ (&tabe'daaR) /taabee'daar/ taabeedaar˚ (&tIgU'naa)
/tigu'naa/ tigunaa˚ (p&RIthji'Raa‚-Ra&so) /prithwii'raaGraasoo/ prithwiiraaÀraasoo.
More: (bån'duugba&zi) /ban'duukbaazii/ banduukbaazii˚ (måR'daÅ˙gi) /mar-
'daangii/ mardaangii˚ ('maÅndHa&ta) /'maandhaataa/ maandhaataa˚ (&såt-jåpR‘'kaaë)
/satjapra'kaaS/ Satyaprakaa∞˚ (såt'jaaRth-pR‘&kaë) /sat'jaarthprakaaS/ Satyaarthprakaa∞˚
(&sa˙go'paÅ˙g) /saangoo'paang/ saangoopaang˚ (sa'maÅn) /saa'maan/ saamaan˚ ('HaÅ-
ni) /'haani/ haani˘
If a word has more than one non-light syllables of the same weight, there are two
possibilities: the stress preferably hits either the last syllable but one or the last but
two (or even the very last, especially if constituted by VV˚ as happens more often
within a sentence, with particles and postpositions): (ë‘'kUnt‘&la, ë‘&kUnt‘'laa) /Sa-
'kuntalaa/ ∞akuntalaa˚ (gx'®eeRI&ãa, gx&®e;RI'jaa) /ga'#eerijaa/ gaóeeriyaa˚ (bê'HaadU&Ri,
bê&HadU'Rii) /ba'haadurii/ bahaadurii˚ (&mêHab'HaaRåt) /mahaab'haarat/ mahaa-
bhaarat˚ (jUd'HI߲hIR, &jUdHI߲'hIR, -ë˛-, -ë'˛-) /jud'hi߲ir/ Yudhi«=hir˚ (s‘'HuulI&ãåt, s‘&Hu-
lI'jåt) /sa'huulijat/ sahuuliyat.
More examples: (a'ëiiR-jad, &aëiR'jaad) /aa'Siirwaad/ aa∞iirwaad˚ ('å›xl&månd, &‘-
›xl'månd) /'a›lmand/ aqlmand˚ (&ana'kaÅni, a&naka'nii) /aanaa'kaanii/ aanaakaanii˚
(dH'jåni, -∑'nii) /dh'wani/ dhwani˚ (påR'jåRti, &påRjåR'tii) /par'wartii/ parwartii˚
('båRtån, båR'tån) /'bartan/ bartan˚ ('bås-ta, bås'taa) /'bastaa/ bastaa˚ (b'Haala, bHa-
'laa) /b'haalaa/ bhaalaa˚ (s‘'mIti) /sa'miti/ samiti˚ (sa'laÅna, &sala'naa) /saa'laanaa/
saalaanaa˚ (så~'Caalån, &så~Ca'lån) /san'caalan/ san£aalan˚ (&HeRap'heeRi, He&Raphe-
'Rii) /heeraap'heerii/ heeraapheerii˘

10.3.2.4. ˛e same stress pattern occurs in inflected and derived words as well:
(&båd-HI'kÚÚ) /badhi'kÚÚ/ badhikõõ˚ (&låg-HU'tåR) /laghu'tar/ laghutar˚ (&ëUCI'tåm) /Su-
ci'tam/ ∞u£itam˚ (mås'leega, &måsle'gaa) /mas'leegaa/ masleegaa˚ ('laapê&ta;, &lapê'taa)
/'laapataa/ laapataa˚ (&gxlI'jaaRa, gx&lIãa'Raa) /gali'jaaraa/ galiyaaraa˚ (pa'gålpån, &pa;-
gål'pån) /paa'galpan/ paagalpan˚ (sUn'dåRta, &sUndåR'taa) /sun'dartaa/ sundartaa˚
(b™H'naapa, &b™Hna'paa, b™&H™na'paa) /bah'naapaa/ bahnaapaa˘
340 a handbook of pronunciation

Among Hindi monosyllables, lexemes bear a stress, even in sentences, while

grammemes (¤ postpositions, conjunctions, auxiliaries, enclitics) are unstressed
or half-stressed: ('åb) /'ab/ ab˚ ('kåm) /'kam/ kam˚ ('kaÅm) /'kaam/ kaam˚ ('∏øR) /'OOr/
aor˚ ('deeë) /'deeS/ dee∞÷ but (ka) /kaa/ kaa˚ (Hì, H™) /híí/ hãq˘

10.3.2.5. Lexemic compounds, normally, have the following stress pattern (' “)
/' “/ (since the second stress, which is generally more attenuated, may sometimes
reach a degree of prominence which is relatively slightly more perceptible than a
secondary stress): (R‘'sooig“Hår) /Ra'sooiig“har/ rasooiighar˚ ('deeënI“ka[a]la) /'deeSni-
“kaalaa/ dee∞nikaalaa˚ ('6Iëj∑“ko[o]ë) /'wiSwa“kooS/ wi∞wakoo∞˚ ('duuRdåR“ëi[i]) /'duur-
dar“Sii/ duurdar∞ii˚ ('dI¬-‚‘“la[a]) /'dilGa“laa/ dilÀalaa˚ ('nImn‘lI“khIt) /'nimnli“khit/
nimnlikhit˚ ('CåndR‘“ka[Å]nta) /'candra“kaantaa/ £andrakaantaa˚ ('CåndR‘“ka[Å]nta-
“sånt‘ti) /'candra“kaantaa“santati/ £andrakaantaasantati.
More: (mê'Haasåb“Ha[a]) /ma'haasab“haa/ mahaasabhaa˚ ('HIndumê“Ha[a]såb-
“Ha[a]) /'HInduma“haasab“haa/ mahaasabhaa˚ ('tuu 'kåRm“Hi[i]M j'jåkti&HÄ) /'tuu
'karm“hiin w'jaktihEE/ tuu karm-hiin wyakti hae˚ ('tuu 'kåRm“Hi[i]«&HÄ) /'tuu 'karm-
“hiinhEE/ tuu karm-hiin hae˚ ('aÅm“ja[Å]m) /'aam“waam/ aam-waam˚ ('kaÅnÚ-
“ka[Å]n) /'kaanÚÚ“kaan/ kaanõõ-kaan˚ ('kåÅm“ka[a]‚) /'kaam“kaaG/ kaam-kaaÀ˚ ('Ä™-
sa“6Ä[™]sa) /'EEsaa“wEEsaa/ aesaa-waesaa˘
Complete reduplications always keep both stresses: ('laal 'laal) /'laal'laal/ laal-
-laal˚ (d'HiiRe d'HiiRe) /d'hiireed'hiiree/ dhiiree-dhiiree˘

10.3.2.6. ˛ere is a di‡erence between compounds and collocations (which

have independent sentence ictuses): ('laalpåg&®i;) /'laalpag#ii/ laal-pagóii çpolice-
manÇ (¤ çred-turbanÇ) and ('laal 'påg-®i, 'laal påg'®ii) /'laal 'pag#ii/ laal pagóii çred
turbanÇ, ('kaala&pani) /'kaalaapaanii/ kaalaa-paanii çpenal colonyÇ (¤ çblack-wa-
terÇ) and ('kaala 'paÅni) /'kaalaa 'paanii/ kaalaa paanii çblack waterÇ, ('mii˛ha&te;l)
/'mii˛haateel/ mii=ha-teel çsesame-oilÇ (¤ çsweet-oilÇ) and ('mii˛ha 'teel) /'mii˛haa
'teel/ mii=ha teel çsweet oilÇ, ('niil&ga;™) /'niilgaaj/ niil-gaay ç(a species of) large an-
telopeÇ (çblue-cowÇ) and ('niil 'gaa™) /'niil 'gaaj/ niil gaay çblue cowÇ.
For contrast, there is emphasis on the marked element (and attenuation on the
second occurrence of the unmarked element): (¿'HIndu"måndIR2 2 ¿'jaa &HIndug£HåR3 3)
/¿'hinduu"mandir÷ ¿'jaa 'hinduug"har./ hinduu-mandir, yaa hinduu-ghar?˚ ('åtmêp-
£Reem2 2 'jaa &a;tmêg£jaÅn3 3) /'atmp"reem÷ 'jaa 'atmg"jaan./ atm-preem, yaa atm-gyaan˘

Intonation

10.3.4. û 10.4 shows the preintonemes and intonemes of the neutral Hindi lan-
guage. We will merely give some illustrative examples, to use for comparisons. Let
us observe that the posttonic syllables of the interrogative ((2 1)) and suspensive
((2 2)) intonemes, which are in the higher parts of the mid and high bands (as will
be clear from û 10.4), are generally accompanied by falsetto (for all kind of voic-
es), which is marked with (Ú) after the intonemes, in phonotonetic transcriptions.
In addition, paraphonically, there is a peculiar type of çIndian voiceÇ, with murur
10. hindi 341

voice §ÿ@ or, in the broadest accents (≠), with tense voice §÷@:
/./: (&mìçHIndi bolçtaa–Hu3 3) /míí'hindii bool'taahuu./ Mãq hindii booltaa h££.
/?/: (¿k'jaa6™h pUs'tåkpå®H R‘'Hii&HÉ21Ú) /¿k'jaawah pus'takpa#h ra'hiihEE?/ Kyaa
wah pustak paóh rahii hae?
/÷/: (‚åb'mì™ ‚ål'dii ‚ål'dii bol'taa&Hu2 2Ú ap'meeRi 'baat n‘'Hii &s‘måCçtee3 3)
/Gab'míí Gal'dii Gal'dii bool'taahuu÷ aap'meerii 'baat na'hii samaGh'tee./ êab
mãq Àaldii-Àaldii booltaa h££, aap meerii baat nahii samaÀhtee.
û 10.4. Hindi preintonemes and intonemes.

/ / (2 2 ç 2 2 ç 2 2 ç 2) /./ (2 ç 3 3)

/¿ / (¿ 2 2 ç 2 2 ç 2 2 ç 2) /?/ (2 ' 2 1)

/¡ / (¡ 2 2 ç 2 2 ç 2 2 ç 2) /÷/ (2 ç 2 2)

/˚ / (˚ 2 2 ç 2 2 ç 2 2 ç 2) /,/ (2 ' 2)

Text

10.4.0. ˛e story †e North Wind and the Sun follows. According to the Pho-
netic method we start with the versions in Hindi pronunciation of (neutral Brit-
ish) English (the written text is given in § 2.5.2.0). ˛e Hindi translation follows,
in its neutral version.
At the end, as always, there is the version which gives the English pronuncia-
tion of Hindi, by neutral British speakers, fluent in Hindi (after prolonged con-
tact with native speakers, but with no help from the phonetic method), who have
adequately learned the relative prominences, but who substantially use segmental
and suprasegmental elements which are typical of neutral British English (for refer-
ence purposes, although, of course, a neutral accent is not so common). Obviously,
the same principle is valid for the foreign pronunciations of English, given first.
Speakers of American English could prepare their own version both of the Hin-
di pronunciation of English and of their pronunciation of Hindi, as an excellent
exercise, by listening to native speakers, best of all after recording them. Of course,
speakers of other languages could do the same thing. ˛e author would be happy
to receive their transcriptions and recordings, both in case of help –should they
need it– and to make their contribution known to others (possibly in our website
on canIPA Natural Phonetics – Ô § 0.12).
342 a handbook of pronunciation

Hindi pronunciation (of English)

10.4.1. (diçn∏Ít '6INÃ2 ™nd‘'sån2 6™ÍÃIsçpãu˛I˙ ç6IC 6øsdås˛çR∏˙–gåÍ3 3| ç6Än e˛'RÄ6-

&låÍ2 çkem ‘'l∏˙2 ìçRÄp ˛Ineç6∏Ím çklok3 3œ| deåg'RiÃ2\ då˛diç6ån HuçååÍ߲ såk'siÃIÃ2 Im-
çmekI˙ dI˛'RÄ6&låÍ2 ç˛ek hIskçlok '∏å2 2Ú| &SUÃ6ikånçsIÃåÍà Is˛£R∏˙gåÍ &dåndiçå–dåÍ3 3||
'dÄn2 diçn∏Ít '6INÃ2 ç6lu2 ås'HaÍÃ2 ™siçkUÃ3 3| &6å˛diçm∏Í Hi6'lu2 2Ú| diçm∏Ík 'los&li2 &ÃIÃ-
dI˛'RÄ6&låÍ2\ çåolà HIskçlok ‘çRåUN&ÃIm3 3| ì&ÄNÃå˛'las˛2œ\ diçn∏Ít '6INÃ2 çge6 çåp di‘-
ç˛Äm˛3 3|| ì'dÄn2œ diçsån çë∏n çåU˛3 3 ìç6∏Ím–li3 3œ| &åNÃI'miÃãå˛&li2\ ˚dI˛çRÄ6låÍ ç˛Uk ç∏å3 3
˚hIskçlok3 3|| ì™n'so2œ diçn∏Ít '6INÃ2 6øså6çlåIë ˛ukåM'åÄs2| &d™˛diçsån3 3 6øsdI߲çR∏˙–gåÍ3 3
ì&å6diç˛u3 3œ||
¿&ÃIëu'låIk21Ú ¿dåß'˛o&Ri2| ¿Ããuç6∏N ˛uçHiRI˛ ‘'gen21Ú|||)

Hindi text

10.4.2. Uttarii hawaa aor suuraÀ is baat par Àhagaó rahee thee ki ham doonõõ
mqq zyaadaa balwaan kaon hae. Itnee mqq garam £oogaa pahnee eek musaafir udhar
aa niklaa. Hawaa aor suuraÀ doonõõ is baat par razii hoo gayee ki doonõõ mqq see
Àoo pahlee musaafir kaa £oogaa utarwaa deegaa wahii zyaadaa balwaan samÀhaa
Àaayeegaa.
Is par uttarii hawaa apnaa puuraa zoor lagaakar £alnee lagii. Leekin wah Àaesee
Àaesee apnaa zoor baóhaatii gayii waesee waesee musaafir apnee badan par £oogee koo
aor bhii zyaadaa kas kar lapee=taa gayaa. Ant mqq hawaa nee apnii koo∞i∞ band kar
dii. Phir suuraÀ teezii kee saath niklaa aor musaafir nee turant apnaa £oogaa utaar
diyaa. Is liyee hawaa koo maannaa paóaa ki un doonõõ mqq suuraÀ hii zyaadaa bal-
waan hae.
Kyaa tumhqq yah kahaanii a££hii lagii? Kyaa phir see sunaa££?

10.4.3. (&Utt‘çRii H‘'6aa2 ç∏øR çsuu–Rå‚2 2Ú| Is'baat2 &påR‚H‘'gå® R‘&Heçthee2 2Ú| ki'Håm
'doÚnÚ&me2| zçjaada bål'6aÅn2| çk∏9n–HÄ3 3|| It'nee&me2| gxçRåm Cooçgaa &pÄHÉçnee2 2Ú|
'eek2 mUçsaa&åIR2 2Ú| Ud'HåR2\ çaa nIkçlaa3 3|| H‘ç6aa2 2Ú| ç∏øR 'suu&Rå‚2| çdoÚnÚ2 2Ú Is'baat2
&påRRaçzii Hogxçjee2 2Ú|| kiçdoÚ&nÚ çmee&se2 2Ú &‚opåHçlee mU'saa&åIR2| &kaCoçgaa3 3| ìUçtåR-
6a deçgaa2 2Úœ|| 6ê'Hii2| zçjaada bål'6aÅn2 såm‚'Haa ‚aãeçgaa3 3||
çIs&påR2 2Ú| ì&Utt‘çRii H‘'6aa2œ åpçnaa çpuuRa 'zooR2 l‘çgaakåR Cålçnee l‘çgii3 3|| 'lee&kIn2|
'6ÄH2 ìç‚Ä™se '‚Ä™&se2 &åpnaçzooR2 2Ú\ bê®çHaati gxçjii2 2Úœ| ç6Ä™se '6Ä™&se2\ mU'saa&åIR2|
ìåpçnee bêçdåm 'påR2œ| çCooge 'koo2| ç∏øR bçHii zçjaada 'kås&kåR2| l‘çpee˛ta gxçjaa3 3||
çånt 'mee2| H‘ç6aÅne çåpni çkoo&ëIë2 2Ú| çbånd kåRçdii3 3|| p'hIR2| 'suu&Rå‚2 teçzii keçsaath
nIkçlaa3 3|| ç∏øR mUçsaaåIR 'nee2| çtURånt çåpna Coçgaa3 3 ìUçtaaR dIçjaa3 3œ| IsçlI&ãe2 2Ú| H‘-
ç6aa koçmaÅnna pê'®aa2| &kiUnçdoÚnÚ çmee2 2Ú| çsuuRå‚ 'Hii2 zçjaada bålç6aÅn–HÄ3 3||
¿çkjaa tUm'Hee2| ¿çjÄh kx'HaÅ&ni2 ¿åC:çhii l‘'gii21Ú| ¿çkjaa phIRçsee sU'naa&u21Ú|||)
10. hindi 343

English pronunciation of Hindi

10.4.4. (&¨TÈ5>I;i hÈ'wA:2 5aÖÈ 's¨È>ÈG32| ¤s'bA;T2 &pA;Gû5gA: &>åhÈ'Th™;I32| khIi5håm

'D‘¨n‘¨&m™In2| zi5A;DÈ bÈı'wA:n2| 'khaÖn&haÙ3 3|| ¤T'n™Im™In2| gû5>åm c‘¨'gA: &pπhÈ-
'n™;I32| 5™Ik mÈ'sA;f¤å32| ¨'DA:2\ 5A: n¤k'lA:3 3|| hÈ'wA:32| 5aÖÈ 's¨È>ÈG2| 'D‘¨n‘¨n32 ¤s'bA;T2 &på-
>È5zI;i &h‘¨gû'j™;I32|| khIi5D‘¨n‘¨n 'm™In&s™I32 &G‘¨pÈ5l™;I mÈ'sA;f¤å2| &khåcû'gA:3 3| ì¨-
5ThA;wû D™I'gA:32œ|| wû'hI;i2| zi5A;DÈ bÈı'wA:n2 såm5GA: GaÙû'gA:3 3||
'¤spA;32| ì&¨TÈ5>I;i hû'wA:2œ åp5nA: 'ph¨È>È 'zø:2 lû5gA;kû cÈı'n™;I lû'gI;i3 3|| 'l™Ik¤n2|
'wA:2 ì5GaÙs™I 'GaÙs™I2 &åpnÈ'zø:32\ bA;5hA;Ti gû'jI;i32œ| 5waÙs™I 'waÙs™I2\ mÈ'sA;f¤å2| ìåp-
5n™;I bÈ'Dåm 'phA:2œ| 5ch‘¨gû 'kh‘;¨2| 5aÖÈ 'bI;i zi'A;Dû 'khåskA;2| lÈ5ph™ITû gû'jA:3 3||
5ånT 'm™;In2| hû5wA;n™I 'åpni 'kh‘¨S¤S32| 5bå˙â kA;'DI;i3 3|| 'ph¤;å2| 's¨È>ÈG2 T™I5zI;i k™I'sA;T
n¤k'lA:3 3|| 5aÖÈ mÈ'sA;f¤È 'n™;I2| 5Th¨È>ÈnT 'åpnA; c‘¨'gA:3 3 ì¨5ThA: di'A:3 3œ| ¤s'lIi™I32| hû-
5wA: k‘¨'mA;nÈ pÈ'>A:2| &khIiÈn5D‘¨n‘¨n 'm™;In32| 5s¨È>ÈG 'hI;i2 zi5A;DÈ bÈı'wA:n&h™I3 3||
¿5khjA: T¨m'h™;In2| ¿5jA: kû'hA;ni2 ¿È5chI;i lû'gI;i21| ¿5khjA: &ph¤È's™;I sÈ'na;Ön21|||)