The Intangible Dimension: from

the museum to the city – the case

of São Paulo
by Ana Aparecida Villanueva Rodrigues

Ana A. V. Rodrigues is an urban planner and architect. She is also a Ph.D. student at Campinas
University (UNICAMP) in Brazil. She has already worked as project manager of cultural
heritage projects at the Museum of the City of São Paulo. Among her publications are ‘A Classe
Operária vai ao Paraı́so’, in the magazine Sarau of the Centre of Memory of UNICAMP in 2004;
and Intervenções Públicas nas Cidades’ in Volume 2 of the Magazine of Architecture and
Urbanism of the State University of Goiás, Brazil, in 2003.

During the CAMOC conference, where we are

seeking to discuss the ‘city museums’ in the world,
I introduced a case-study of the ‘museum of the
city of São Paulo’ to try to contribute to furthering
discussion of the museum–city relation as an
architect and an urbanist, not as a museum studies
professional or a museum curator.

I work at the São Paulo City Hall as the

architect responsible for the management of
several urban intervention works in the historic
centre of São Paulo. I work more particulary with a
programme named ‘Prócentro’, which is financed
by the Inter-American Development Bank, and
includes the restoration of the Marchioness of
Santos’ mansion, the future ‘city museum’.

It is necessary to clarify this reference point

that will guide this article. I will deal mainly with
issues related to the city using architect/urbanist
tools, trying, however, to develop a conceptual
interdisciplinary view. Such positioning is only
possible if we read the city within the principle of a
‘cultural model,’ as defined by Françoise Choay.1

90 ISSN 1350-0775, No. 231 (Vol. 58, No. 3, 2006) ª UNESCO 2006

Published by Blackwell Publishing, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DQ (UK) and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148 (USA)
 The Intangible Dimension: from the museum to the city – the case of São Paulo
ª Ana Aparecida Villanueva Rodrigues
16
16. Front façade of the Marchioness of Santos’ Mansion Museum in
Sao Paulo.
According to Choay, during the twentieth
century urbanism established three great models:
the progressive model, connected to rationalism
and functionalism; the cultural model, considering
issues such as archaeology, museum studies and
cultural heritage; and the naturalist model, from
contact with nature that restores human beings
back to themselves.
In this article, I will try to conceptualize
the city with the knowledge generated by these
three models, although the ‘cultural’ model
remains the axis of my reflection. This model
seems to be indeed the most comprehensive and
appropriate for museum studies discussion.
I will also take into consideration issues of
the intangible dimension, understood as the sensory
universe, to contribute to the idea of the São
Paulo City Museum. Some experiences in the city,
Ana Aparecida Villanueva Rodrigues
including my own, will be reported along with
theoretical conceptions. A number of questions will
guide our reflection on such a museum:
First of all, how can we catalogue the
individual opinions that contribute to determining
an assessment of the city? Secondly, how do we
privilege the emotional awareness of the urban
environment in the museum? Thirdly, how can we
work with the building that houses the museum,
since it is also a ‘cultural document’ made in and
for the city? Fourthly, how do we think of the
urban relation between centre and suburbs, since
the museum is located in a building in the so-
called ‘historic centre’? Starting from the principle
that the collection of a city museum is the city
itself, how to move from the museum to the city?
Lastly, how can we understand the city from both
a contemporary and a historical perspective?
In order to try and answer these questions, I have
divided my article into four parts seeking to move
‘from the museum to the city’.
The Museum of the City of São Paulo
The Historic Museum of São Paulo, located in the
Marchioness of Santos’ mansion, will furnish the
place and collection from which to build a city
museum, according to what is currently
established by the São Paulo Office of Culture
(Secretaria Municipal de Cultura de São Paulo).
The museum was created along with the Secretaria
de Cultura da Prefeitura on 13 January 1975, from
the organization of the Division of Iconography
and Museums (Divisão de Iconografia e Museus)
within the structure of the São Paulo Department
of Historic Heritage (Departamento Municipal de
Patrimônio Histórico).
ISSN 1350-0775, No. 231 (Vol. 58, No. 3, 2006) 91
TAKING A STANCE

The first initiative was the ‘Street Museum’,

whose idea came from Julio Abe Wakahara, using
the extensive collection of existing photographs of
the city, and exhibited in the city itself.2 The idea
was to contribute to the desacralization of the
collection, and to establish a new way of past and
present argumentation with city dynamics.3 This
experience, as well as other policies of the Division
of Museums (Divisão de Museus) that consisted of
decentralizing museums in city neighbourhoods,
led to a project for a ‘city museum’ in 1985. This
project was initially created by Ulpiano T. Bezerra de
Menezes, who proposed, in sum: ‘A city museum
that is neither a mystifying space of the past, nor a
diluter of social contradiction. In order to become

ª Ana Aparecida Villanueva Rodrigues

cultural heritage for all citizens, the museum should
contain everything that has been significant to the
construction and transformation of the city.’4

Such a ‘city museum’ should not rescue a

nostalgic past of the city or impose an order inside
the urban chaos. The intention of the city museum
17
should not be to please the visitor but should address
themes not generally discussed in museums, such as: 17. The transitory monumental – Patriarca Square in Sao Paulo.

urban marginalization, the housing crisis, pollution,

violence, social tension, etc. A free reading of its collection

Discussions around the creation of a
museum of the city of São Paulo continued until
2004, and a project was developed that foresaw
permanent exhibitions around five themes:
territory, population, economy, sociopolitical
movements and sustainability. However, this
museum was not established. The existing
historical museum, located in the Marchioness of
Santos’ mansion, was then proposed, and from its
experience we may discuss what a ‘city museum ‘of’
and a museum ‘for’ the city of São Paulo would be.
The existing collection of this building today
consists of items from different historical periods,
especially photography and indigenous
ethnography. According to museum employees,
visitors are ‘passers-by who enter the place out of
curiosity’, and intermediate-school students. A
comment made by a 14-year-old student, provides
some clues on the dimension of the intangible
which we would like to introduce. Looking at a
marble bathtub in the museum, the teenager said
that it was the place where the Marchioness of

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 The Intangible Dimension: from the museum to the city – the case of São Paulo
Santos bathed with Emperor Don Pedro. His
classmates laughed in a malicious way, typical of
boys of that age. First, it is important to say that we
do not know for sure if the bathtub belonged to
the famous Marchioness of Santos at the beginning
of the nineteenth century; it was found in the
building by the São Paulo Gas Company in the first
decades of the twentieth century, and it is not an
object that strictly contextualizes a certain period
or location, nor is it a ‘factual document’. Secondly,
to understand the student’s comment, it is
necessary to know that Pedro I was the emperor
who claimed independence for Brazil in 1822,
after returning from a visit to the Marchioness of
Santos, who was publicly his lover, which in the
Brazilian imagination is related to male ‘virility’.
It is important to explore how the individual
imagination forms the collective imagination from
an object such as a ‘bathtub’. And also, how
such an object gains significance beyond the
intended meaning of exhibition curators, in an
intangible cultural movement.
The need to answer questions of value and
the preservation of culture brought experts
together at a conference in Nara (Japan) in 1994,
where the ‘Authenticity in Relation to World
Heritage Convention’5 was discussed. Until then,
the criteria used to understand and intervene in
cultural heritage had only the obsolete Venice
Charter (1964) as a parameter.
The ‘Nara Document’ resulted, then, from
the necessity of bringing greater respect for
cultural and heritage diversity to conservation
practice. It enhanced the concepts of the Venice
Charter on one hand, and on the other, responded
to the effect of homogenization created by the
Ana Aparecida Villanueva Rodrigues
ª Ana Aparecida Villanueva Rodrigues
18
18. Bathtub of the Marchioness of Santos’ house Museum in Sao Paulo.
current forces of globalization.6 The ‘Nara
Document’ states that every culture demands
respect and its heritage should be considered
within the cultural contexts to which they belong:
‘All judgements about values attributed to cultural
property as well as the credibility of related
information sources may differ from culture to
culture, and even within the same culture. It is
thus not possible to base judgements of values and
authenticity within fixed criteria.’7
Regarding the ‘bathtub’ of the Marchioness
of Santos’ mansion in the city of São Paulo, one
would look at it differently from the collective
Brazilian imagination, resulting in an immediate
dismissal of the object, because of its non-
characterization as factual ‘document’ or
‘monument’, bearing a scientific, objective truth.
The discussion on collective memory and history
materials took a shift with the ‘New History’ in the
late 1970s.8 According to Jacques le Goff, one of
the early theorists of this discipline, a document is
not innocuous, or naive, it is the result of a
conscious or unconscious meaning of the society
that produced it, and other historic eras, even
though it has remained silent: ‘A document is a
monument. It results from the effort of historic
ISSN 1350-0775, No. 231 (Vol. 58, No. 3, 2006) 93
TAKING A STANCE
societies to impose on the future – voluntarily or
involuntarily – a certain image of themselves.
There is no document truth.’9
Thus, the notion of historical fact was
challenged, and a history of representations was
created which took several forms: the history of
ideologies (which is the history of global
conceptions of society), the history of mentalities
(translated by mental structures common to a
society), the history of the imaginary (which does
not connect to text productions, but to word,
gesture, and image), and the history of the
symbolic (this includes practices, rituals, and
relates to a hidden reality).10
In a museum context, how should the
interpretation of the ‘Marchioness of Santos’
bathtub’ as imagined by the student, be dealt with?
Would it be theoretically contemplated in the
history of the symbolic? Néstor Garcia Canclini’s
work on ritual and heritage, in his analysis of the
National Anthropology Museum in Mexico City,
will be useful for our discussion.11 As Canclini
explains, the museum is a space of rituals and
habits. It contains symbols of identity, objects, and
memories, things that no longer exist, though they
are kept because they allude to origin and
essence.12
Furthermore, according to Canclini, it is
rare that a ritual openly alludes to conflicts
between ethnicity, classes, and groups; thus, the
rite is brought into society as a device to neutralize
heterogeneity. On the other hand, museums
ritualize heritage by organizing facts, and by
approving, in the symbolic world, the differences
established by social inequality, because ‘those who
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do not share the same symbols, rituals, and habits
are the others, the different ones.’13
For the sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu, the
worst opponent of cultural traditionalism ‘is not
the one who does not visit museums, or does not
understand art, but the painter who, when
transgressing heritage, puts the face of an actress
on the Virgin’s face... the baroque-expert musician
who mixes his compositions with jazz and rock.’14
Such hybrid constructions of cultural, erudite and
popular knowledge, found in the joke of the boy
about the bathtub from the museum collection at
the marchioness’ mansion, becomes a space of
transgression, going beyond the symbolic and
being perhaps closer to Bourdieu’s conception,
‘trying to answer the question ‘‘what is an
individual?’’, searching for the possible margins of
freedom that this individual has against social
mechanisms that produce him, while at the same
time, closing him off.’15
The former mansion of the Marchioness of Santos
The Marchioness of Santos’ mansion is located
near the place where the city of São Paulo was
founded. The mansion was preserved because it is
one of the only remaining examples of eighteenth-
century urban architecture in São Paulo, built with
a typical and traditional São Paulo building
technique, the taipa de pilão. Maria Domitila de
Castro e Mello, the Marchioness of Santos, bought
the building in 1867, and transferred it to her son,
Commander Felı́cio Pinto de Mendonça e Castro.
In 1880, the property was acquired by the
Administrative District, and a neo-classical façade
was added. The São Paulo Gas Company bought it
in 1909 for use as its office until 1982 when the São
 The Intangible Dimension: from the museum to the city – the case of São Paulo
Paulo City Hall took it over to house the city
history museum. In 1991, the mansion was
restored, but it still needs structural interventions,
and new restoration has been planned in the
framework of the Prócentro city-centre
rehabilitation programme, financed by the Inter-
American Development Bank.
During the 1991 intervention, the criteria
used were the preservation of every historical
period the building has gone through, according to
the 1964 Venice Charter, thus creating overlapping
historical environments. Such restoration favours
the maintenance of historical periods on the
property itself. It is the ‘historical value’
overlapping the ‘aesthetic value’, according to the
theory of value conceptions by Aloı̈s Rı̈egl and
Cesari Brandi.16
The Prócentro urban rehabilitation programme
The new ongoing restoration project of the
Marchioness of Santos’ mansion is part of the
central area rehabilitation programme, Prócentro,
whose general objective is ‘to promote economic
and social development with diversity in central
São Paulo. The purpose is to spur development and
create conditions that will attract and support
activities compatible with the metropolitan central
area, fostering urban renewal, environmental
remediation, and social mainstreaming.’17
Some considerations on central and
suburban concepts in São Paulo are useful to
understand and contextualize the museum location.
The concept of ‘centre’ is complex: the reality of
developing countries does not always adapt to
traditional urban theories. The case of São Paulo,
Ana Aparecida Villanueva Rodrigues
and the inclusion of the museum in this context,
requires specific considerations. The Sé and
República districts of São Paulo are considered the
‘historic core’ of the central area, with an extensive
financial system, public services (mainly legal),
retail and wholesale commerce. In the 1950s, the
city centre started being divided into two parts: the
south-western part, close to the municipal theatre,
which is the wealthy area, featuring shops,
restaurants, offices, and even mansions close to São
Luis Street and the ‘old centre’, which is a more
popular area. The so-called ‘decadence’ or
‘deterioration’ of central São Paulo is related to the
exodus of high- and middle-income classes, in the
1960s and 1970s. With the departure of the middle
class, street vendors and low-income populations
moved to this area. In the 1980s and 1990s, higher
social classes expanded in a circumference around
neighbourhoods close to the centre (currently called
‘expanded centre’,) because the area had benefited
from road improvements, such as tunnel, road,
and highway construction, causing a migration of
important economic activities towards the south-
western area.18 As a result, the ‘historic centre’
became secondary to the ‘expanded centre’, thus
inverting the centre-suburbs relationship. This
analysis infers that a location has no vitality if high-
income populations are absent, and that the city
centre suffers an ‘ageing’, detrimental, process of
‘decadence’. But is it correct to say that the centre
lacks vitality and that the area should be revitalized?
The historical and social dimension of the city
Understanding the generating and transforming
process of a city has been privileged by some city
planners and despised by others. Le Corbusier,
in 1933, in his famous Athens Charter, proposed
ISSN 1350-0775, No. 231 (Vol. 58, No. 3, 2006) 95
TAKING A STANCE
the demolition of housing sites and the
preservation of great monuments in the historical
city. In 1909, Camillo Sitte, a critic of Le Corbusier
and of functionalism, was trying to value the city
through artistic principles, understanding the
process of their historical formation. Sitte’s thought
was later sanctioned by Giulio Garlo Argan,
who demonstrated that the architect-urbanist’s
function in a city is related to the decision of
preservation projects. For Argan: ‘Planning
projects is preserving and transmitting!’ Because
when existing properties are preserved, we are
preserving what is valuable, attributing a meaning
different from the original. The space of the
contemporary city cannot be separated from its
past. For Stella Bresciani: ‘Cities bear overlapping
layers of material waste: architectural elements,
monuments or streets. Seldom maintained in
their integrity, they survive in the form of
fragments, residue from other times, material
support for memory, past memories written in the
present.’19
Today, São Paulo has a fragmented
memory. It was physically rebuilt three times in
approximately 100 years, and ideologically
‘constructed’ to accept this reality. However, it is
on the location of the foundation of the city that
the headquarters of the museum will be
established. It is there that the existing memory
layers once again become sacred, reinforcing their
vocation of ‘historic centre’. ‘Centre’ in this
context, however, means something different from
the social view introduced earlier.
São Paulo was the most industrialized
region in Brazil in the 1950s, receiving a huge
migratory influx, added to the absence of a public
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policy for urban development. This situation has
generated enormous instability in several layers of
the population. In 1970, the State of São Paulo was
responsible for 58.2 per cent of the industrial
production value in Brazil, and the capital city was
responsible for approximately 15 per cent.
Currently, the city is responsible for about 9 per
cent of the country’s industrial production, a
percentage more significant than any other state in
the nation. The city is home to great industrial and
financial groups, and is the largest metropolis in
South America, called a World City; it is also
the main industrial centre in the country due to the
dynamics of its tertiary sector. Consequently, the
city growth and development assume endless
proportions. Today, the municipality of São Paulo
has the largest population in Brazil, and is the third
most populated in the world.
With the globalization process, São Paulo
has focused competitively on industrial activity
and technological advance. As a natural result,
unemployment and informal employment have
grown, thus increasing criminality and social
deterioration in the city. That is, the dynamics
generated by fast growth in the 1950s and 1960s
add up to the dynamics of a ‘new São Paulo’ which
tries to meet the needs of a ‘Global City.’20 The São
Paulo metropolitan area is made up of six
regions: ABC, Moji das Cruzes, Guarulhos, Franco
da Rocha, Osasco, and Taboão da Serra. Road
planning towards micro-regions, confined within a
100 km diameter, from central São Paulo, also
induces growth, expanding the suburban
limits.These micro-regions are: Campinas, São José
dos Campos, Jundiaı́, Sorocaba, and Santos. These
suburbs have reached the city limits. Half the
population of São Paulo lives on the outskirts of
 The Intangible Dimension: from the museum to the city – the case of São Paulo
the city, close to the environmental areas that were
previously rural areas. Since the beginning of the
1990s, the suburbs have no more space to expand,
generating water supply and air quality control
problems for the whole municipality. The
Metropolitan Area along with the micro-regions
has an approximate population of 24 million, a
population that circulates around the historic
centre and could, consequently, pass by the former
Marchioness of Santos’ mansion. The target-
audience of the museum may be drawn upon the
understanding of such dynamics.
The intangible dimension of the city
In Brazil, preservation of intangible heritage was
first recognized in 1996. A recent decree, dated 12
April 2006, aims at promulgating the UNESCO
Convention for Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural
Heritage.21 Several intangible cultural properties
have already been listed since the 1996 decree. An
organized event presents the diversity of this theme
and how it is reinterpreted in the popular
imagination. This experience was reported by the
architect, Victor Hugo Mori, a technician who
works at the Institute of National History Heritage
(Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico Nacional).
Acarajé, a typical food from the state of Bahia, and
a result of the African heritage in Brazil, has been
listed as an intangible cultural heritage item. In
2005, there was a large out-door party in the city of
São Paulo, at Paulista Avenue, one of the main
economic areas of the city, to celebrate the victory
of a football team. The City Hall had prohibited
street vendors from selling their products and, on
this celebration day, there was a lady wearing a
typical costume from Bahia, trying to sell acarajé,
even though it was not allowed. When the police
Ana Aparecida Villanueva Rodrigues
providing security for the event and monitoring
the street vendors saw the lady from Bahia, they
remembered a TV programme promoting acarajé
as historical heritage and worthy of being
protected. They immediately offered to ‘protect’
the lady, considered as a personification of the
national historical heritage, and they allowed her
to be the only street vendor admitted at the event.
The lady from Bahia, while knowing very little
about intangible heritage issues, requested
permission from the Institute of National Artistic
and Historical Heritage to participate in every
event in the city of São Paulo. This
‘misunderstanding’ or ‘inability’ to use the citizen’s
own tools to decode reality has an internal
correspondence: his/her own inner universe of
desires that is also often remote.22 Thinking of how
these citizens will recognize themselves or
appropriate a city such as São Paulo as their own,
and how to think of a ‘museum of (for) the city’,
one cannot ignore the territory of subjectivity and
its sensible apprehension. Anne Coquelin, in her
work, Essai de Philosophie Urbaine23, claims that
those memories that make up a city are always
changing forms and become necessary elements of
the mixing operation, by which condensations of
time and displacements that cause sensible
changes in the city awareness, reach us. Thus,
according to Coquelin, urban matter is formed by a
leading wire of opinion, as a changing memory
transmitter, transporting pieces of both historical
and personal memories. The construction of the
‘sensible city’ and its identity, such as Alain
Corbin24 explains, goes beyond its materiality and
includes the sensory appreciation through its
sounds, odours and movement, by mainly the
feeling that exceeds the limits of such perceptive
apprehension, and that can only be partial,
ISSN 1350-0775, No. 231 (Vol. 58, No. 3, 2006) 97
TAKING A STANCE
momentary, and determined by specific space
practices. Each individual who experiences the city
plays his or her own setting with the daily scenes,
according to their perceptive habits, sensible
culture, anxiety and concerns, their more or less
strict submission to nostalgia and to imaginary
fascination.25
The return to the museum
In this proposal, extrapolating the limits of the
museum interior becomes the fundamental step
to evisaging a ‘museum for the city’. Museum
studies professionals have already proposed ideas
towards a ‘non-museum attitude’ for their
collections, such as, for example, setting the pieces
within their original contexts (though such
contexts may also be museum-related). This
conception is in accordance with the assumptions
of intangible property preservation set forth in the
Nara Document. It is not a matter of banning
objects from museum collections, monuments, or
city facilities. Propositions to break with the
past were already made by modern architects and
city planners at the beginning of the twentieth
century. These were criticized, as Argan
summarizes:
Although the urbanism professional does not plan
to preserve anything, his/her projects to preserve those
ideas by which the concept of not preserving anything and
changing everything was formed. Whoever really believes that
the city of tomorrow will be completely, radically different
from the past and current city (which, after all, would mean a
city totally deprived of memory), and whoever actually
wanted it to be this way, could only conceive one project: the
total, absolute destruction of the world. Unfortunately, this
project exists, but the atomic bomb was not invented by city
planners.
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The aspect of intangible, which I believe to
be intriguing is that of the imaginary at play
concerning the ‘Marchioness of Santos’ bathtub’
and the acarajé of the street vendor from Bahia, in
search for a possible space of freedom. How do we
deal with this issue in a museum sense? I believe
the answer is only possible within a
multidisciplinary view, which will perhaps be
elaborated during the CAMOC Conference.
I maintain the reflection, showing only my
analysis using architectural tools, for it is the
mediation between the inner and outer spaces,
between the museum and the city, between the
tangible and intangible, an intermediate extraction
between interior and exterior, as in Deleuze’s
words: ‘Exterior and interior are relative and they
only exist by their changes thanks to the excerpt
that correlates them.’26 The building itself should
contain an intangible, multiple freedom space,
with no meanings, with no functional
manipulation, a space of Proustian oblivion, a
space of absence. As Jacques Derrida says, ‘Absence
is the soul of question’.27 Absence in the
architectural space opposes the universalism and
unitary thinking of modern architecture, where
space should influence people’s lives, and ‘form
should follow function’. Igor Guatelli28, in his
study on the application of the Derridian concept
in architecture, explains that absences are capable
of producing presences, not to show ways, not to
solve conflicts, not to guarantee, but as a space
creation with previous destinations, spaces for the
production of unpredicted meanings, which will
take place through their constant re-meanings, as
experienced in the space of the ‘museum of the
city’ in Campinas, before becoming a museum.
 The Intangible Dimension: from the museum to the city – the case of São Paulo
Ana Aparecida Villanueva Rodrigues

NOTES 17. Texto base de consolidação da proposta global de revisão do

Procéntro, November, 2005.

1. Choay, Françoise (1992) O urbanismo em questão, Editora Perspectiva,
São Paulo.
2. Bruno, Maria Cristina Oliveira. (2004) A Musealização em São Paulo: os
caminhos interpretativos da cidade. Expedição São Paulo 450 anos, uma
viagem por dentro da metrópole - museu da cidade de São Paulo,
Secretaria Municipal de Cultura e Instituto de Polı́ticas Públicas Florestan
Fernandes, São Paulo, p. 29.
18. Comin, Álvaro A. (2004) Caminhos para o Centro: Estratégias de
desenvolvimento para a região central de São Paulo, Empresa Municipal
de Urbanização – EMURB, São Paulo.
19. Bresciani, Maria Stella. Imagens de São Paulo, Estética e Cidadania.
20. Meyer, Regina Maria Prosperi; Grostein, Marta Dora; Biderman, Ciro.
(2004) SP Metrópole, Editora EDUSP.

3. Ibid. 21. Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico Artı́stico Nacional (IPHAN), Decree

No. 5753, 12 April 2006.
4. Menezes, Ulpiano T. Bezerra de. (1985) O Museu na Cidade X A Cidade
no Museu. Para uma abordagem histórica dos museus de cidade. Revista 22. Freire, Cristina (1997) Além dos Mapas:os monumentos no imaginário
Brasileira de História, 5 (8/9), São Paulo, p. 197. urbano contemporâneo, SESC:Annablume, São Paulo.

5. The Nara Document on Authenticity, http://www.international.icomos. 23. Coquelin, Anne (1982) Essai de Philosophie Urbaine, PUF, Paris, in
org/naradoc_eng.htm. Bresciane, Maria Stella, As sete portas da cidade. Revista Espaço e
Debates, No. 34, São Paulo, 1991, p. 13.
6. Ibid.

24. Corbin, Alain. (1998) Do Limousin às culturas sensı́veis. In: Rioux,
7. Ibid. Jean-Pierre & Sirinelli, Jean-François, Para uma nova História Cultural.
Estampa, Coleçao Nova História, Vol. 34, São Paulo, p. 108.
8. Einaudi Encyclopedia.

25. Ibid., p. 107.

9. Le Goff, Jacques (2003) História e Memória. Editora UNICAMP,
Campinas, pp. 537–8. 26. Deleuze, Mil Platôs, Vol. 1, p. 64.

10. Ibid., p. 11. 27. Derrida, Jacques. (1995) A escritura e a diferença. Editora Perspectiva,
São Paulo, p. 59.
11. Canclini, Néstor Garcia.

28. Guatelli, Igor. (2006) A marquise do Parque Ibirapuera e manifestação

12. Ibid., p. 191. do conceito derridiano entre: arquitetura como suporte de ações. São
Paulo: Revista Vitruvius. Arquitextos 070; webite at http://www.vitruvius.
13. Ibid., pp. 190–3.

14. Bourdieu, Pierre. (2003) O mercado de bens simbólicos, in Figueiredo,

Juliane, Memoria, Felipe & Santos, Ailton, Puc Rio de Janeiro, Programa
de Mestrado em Design.

15. Ibid.

16. Brandi, Cesari.

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