Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Contents
vii
9780230_241503_01_Pre 19/08/2011 15:08 Page viii
viii Contents
4 Environmental Security 72
Dean Coldicott and Thomas O’Brien
Introduction 72
Environmental security of the state 73
Ecological security 77
The environment-conflict nexus 79
Environment and human security 82
Securitization and governance 84
Conclusion 86
Glossary of key concepts 87
Questions for discussion 87
Further reading 88
5 Human Security 89
J. Peter Burgess and Jonas Gräns
Introduction 89
The concept of human security 90
Key conceptual and theoretical debates around human
security 93
Understanding the security in human security 95
Human security in practice 96
Conclusion 101
Glossary of key concepts 103
Questions for discussion 103
Further reading 103
Contents ix
x Contents
Contents xi
Bibliography 330
Index 356
9780230_241503_02_Ch1 19/08/2011 15:12 Page 1
Chapter 1
The study of security has been transformed by two major events – the
end of the Cold War and the terrorist attacks on the United States in
2001. These events have forced a major rethink about the basic
assumptions underlying security studies. At stake are some of the key
concepts in security studies, in particular, and international relations,
in general: security, power, conflict and the nation state. During the
Cold War academic theorizing about international conflict had been
dominated by bipolarity and the dangers of great power conflict.
Academics and policy makers alike sought to explain, and predict, all
forms of conflict within the international ‘system’ through the lens of
the bipolar superpower conflict between the United States and the
Soviet Union.
With the demise of the Cold War, new concepts of security that
addressed not only the military realities of the contemporary world but
also the political, economic and social realities were developed. On the
military side questions raised by traditional inter-state rivalry – nuclear
strategy, deterrence, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and
the future nature of war – continued to prevail. Added to these,
however, were debates concerning the theoretical foundations of
1
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2 Craig A. Snyder
4 Craig A. Snyder
War. This has also been described as national security studies because it
was generally Americans studying American security (see, Garnett,
1987: 7). One of the distinctive elements of strategic studies has been
its focus on military strategy. As an academic discipline the early focus
was on how wars start, how they can be avoided, or if not avoidable,
then fought in the most efficient manner possible (Farrell, 2010: 1). To
this end, the focus of traditional strategic studies has been the military
means that actors in the international system employ to gain their
political objectives or ends. While states are the principal actors in the
international system, due primarily to their command over the over-
whelming bulk of military power, non-state actors, such as terrorists,
separatists or national liberation movements are also included.
However, that these non-state actors are usually involved in an attempt
either to gain control of an existing state, or to create a new state,
underscores the pre-eminence of states (Buzan, 1987: 3).
Nevertheless, just what is strategy? The traditional view is that
strategy involves the use or the threat of the use of force in interna-
tional relations. Therefore, strategic studies is about how the instru-
ments of force influence the relations between states.
Alongside the American dominated strategic studies a ‘British’ or
‘English’ School evolved that looked at a wider range of issues under
the name security studies. Security studies came to the fore in the
1980s and early 1990s as a response to the militaristic focus of
strategic studies. Security studies and strategic studies differ not in their
basic assumptions about how the world works but in what we consider
security threats.
As has been mentioned above, strategic studies is based upon the
realist interpretation of IR. Indeed, they are often treated as synony-
mous. Both feature a distinctive worldview based on assumptions
about the nature of the political environment, the significant actors in
the political environment, and the characteristic manner in which polit-
ical actors interact with each other (Boutin and Snyder, 2008: 71).
Realists argue that due to the anarchic nature of the international
system states should be sceptical of possibilities of permanent peace,
ideas of world government, disarmament and concepts such as collec-
tive or cooperative security (Garnett, 1987: 9–10). As a result, strategic
studies focuses much more on military threats to states while security
studies broadens the definition to include non-military threats not only
to states but also to non-state actors and sub-state groups.
Security studies also incorporates a further variant, that of critical
security. This takes a critical theory approach and raises questions
about the nature of the international system itself and the power rela-
tionships that form the system. Critical security questions the basic
realist assumption that the international system is a predetermined
entity, or given, that cannot be changed. Rather critical theorists argue
that the international ‘system’ is socially constructed, that is it exists
9780230_241503_02_Ch1 19/08/2011 15:12 Page 5
because we have agreed that it should exist. This does not mean any
conscious decisions were made but that human interaction has created
the structures of the international system and they are not natural nor
absolute in their nature. That is, unlike the realists who see the interna-
tional system as anarchic, the critical theorists see anarchy as a socially
constructed structure. For critical security therefore, the focus is on
changing the way we think about security and the role, and indeed the
very makeup, of the actors, in the system. David Mutimer in Chapter 3
takes up this approach in more detail.
While security studies adopts a broad definition of security and as a
result is much closer to IR than strategic studies it does have one
important difference and that is that it deals not only with the causes
and consequences of war, which is the primary area of interest for
many IR scholars, but also the conduct of war. The conduct of war is
as important an area of scholarship as the decision to go to war, and
the result of the war, tends to rest on the military dimension rather
than the political. Betts (1997: 9) makes this point when he argues that
the different patterns of World War I and World War II (that is,
Germany’s ability to control Western Europe in the early 1940s, as
opposed to its inability to do so between 1914 and 1918) cannot be
explained only by reference to indices of power (that is, the size of the
population, armed forces and the economy, amount of natural
resources available, etc.). Rather the success of the German military to
develop the Blitzkrieg strategy incorporating new military technology
and the doctrine of armoured warfare provided the key ingredient to
initial German success in World War II. Likewise, the ultimate defeat
of Germany in this war was a result of a combination of the develop-
ment of attrition warfare and the strategic and political miscalculations
of the German leadership.
Before we can fully understand the implications of the end of the Cold
War on strategic studies it is important to understand how the field
developed before and during the Cold War. The first book to examine
the broader questions of security and war prevention was Quincy
Wright’s Study of War published in 1942. It deviated from the work of
the classical strategists (as we will see in Chapter 8), which considered
war as a tool of statecraft. Rather than looking at problems of national
security or alternatives for national strategy Wright looked to diplo-
macy, international understanding, arbitration, national self-determina-
tion, disarmament and collective security as guarantors of international
peace and stability (Baldwin, 1995: 119–20).
In the immediate aftermath of World War II the study of war con-
tinued along this line. In the aftermath of the defeat of Nazi Germany
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6 Craig A. Snyder
the anti-fascist allies (the United States, Britain, France, the Soviet
Union and China) sought to create a new world order that would
ensure global peace and stability. International institutions such as
the United Nations, the World Bank and the International Monetary
Fund emerged at this time to assist in: decolonization; economic,
social and political development; and the management of interna-
tional crises. In the heady days of the early post-war period security
analysts built on the work of Quincy Wright and examined four key
themes, first, that security was not the primary concern of all states
at all times but merely one concern that varied in importance from
one historical context to the next. Theorists in this area looked at cal-
culations as to the trade-off between military security and other
values such as economic welfare and individual freedom. Second, mil-
itary and non-military tools of statecraft would be important to
national security. Third, the recognition of the security dilemma (that
is, the actions that one state takes to increase its security in turn
decrease the security felt by others) led to cautious use of military
power. Fourth, linkages between national security and domestic
affairs, such as the economy, civil liberties and democratic processes
were made (Baldwin, 1995: 122).
However, this period of optimism was quickly overtaken as a result
of the growing tension and mistrust between the two leading World
War II allies. The US and the USSR divided over their political and eco-
nomic ideologies of democracy and capitalism versus communism
clashed over the nature of the post-war system that was emerging.
While the US sought to establish an international political economic
structure that favoured capitalism (especially American capitalist inter-
ests), the Soviets were more concerned with exporting the worker’s rev-
olution and overthrowing capitalism at a global level (and, at a more
practical level, exercising its control over Central and Eastern Europe:
an area of strategic importance to the security of the Soviet Union). As
a result of this growing mistrust, tensions between the wartime allies
increased to the point where the notion of a ‘Cold War’ developed
between the US-led ‘West’ and the Soviet-led ‘East’. The most physical
representation of this East–West divide was the division of Europe
between the Soviet controlled eastern half of the continent and the US-
led western half. This division included the division of not only
Germany but also the former German capital of Berlin. This division
was a result of the original system for the post-war occupation of
Germany where each of the allies was given a zone of control. While
the French, British and Americans transferred their zones to a new
Federal Republic of Germany (commonly referred to in English as
West Germany), the Soviets transferred their zone to the German
Democratic Republic (or East Germany).
Strategic analysts, at this time, began to focus on the possibility of a
major conflict between the US and the Soviet Union. Added to the mix
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8 Craig A. Snyder
rivalry that they were unable to offer insights into these regional con-
flicts. Indeed, they tended to explain them in terms of the Cold War
divide and deemed them ‘proxy wars’ (Baldwin, 1995: 124). Moreover,
those strategists (such as Pike, 1966; Race, 1972; Blaufarb, 1977;
Cable, 1986; Shafer, 1988; and, Lomperis, 1996) that did look to
Third World conflicts tended to be practitioners rather than academic
theorists. They focused on examining case studies of counter-insur-
gency operations concluding that the American experience in Vietnam
demonstrated that theories failed when applied to the real world (see
Betts, 1997: 13).
Other scholars such as Betts (1982), Joseph Bouchard (1991), Eliot
Cohen (1985), John Keegan (1976), Edward Luttwak (1987),
Mearsheimer (1983), Posen (1984), Stephen Rosen (1991) and Martin
van Creveld (1977, 1985) did look to non-nuclear military issues, but
continued to focus upon the Cold War divide. These scholars ques-
tioned the assumptions of the effectiveness of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization’s (NATO) conventional forces to fight a war in Europe.
The questions asked by this group focused on the political, economic,
social, technological, organizational and doctrinal aspect of the NATO
forces. However, strategic studies also found itself, due to its limited
focus on these types of military issues, challenged by other fields such as
peace studies and international political economy, which could better
explain issues such as détente, economic interdependence, Third World
poverty and environmentalism. Most significantly the 1973 OPEC Oil
Embargo brought home the idea that threats to the Western living stan-
dards came from non-military sources as well as military ones (Baldwin,
1995: 124; and, Betts, 1997: 20). With the renewal of the Cold War in
the 1980s under the Reagan presidency, strategic studies also underwent
a revival. The focus of strategic studies from this point until the end of
the Cold War remained on the study of the threat, use, and control of
military force – in other words the use of military means to meet mili-
tary challenges (Baldwin, 1995: 124–5).
In summary, the Cold War affected the focus of the research conducted
in strategic studies. It focused attention away from the broader questions
of how security policy fits into the larger foreign policy goals and toward
technical and theoretical aspects of nuclear weapons and strategies, East–
West relations, and the security problems of the United States and
Western Europe. Nuclear weapons added a particular twist to the focus
of strategic studies: that is strategic analysts were studying how to use the
threat of the use of force while they also worked to prevent such usage.
the role of military power was scrutinized. While the old school of
strategic studies accepted that questions of force had to be seen in the
wider context of the political and economic aspects of the international
system, the revival of liberal notions of multilateral cooperation that
accompanied the end of the Cold War de-legitimized force as a tool of
statecraft. For some this means that military threats declined in rele-
vance while for others military tools were less useful. Second, there
was a need to re-examine the way we thought about security. For some
this was a result of fundamental changes to the post-Cold War environ-
ment and for others the failure of strategic studies to predict the end of
the Cold War. Third, there is a need to expand what was meant by
security. Again, for some this meant expanding the definition to
include the effect of domestic issues on the national security agenda of
states and for others it meant treating non-military threats to the
national well-being as security threats. While military threats from
states was by no means eliminated, new asymmetrical threats came to
the fore such as nuclear proliferation, terrorism, security effects of
climate change and human security (Baldwin, 1995: 118; Freedman,
1998: 52-3; Smith, 2005; and, Mabee, 2009: 3).
Re-defining security
In order for security studies to continue to be relevant in the contem-
porary era it needs to shift its thinking about security, in particular, the
relevance of security as the primary goal of states. While strategic ana-
lysts during the Cold War insisted on the primacy of security is it still
plausible to insist on this today? First questions as to the relevance of
security as the primary goal of states need to be addressed. While
strategic analysts in the past have insisted on the primacy of security is
it still plausible to insist on this today? Security is important but how
much security is needed and are there other national interests that are
of at least equal importance at a very basic level? How good is security
if there is no food, arable land or drinkable water in a country? How
effective have our security policies been if they have resulted in ‘blow-
back’ through the rise of other threats, such as environmental issues, or
new rivals such as terrorists?
While military security may indeed be important to states that con-
front hostile neighbours, for others military security is not of primary
concern at all times. Many in the West, in particular, question the mar-
ginal costs of security. Most would accept that the Western states have
an over abundance of security and therefore the return on a dollar
spent on security will be smaller that the return that dollar would
provide if spent on other goals not in abundance. In other words if in
an era where the military budget provides for more security than is
considered necessary it would be cost-effective to reduce the military
budget and spend that money on other projects such as cleaning up the
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10 Craig A. Snyder
12 Craig A. Snyder
war. They argue that at the level of the warfighting paradigm, there is
now an extensive body of research both describing and prescribing
changes in the way the world’s dominant militaries conduct combat
operations on the battlefield. On a somewhat deeper level, what they
call the social mode of warfare, the literature traces significant changes
in the way state-society complexes organize for, prosecute and experi-
ence warfare. Finally, on the temporal level of the longue durée,
scholars have begun to analyze transformations in what they call the
historical structure of war – that is, the constellation of deep struc-
tures, practices and discourses that define the very nature of ‘war’ and
distinguish it from other forms of politics and violence.
Chapters 10 to 15 explore contemporary security issues such as the
implications of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, ter-
rorism and insurgency, the implications of intervention strategies, the
role of the great powers and finally, approaches to regional security.
In Chapter 10 the main question is: how do the established nuclear
weapon states (China, France, India, Israel, Pakistan, Russia, the UK
and the US) view their weapons in terms of national security? In
answering this question, Andy Butfoy explores key themes, such as
deterrence and war-fighting strategies. There is a case study on the
United States as the largest nuclear-armed state. After a brief overview
of Cold War doctrine, the nexus between nuclear weapons and devel-
opments in US strategic thinking since the end of the Cold War is
examined. These developments include the deployment of missile
defences, American reflection on the usability of nuclear weapons, the
impact of terrorism, the identification of an ‘axis of evil’, and the com-
mitment to maintain US military superiority as a foundation stone for
world order.
In Chapter 11 Ken Boutin examines an issue that has returned to the
forefront of the security agenda, propelled by prominent examples of
successful proliferation and evident interest on the part of a number of
other states in following a similar path. This chapter examines the key
trends and developments that are threatening the global non-prolifera-
tion regime. It begins with an assessment of the state of the non-prolif-
eration regime at the end of the Cold War. The chapter then proceeds
to consider the forces driving horizontal proliferation and structural
developments that are contributing to proliferation concerns. It will
then examine how the non-proliferation regime is adapting to these
challenges. The chapter concludes by considering the impact on non-
proliferation norms of the non-proliferation and counter-proliferation
policies of developed states such as the US.
In Chapter 12 Michael Boyle examines the threat of terrorism and
insurgency as they have evolved through the 20th century and assesses
the nature of contemporary global terrorism. In the chapter he evalu-
ates the strategies and tactics of terrorists and insurgents and their rela-
tive effectiveness in achieving their political objectives. The chapter
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14 Craig A. Snyder
‘Rogue’ state: Rogue states are those that are seeking to threaten
global peace and stability. These states generally have authoritarian
governments guilty of human rights abuses, sponsor terrorism, and
are seeking to acquire weapons of mass destruction. The term is
controversial and critics have applied it to the US and Israel.
Security dilemma: This is where actions that one state takes to
heighten its security (such as, building up its military) can lead
other states responding in a similar manner, producing increased
feelings of insecurity in the first state (who then seek to build up
its military even more). This can create conflict, even when no
side really wants it (see Jervis, 1978).
Proxy wars: These are wars where the great powers of the day use
other states or non-state actors as surrogates. These were
common during the Cold War where the superpowers used them
to extend their rivalry without risking escalation to nuclear war.
Further reading
Baldwin, D.A. (1995) ‘Security Studies and the End of the Cold War’, World
Politics, 48: 117–41.
Betts, R.K. (1997) ‘Should Strategic Studies Survive?’, World Politics, 50: 7–
33.
9780230_241503_02_Ch1 19/08/2011 15:12 Page 16
16 Craig A. Snyder
Boutin, J.D.K. and Snyder, C.A. (2008) ‘New Approaches to Security: From
Strategic Studies to Security Studies’, in Totman, S. and Burchill, S. (eds)
Global Risks and Crises, London: Oxford University Press.
Buzan, B. (1987) An Introduction to Strategic Studies: Military Technology
and International Relations, London: Macmillan.
Farrell, T. (2010) ‘General Introduction’, in Farrell, T. (ed.) Security Studies:
Critical Concepts in International Relations, London: Routledge.
Freedman, L. (1998) ‘International Security: Changing Targets’, Foreign
Policy, 109: 48–63.
Garnett, J. (1987) ‘Strategic Studies and its Assumptions’, in Baylis, J., Booth,
K., Garnett, J. and Williams, P., (eds) Contemporary Strategy: Vol 1
Theories and Concepts, London: Holmes & Meier Publishers.
Kolodziej, E.A. (1993) ‘Whither Security Studies after the Cold War?’ in
Bajpai, K.P. and Cohen, S.P. (eds) South Asia After the Cold War:
International Perspectives, Boulder: Westview Press.
Krause, K. and Williams, M.C. (1996) ‘Broadening the Agenda of Security
Studies: Politics and Methods’, Mershon International Studies Review, 40:
229–54.
Smith, S. (2005) ‘The Contested Concept of Security’, in Booth, K. (ed.)
Critical Security Studies and World Politics, Boulder: Lynne Rienner.
9780230_241503_18_Indx 25/08/2011 16:41 Page 356
Index
356
9780230_241503_18_Indx 25/08/2011 16:41 Page 357
Index 357
358 Index
Index 359
Congress System, 295, 297, 310 developing states, see developing countries
Congress of Vienna, 295 Disarmament, Demobilization and
see also Congress System; Concert of Reintegration Programmes of (DDR),
Europe 122–3
constructivism, 67, 319 disasters 74, 75–6, 90, 91, 101, 268, 266
Convention on Certain Conventional see also environment, disasters
Weapons, see Inhuman Weapons Dobbins, James, 276
Convention Douhet, Guilo, 157, 158, 167
community security, 91 drugs, illegal 323
cooperative security, 4, 319, 329 Duffield, Mark, 141, 142, 187, 188, 189,
Copenhagen School, 27, 51, 52, 58, 70, 95 194
see also securitization; security, societal Dum-Dum bullets, 107
Corbett, Sir Julian, 150, 154, 156, 157, 162,
170 East Asia, 39, 270, 305, 309
Council of Europe, 320 see also Asia Pacific, Northeast Asia;
counter-insurgency, 8, 165–6, 172, 242, 256, Southeast Asia; and individual
259–62, 284 countries
counter-terrorism, 166, 171 East Asia Summit (EAS), 321
Croatia, 118,123, 324, 325 Eastern Europe, 6, 35, 321
crime, 75, 99, 106, 108, 109, 110, 111, 119, see also Central Europe; Europe
126, 172, 248, 250, 325 East Germany, see German Democratic
see also transnational crime Republic
crimes against humanity, 97, 99, 100, 278 East Timor
criminal gangs/enterprises, 109, 111, 138, Australian military assistance mission in
142, 171, 190, 326 (2006), 267, 276
critical security, 4, 5, 27–8, 45–70, 315, 319 InterFET mission in (1999), 267, 275, 280
critical theory, 4, 45, 47–8, 68, 70 ecological security, 56, 73, 77–9, 80, 87
Croatia, 118, 123, 326 Economic Community of Central African
cruise missiles, 55, 222 States (ECCAS), 115
Cuba Missile Crisis (1962), 164 Economic Community of West African
cybersphere, 181 States (ECOWAS), 115, 274
cyberwar, 167, 181 Convention on SALW, 115, 117
Czechoslovakia, 27, 325 economic integration, 312, 320, 321, 322
economic interdependence, 8, 38, 39, 80,
Dalby, Simon, 56, 57, 77, 82, 83 302
decisive battle, 152, 161 economic intervention, 266
decisive points, 153 economic power, 299
see also centre of gravity economic security, 83, 91, 98, 107
democracy, 6, 21, 250–1, 307, 309, 314 emancipation, 50, 57, 59, 66
democratic peace theory, 28–30 emerging nuclear states, see non-
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea proliferation
(DPRK), see North Korea employment, 91, 97, 160, 173, 349
Der Derian, James, 142 environment–conflict nexus, 73, 79–80, 81
de Seversky, Alexander, see Seversky, see also environment–security nexus
Alexander de environmental disaster, 74
desecuritization, 60, 67, 69 environmental protection, 92
see also securitization environmental security, 2, 9, 10, 39, 55–7,
détente, 8, 20, 36 72–88, 91, 93, 97, 98, 313, 324
deterrence, 1, 2, 7, 13, 63, 202, 203–4, 205, and human security, 82–4
206, 207, 209, 210, 213–15, 216, 217– and violent conflict, 79
18, 219, 239, 268, 269, 270, 272, 300 environment–security nexus, 72, 73–4
deterrence-through-denial, 219 see also environment–conflict nexus
deterrence-through-punishment, 219 equality, 222, 225, 226, 236, 238, 293, 294,
Deudney, Daniel, 81, 84 316
Deutsch, Karl, 319 see also inequality
developed countries, 75, 76, 78, 81, 98, 218, Eritrea, 116, 118
225, 227, 233, 255, 261, 286, 305 escalation ladder, see ladder of escalation
developed states, see developed countries ethnic cleansing, 101, 169, 277, 278, 279
developing countries, 75, 76, 80, 81, 98, 99, ethnic conflict, see conflict, ethnic
191, 226–7, 234, 249, 286 ethnicity, 14
see also Group of 77; Third World ethno-nationalism, 324, 325
9780230_241503_18_Indx 25/08/2011 16:41 Page 360
360 Index
Index 361
362 Index
Index 363
364 Index
Index 365
366 Index
nuclear weapons – continued peacekeeping, 14, 92, 97, 108, 267, 268,
thinking about the unthinkable, 65, 163, 269, 274, 275, 277, 280, 321, 323
164 peace-making, 268, 275
usability of, 13, 164, 205–6, 213, 218–19 Pearl Harbor, 167
world order function of, 202, 209–10 people’s war, 256
see also individual countries personal security, 75, 83, 91 93
Nye, Joseph, 36, 316, 324 Peru, 250
Philippines, 327
OAS, see Organization of American States PIF, see Pacific Islands Forum
Obama, Barack, 202, 209, 214, 223, 237, pluralistic security community, see security
238, 304, 305, 314 community
O’Hanlon, Michael, 182, 280 POE, see point of entry
oil, 8, 327 point of entry (POE), 283
OODA Loop, 169 police forces, 109
OMFTS, see operational manoeuvre from police forces operations, 275
the sea political security, 82, 83, 84, 91
OPEC, see Organization of the Petroleum population
Exporting Countries growth and mobility, as source of
operational art, 160, 170 insecurity, 81
operational level of war, 160 movement, 74
operational manoeuvre, 160, 161, 169 Posen, Barry, 8, 27, 31, 36, 37, 40
operational manoeuvre from the sea post-structuralism, 68
(OMFTS), 169, 170 poverty, 12, 39, 50, 81, 90, 91, 92, 98, 99,
operational manoeuvre group, 161 100, 101, 108,
Organiszation of Petroleum Exporting as a cause of terrorism, 249–50
Countries (OPEC), 8 Third World, 8
Organization for Security and Cooperation power, 1, 3, 21, 22, 43, 50, 69
in Europe (OSCE), 90, 113, 114, 121, and human nature, 23
320, 323 balance of, 23, 29–30, 42
Organization of American States (OAS), competition for, 29
113, 323 distribution of, 11, 20, 24, 30–2
organized violence, 138, 177, 181, 186, 187, maximization, 20, 23, 24, 33, 34, 35
189, 194, 197, 198, 199, 325, 326 ojection, 156, 170, 202, 290, 300, 305, 327
OSCE, see Organization for Security and see also airpower; seapower
Cooperation in Europe Programmes of Disarmament,
Osgood, Robert, 23, 36, 148, 149, 329 Demobilization and Reintegration, see
Owen, Taylor, 93 Disarmament, Demobilization and
Reintegration, Programmes of
Pakistan pre-emptive attack, see war,
as an arms exporter, 113 preemptive/preventive
as an emerging power, 300 precision guided munitions, 142
nuclear proliferation, 225, 226–7, 230, preventive strike, see war,
231, 232, 233, 234, 239, 253, 299 preemptive/preventive
nuclear strategy, 213, 214, 215 proliferation, see non–proliferation
nuclear weapons, 13, 202, 210–11, 212, Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI), 236,
253, 299 237, 273
relations with India, 36, 39, 211–12, 214, proxy wars, 8, 15
215 Prussia, 289
Palestine, 244, 327 Congress of Vienna, 295, 310
Pacific Islands Forum (PIF), 114, 323 see also Germany
Pape, Robert, 37, 247 PSI, see Proliferation Security Initiative
Paret, Peter, 136 PSO, see peace support operation
peace building, 275 punitive attack, 269, 271–2
peace camp, see Greenham Common Peace
Camp R2P, see Responsibility to Protect
peace interventions, 268 R&D, see research and development
peace movement, 205 racism, 53
Peace of Westphalia, 144, 194, 195 radiological dispersal device (RDD), 222
peace studies, 8 RAND Corporation, 260
peace support operations (PSO), 166, 170, rapid-onset geophysical hazards, see
171 hazards, rapid-onset geophysical
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Index 367
368 Index
Index 369
370 Index
United Nations – continued and Vietnam War, 8, 20, 166, 261, 269,
and small arms and light weapons 272
(SALW), 12, 106, 108, 110–3, 115, and war on terror, 59–60, 68, 242
117, 118, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126 and wars of global risk, 193
and the Korean War, 162 and World War II, 6, 268, 269, 270
as international institution, 6, 26, 277, armed forces, 180, 203
296, 297, 299, 304 Army, 161
non-proliferation mechanisms, 234, 236 as a rogue state, 14
peace support operations, 171 as an arms exporter, 106–8, 111, 113,
peacekeeping, 92, 108, 274, 280 117, 119
sanctioned military interventions, 279, counter-proliferation strategies of, 13
282, 286 domestic terrorists, 247, 250, 251, 253
stabilization missions of, 276 foreign policy of, 21, 304–6, 308
see also individual United Nations grand strategy of, 40–1, 306, 310
programs, missions and organizations intervention capability of, 280
United Nations Arms Register, 107, 124 intervention in Liberian civil war,, 274
United Nations Charter, 99, 291, 296–8, intervention in Somalia, 275, 281–2
299, 304, 307, 309–10 Marine Corps, 169, 170
United Nations Convention against military spending of, 59
Transnational Organized Crime, 110 National Security Strategy (2002), 270
United Nations Development Programme Navy, 162, 163, 167, 170
(UNDP), see United Nations Human non-proliferation strategies of, 13, 223,
Development Report 225, 227, 234, 235, 236–8
United Nations Human Development nuclear strategy of , 6–7, 13, 63, 162,
Report, 82, 100, 102 163, 183, 202–10, 214, 217
United Nations Programme of Action to nuclear weapons of, 6–7, 13, 50,
Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the 202–10, 212, 217, 219, 223, 224,
Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light 253
Weapons in All Its Aspects (POA), Office of Weapons Removal and
109–13 Abatement, 122
United Nations Protocol against the Illicit preventive attack, 270
Manufacturing of and Trafficking in primacy in international politics, 13, 14,
Firearms, Their Parts and Components 20, 38, 289, 290, 301–10
and Ammunition, 109–10 Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI),
United Nations Security Council (UNSC), 272–3
55, 56, 99, 116, 234, 236, 266, 268, relations with Australia, 280, 314
271, 274, 277, 278–9, 296, 297, 298, relations with Britain, 29, 55, 268, 280,
300 314, 317
United Nations Special Commission relations with Canada, 54, 58, 314,
(UNSCOM), 270–1 322–3
United Nations Stabilization Mission in relations with China, 20, 207–8, 229
Haiti (UNSMIH), 276 relations with France, 268
United States, the relations with Germany, 6, 268
Air Force, 163, 167–8 relations with India, 235
and Afghanistan, 20, 36, 60, 141, 193, relations with Indonesia, 267
242, 262, 271 relations with Iran, 207–8, 228, 299
and anti-personnel landmines, 108 relations with Japan, 162, 268, 270
and cluster munitions, 108 relations with Libya (1986), 207–8, 271
and hostages in Iran (1980), 273 relations with Kuwait, 279
and Iraq, 20, 36, 59, 60, 141, 142, 151, relations with North Korea, 207–8, 228,
172, 193, 207–7, 216–17, 242, 260, 236–7, 299, 317, 322
262, 270–1, 273, 278, 279, 284–5, relations with Russia, 207–8, 209, 224,
321 268
and the Anglosphere, 314 relations with Syria, 207–8, 229
and the environment–conflict thesis/nexus, relations with the Soviet Union, 1, 6, 7–8,
77, 79 18, 20, 34–6, 37, 164, 202–6, 274,
and the League Council, 296 297, 298, 300, 306
and the revolution in military affairs, 142, security of aboriginal peoples, 50
179, 180, 182, 183–4 security relations with Europe, 320–1
and the study of security, 3–4, 23 strategic culture of, 142 151
and the United Nations, 296–7 see also 9/11
9780230_241503_18_Indx 25/08/2011 16:41 Page 371
Index 371
372 Index
Western European Union (WEU), 321 World War One, 5, 39, 128, 149, 156, 157,
West Germany, see Germany, Federal 158, 272, 277, 296
Republic of World War Two, 5, 14, 29, 36, 95, 159, 166,
Wight, Martin, 19, 292 168, 181, 203, 225, 232, 268, 275,
Williams, Michael, 64, 67 276, 306 313, 316
Williams, Paul, 268 Wright, Quincy, 5, 6, 7
WMD, see weapons of mass destruction Wyn Jones, Richard, 65, 66
Wohlforth, William, 35, 36, 38
Wohlstetter, Albert, 163 Yugoslavia, former, see Bosnia; Croatia;
Wolfers, Arnold, 23,36 Kosovo; Serbs/Serbia
women, 46, 54, 55, 99
World Bank, 6, 98 Zalewski, Marysia, 128, 129, 130, 144
World Trade Center, 249 Zangger Committee, 226