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Sanford1991 PDF
Sanford1991 PDF
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Tachikawa-ryu
Since few Tachikawa texts survivedthe purges of orthodox opponents of
medievaltimes,muchof thehistoryof thisschool mustbe reconstructed from
theinconsistent and unsympathetic assertionsof thesesame opponents.There
is, therefore,a greatdeal of uncertaintyabout both the beginningsand the
evolutionof themovement.Nevertheless, if we followthestandardstorywith
some caution,we can discernroughlythreephases of Tachikawadevelopment.
The firstperiodlasted fromabout 1100 to 1250, fromthe school's putative
inceptionin 1113 to the eventualwidespreadacceptanceof its teachingsall
along the marginsof the mikkyomovement.The pricipalfigurehereis sup-
posedlythe ShingonmonkNinkan LVi, d. 1114,who towardtheend of 1113
managedto geton thewrongside of an imperialsuccessiondisputeand was, as
a consequence,banished to Izu.4 While in Izu, Ninkan joined forceswitha
yin-yang master(onmyoii-7Th) fromMusashino TachikawacalledKenrenX
X, and together thesetwo createda synthetic fusionof esotericBuddhismand
Taoism thatcame to be knownas the Tachikawa-ryui. In 1114 Ninkanthrew
himselfoffa cliffin a protestsuicide and it fellto his partner,Kenren,and
other followersto propagate furtherthe mysteriesof theirbudding move-
ment.5Chief among the tenetsof the Tachikawa school was the equation of
2 Mikkyo ?M, or 'secret teachings', pri- untilhispoliticalmisstepa personof somecon-
marilyrefersto the Shingon (Tomitsu Ag) sequence.
and Tendai (Taimitsu#>I+W) sects,althoughby I WhetherNinkanactuallyput togetherthe
extensionitis also possibleto speak of mikkyo wholeTachikawasystemin thefewmonthsbe-
aspects of otherschools. tweenexileand suicidemaybe calledintoques-
3 The English usage here has no Japanese tion. At a minimumhe would have had to
counterpart.The Japanese usually call this drawon ideas alreadyin theair-if indeedhis
ritual the Izuna-ho &MM, or 'ritual from entireconnectionwith the Tachikawa-ryfi is
Izuna'. But this termis confusingsince it is not simplyapocryphal.
used to cover severalquite diverserituals. Kushida Ryoko E ShingonMikkyo
4 Ninkan fz2 was the youngerbrotherof SeiritsuKatei no KenkyiuA W;t A)R 0i Rf
Shokaku *A, founderof Sambo-in,and thus I, Sankibo Busshorin,1979, pp. 334-36.
Juho Y6jinshu
The textbeginswithan anonymouspreface,writtenin classical Chinese and
dated the 27th day, NinthMonth, Bun'ei 9 (1272). This prefaceintroduces
Shinjo as a knowledgeableman withan importantmessage.
The remainderof the textis dividedinto two parts,each of whichfollows
fairlycloselythestandardmondo r, or question-and-answer, formatfound
in manyBuddhisttexts.As in most such cases, we should presumethatthe
questioneris a literarycreation,a foilset up by theauthoras a pretextto pre-
senthis own 'answering'views.Here he is giventhepersonaof an uninformed
and namelessnovicewho is seekingstraightanswersto difficult questionsfrom
an older and wiserhead-that is, fromShinjo himself.
The firstquestion that this innocentraises is a query about the contents
and status of the 'Three Inner Sutras'.10 He understandsthat these works
'hold that fornicationand meat-eatingconstitutethe innercore of Shingon
teachings,'and that theyprescribea special ritualby whichthe officiant will
receivethedirectaid of itshonzon tm;11theseblessingswillcome in theform
of wealth,social position,knowledge,and magicalpowers(siddhi).
Shinjo respondsthathe is, in fact,intimately acquaintedwiththesematters
throughhis long yearsof wide-ranging studyof Shingonmysteries.Most of
thesestudies,he allows, have been quite conventional,but evenby thetender
age of twenty-five he had alreadyencounteredand copied some of 'the inner
textsof one of theTachikawa sub-schools';and bytheage of thirty-six he had
gaineda muchdeeperknowledgeof themas a resultof meetinga monknamed
)
Koamidabutsu L fA.12
Then, in the summerof 1250, when I was thirty-six, a monk named Ko-
amidabutsuof Shinzenkojiin Akasaka in the provinceof Echizen came to our
hermitage.He stayedsome littlewhile,dailymakingpilgrimageshereand there,
and afterwe had become familiarwithhis eruditionand discussedhis way of
performing rituals,we asked himfora lectureon theBodaishin-ron.13Some four
of the bodhicitta
or fivedays later,afterwe had receiveda basic understanding
of Wisdom and the bodhicittaof Compassion, Koamidabutsuleft.
10 Many Tachikawa texts refer to 'The I The termmost commonlyrefersto the
Three Sutras and One Commentary'(sangyo main imageof a sanctuary,but hereindicates
ichiron ) that allegedlysupporttheir the object of specificritualperformance.
views.Whilevarioustextsare indicatedas the 12 The factthatKoamidabutsuhas an ami-
Three and One, the most commonlycited set go PJJqy-'name suggestsconnectionswiththe
consists of Rishu-kyo ffibff(T 243, trans- Koya hijirim movement.
lation by Amoghavajra), Yugi-kyo C f (T 13 The originaltextis attributedto Nagar-
867, translation by Vajrabodhi), Hokyoin juna and providedmajor supportforKuikai's
Darani-kyo ~RgN)t (T 1022, transla- doctrineof Bodily Buddhahood. Bodhicitta
tion by Amoghavajra), and Bodaishin-ron = (J. bodaishin)is boththeaspirationto and the
I,I (T 1665, translationby Amoghavajra). innatepotentiality forbuddhahood.
Part Two
Shinjo beginsthesecondpartwitha meditationon good and evilpersons,and
notes thateven the good can be led astrayby bad teachings.
Then thereare those naturallygood men fromwhomwe mightexpectmoral
behavior.Theyhave heardthis[heresy]is thecore teachingof theesoterictradi-
tion and, believingthat to be true,practicethe ritual.For the sake of leading
suchmenout of heresyand back to thetrueDharma, I wrotethefirstpartof this
textas a guide to my fellows.
But, aftermyworkreceivedunexpectedly wide circulation,some readershave
made variouscommentssuch as, 'Because thisriteis the secretof secrets,it is a
pityto see it revealedin thistext.' Otherscomplain,'He keeps the actual ritual
a secretforhimself.'Or, 'Because the detailsof the ritualhave not been trans-
mittedto him, he does not understandits deepermeaningsand thuswritesthis
criticalexposition.'
I feltupsetbecause such statements mightgiveriseto depravity.And so I now
feelthatI mustpresentan authoritative account of the riteand outlinethe con-
tents of the secretoral transmissions.I thereforeintendto keep nothingto
myself,but will tell it all. I will begin withthe secretoral transmission'sown
descriptionof the ritual.
Allegingthathis accountis 'onlyabout one-hundredth of thewhole', Shinjo
proceeds to describein detail the Skull Ritual itself,an expositionwithheld
when he had circulatedthe firstpart of his text. Since almost all of the
Tachikawa textswere eventuallydestroyedby Shingonorthodoxy,thislong,
almostethnographicaccountis of unique value and provideswhatmaybe the
mostfullydevelopedepitomeof left-handedtantrain East Asia. It also opens
up some seriousquestionsabout thetransmission of suchideas. The conflation
in
of necromanticas wellas eroticelements whatis at leasta purportedly prac-
tical ritual,would seem to put the Skull Ritual in a separatecategoryeven
frommost othersurvivingTachikawa literature;it makes it appear close in
styleto the most radical Anuttarayogatantrasof Indo-TibetanVajrayana,
such as the Hevajra Tantra and the Candamaharosana Tantra.19Thus the
Skull Ritualis importantnot onlyforthewayin whichit opens up our under-
standingof the limitsof Japanesereligiosity,but also forthe way it suggests
19 D. L. Snellgrove,The Hevajra Tantra:A tra, AmericanOrientalSociety,New Haven,
CriticalStudy, Oxford U.P., 1959; Christo- 1974.
pher S. George, The Candamaharo?ana Tan-
Asia. Consider Herodotus's account of the 31 The Yoni Tantra, Sothis-Weirdglow &
Issedones (a tribelocated somewhereeast of Svecchacara, Seattle, no author, no pagina-
the Scythians). tion, no translatornamed. I am indebtedto
'The dead man's head, however,theygild, Dwight Tkatschow, Universityof Toronto,
~~~'W I
An Edo-periodTachikawamandalafromSangaiIsshinki
36
A,A, thesixgeneralcategoriesof rebirth.
De Visser, 'The Fox and Badger', esp. pp. sound virtuallyidenticalto Japanesefolktales
105-29. about seductionsby foxwomen.Here too is a
My colleague Eva K. Dargyayhas outlined potential historical connection that would
forme the plots of some Tibetan folk stories bear some close study.
about seductionsof humanmenby dcakinTthat
38 Henry Serruys,'Offering of the Fox: A Manuscriptof the "Offeringof the Fox" ', in
ShamanisticText from Ordos', in Zentral- zs, 12, 1978,pp. 7-34.
asiatischeStudien [zs], 4, 1970, pp. 311-25; If we assumethatyakan, the Japaneseterm
Charles R. Bawden, 'The "Offeringof the for 'jackal', is a loan, unegenwould seem,at
Fox" Again', in zs 10, 1976, pp. 439-73; firsthearingat least,to be a morelikelysource
Walter Heissig, 'Zur Morphologie der than the usually suggested Sanskrit term,
'Fuchsopfer": Gebete', in zs 10, 1970, pp. s.rgala.
475-519; and Charles R. Bawden, 'An Oirat
Conclusion
Shinjo's descriptionof the Skull Ritual raises a numberof issues that more
conventionalworks,whichtreatmainstreamaspects of JapaneseBuddhism,
seldomillustrate.In thefirstplace, in spiteof its formallymarginalstatus,this
rite provides an instructiveexample of just how extraordinarily tangled
Japanesereligion'on the ground' can get-in contrastto the neat lines that
bothsectarianand academicscholarshave oftentendedto draw.It forcesus to
take a much broader,if less certain,contextualview than is usuallythe case.
In this regard it doubtless stands as representative of a numberof other
ideologies,cults,and practicesthat,because of theirlack of anchoragein some
safesectarianharbor,tendto rideunrecognized,virtually invisible,in thebud-
dhalogicaloffing.
In a somewhatsimilarfashion,Shinjo's workopens the suggestivepossibi-
lityof unfamiliar,butperhapsfairlydirect,linksbetweenJapanesemikkyoand
39 Naisho P1E. This compoundis the stan- interiorcan be used to supportthe themesof
dard Shingon term for enlightenment.Its both embodiednessand secrecy.
implicationthat enlightenmentis something