RELIGION AND ANTI-COMMUNISM: THE CASE OF

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH

Francois H o u t a r t

In view of t h e p h e n o m e n o n of a bipolar division between a 'free world'

and a 'socialist world', it seems a p p r o p r i a t e to examine t h e role played
by religion in general and by Christianity in particular. This is of course
a vast question and c a n n o t be dealt with exhaustively here, circumstances
vary considerably and t h e positions of those involved are often contra-
dictory. All we can do here is to m a k e s o m e general theoretical c o m m e n t s
and t h e n look at a n u m b e r of c o n c r e t e examples, all of which concern t h e
R o m a n Catholic Church.

Theoretical Considerations
A Marxist analysis of t h e p h e n o m e n o n of religion brings o u t t h e
ambivalence of its social functions. It is at once an expression of t h e
protests of t h e lower classes and a sublimation of an order which sanctions
social inequality. It offers an illusory solution to certain emancipation
m o v e m e n t s and is, at t h e same t i m e , a source of c o m m i t m e n t to liberation.
As an institution, it is c o n n e c t e d with oppressive powers, b u t it can also
give rise to a vigorous and p r o p h e t i c denunciation of injustice. It is at
times difficult to say precisely what we are dealing with w h e n we talk
about religion, and we therefore need to m a k e an historical and dialectical
analysis.
In t h e current situation, t h e Church has no one line, even though
certain tendencies seem to be d o m i n a n t . In so far as it comprises a n u m b e r
of different representations of t h e world, religion itself is 'an ideal part of
t h e real'. It is, in o t h e r words, one of t h e elements which enter into t h e
construction of social relations, classes and, therefore, t h e class struggle.
This applies at t h e level of belief, t h a t of symbolic expressions and ethics,
and at t h e organizational level: at t h e level of t h e churches themselves.
T h e c o n t e x t , of course, varies considerably. In s o m e countries on t h e
periphery of Western capitalism, social relations are still read in terms of
religious codes, t h o u g h this is b e c o m i n g increasingly rare. On t h e o t h e r
hand, almost all p r e d o m i n a n t l y agrarian societies live their relationship
with n a t u r e in t e r m s of t h e religious representations and practices which
provide t h e m with their main form of p r o t e c t i o n . Religious beliefs can
also be found in industrialized capitalist countries, b u t here t h e y are no
longer b o u n d up w i t h representations of m a n ' s relationship with n a t u r e or
349
 350 THE SOCIALIST REGISTER 1 9 8 4

of social relations. T h e y are in fact convictions as to t h e origins and

destiny of m a n and t h e universe, and have a wide range of different
c o n n o t a t i o n s , b o t h for sections of t h e bourgeoisie, for t h e intellectuals, for
t h e working class and for t h e so-called middle classes.
All this suggests t h a t t h e religious factor m a y play a m o r e i m p o r t a n t
role in t h e dynamics of society t h a n s o m e people are prepared to admit.
In itself, t h e religious factor is ambivalent. We readily associate religion
w i t h right-wing regimes: t h e Catholicism of Marcos or Pinochet and
Reagan's Christianity immediately c o m e to m i n d . Certain religious values
can be used to sanction repressive or imperialist policies. On t h e o t h e r
hand, m a n y revolutionaries in Central America, t h e Philippines and
S o u t h e r n Africa find their Christianity a source of c o m m i t m e n t to t h e
liberation struggle.
In t e r m s of anti-Communism, it is n o t , t h e n , surprising to find t h a t
religion has m o r e t h a n one function. This is certainly t r u e of Catholicism.
In order to gain a better u n d e r s t a n d i n g of w h a t is at stake, we will first
look at differences on t h e theoretical level, concentrating u p o n t h e religious
and t h e materialist c o n c e p t i o n s of history. We will then examine t h e
question of social ethics and, finally, t h e problem of t h e religious institution
and its a u t o n o m o u s space. T h e second section of this study will look at a
n u m b e r of concrete practices.

1. Oppositions at the theoretical level

Historically speaking, socialism developed within the framework of a
philosophy and is therefore incompatible with religion at t h e theoretical
level. T h a t incompatibility is a constant source of hostility.

A. Religion and Historical Materialism

T h e assertion t h a t any practice is rooted in a philosophical position,
which is in itself an idealist position, m e a n s t h a t t h e divide b e t w e e n
historical materialism and religious belief is total. Within t h e framework
of historical materialism it is obviously easy to argue for t h e rejection of
any given praxis or analysis. T h e argument goes as follows: a class analysis
m e a n s a Marxist analysis and as such is obviously b o u n d up with Marxist
p h i l o s o p h y , which is based u p o n atheism. It is on this basis t h a t Latin
American liberation theology, which is based—explicitly or implicitly—
u p o n a Marxist analysis of Latin American society has been challenged
and even c o n d e m n e d . This also explains w h y it is t h a t Christians w h o join
Marxist-influenced social, political and revolutionary organizations find
themselves marginalized. Whilst such analyses and such c o m m i t m e n t s are
n o t u n p r o b l e m a t i c , t h e a t t i t u d e described above does imply starting o u t
from an idea or a philosophy rather t h a n from social relations. T h e
question of w h a t is u n d e r s t o o d by social reality and of w h e t h e r a reading
of social reality in terms of conflict is, in fact, t h e most a d e q u a t e means
 RELIGION & ANTI-COMMUNISM 351

to represent it, simply does n o t arise. T h e result is a polarization which

goes far b e y o n d t h e philosophical level and which has effects at t h e level
of practice.
This t e n d e n c y b e c o m e s even m o r e m a r k e d w h e n a political p a r t y or
regime a d o p t s historical materialism as a reference or platform. In such
cases, t h e opposition b e t w e e n religion and historical materialism becomes
a balance of p o w e r which finds expression in institutional policies and in
t h e mobilization of t h e social base in s u p p o r t of those policies.
Marxist-influenced political formations and social m o v e m e n t s often
t a k e this a t t i t u d e . In t h e o r y , t h e religious p r o b l e m is a conclusion and n o t
a starting point for a praxis or an analysis, b u t w h e n t h e terms of t h e
e q u a t i o n are inverted, t h e struggle against religion and t h e marginalization
of believers b e c o m e s a political object which produces t h e same reactions
and t h e same divisions as before.

B. Social Ethics
All religions, and particularly Christianity, have elaborated a system of
social ethics based u p o n religious convictions. T h e evangelical basis of
Christianity can, for example, lead to a d e m a n d for justice for t h e p o o r
and hence to a c o n d e m n a t i o n of oppression. A n y ethical construct is,
however, mediated through a representation of t h e social. In certain
precapitalist societies, social relations were explained and legitimized in
religious terms, and their concept of ethics derived from t h e n o t i o n of a
divinely ordained social order. With t h e development of market-based
societies and t h e capitalist m o d e of p r o d u c t i o n , this kind of representation
became obsolete, and m o r e elaborate social doctrines were developed,
notably by t h e Catholic Church.
T h e Church's social doctrine is d e t e r m i n e d by a reading of t h e most
i m m e d i a t e aspects of social reality, namely inter-human social relations.
Society is seen as a sum of interpersonal relations. Marxist t h o u g h t , how-
ever, m a r k s a qualitative leap in social analysis. This new reading takes in
social structures as well as interpersonal relations and insists that structures
are m o r e t h a n t h e sum t o t a l of relations. It concentrates u p o n t h e
significant links b e t w e e n t h e elements t h a t m a k e up social relations. In a
class structure, those elements are necessarily antagonistic.
In t e r m s of t h e first reading of social reality, which has traditionally
provided t h e basis for t h e Church's social doctrine, t h e immediate respon-
sibility of t h e individual is quite obvious. This leads almost automatically
to a call to change reality. Reality is perceived as being unjust and oppress-
ive, and an appeal is therefore addressed to t h e individual consciences of
social actors. T h e rich and powerful are urged to be generous, and the
poor and the oppressed are urged to be m o r e patient in their a t t e m p t s to
change society.
All this is very logical, as t h e starting point is a refusal to read social
 352 THE SOCIALIST REGISTER 1 9 8 4

reality in t e r m s of class antagonisms and class struggle. Given t h a t this

reading itself is based u p o n interpersonal relations, all struggles and
antagonisms are immediately transposed to t h a t register and therefore
b e c o m e u n a c c e p t a b l e to those w h o preach fraternity and love of one's
fellow m a n in t h e n a m e of religious values. T h e same starting p o i n t can
also lead to a confusion b e t w e e n m e a n s and ends. T h e end is t h e con-
struction of a just, fraternal society, and class collaboration becomes
t h e m e a n s to obtain t h a t end, which is defined as t h e c o m m o n good. T h e
vast majority of religious groups take this view. It is found in a highly
developed form in t h e social doctrine of t h e Catholic Church, b u t it also
forms t h e basis of, say, Greek O r t h o d o x t h o u g h t . In addition, it forms
2
t h e ethical basis of t h e major religions' views on p e a c e .
T h e result is, t h e n , a theoretical basis for opposition to any form of
social ethics which is elaborated in terms of a structural analysis of classes.
O n e of t h e most typical of these ethical constructs is J o h n Paul II's
encyclical Laborem Exercens (on labour). Social reality is read in t e r m s of
a stratification and n o t a structure, and t h e encyclical therefore remains
at t h e level of description rather t h a n analysis. T h e n o t i o n of a fair wage
is, for instance, invoked w i t h o u t any reference to surplus value, surplus
labour or socially necessary labour. Capitalism and socialism are described
primarily as reflections of e c o n o m i c ideas and as reducing m a n either to a
c o m m o d i t y or to a mere object of economic relations. As a result, b o t h
systems are criticised in t e r m s of the ideas and ideologies on which t h e y
are based. In t e r m s of an ethics based u p o n interpersonal relations, social-
ism is u n a c c e p t a b l e because it is based u p o n t h e idea of class struggle,
3
whereas capitalism is amenable to i m p r o v e m e n t s .

C. The Place of the Religious Institution

T h e i m p o r t a n c e of organization varies from religion to religion. As befits a
Church which developed u n d e r t h e R o m a n Empire and which was
strengthened by feudal society, Catholicism is, from a juridical p o i n t of
view, t h e most highly developed form of religion. T h e Second Vatican
Council modified its organization to some e x t e n t , b u t it is still a very
hierarchical system. Its m o d e of institutionalization requires considerable
material resources for t h e training of personnel and for t h e u p k e e p of
places of worship, religious education and regional and international
communications.
Since t h e fragmentation of Christendom and t h e development of t h e
capitalist system, Catholicism has d o n e m o r e t h a n any o t h e r branch of
t h e Christian Church to develop a n e t w o r k of institutions in t h e fields of
education, culture and health. Despite t h e p o w e r struggles of t h e
nineteenth and t w e n t i e t h centuries, these institutions did develop within
t h e framework of liberal capitalist society. Catholicism was only a threat
to t h e emergent bourgeoisie in so far as it was b o u n d up with t h e ideo-
 RELIGION & ANTI-COMMUNISM 353

logical position of t h e landed aristocracy. With t h e birth of a new class

e n e m y and t h e emergence of a new structure of social relations, religious
institutions were able to b e c o m e t h e allies of t h e bourgeoisie, even if they
were at times critical allies.
T h e fact t h a t it is t h e capitalist system t h a t gives religious institutions
most space can be explained in terms of t h e o r y : religious beliefs and their
expressions are no longer essential to t h e r e p r o d u c t i o n of social relations.
T h e y are still useful, b u t t h e new relations of p r o d u c t i o n are explained
and legitimized in t e r m s of a socially-based ideology rather t h a n by
recourse to t h e supernatural (a divinely ordained order), as t h e y were in
feudal society.
During t h e transition to socialism, however, t h e institutional space
allotted to t h e churches is reduced for a variety of reasons. On t h e one
hand, t h e state takes over t h e organization of health, educational and
cultural n e t w o r k s in order to extend t h e m to t h e whole p o p u l a t i o n . On
the o t h e r , t h e transition is a difficult period in which ideological mobiliza-
tion m a y take t h e form of constraint. Finally, t h e social space required
for t h e a u t o n o m y of religious institutions is defined b o t h by t h e specific
religious m o d e l in question and by t h e degree of social rigidity deemed
necessary for t h e transition to socialism.
T h e religious sources of anti-Communism have, t h e n , deep theoretical
roots and are n o t simply a m a t t e r of tactics. But it would be a mistake to
conclude t h a t t h e a t t i t u d e s of t h e churches and institutionalized religions
are absolutely m o n o l i t h i c . On t h e c o n t r a r y , large n u m b e r s of Christians
and even certain m e m b e r s of t h e clergy accept t h e social analysis develop-
ed by Marxism and use it as a m e a n s to formulate an ethic. This is true
b o t h of t h e liberation theology which has emerged in certain Third World
countries and of those intellectuals or believers w h o are involved in social,
labour or revolutionary struggles. Even within t h e institutional church
itself, t h e r e are those w h o argue for a less hierarchical view of evangeliza-
tion and for a new definition of social space. T h e 'Basic C o m m u n i t i e s ' of
Latin America, t h e Philippines and S o u t h e r n Africa are one such e x a m p l e .

2. The Influence of Church Practices

What, in t h e present conjuncture, can t h e practices of t h e Christian
churches and of t h e Catholic Church in particular do to further t h e con-
frontation b e t w e e n t h e Western world and t h e socialist world or, on t h e
o t h e r hand, to help to demystify t h e t e n d e n c y to present it as a conflict
between good and evil? In o r d e r to answer this question, we will look at
a n u m b e r of ecclesiastical practices within t h e R o m a n Catholic Church.
If we wish to reach any conclusions a b o u t t h e practices of t h e Church,
we have first to m a k e a distinction b e t w e e n a n u m b e r of different sectors.
We will look first at t h e p r o d u c t i o n of values, which in b o t h t h e Catholic
Church and every other religious institution, are defined in t e r m s of a
 354 THE SOCIALIST REGISTER 1 9 8 4

reference to t h e supernatural. We will, t h e n , consider t h e institutional

practices which r e p r o d u c e either t h e institution itself or its relations with
other institutions in society, n o t a b l y t h e state and social m o v e m e n t s .
Finally, we will look at t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n of t h e church. Its constituents
are socially diverse and, to some e x t e n t , have their own base in religiously-
based social m o v e m e n t s and religious m o v e m e n t s . We will use these
criteria to identify a n u m b e r of different practices.

A. The Production of Values

This is obviously a vast topic and has to be approached selectively. We will
look first at how church d o c u m e n t s represent Marxism and then at a very
specific issue in social ethics: nuclear w e a p o n s . Finally, we will e x a m i n e
t h e Church authorities' a t t i t u d e t o w a r d s liberation theology, which is
itself productive of certain values.

(i) The Image of Marxism

T h e majority of Church d o c u m e n t s begin their discussion of Marxism by
describing its philosophy and its critique of religion, b u t t h e description
itself is often simplistic or even caricatural. Official d o c u m e n t s rarely give
a succinct account of t h e various positions Marx and Engels a d o p t e d with
regard to religion and t h e y do n o t situate those positions in terms of t h e
historicity of their p r o d u c t i o n . It is of course t r u e t h a t t h e same failing
is apparent in a lot of Marxist readings. Church d o c u m e n t s , however, tend
to caricature Marxist positions in order to criticise t h e m m o r e easily.
T h e F r e n c h bishops, for instance, outlined their views of relations between
Christians and Marxists in a d o c u m e n t published on J u n e 30th 1977. T h e y
n o t e t h e fact t h a t m a n y Christians share with Marxists a critical view of
society and of social c o m m i t m e n t . But t h e y then argue t h a t Marxism
w a n t s to have a m o n o p o l y on social change and therefore leads to totalita-
rianism and to t h e rejection of pluralism. T h e y also claim t h a t it excludes
all classes o t h e r t h a n t h e proletariat. This, according to t h e bishops, m e a n s
t h a t m a n is reduced to being a reflection of relations of e c o n o m i c pro-
d u c t i o n . Man is, t h a t is, subordinated to a new ruling group and t h e road
to totalitarianism lies open.
T h e French bishops accuse Marxism of defining individual conscious-
ness simply as ' t h e ephemeral appearance of a m o m e n t in a collective
consciousness'. As for t h e Marxist view of religion, t h e y recall t h a t in
Marxist terms, religion is destined to disappear and t h a t any believer w h o
works with Marxists is therefore w o r k i n g for his o w n destruction. Finally,
historical materialism's claim to scientificity is severely criticised and
rejected as unacceptable.
T h e b i s h o p s ' presentation of Marxism's c o n c e p t i o n of m a n , its explana-
tion of society and its a t t i t u d e to religion is extremely reductive and
confuses theoretical positions with t h e political positions of Marxist-
 RELIGION & ANTI-COMMUNISM 355

based m o v e m e n t s .
In contrast, t h e d o c u m e n t extols t h e values of Christianity w i t h o u t ever
m a k i n g any allusion to t h e actual practices of t h e Church in specific
historical circumstances or to those of Christians w h o hold power. Even
t h o u g h t h e m o d e r a t e t o n e of t h e d o c u m e n t marks a d e p a r t u r e from earlier
c o n d e m n a t i o n s of Marxism it still relies u p o n facile comparisons which
inevitably sing t h e praises of Christianity and c o n d e m n Marxism as
intrinsically evil.
In most of t h e d o c u m e n t s published by t h e Episcopal Council of Latin
America (CELAM), Marxism is usually discussed in t e r m s of 'ideology'.
In his inaugural address to CELAM's eighteenth Ordinary General Meeting
in 1 9 8 1 , Mgr. Lopez Trujillo d e n o u n c e d 'the ideological use of t h e tools of
Marxist analysis, which goes against t h e a u t h o r i t y of t h e C h u r c h ' and t h e n
added, ' H o w can CELAM remain silent?. . . t h e structure of t h e Church is
being t h r e a t e n e d by t h e indiscriminate—I would even go so far as to say
unscientific—use of an analysis which is now one h u n d r e d and fifty years
old, even t h o u g h it is presented as something n e w . ' In his r e p o r t to t h e
CELAM meeting held in Port-au-Prince, t h e Council's new president,
Mgr. Q u a r r a c i n o , described t h e use of Marxism as an 'ideological manipula-
tion'.
T h e d o c u m e n t s issued by t h e Congregation of t h e Doctrine of Faith
(formerly k n o w n as t h e Holy Office) are no m o r e explicit. We have already
referred to certain papal s t a t e m e n t s . If we n o w look at s o m e of t h e
speeches m a d e by J o h n Paul II during his travels, we find allusions n o t
only to Marxism's atheist philosophy, b u t also to its reduction of man to
labour power, to a t h e o r y of class struggle which is incompatible with t h e
Christian concept of loving one's fellow m a n and which is simply an
expression of collective egotism. (Speech to t h e peasants of Panama,
1983.) We are, t h e n , dealing with an ideological struggle in which each
side takes a reductive view of its o p p o n e n t ' s views. T h e object is to assert
t h e superiority of a religious view of t h e meaning of life, m a n and t h e
universe t h a t is denied by Marxism.
Such positions are n o t , however, universally accepted by all religious
groups or, indeed, within t h e Catholic Church itself. Although m o s t senior
c h u r c h m e n speak to their congregations in very simplistic terms, s o m e do
m a k e certain distinctions. Thus, Cardinal Aloisio Lorscheider, Archbishop
of Forteleza (Brazil) and President of t h e Brazilian Conference of Bishops,
has no hesitations about taking a s o m e w h a t different view. In an interview
published in his diocesan newsletter he remarks: 'When I hear people
claiming t h a t the Church is being infiltrated by Marxism, I ask t h e m w h a t
t h e y understand by Marxism. Usually, I get no answer. . . Many people
w h o talk about Marxism do n o t m e a n Marxist philosophy, b u t Marxist
analysis [which is] an a t t e m p t to u n d e r s t a n d t h e society in which we live.'
T h e distinction b e t w e e n philosophy and analysis, which s o m e Marxists
 356 THE SOCIALIST REGISTER 1 9 8 4

would reject, means that Christians do n o t have to reject Marxism's social

analysis and its political project along with its atheism.
It has to be r e m e m b e r e d t h a t in his encyclical Pacern in terris, J o h n
XXIII takes a very novel position. Although he insists t h a t no Christian
can accept an atheist philosophy, he also makes a distinction between
theories on t h e one hand and t h e groups and m o v e m e n t s which convey
those theories on t h e other. He t h u s establishes a basis for a dialogue by
opening up new possibilities. Although a n u m b e r of doors have been
closed since the pontificate of J o h n XXIII, similar views can still be
found a m o n g those w h o work seriously at systematizing religious values.
This is particularly t r u e of Latin American Catholics and African Protest-
ants w h o are involved in liberation theology. Liberation theology begins
by analysing oppression and t h e liberating message of t h e gospel. Because
it m a k e s a scientific analysis of society and of t h e practices of t h e struggles
of t h e oppressed, it sees Marxism as part of an a t t e m p t to emancipate
m a n k i n d . T h e Christians concerned are involved in t h e struggles of t h e
oppressed and base their theological reflections u p o n them.

(ii) The Ethics of Nuclear Weapons

The American bishops' views on nuclear war are expressed in their collect-
ive letter of 1 9 8 3 . Given t h e nature of the East-West confrontation, it is of
considerable interest to look at the views of t h e bishops of one of t h e
superpowers. Their position is very clear. T h e y unequivocally c o n d e m n
b o t h nuclear war and any deliberate decision to m a k e a first strike, even
on a limited scale. They are, however, rather less clear w h e n it comes to
t h e question of deterrence, b u t t h e y do state that deterrence must n o t
be used as a means to gain superiority. T h e bishops' position is, t h e n , in
conflict with US nuclear policy, particularly as t h e y do n o t p o r t r a y the
e n e m y as 'absolutely evil'. President Reagan's views on t h e m a t t e r are
well k n o w n .
Some of t h e bishops take their criticisms of Reagan's arms policy even
further. T w o bishops in t h e state of M o n t a n a have stated their opposition
to t h e MX p r o g r a m m e . T h e bishop of Amarillo, Texas has c o n d e m n e d
Pantex, t h e firm building t h e n e u t r o n b o m b , and has asked Catholics to
look elsewhere for w o r k . Mgr. Flanagan, t h e bishop of Worcester (Mass.),
is in favour of unilateral disarmament, and Mgr. Hunthauser, t h e bishop
of Seattle, has stated that he will withhold part of his taxes as a protest
against t h e increase in nuclear weapons.
T h e American bishops have t h u s taken a qualified view of t h e nuclear
w e a p o n s issue, b u t their c o u n t e r p a r t s in F r a n c e do n o t appear to be taking
t h e same line. In their s t a t e m e n t of 8th November 1 9 8 3 , they c o n d e m n
t h e use of nuclear w e a p o n s , b u t t h e y also ask: 'Does t h e fact t h a t their use
is immoral imply t h a t t h e nuclear threat itself is immoral? T h e answer is
not self-evident.' T h e d o c u m e n t implies t h a t t h e Soviet bloc is obviously
 RELIGION & ANTI-COMMUNISM 357

aggressive and t h a t t h e existence of t h e nuclear threat is therefore justified.

T h e bishops claim t h a t their a t t i t u d e is logical because 'A dialogue is
blocked and sterile. . . superficial and false. . . when certain of the parties
involved are n u r t u r e d u p o n ideologies which deny t h e dignity of h u m a n
beings.' T h e y even go so far as to claim t h a t an increased level of deter-
rence is justified bv ' t h e domineering and aggressive n a t u r e of Marxist-
Leninist ideology'. T h e y add, finally, that 'theoretical materialism is using
people's desire for peace. . . to c o n q u e r the world.'
It is, t h e n , quite clear t h a t t h e French bishops are helping to p r o m o t e
anti-Communist and anti-Soviet views and that, in the present conjuncture,
t h e y are objectively making a contribution to Western policy. T h e point
has n o t gone u n n o t i c e d in NATO circles. In an article published in the
NATO Review, Portugal's representative to NATO states t h a t there is no
contradiction between NATO policies and the Church's position on
nuclear deterrence: 'It is impossible to c o n d e m n nuclear deterrence in t h e
same moral terms t h a t one would use to c o n d e m n the possible use of
nuclear w e a p o n s . ' In a reference to t h e position of certain churches he
4
adds, 'Morally, t h e emphasis is strongly on d e t e r r e n c e . '

(iii) Disapproval of progressive views within the Church

In recent m o n t h s , progressive views within t h e Church have c o m e u n d e r
fairly systematic attack. T h e main targets have been liberation theology
and w h a t has been t e r m e d t h e Popular Church in Latin America. As we
have already n o t e d , liberation theology is an a t t e m p t to re-think theology
and to go b e y o n d social ethics. It begins with the position of the oppressed
and re-reads t h e Gospel from t h e point of view of t h e poor. Their situation
is not simply described in t e r m s of its effects, b u t analysed in t e r m s of its
causes. Liberation theology therefore touches u p o n our c o n c e p t i o n of t h e
role of Christ in h u m a n history, t h e salvation of m a n k i n d , our c o n c e p t i o n
of the Church and its role, and evangelization itself. It has much in
c o m m o n with m a n y liberation m o v e m e n t s and with t h e views of the
many Christians w h o are personally involved in social struggles.
In Latin America, t h e Philippines and certain parts of Africa t h e Church
has developed into a new c o m m u n i t y of believers. In Brazil, over one
hundred t h o u s a n d people now belong to 'basic c o m m u n i t i e s ' , and similar
communities have played an i m p o r t a n t role in establishing t h e social bases
for revolutionary m o v e m e n t s in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala.
New religious roles have been developed ( c o m m u n i t y leaders, spokes-
men), and laymen and l a y w o m e n , peasants and w o r k e r s have b e c o m e
directly involved in evangelical and pastoral w o r k . Some sections of the
Catholic hierarchy—certainly J o h n Paul II himself—regard this develop-
m e n t , which m e a n s m u c h m o r e t h a n decentralization, as a threat to t h e
unity of t h e Church.
Warnings have been issued and administrative measures have been t a k e n
358 THE SOCIALIST REGISTER 1984

against the basic communities, and some of their positions have been
condemned.
Liberation theology has been accused of using Marxist m e t h o d s of
analysis. In his inaugural address to t h e CELAM Conference in Puebla,
J o h n Paul II stated that a distinction has to be m a d e between 'Christian
liberation' and 'forms of liberation based u p o n ideologies which destroy
t h e evangelical vision of m a n , t h e world and history'. In his letter of
29th J u n e 1982 to t h e bishops of Nicaragua and in his sermon of 4th
March 1 9 8 3 , he strongly c o n d e m n s all forms of Church organization
which are n o t subject to t h e a u t h o r i t y of the bishops.
Although these declarations and measures do n o t refer directly to t h e
confrontation between t h e socio-economic systems represented by t h e
t w o superpowers, powers, their implications can only increase t h e
distance between t h e m and thereby escalate t h e confrontation.

Institutional Practices
In t e r m s of institutional practices, a distinction has to be m a d e between
institutional reproduction and relations with o t h e r institutions in society.

(a) Institutional Reproduction

The Italian bishops' s t a t e m e n t of 15th December 1975 provides a clear
illustration of what is at stake in institutional r e p r o d u c t i o n . They firmly
reject t h e possibility of any alliance with t h e C o m m u n i s t Party, n o t only
because t h e Party is atheist, b u t because any such alliance would threaten
t h e Vatican's concordat with the Italian government as well as Christian
institutions in t h e fields of health, education and culture. They are, in
o t h e r words, concerned to defend t h e Church's institutions and are afraid
that t h e social space allotted to those institutions might be restricted,
T h e d o c u m e n t even goes so far as to c o n d e m n those Christians w h o
ally themselves with Marxists on the grounds t h a t they are damaging 'the
hierarchical and organic c o m m u n i t y of t h e Church'. It then refers to t h e
internal reforms taking place within the Christian Democratic Party and
argues against any political collaboration with t h e C o m m u n i s t Party. This
was of course t h e period w h e n t h e PCI was proposing its 'historic com-
promise'.
What is at stake is t h e problem of institutional r e p r o d u c t i o n . In order
to safeguard that r e p r o d u c t i o n , the bishops ally themselves with a political
system which is intrinsically b o u n d up with t h e capitalist organization of
society, with its integration into t h e e c o n o m y of the West and with
policies which are quite clearly dominated by t h e United States.
T h e very explicit position taken by t h e Italian bishops is not, of course,
shared by all their colleagues. T h e vast majority of t h e world's bishops do,
however, hold broadly similar views. In t h a t sense, t h e Belgian bishops'
positions on the economic crisis, immigrant workers and nuclear w e a p o n s
 RELIGION & ANTI-COMMUNISM 359

are typical. In all three cases, they stress t h e seriousness of the problem,
t h e unacceptability of certain inequalities and the injustice that does exist
in society, b u t t h e y end up by taking inter-class reformist positions t h a t
pose little threat to t h e structure of t h e capitalist system.

(b) Relations with Socialist States and Revolutionary Movements

T h e question of relations with t h e socialist states and with revolutionary
m o v e m e n t s is extremely complex. We will therefore restrict our discussion
to t h e main issues, to J o h n Paul II's views and to a brief examination of
w h a t might be t e r m e d the Vatican's Ostpolitik.

(i) The Position of John Paul II

Certain c o m m e n t a t o r s stress t h e fact t h a t J o h n Paul II appears to have
taken very different positions w h e n speaking in Latin America and w h e n
speaking in Poland. There is in fact a very logical connection between t h e
two. A l t h o u g h t h e style is somewhat restrained, it transpires quite clearly
from his writings that in terms of b o t h their philosophical positions and
their political practice, Marxism and t h e C o m m u n i s t regimes are t h e main
enemies of t h e Catholic Church. Where, however, Marxist regimes are in
power, as in Poland, he r e c o m m e n d s that t h e y be given de facto recog-
nition, despite their differences with t h e Church. J o h n Paul II's aim
appears to be to arrive at a m o d u s vivendi which will give t h e Church the
greatest possible institutional power in any given society. In institutional
terms his logic is eminently coherent.
This is w h y t h e Church in Poland may well be opposed to the regime
in power b u t is still willing to t o n e down its opposition and refuses to
support Solidarity's m o r e advanced positions. It also explains w h y t h e
Pope urged Vietnamese Catholics to take part in the reconstruction of
their c o u n t r y in t h e message he sent t h e m when he visited the Far East
in April 1984.
But where ongoing social and political struggles might bring a Marxist
regime to power, t h e entire institutional strength of the Church is mobilized
to prevent t h a t eventuality becoming a reality. This is t h e real meaning
of t h e difference b e t w e e n t h e message J o h n Paul II t o o k to Nicaragua and
t h a t contained in t h e speeches he m a d e during his visits to various Third
World countries. He cannot be criticised for n o t denouncing injustice—he
clearly does so at every possible opportunity—but his denunciations are
always t e m p e r e d by a very severe warning as to t h e dangers of Marxist
alternatives.
T h e Church has to display great institutional, doctrinal, ethical and
organizational unity in its dealings with b o t h Socialist states and revo-
lutionary m o v e m e n t s . T h a t is w h y t h e Pope stresses these different points
and translates t h e m into Church policy. He does so firmly b u t with
sufficient subtlety not to have caused any spectacular rifts in Catholic
 360 THE SOCIALIST REGISTER 1 9 8 4

ranks. It should be r e m e m b e r e d that it is because of his intervention at t h e

Second Vatican Council t h a t Gaudium et Spes, which deals with t h e
Church in t h e world, contains no direct c o n d e m n a t i o n of C o m m u n i s m .
In t h e present circumstances, such an attitude could of course easily
be translated into t h e terms of an East-West c o n f r o n t a t i o n . This is obvious
from Reagan's eagerness to establish diplomatic relations with t h e Vatican
and to meet J o h n Paul II in Alaska; from t h e contacts established b e t w e e n
t h e Vice-President and o t h e r senior US officials and R o m e in t h e period
leading up to t h e Pope's visit to Latin America; and from Foreign Minister
Leo T i n d e r m a n ' s exploitation of incidents t h a t occurred during t h e papal
visit to Managua to justify Belgium's refusal to c o o p e r a t e with Nicaragua.
There are m a n y other similar examples. It c a n n o t be denied t h a t a n u m b e r
of c h u r c h m e n and even senior figures in t h e Vatican sometimes have a
direct hand in this subtle d i p l o m a c y . But it also has to be accepted that
t h e y have for t h e m o s t part refused to b e c o m e involved in a theological
argument and, unlike Reagan, have n o t described t h e Soviet e n e m y as
'satanic'.

(ii) The Vatican's Ostpolitik

An excellent s u m m a r y of t h e Vatican's Ostpolitik will be found in Dennis
5
J. D u n n ' s recent article. D u n n describes t h e history of t h e Vatican's
relations with t h e socialist countries since t h e 1917 Revolution. He points
o u t t h a t t h e Vatican organized relief for t h e p o p u l a t i o n of t h e Soviet
Union during t h e great famine and t h a t , whilst Pius XII's encyclical does
c o n d e m n C o m m u n i s m and its international expansion in strong terms, t h e
Pope also c o n d e m n e d fascism shortly before it was w r i t t e n .
It was, however, only after t h e Second World War t h a t a coherent
policy t o w a r d s t h e socialist countries developed. T h e history of t h e last
forty years reveals b o t h a definite c o n t i n u i t y in terms of underlying
attitudes and a n u m b e r of changes at t h e practical level.
T h e emergence of m o r e socialist countries in E u r o p e was perceived as a
direct threat to t h e institution of t h e Church. T h e Church a d o p t e d a
hostile a t t i t u d e and t h e socialist countries t o o k measures against t h e
Church and sometimes against religion itself. Outside Europe, t h e Vatican
saw t h e process of decolonization and t h e increase in Marxist-inspired
revolutionary movements—not to m e n t i o n t h e fact t h a t whole countries
like China were going over to Communism—as a basic threat to t h e Church
and its mission w o r k . It was in this c o n t e x t that new Western alliances
culminated in t h e f o r m a t i o n of N A T O , t h a t a series of religious conflicts
b r o k e o u t in t h e East, and that Pius XII a d o p t e d a hard line t o w a r d s
C o m m u n i s m and t h e socialist countries. T h e dialectic of c o n f r o n t a t i o n
was present at every level, b o t h theoretical and practical.
T h e pontificate of J o h n XXIII marked a very definite change at t h e
level of practice. T h e Pope w a n t e d to build a bridge, b o t h in order to
 RELIGION & ANTI-COMMUNISM 361

arrive at a m o d u s vivendi between Church and State in the East and to t r y

to open up a dialogue at the personal level by, for instance, receiving
Khrushchev's son-in-law. He t h u s m a d e a certain c o n t r i b u t i o n to t h e
d e v e l o p m e n t of d e t e n t e . It will be recalled t h a t he offered to act as a
m e d i a t o r in t h e Cuban crisis. He also tried to c o n t r i b u t e to the institution-
al r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e Church in t h e social countries.
Paul VI followed a similar policy and, although he t o o k a harder line
at t h e theoretical level, he did accept that a m o d u s vivendi was t h e best
way to p r o m o t e peace and stability in Europe.
T h e problem of episcopal a p p o i n t m e n t s in t h e various Eastern bloc
countries was resolved; bishops were a p p o i n t e d in Hungary in 1 9 6 4 , in
Yugoslavia in 1966 and in Czechoslovakia in 1 9 7 2 . Monsignor Casaroli
was t h e architect behind these successes. Diplomatic relations b e t w e e n
Cuba and the Vatican were never b r o k e n off and for m a n y years t h e
Cuban ambassador was t h e d o y e n of t h e Vatican diplomatic corps. Rela-
tions with Yugoslavia were re-established at the beginning of t h e seventies.
The Soviet Union has displayed a certain m o d e r a t i o n in its a t t i t u d e
towards t h e Vatican, n o t least because it is well aware of t h e influence
that t h e Catholic Church can bring to bear over t h e question of peace.
It has accepted t h e need for a m o d u s vivendi with Catholics living in
Soviet territory, especially in Lithuania. T h e Vatican's Ostpolitik has
often been harshly attacked by conservative religious groups and by
right-wing political parties alike. T h e y claim t h a t t h e Vatican has m a d e
too m a n y concessions in exchange for minimal institutional advantages
and for t h e a p p o i n t m e n t of bishops w h o take an ambivalent view of
Communist regimes.
T h e election of J o h n Paul II did n o t h i n g to change t h e overall line of
t h e Vatican's policies, even though he himself came from a socialist
c o u n t r y . He has insisted on negotiating from a position of strength, b u t
he has k e p t t h e dialogue going. A n d , as D u n n , points o u t , it is n o t a
naive dialogue.

(iii) Social Movements Based upon Religion and Anti-Communist Religious

Movements
There are, within b o t h t h e Catholic and t h e Protestant churches, a n u m b e r
of groups and organizations which see anti-Communism as an i m p o r t a n t
part of their doctrine or even as their doctrinal basis. It would be pointless
to list t h e m all, and to do so w o u l d p r o b a b l y exaggerate their i m p o r t a n c e .
Some of t h e m o v e m e n t s which provide s u p p o r t for t h e Church in socialist
countries c o m e into this category. There have been reviews and o t h e r
publications, b u t m o s t of these m o v e m e n t s have lost w h a t strength t h e y
once h a d . It is m o r e i m p o r t a n t to n o t e t h a t organizations like O p u s Dei,
which c o m b i n e religious fundamentalism with right-wing, or even e x t r e m e
right-wing political views, still receive e n c o u r a g e m e n t and institutional
362 THE SOCIALIST REGISTER 1 9 8 4

support from the Vatican. Such organizations naturally p r o m o t e con-

frontational ideas and practices and m a y even be showing t h e w a y for
t h e policies of t h e future.
There are of course also m o v e m e n t s like Pax Christi, whose position
on t h e arms race and East-West relations reflect those of t h e m o d e r n peace
m o v e m e n t ; and t h e Catholic d e v e l o p m e n t and cooperative organizations
which, despite t h e policies of their respective governments, c o n t i n u e to
finance projects in countries such as Vietnam, M o z a m b i q u e , Angola,
Cambodia and Nicaragua.
All this only goes to show t h a t t h e Catholic Church is n o t a m o n o l i t h
and t h a t t h e line t a k e n by its leaders is n o t always followed by
its m e m b e r s .

Conclusions
As an institution, t h e Catholic Church is, t h e n , opposed to Marxism. T h a t
is only to be expected in t h a t it is a religious institution which is founded
u p o n faith in God. When, however, its anti-Marxism is used as a political
argument, t h e Church itself takes on a political c o m p l e x i o n . As in m a n y
o t h e r areas, t h e only way forward is for believers and unbelievers alike to
a d o p t t h e same social analysis and to leave t h e philosophical question
open. T h e inflexibility of official positions in t h e field of social analysis
and political projects is an expression of t h e amalgam we have been
discussing. T h e positions a d o p t e d by m a n y religious authorities are in-
flexible and, to p u t it mildly, unscientific, and t h e y can lead directly to
t h e use or even t h e manipulation of religion to worsen t h e conflict
b e t w e e n East and West.
In t e r m s of its concrete practices, however, t h e Church has n o t b e c o m e
involved in t h e logic of confrontation to any great extent. T h a t it has
n o t d o n e so is a reflection of its institutional interests; after all, t h e Church
is also present in socialist countries. F r o m t h a t p o i n t of view, it can to a
certain e x t e n t b e c o m e a source of m o d e r a t i o n .
In t e r m s of t h e emancipation of exploited classes and of t h e peoples
of t h e Third World, it is far from certain t h a t t h e Catholic Church's
a t t i t u d e , which is closely b o u n d up with b o t h an idealist definition of
theological o r t h o d o x y and t h e defence of its o w n institutional interests,
does correspond to t h e dynamics of t h e Gospel, which calls for t h e
defence and liberation of t h e poor. A n y real fidelity to those objectives
would obviously imply a fundamental revision of b o t h t h e Church's
thinking and its practice. Indeed, it implies such a fundamental revision
t h a t certain parties are n o t prepared to take t h e risks involved.
 RELIGION & ANTI-COMMUNISM 363

NOTES

1. The expression is used by Maurice Godelier in his L'Ideel et le materiel,

(Fayard: Paris, 1984).
2. This also applies to the World Conference for Religions and Peace. Cf. F. Houtart
and G. Lemercinier, Religions and Peace-Analysis of the Statements and of the
Members' Opinions of the World Conference for Religions and Peace, CRSR,
Universite Catholique de Louvain, Louvain-La-Nenvre, 1 9 8 4 .
3. F. Houtart, 'Laborem Exercens. Reflexions sur ses logiques theoriques et
concretes', paper read to the Marx Colloquim, Vrije Universiteit van Brussel,
1983.
4. Jose Manuel P. de Villas-Boas, 'Les Perceptions publiques et la moralite
nucleaire', Revue de I'OTAN, Vol. 32, no. 2, April 1 9 8 4 , p. 18.
5. Dennis J. Dunn, 'The Vatican Ostpolitik', Journal of International Affairs,
Vol. 36, no. 2, Fall-Winter 1 9 8 2 / 8 3 .

Translated by David Macey