Paradise Restored. The Mechanical Arts From Antiquity Through The Thirteenth Century

Paradise Restored.
The Mechanical Arts from Antiquity through the Thirteenth Century

Author(s): Elspeth Whitney
Source: Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 80, No. 1 (1990), pp. 1-169
Published by: American Philosophical Society
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TRANSACTIONS
of the
American Philosophical Society

Held at Philadelphia for PromotingUsefulKnowledge
VOLUME 80, Part 1, 1990
Paradise Restored
The Mechanical Arts
fromAntiquitythrough
the ThirteenthCentury
ELSPETH WHITNEY
Division of Human Studies, AlfredUniversity
THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
Independence Square, Philadelphia
1990
Copyright? 1990 by The American Philosophical Society
Libraryof Congress Catalog

Card Number 88-82930
InternationalStandard Book Number 0-87169-801-3
US ISSN 0065-9746
TableofContents
Chapter Page
I. Introduction:
The HistoryoftheProblem.......... .............. 1
II. Liberaland IlliberalArts:The Classification ofTechnical
Artsin Antiquity................................................ 23
III. Crafts,Philosophy,and theLiberalArtsin theEarly
MiddleAges ................................................... 57
IV. ParadiseRestored:Hugh ofSt. Victorand theMechanical
Artsin theTwelfthand ThirteenthCenturies........ ........... 75
V. The MechanicalArtsand theAristotelian
Tradition............ 129
VI. Conclusion................................................... 147
Bibliography ..................................... 151
Index ......................................... 165
Acknowledgments
Anyprojectsuch as thisone drawsinspiration frommanysources.I
owe muchto myteachersat theGraduateSchooloftheCityUniversity
of New York,includingHoward Adelson,RichardLemayand, espe-
cially,NancyG. Siraisi,who introducedme to the adventure,as well
as therigorsofscholarship. ofmyfriends
The spiritedconversation and
colleagues,in particularIrvingKelter,JaniceGordon-Kelter, Tom Pe-
terson,VickiEaklor,WilliamDibrelland JohnH. Phillips,has helped
me to understandbothmyselfand myideas better.I wishto thankmy
editors,CaroleLe Faivreand Susan M. Babbitt,fortheircare and pa-
tience.My brother,PeterNichols,gave encouragement when it was
mostneeded.I thankmyparents,Elliottand SallyNichols,notonlyfor
theirlove and support,but fortheircontinuing dialogueaboutthere-
lationshipof matterand spiritwhichis one reasonthisbook came to
be written.Most of all I thankmy husbandCharlesforhis unfailing
livelinessof mindand forthe love "whichalso makesmeaning"and
all else.
I receivedgrantsforresearchand writingfromthe GraduateSchool
oftheCityofNew York,the CenterforEuropeanStudies,CUNY and
theNEH SummerSeminarProgram.
ChapterIII previouslyappearedin AnnalsofScholarship 4 (1987):11-
27.
TRANS.AMER.PHIL. SOC.
VOL. 80 PT. 1, 1990
I. Introduction: oftheProblem
TheHistory
A t leastsincetheRenaissance,historians,
criticshave attempted
philosophers, and other
to judge the positiveand negativecon-
tributions of the MiddleAges to the developmentof Western
In particular,
civilization. thesewriters haveassessedtheextenttowhich
medievalcultureand institutions mayhave eitherhinderedor fostered
scientificand technological progress.1Untilthe presentcenturysuch
assessmentshavetendedtobe overwhelmingly negative:bothscholastic
habitsofthoughtand medievalreligiosity have been thoughtto be in-
compatiblewiththe developmentof a truescientific methodand the
rationalapplicationof humanintelligence to the naturalworld.Over
the past fiftyyears,however,thisview has been substantially revised.
Historianshave notonlyrecognizedtheMiddleAges as a critical period
in the developmentof Westerntechnology but have re-evaluatedthe
whole relationship ofreligiousideas and attitudesto scienceand tech-
nology.These new views, further, have had a continuousimpacton
interpretations ofmedievalsocietyand culture.
Researchfocusedfirston medievalinnovations in theuse ofanimal,
wind and waterpower;subsequently attention was paid to how these
inventionsmay have been an elementin social change,includingthe
developmentoffeudalismand theemergenceofa morevitalsocietyin
the eleventhcentury.Most recently, historians have centeredon how
religiousand intellectualattitudesand institutions reflectedtechnolog-
ical growthand how theseand otheraspectsofmedievalculturemay
have helped createa technologically dynamicsociety.
The provocativeand ofteninsightful body of workproducedsince
the earlytwentieth centuryhas contributed to a deeperunderstanding
of medievalattitudestowardmanuallaborand a morepreciseconcep-
tion of how medievalthinkersconceivedthe properrelationship be-
tween humanactionsand the naturalworld.It has not,however,yet
resultedin a detailedand coherentassessmentofwhatmightproperly
be called thephilosophyoftechnology in theMiddleAges,thatis, the
metaphysical and ontologicalstatusaccordedto craftsmanship and the
processofinvention in medievalthought.Indeed,muchofthisresearch
has tended to obscurecrucialdistinctions betweenattitudestoward
labor,whichmightbe consideredas merephysicaldrudgery yetstillbe
1 For a summary and discussion of evaluations of the Middle Ages and concepts of
of Perfection:
progress since the sixteenthcentury,see George Ovitt, Jr.,The Restoration
Laborand Technology in MedievalCulture(New Brunswick,N.J.: RutgersUniversityPress,
1987), 19-47.
2 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
valuedas a formofpenance,attitudes towardtheproductsofsuchlabor,

whichwere liableto moraljudgmentsas to theiruse and abuse, and
attitudestowardthephysicaland intellectual activity
necessaryto pro-
duce technological change.Whether technological innovation shouldbe
consideredas a formofphysicallabororas a category ofrationalthought
was ofcoursean issue deeplyinfluenced by socialclass,yetitwas also
a philosophicalquestionwithitsrootsin a tradition deeplyimbuedwith
theclassicaldichotomy ofmindand body.The presentstudyexamines
theintellectualprocessbywhichmedievalphilosophers and theologians
revisedclassicalconceptsof technology and its place in classifications
of the artsand sciencesin orderto redefinetechnological inventionas
a full-fledgedcategoryofknowledge.Ifthisprocessofrethinking was
fullycompleteonlyin theseventeenth century, whentheScientific Rev-
olutionprovideda new ontologicalbasis forthe manipulationof the
physicalworld,medievalthinkers establisheda framework upon which
thesenew ideas couldbe developed.
The impactoftechnological changeand innovation on medievalsoci-
ety was firstsuggestedby RichardLefebvredes Noettesin 1924.Le-
febvredes Noettesarguedthattheinvention ofthemodernrigidhorse
collarin the earlyMiddleAges and the adoptionof stirrupsand iron
horseshoesprovidedmedievalsocietywitha farmoreefficient use of
animal power than had been availablein antiquity.2 His work was
quicklyfollowedbytheresearchofMarcBlochand otherson medieval
agriculturalpractices,the use of waterand wind mills,and improved
ship design and buildingtechniques.3Much of thisinformation was
collected,commentedupon and broughtto the attention of American
medievalistsin 1940by LynnWhite,jr.,who concludedthat"thechief
gloryof thelaterMiddleAges was notitscathedralsor its epics or its
scholasticism:itwas thebuildingforthefirst timeinhistory ofa complex
civilizationwhichrestednoton thebacksof sweatingslavesor coolies
but primarily on non-humanpower."4
It is now possibleto speak of a medievalindustrialrevolution.Me-
dievalsocietyis oftenpicturedas one inwhichindustry was increasingly
mechanizedand in whichhumanbeingsfoundthemselves increasingly
2 Richard Lefebvredes Noettes, La forcemotrice animalea traversles ages (Paris: Berger-

Levrault, 1924), 94-118; see also Lefebvredes Noettes, "La forcemotriceanimale et le role
des inventionstechniques," Revuede synthese historique43 (1927): 83-91 and L'attelageet le
chevalde sellea traverslesages (Paris: A. Picard, 1939). For an engaging historyof the history
of medieval technology,see Lynn White,jr., "The Study of Medieval Technology,1924-
1974: Personal Reflections,"in MedievalReligionand Technology: CollectedEssays(Berkeley,
Los Angeles and London: Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1978), xi-xxiv.
3 Marc Bloch, "Avenement et conquetes du moulin a
eau," Annalesd'histoireeconomique
et sociale7 (1935): 538-563 and "Les 'inventions'medievales," Annalesd'histoire economique
et sociale7 (1935): 634-643. These essays are translatedin Landand WorkinMediaevalEurope:
SelectedPapersbyMarc Bloch,trans.J. E. Anderson (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,
1967; rpt. New York: Harper and Row, 1969), 136-185.
4 White, "Technology and Invention," 156.
Introduction: oftheProblem
TheHistory 3
surroundedby machines.5Not onlyweretheconditionsofagricultural

and industrialworktransformed by moreefficient uses of powerand
theinventionofnew techniquesand devices,suchas tidalmills,water-
drivenbellows,iron-casting and thecompoundcrank,butpeople'slives
were affected bytheintroduction and spreadofmechanicalclocks,eye-
glasses, chimneysand otherinnovations.6 In the phraseof a historian
of twelfth-century theology,medievalman began to live in a "mecha-
nism-minded world."7
The widespreadacceptanceof theview thattheMiddleAges, more
than any earlieror contemporary society,used newlyinvented,bor-
rowedand adapteddevicesand machinesto transform societyhas nat-
urallyled to an examination oftheextenttowhichtechnological change
could be identified as a cause of specificformsof socialchange.In the
1930s,Lefebvredes Noettesand Blocharguedthequestionwhetherthe
disappearanceof slaveryin the medievalWestwas a consequence(as
Bloch thought)or a cause (as Lefebvredes Noettesclaimed)of tech-
nologicaladvance.8More recently, in 1962 LynnWhiteattemptedto
explainthedevelopment offeudalismand theeconomicand intellectual
revivaloftheeleventhand twelfth centuriesas directresultsoftheuse
ofthe stirrupand new agricultural techniques.9Althoughalmostevery
detailofWhite'sthesishas comeunderattack,theoverallthrustofhis
work-that technological changewas a crucialelementin theformation
of medievalsociety-has been virtually universallyaccepted.10Today,
5 See, forexample,E. M. Carus-Wilson, "An IndustrialRevolution in theThirteenth

Century," Economic History
Review 7 (1941):39-55;A. C. Crombie, MedievalandEarlyModern
Science(GardenCity,N.Y.: Doubleday,AnchorBooks,1959)1: 199and JeanGimpel,The
Medieval Machine: TheIndustrial
Revolution oftheMiddleAges(NewYork:Holt,Rinehart and
Winston,1976;rpt.New Yorkand London:PenguinBooks,1980).
6 For a good overviewof medievaltechnology and its effects on medievallife,see,
especially,Crombie,Medieval andEarlyModernScience1: 175-238;Gimpel,TheMedieval
Machine;Friedrich Klemm,A History ofWestern Technology,trans.DorotheaWaleySinger
(Cambridge,Mass.: The Massachusetts Institute ofTechnology Press,1964),55-107and
LeRoyDresbeck,"Techne, LaboretNatura:Ideas and ActiveLifein theMedievalWinter,"
StudiesinMedieval andRenaissance History n. s. 2 (1979):83-119.Formorespecializedin-
formation on medievaltechnology, see CharlesSinger,E. J.Holmyard,and A. R. Hall,
eds., A History ofTechnology (Oxford:ClarendonPress,1965),vol. 2; MauriceDaumas,
ed., Histoiregeneraledestechniques(Paris:PressesUniversitaires de France,1962),1: 429-
598 and LynnWhite,MedievalTechnology andSocialChange(London:OxfordUniversity
Press,1964).On eyeglasses,see EdwardRosen,"The Invention ofEyeglasses,"Journal of
theHistory ofMedicine andAlliedSciences 11 (1956):13-46,183-218.Forbibliography on the
mechanicalclock,see White,Medieval Technology 119-124.
7 M.-D. Chenu,Nature, Man,andSociety intheTwelfth Century: EssaysonNewTheological
Perspectivesin theLatinWest,ed. and trans.Jerome Taylorand LesterK. Little(Chicago:
University ofChicagoPress,1968),43.
8 Blochpresents hiscase againstLefebvre des Noettesin "Les 'inventions'medievales,"
634-643. See also the discussionin WilliamCarrollBark,OriginsoftheMedievalWorld
(Stanford, Calif.:StanfordUniversity Press,1958),95-96.
9 White,MedievalTechnology, 1-78.
10Forcriticism ofWhite'smethodology, see R. H. Hiltonand P. H. Sawyer,"Technical
Determinism: The Stirrupand thePlough,"PastandPresent 24 (1963):90-100and Bernard
S. Bachrach,"CharlesMartel,MountedShockCombat,theStirrup andFeudalism,"Studies
in MedievalandRenaissance History7 (1970):49-75.
4 TheMechanical
Artsfrom through
Antiquity theThirteenth
Century
thesocialhistoryofmedievaltechnology is one ofthemorelivelyareas

of medievalstudies."
The recognition oftheimportance oftechnology foreconomicgrowth
and social changein the MiddleAges has also increasingly prompted
investigationintothe culturalenvironment in whichtechnologicalde-
velopmenttookplace. Historianshave, especially,attempted to define
the culturaland intellectual
meaningtechnology had forthemedieval
world.Althoughithad sometimes been suggestedthattheMiddleAges
possessed certainqualitieswhichencouragedthedevelopment oftech-
nology,12it is onlyin the last thirty
yearsthatdetailedstudieshave
appeared relatingtechnological growthto medievalreligion,science,
philosophyand attitudestowardcraftsmanship and manuallabor.In
partan aspectofthefarbroadermovementinitiated by PierreDuhem,
LynnThorndikeand othersto claimfortheMiddleAges a decisiverole
in theformation ofmodernWesternsocietyand values,13thesestudies
have added a new dimensionto medievalintellectual historyand, in
manyways,have profoundly changedourimageofthetoneand tenor
of medievallife.
The thrustof muchof the workon medievaltechnology and ideas
about technology has been to suggestthatthemedievalworld,or sig-
nificantgroupswithinit, tooka consciouslyactive,practicaland even
aggressivestancetowardnature.In a surveyof medievaltechnology
and ideas connectedto the problemof overcomingthe effectsof the
winterclimate,forexample,LeRoyDresbeckremarks that"inthecentral
Middle Ages, manyphilosophers and theologianswereabandoningas
" See the argumentfora socialhistoryof technology in Dresbeck,"Techne, Laboret

Natura,"83-84,117-118.See also Pamela0. Long,ed., Science andTechnology inMedieval
Society(New York:New YorkAcademyofScience,1985).
12 LewisMumford, Technics
andCivilization
(New York:Harcourt, Braceand Company,
1934),12-17,33-37briefly arguedthattheinstitutions ofthemedievalChurch"prepared
thewayforthemachine"through encouragement ofan orderly, disciplined,punctuallife
and contempt forthebody.AlfredNorthWhitehead, ScienceandtheModernWorld (New
York:The MacmillanCompany,1925;rpt.New York:The FreePress,1967),15suggested
that"theallianceofsciencewithtechnology . .. owes muchto thepractical bentofthe
earlyBenedictines."
13 LynnThorndike, "RenaissanceorPrenaissance?" JournaloftheHistory ofIdeas4 (1943):
65-74 and PierreDuhem,Le systeme du monde: Histoire
desdoctrinescosmologiques dePlaton
d Copernic(Paris:Hermann,1913-54)argueforthemedievaloriginsofmodemscience;
C. H. McIlwain,"MediaevalInstitutions in theModemWorld,"Speculum 16 (1943):275-
283 makesa comparableargument forthemedievaloriginsofmodemgovernment. For
a reviewofthehistoriography andissuesconnected withtherelationship ofmedievaland
earlymodernsciencesee EdwardRosen,"RenaissanceScienceas SeenbyBurckhardt and
His Successors,"in TheRenaissance:
A Reconsideration oftheTheoriesandInterpretations ofthe
Age,ed. T. Helton(Madison,Wisc.:University of WisconsinPress,1961),77-103.The
tendencyforsome enthusiasts formedievaltechnology to identifymedievaltechnology
withthegenesisofthemorecherished virtuesofWestern civilization,
including freedom,
humanitarianism, democracy and world-domination, is especiallyevidentin Bark,Origins
oftheMedievalWorld, 100-112;Gimpel,TheMedieval Machine,vii-xi,1; White,"Technology
and Invention,"141,156and "TheHistorical RootsofourEcologicCrisis,"in Western Man
andEnvironmental Ethics:
Attitudes
towardNature andTechnology,ed. Ian G. Barbour(Read-
ing,Mass.: Addison-Wesley PublishingCompany,1973),21.
Introduction:
TheHistory
oftheProblem 5
an hereticalnotiontheidea ofmeresurvivalin a hostileworldas they

began to understandthe role of technology and laboras transformers
of thingsand objectswhichultimately could createa bettersociety."'4
Most recentlyGeorgeOvitthas suggestedthatmedievalattitudesto-
ward labor,while "neitherunivocalor even consistent,"were never-
thelessseminalin the developmentof Westerninstitutionalization of
labor.15It is now oftenacknowledgedthatmanyof the attitudeslong
associatedwiththe Middle Ages and consideredto be inimicalto an
appreciationof technology, includingan emphasison theoretical over
practicalknowledge,intellectual overmanuallabor,and a concernwith
innerspiritual and moralneedsratherthanmaterial progress,weremore
flexiblethanhad been assumedand wereheld neitherabsolutelynor
withoutmodification. Somescholarshave carriedthisviewpointfurther
and identified theMiddleAges as thehistorical sourceof manyof the
values we now associatewithmoderntechnological practice.16
Among
the values recently attributed
to themedievalperiod,forexample,are
a beliefin themoralgoodnessoflaborand technology, a senseofradical
separationbetweenman and his naturalenvironment, and the view
that man's relationshipto natureis properlyutilitarian and exploita-
tive.17This new perspective,whichcontrastsso stronglywitholder
views oftheMiddleAges as largelyindifferent, passiveor antagonistic
towardthe physicalworld,has had a far-reaching, if oftenindirect,
influenceon interpretationsofmedievalculture.
On theone hand,historians have turnedto thequestionofattitudes
towardtechnology and laboras a focusforexamining theinteraction of
intellectualand socialpatternsin theMiddleAges. JacquesLe Goff,for
example,has approachedthestudyofmedievalsocietythrough an anal-
ysisofscholasticand popularculturalattitudes towardworkand time.18
Similarly,LeRoy Dresbeckhas suggestedthatit is only throughthe
synthesisof the historyoftechnological devicesand techniquesin the
Middle Ages withan examination of how technological innovationin-
fluencedpeople's imagination, thoughtand values thatthe historian
can fullyunderstandmanyaspectsof socialchange.'9These scholars,
likeLynnWhiteand others,see attitudes towardlabor,natureand crafts
as vitalcluesto thewaysin whichmedievalsocietyfunctioned. On the
otherhand, studentsofmedievalintellectual historyhave increasingly
4 Dresbeck,"Techne,LaboretNatura,"91.
15 Ovitt,Restoration 199-204.
ofPerfection,
16 White,"HistoricalRootsofOur EcologicCrisis,"21-27.Foran exampleoftheolder
view,see RobertK. Merton,Science, Technology
andSocietyin Seventeenth-Century
England
(New York:HowardFertig,1970),76, originally publishedin 1938,who remarksthatto
see technological as pleasingto God in themselves
discoveries "wouldhavebeensimply
unthinkable in themedievalperiod."
17 See below,pp. 13-15.
18 JacquesLe Goff,Time,Work, andCultureintheMiddleAges,trans.ArthurGoldhammer
(Chicagoand London:The University ofChicagoPress,1980).
19 Dresbeck,"Techne,LaboretNatura,"83.
6 Artsfrom
TheMechanical theThirteenth
through
Antiquity Century
integratedtechnology intotheirpictureof medievalscientific and the-

ologicalthought.When,forexample,CharlesHomerHaskinsdescribed
in 1927the salientcharacteristics and historical backgroundofthecul-
turaland intellectualmovement stillknownas theTwelfth-Century Ren-
aissance,he made no mentionof eithertechnology or themechanical
arts;neithertermappearsin theindexof Haskins'sotherwisestillim-
portantwork.20Today,however,itis difficult to assess theintellectual
world of the High MiddleAges withouttakingsome accountof con-
temporary statements abouttheworthofcrafts, themechanicalartsor
manuallabor.2'Withoutclaimingan identity betweenthe attitudesof
artisans,merchants, monasticcraftsmen and otherswho producedor
used new techniquesand the views of philosophersand theologians
who articulatedsystemsof thoughtor beliefrelevantto a conceptof
technology, scholarssuchas M.-D. Chenu,A. C. Crombie,BrianStock,
WinthropWetherbee, FrancoAlessio,Mauricede Gandillac,JohnVan
Engenand OlafPedersenhaveexploredhowtechnological development
mayhave been reflected in contemporary thought.
The scholarlyeffort to definemedievalculturalattitudes towardlabor
and technology, however,has raisedseveralimportant questionsabout
medievalconceptsoftechnology whichremainlargelyunresolved.First,
the historyof ideas relatingto the mechanicalartsis stillunclear.Al-
thoughhistorianshave begunto examineideas aboutcrafts, laborand
the mechanicalartsas theyappear in isolatedtexts, for the mostpart,
thisworkhas proceededwithoutanyoverallhistorical and philosophical
perspective.It is notsurprising, therefore, thatscholarshave presented
strikinglydifferent views of the relationship of medievalideas about
technology tomedievalscience,tomedievaltheologyand totheclassical
philosophicaltradition. Whereas,forexample,Crombie,Bertrand Gille,
Pedersen,and Guy Beaujouanhave consideredthe genesisof a more
positiveviewoftechnology in theMiddleAgesas a productofchanging
contemporary conceptions ofthenatureand purposeofscientific knowl-
edge, Alessio,de Gandillacand othershave seen thisdevelopmentin
termsof a broad "religiousor naturalanthropology" withits rootsin
antiquity.22Stillotherhistorians, includingChenu,Stock,Van Engen,
Le Goff,Ovittand Whitehavefoundthesourceofnew attitudes toward
technologyin specifically Christianideas about work,artand nature;
yet,as we shall see, thesescholarsdiffer markedly amongthemselves
in theiranalysisoftheinterplay betweenreligion,socialconditions and
the mechanicalarts.
20 CharlesHomerHaskins,TheRenaissance oftheTwelfth Century(Cambridge,Mass.:
HarvardUniversity Press,1927).
21 See, forexample,
in therecentup-dating ofHaskins'swork,RobertL. Benson,Giles
Constableand CarolD. Lanham,eds.,Renaissance andRenewal intheTwelfth
Century(Cam-
bridge,Mass.: HarvardUniversity Press,1982),thearticlebyGerhart B. Ladner,"Terms
and Ideas of Renewal,"21: "We maynotethenew esteemshownin theearlytwelfth
centuryto themechanical arts...."
' The workofthesehistorians is discussedin detailbelow.
oftheProblem
TheHistory
Introduction: 7
Nor have philosophersoftechnology fullyassimilatedthisresearch.

Untilrecently, discussionofthedevelopment ofWesternphilosophical
ideas on technologyhas typically focusedon the differences between
classicaland modernconceptions ofknowledgewitha viewto explain-
ing why the latterled to a metaphysical and scientificbasis fortech-
nologyand theformer couldnot.23Medievalphilosophy, oftenassumed
to be merelyrestatingclassicalideas on crafts,was forthe mostpart
subsumedundertheumbrellaof ancientthought.Hans Jonas,forex-
ample,in his well-known essay,"The PracticalUses ofTheory"(1959),
on how modernconceptionsofthepracticaluse ofknowledgeand sci-
ence differed fromthe classicalcontemplative ideal,refersto onlyone
medievalauthor,Aquinas,"who ofcoursespeaksforAristotle."24 Sim-
ilarly,Paolo Rossi'sPhilosophy, Technology, andtheArtsintheEarlyModern
Era (1970) and Carl Mitcham'sstudy,"Philosophyand the Historyof
Technology"(1979),contrastclassicaland modernideas of technology
withonlya fewpassingcomments on medievalworks.25 Althoughnew
insightsintobothclassicaland medievalthoughthave begun to alter
thisperspective, a balancedviewofthehistorical development ofWest-
ern thinking on technology is stillto be achieved.
Second,thecurrent focusofmanyhistorians upon socialratherthan
intellectualhistoryhas sometimestendedto obscurethesignificance of
medievalperceptionsof technology as a branchofknowledge.Several
recentstudies,among themarticlesby LynnWhiteand Guy Allard,
have suggestedthatmedievalphilosophersand scientists, individually
and as a group,did notsharein theculturalreceptiveness totechnology
otherwisecharacteristic of the MiddleAges; instead,it is arguedthat
medievalintellectuals wereinfluenced bya systemofthoughtinherited
fromantiquitywhich encapsulatedphilosophicaland social values
stronglyantagonistic to the appreciation of themechanicalarts.26This
exclusionof the philosophicaltradition fromrelevanceto the problem
ofattitudestowardtechnology in theMiddleAges in a senserevivesor
perpetuatesin a new guisetheolderview oftheMiddleAges as intel-
3 For an overviewofphilosophical theoriesabouttheoriginsofmoderntechnology,

see Carl Mitcham,"The Religiousand PoliticalOriginsofModem Technology," in Phi-
losophyandTechnology, ed. Paul T. Durbinand FriedrichRapp (Boston:D. Reidel,1983),
267-273and LangdonWinner, Autonomous Technology: as a Theme
Technics-out-of-Control in
PoliticalThought(Cambridge, Mass. and London:The MIT Press,1971),109-122.
24 Hans Jonas,"The Practical Uses ofTheory,"in ThePhenomenon ofLife:Toward a Phil-
osophicalBiology(New York:Dell Publishing Co., DeltaBooks,1966),189.
Paolo Rossi,Philosophy, andtheArtsintheEarlyModern
Technology, Era,trans.Salvator
Attanasioand ed. BenjaminNelson(NewYork,Evanston,and London:Harperand Row,
HarperTorchbooks, 1970),32-33and 138,deniesmedievalthinkers any"theory"oftech-
nologyand briefly citesHughofSt. Victoras a representativeofAristotelian thoughton
the relationship ofnatureand art;CarlMitcham,"Philosophyand theHistoryofTech-
nology,"in TheHistory andPhilosophyofTechnology,ed. GeorgeBugliarello and Dean B.
Doner. (Urbana,Chicagoand London:University ofIllinoisPress,1979),178mentions no
medievalthinkers exceptAquinas.
26 See below,pp. 17, 19-20.
8 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
lectuallyindifferent to technological development.Althoughphiloso-

phersoftechnology havewidelycriticized whattheysee as an oversim-
plificationoftheclassicalWesternphilosophical tradition,
thisaspectof
recenthistoriography has been tacitlyacceptedby medievalists.27
Westernattitudestowardtechnologyhave oftenbeen tingedwith
ambivalence.Neitherclassicalnormedievalthinkers wereentirelyfree
ofnegativeattitudestowardthepracticeofcraftsor theirproducts.As
I shall demonstrate in thisstudy,however,ancientthoughton tech-
nologywas flexibleand ambiguousenoughto allow creative,positive
revisionand development bymedievalwriters.Thusfromclassicaland
patristicsourcesmanytwelfth- and thirteenth-centurywritersdevel-
oped positiveframeworks-both religiousand scientific-for
integrat-
ingtechnology as a category ofknowledgeintotheirthought.Although
social historyhas rightly challengedthe assumptionthata culturecan
be understoodlargely in terms ofitsphilosophy,medievaldiscussions
of technologydo notbearout theoppositeview,thatmedievalphilos-
ophy is marginalto the understanding of Westernculturalattitudes
towardtechnology.A fullreassessmentof the relationof technology
and philosophyin medievalculture,towardwhichthisstudybuilds,
should therefore give due allowanceto boththe constraints and pos-
sibilitiespresentedby thecontemporary framework ofthought.
Scholarshipon medievaltechnology and culturedoes providea set-
tingforthe problemof how medievalphilosophersdefinedthe me-
chanicalarts. M.-D. Chenu, the eminenthistorianof twelfth-century
theology,wrote,forexample,in 1957that"theriseofnew techniques
bothbetokenedand promoteda truediscovery, an activediscoveryof
nature,and man advancedtowardself-discovery as he came thus to
masternature."28 Thissensibility, Chenu suggests,was expressedin a
new concernforthe mechanicalartsand, especially,in an awareness
of the powerof humanartvis-a-vis nature.29Chenu's assessmentwas
echoed by otherscholarswritingaboutthe same time.OlafPedersen,
seemingtocharacterize theevolutionofmedievalscience,remarked that
"we discernthroughout theMiddleAges an alwaysgrowinginterest in
the mechanicalarts.Manual labor,iflittleesteemedin antiquity, was
rehabilitated."30Mauricede Gandillacreacheda similarconclusion.
Drawingattention to the existenceof a continuousmetaphysical-theo-
27 For discussionoftheissuesinvolved, see below,pp. 15-16.To myknowledge,the

onlymedievalhistorian to commenton White'sdismissalofphilosophyis BrianStock,
"Science,Technology, and EconomicProgressin theEarlyMiddleAges,"in Science inthe
MiddleAges,ed. DavidC. Lindberg(ChicagoandLondon:TheUniversity ofChicagoPress,
1978),1.
28 Chenu,Nature, Man,andSociety,39.
29
Ibid.,39-48.
3 OlafPedersen,"Du quadrivium a la physique:Quelquesapergusde l'evolution
scien-
tifiqueau MoyenAge," in ArtesLiberales vonderAntikenBildungzurWissenschaftdesMit-
ed. JosefKoch,Studienund Textezur Geistesgeschichte
telalters, des Mittelalters,
no. 5
(Leiden:E. J.Brill,1959),113.
TheHistory 9
logicaltraditionfromantiquity throughtheRenaissancewhichdefined
man as homofaber,de Gandillacnoted,"Far fromdespisingthe artes
mechanicae,medievalman was alreadyfaralong the way whichmade
his sons themastersand possessorsofnature."3'
These studies,and,forthemostpart,thosewhichfollowed,however,
did notattemptto deal systematicallywiththespecificproblemofhow
medievalphilosophersdefinedthemechanicalarts.Rather,theybegan
the importanttask of elaborating how generalattitudestowardcrafts
and manuallaborfedintothelargerpictureofmedievalculture.
What,forexample,was therelationship betweenthepractical achieve-
mentsofmedievalcraftsmen and thedevelopment ofmedievalscientific
theoryand method?Such a problem,ofcourse,is notunrelatedto the
largerissue oftherelationship
ofmedievaltomodernscienceand several
ofthosemedievalists especiallyconcernedwithdemonstrating theme-
dieval rootsof earlymodernscientific ideas have also emphasizedthe
interrelationshipbetweenthecrafttradition and naturalphilosophyin
the Middle Ages. The interestof medievalthinkers in the mechanical
artswas thusmade an aspectofthebroaderrehabilitation ofmedieval
scienceearliersetinmotionbyPierreDuhem,LynnThomdike,Marshall
Clagettand AnnelieseMaier.32
Althoughtheyrecognizedthatartisansand scientistsforthe most
partremaineddistinctgroupsin theMiddleAges (and forlong after),
A. C. Crombieand otherssuggestedthatthe two activitiesof science
and technology need nothavebeen completely divorced.In bothRobert
andtheOriginsofExperimental
Grossesteste Science(1953)and Augustineto
Galileo(1953),revisedas MedievalandEarlyModernScience(1959),Crom-
bie pointedto a long-standing and livelyconcernwithtechnicalprob-
lemsand methodson thepartofmedievalscientists, which,in hisview,
ultimatelybothinfluencededucationand contributed to theformation
of a conceptof experimental science.33Crombie,alongwithotherhis-
toriansofmedievalscienceand medicine,includingPedersen,Bertrand
Gille and Guy Beaujouan,arguedthattheworkofmedievalcraftsmen
31 Mauricede Gandillac, "Placeetsignification

de la techniquedansle mondemedieval,"
in Tecnicae casistica,
ed. EnricoCastelli(Padua: Casa Editrice Dott.AntonioMilani,1964),
271.
32 Forthehistoriographical issuesand bibliography relatingthecrafttraditionand the
genesisofmodemscience,see LynnWhite,"NaturalScienceand Naturalistic Artin the
MiddleAges," American Historical
Review52 (1947):422-423;Pedersen,"Du quadrivium
a la physique,"107-109;RupertHall, "The Scholarand the Craftsman in the Scientific
Revolution,"in Critical Problemsin theHistoryofScience, ed. MarshallClagett(Madison,
Wisc.:University ofWisconsinPress,1959),3-22 and A. C. Crombie,"The Significance
of MedievalDiscussionsof Scientific Methodforthe Scientific Revolution,"in Critical
Problems,79-101.Fora bibliographic introductionto worksbyDuhem,Maier,Alexandre
Koyre,JohnH. Randalland otherson thegeneralrelationship ofmedievalscienceto the
Scientific
Revolution, see EdwardGrant,Physical Sciencein theMiddleAges(Cambridge,
England:CambridgeUniversity Press,1977),114-115.
" A. C. Crombie,Robert and theOriginsofExperimental
Grosseteste 1100-1700
Science,
(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1953),16-43andMedieval andEarlyModern 1: 175-189.
Science,
10 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
the7Thirteenth
Century
was notentirely devoidofa theoreticalbasis,and,conversely, thatsome

medievalthinkers acknowledged,at leasttheoretically, theimportance
of practicalapplicationsofscientific
knowledge.34
Followingthelead ofLynnThorndike, scholarshavealso investigated
the role of magicand the so-calledoccultsciencesof astrologyand al-
chemyin fostering an empirical
and manipulative approachtonature.35
BertHansen and A. C. Crombie,forexample,have emphasizedthat
magicand technology sharethesamegoalofexerting powerovernature
and theyand othershavepointedtothetechnical contentofmanybooks
of"secrets."36LynnWhite,despitehisinsistence on thegeneralabsence
of interplaybetweenscienceand technology in the MiddleAges, has
singledout fourteenth- and fifteenth-century medicalastrologers as a
notableexception; inWhite'sviewthisgroupdevelopeda stronginterest
in machinedesignand construction arisingoutoftheirprofessional need
forinstruments and accurateastronomical observations.37
Although,ina further turnoftherevisionistscrew,muchrecentschol-
arshiphas tendedto de-emphasizetheimpactofmedievaltechnological
practiceon scientificmethod,theissue itselfhas remainedpartof the
continuingdebateon the characterof medievalscience.Thus, forex-
ample,GeorgeOvitt,who in somerespectsreturns to theviewsetforth
in WilliamWhewell'sHistory oftheInductive Sciences(1837)thatin the
Middle Ages "the divisionbetweenscientific theoryand mechanical
practicewas unequivocal,"neverthelessalso concludesthata "first
step" in resolvingthisdisjunctionwas takenby thethirteenth-century
thinker, RobertKilwardby.38 EvenGuyAllard'svigorousattackon those
scholarswho he feelshave distorted medievalscientific and philosoph-
ical ideas throughan overemphasis on positivestatements on theme-
chanicalarts (a groupin whichhe includesCrombie,Pedersen,and
Crombie,Robert Grosseteste,
16-43;Pedersen,"Du quadrivium a la physique,"107-
123; BertrandGille,"Le MoyenAge en Occident,"in Histoire generale destechniques, ed.
Daumas, 1: 594-597;GuyBeaujouan,"Reflexions surles rapports entretheorieetpratique
au MoyenAge," in TheCultural Context
ofMedieval ed. J.E. Murdochand E. D.
Learning,
Sylla(Dordrecht and Boston:D. Reidel,1975),437-484and "The Transformation ofthe
Quadrivium,"in Renaissance andRenewal,ed. Benson,Constableand Lanham,463-487.
However,cf. RupertHall, "The Scholarand the Craftsman," in Critical Problems,3-22,
who emphasizesthe distancebetweencraftsmen and theoreticalscientistsand Lon R.
Shelby,"The Geometrical KnowledgeofMediaevalMasterMasons,"Speculum 47 (1972):
395-421who showsthatmedievalmasons,at least,had littleknowledgeof theoretical
Eucidean geometry. See alsoJohnM. Riddle,"TheoryandPractice inMedievalMedicine,"
Viator5 (1974):161-184.
3 LynnThomdike, A HistoryofMagicandExperimental Science,8 vols. (New Yorkand
London:ColumbiaUniversity Press,1923-1958).
36 BertHansen,"Scienceand Magic,"in Science in theMiddleAges,ed. Lindberg, 483-
506; Crombie,Medieval andEarlyModernScience,1: 52-53.
37 LynnWhite,"MedicalAstrologers and LateMedievalTechnology," Viator6 (1975):
295-308,reprinted in Medieval
Religion,
297-316.
38 GeorgeOvitt,Jr.,"The StatusoftheMechanical Artsin MedievalClassifications of
Learning,"Viator14 (1983):89-105.
oftheProblem
TheHistory
Introduction: 11
Beaujouan) is itselfa reflectionof theimportance whichmedievalatti-

tudes towardtechnology are now accorded.39
A second area of interpretation ofmedievaltech-
is therelationship
nologyand religion.Historiansand philosophersoftechnology at least
sinceWeberhave consideredhow Christiantheologyinfluenced West-
ernattitudestowardnature,laborand wealthand, therefore, technol-
ogy.40The recentemphasison medievaltechnological dynamismhas,
on the one hand, focusedmuchofthisdiscussionon theMiddleAges
and, on the otherhand, drawntheattention to thein-
ofmedievalists
teraction ofreligiousideas,beliefsand institutions
withattitudestoward
technology.
Studentsof medievalthought,includingPedersen,de Gandillac,
Chenu and Alessio,forexample,have observedthatmedievalreligious
sensibilitiessometimesappearedto supportan interestin themechan-
ical arts,whichcouldbe viewedas an expressionofhumanproductivity
in relationship to thatof God and nature.41 More often,however,his-
torianshave turnedto the social contextof religiousattitudestoward
laborand technology. Monasticism, forexample,has longbeen an ob-
vious focusforexploringattitudesaboutthevalue ofwork.BothMum-
fordand Whiteheadhad in the 1920sand 1930sidentified monasteries
as primemoversin the developmentof technology in theWest.42For
3 Guy Allard,"Les artsmecaniquesaux yeuxde l'ideologiemedievale,"in Les arts

mecaniques au moyen age,Cahiersd'etudesmedievales7 (Montreal: Bellarmin;Paris:J.Vrin,
1982),13-32. Fora discussionoftherelationship betweenwritten textson techniquesin
the Middle Ages and actualtechnological development, see BertHall, "Productionet
diffusion de certainstraitesde techniques au moyenage," in Lesartsmecaniques, 147-170.
4 Fora reviewofMax Weber'sideas as theyapplyto theological conceptions oftech-
nologyinhisDieprotestantisch EthikundderGeistdesKapitalismus (1904-1905),see,especially
CarlMitcham,"The Religiousand PoliticalOriginsofModernTechnology," 267-270.For
an excellentguide to past and presenttheological perspectives on technology, see Carl
Mitchamand JimGrote,"AspectsofChristian Exegesis:Hermeneutics, theTheological
Virtues,and Technology," in Theology andTechnology:Essaysin Christian AnalysisandEx-
egesis,ed. CarlMitchamandJimGrote(Lanham,New Yorkand London:University Press
of America,1984),3-20 and, in the same volume,CarlMitcham'sannotated"Selected
Bibliography ofTheologyand Technology," 325-502.
41 Pedersen,"Du quadrivium a la physique,"109;de Gandillac,"Place et signification
de la techniquedans le mondemedieval,"272; FrancoAlessio,"La filosofia e le 'artes
mechanicae'nel secoloXII,"StudiMedievali 3rdseries6 (1965):71-155and Chenu,Nature,
Man, andSociety, 37-48. FordiscussionofAlessio'swork,see below,18. Chenu,Nature,
Man, and Society, 40 finds"a religiousmetaphysics" whichdefinedman as artisanto be
an important partoftwelfth-century theology:"The relationship to God's creativework
conferred a religioussignificanceuponhumanproductive activity;therelationshipto the
workofnatureprovidedsuchactivity withitsearthlystandardoftruth."
4 Mumford,Technics andCivilization,12-17;Whitehead,Science andtheModernWorld,
15. Foran updatedversionofMumford's thesisthatmonasticism encouragedtechnology
by fostering a mechanisticapproachto time,see David Landes,Revolution in Time:Clocks
and theMakingoftheModernWorld(Cambridge, Mass.: HarvardUniversity Press,1984),
53-84. Cf. DerekJ.de Solla Price,"Clockwork beforetheClock,"Horological Journal 97
(1955):27-35 and J.Needham,L. Wangand DerekJ.de SollaPrice,eds., Heavenly Clock-
work:TheGreatAstronomical ClockofMedievalChina(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity
Press,1959)who arguethatthemechanical clockwas inventednotbecauseofan interest
in time-keeping butas a byproduct oftheconstruction ofastronomical models.
12 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
them,and otherhistorians suchas ClarenceGlackenand LynnWhite,

themonasticlifebridgedthegap betweenpractical experience ofmanual
laborand theologicalnotionsofworkand man'srelationship to nature,
creatingin Glacken'sworks,"a chainfromtheologyto manuring."43 As
BrianStock,Christopher Holdsworth and JohnVan Engenhave shown,
the spiritualvalue ofworkwas verymuchan intellectual issue in mo-
nasticcirclesfromthelateeleventhcenturyon. Van Engenhas drawn
attentionto a Benedictinetraditionprobablyoriginating withRupertof
Deutz and explicatedin TheophilusPresbyter's De diversis
artibus,dated
by Van Engento theearlytwelfth century,whichdefinedman'simage-
likenessto God in termsof skillin all the arts,includingcrafts.' In
Holdsworth'sview, however,the Cistercianjustification of workas a
spiritualexercise,developed in reactionto what had become themore
commonview of manuallaboras servileand unnecessaryto the mo-
nasticlife,was mostinfluential in the twelfth century.Holdsworth's
examinationof the debatebetweenCisterciansand othermonasticor-
dersand Stock'sanalysisofBernardofClairvaux'ssermonsdemonstrate
thatit was possibleto turntraditional ideals of poverty,humility and
social reformto the defenseof humanlaboras an aspect of spiritual
progress.45
The interplayof medievalreligionand attitudestowardlabor,time
and technology has becomea majorinterpretative toolin thehands of
JacquesLe Goffand LynnWhite,who, however,differ profoundly in
theirapproachto thematerial.Le Goffsees thegrowthofwhathe calls
a "positivetheologyof labor"as a resultof socialchangeand the in-
teractionof "high" and "low" culture.46 An approvingevaluationof
4 ClarenceGlacken,Traces on theRhodian Shore:NatureandCulture in Western Thought

fromAncient TimetotheEndoftheEighteenth Century Los Angeles,and London:
(Berkeley,
University ofCaliforniaPress,1967),351. ForWhite'sthesison theconnection between
monasticism and medievaltechnology, see below,p. 15.
4 JohnVan Engen,"TheophilusPresbyter and RupertofDeutz:The ManualArtsand
Benedictine Theologyin theEarlyTwelfth Century,"Viator11 (1980):147-163.
4 Christopher Holdsworth, "The BlessingsofWork:theCistercian View,"in Sanctity
andSecularity:TheChurchandtheWorld, ed. DerekBaker,Studies inChurch History,10(New
York:Harperand Row,1973),59-76;BrianStock,"Experience, Praxis,Workand Planning
in BernardofClairvaux:Observations on theSermones inCantica,"in TheCultural Context
ofMedievalLearning,
BostonStudiesinthePhilosophy ofScience,24(Dordrecht andBoston:
D. Reidel,1974),219-259.However,cf.M.-D. Chenu,"Civilisation urbaineet theologie:
L'Ecole de Saint-Victor
au XIIesi&le," Annales: Economies,Societies,
Civilisations
29 (1974):
1263,who contrasts St. BernardwithHugh of St. Victor,authoroftheDidascalicon and
one ofthemostimportant monastic writers on themechanical arts:"The Didascaliconwas
unthinkable at Clunyor at Clairvaux;itwas composedat thegatesofParis."
Forreligiousthoughtin thetwelfth century, see GilesConstable,"Renewaland Reform
in ReligiousLife:Conceptsand Realities,"in Renaissance and Renewal, 37-67 and Jean
Leclercq,"The RenewalofTheology,"in Renaissance andRenewal, 68-87.
4 Le Goff,"Licitand IllicitTradesin theMedievalWest,"in Time,WorkandCulture,
58-70;"Labor,Techniques,and Craftsmen in theValueSystemsoftheEarlyMiddleAges
(Fifthto TenthCenturies)," ibid.,71-86and "Tradesand Professions as Representedin
MedievalConfessors'Manuals,"ibid.,107-121.ForLe Goff'sdiscussionofhis method
and philosophyofhistory, see ibid.,preface,vii-xv.
introduction: oftheProblem
TheHistory 13
labor,originally a "merelylatentand undevelopedpossibility in Chris-

tianity,"emergedbecauseofthegrowingeconomicand socialpressure
exertedby artisans,merchantsand laborersbeginningin the twelfth
century.47 The medievalChurch'sinitialhostilityand contempt forman-
ual laborand tradewere reflected, accordingto Le Goff,in the Bene-
dictinedefinition of manuallaboras a penitentialinstrument forthe
expiationofsin and thecondemnation ofcommerceand relatedtrades
as illicitand immoral.48 Twelfth-
and thirteenth-centurytheologiansand
scholastics,however,respondedto social pressureby modifying the
traditional positionof the Church,recastinglaboras a positivemeans
of salvationand greatlyenlargingthenumberand typesofprofessions
regardedas legitimate and morallypraiseworthy.49
LikeGeorgesDuby,
JohnBaldwinand otherhistorians ofthesocialhistory oftheHighMid-
dle Ages, Le Goffnotesthepreoccupation oftheologiansoftheperiod
withthe ethicaland social implications of wealth,commerceand the
merchant'srolein society.50 "Withthebeginningofthethirteenth cen-
tury,"Le Goffconcludes,"theworkingsaintwas losingground,giving
way to the saintlyworker."51 This movement,however,tooka theo-
logicalformonlypartlybecausetheBibleand thewritings oftheChurch
Fatherscontainedelementsofa spiritualapproachto labor;rather,the
emergingideologyofworkwas expressedtheologically because "noth-
ing could becomean objectof consciousreflection in theMiddleAges
exceptby way ofreligion."52
In contrast, LynnWhitearguesthatLatinChristianity was inherently
sympathetic to technologicaladvanceand createdin medievalEurope
a culturalclimatewhichencouragedan aggressiveand exploitative at-
4 Le Goff,"Tradesand Professions," 110-112.

48
Ibid., "Licitand IllicitTrades,"58-62.Le Goffarguesthat"thereshouldbe no mis-
takingthepositionofSaintBenedictand Benedictine spirituality
withregardtolabor....
In the Benedictine mindduringthe earlyMiddleAges,bothlabor'sspirituality, which
was merelya penitential instrument, and its theology,accordingto whichlaborwas a
consequenceoforiginalsin,had onlynegativevalue,as itwere"(pp. 110-111).However,
he also acknowledgesthat"thereis no questionabouttheimportant roleplayed-from
thebeginning-byBenedictines intheareasbothofmanuallaborand ofintellectual labor.
In practice,somewhatcontrary to SaintBenedict'sidea,theywereexemplary" (p. 317,n.
10). Le Goffemphasizesthe"ambiguity ofthelegacies"on laborinheritedbythemedieval
worldfromclassical,Germanic,and Judeo-Christian sources,"Labor,Techniques,and
Craftsmen," 73-77.
49 Le Goff, "Licitand IllicitTrades,"62-70;"Tradesand Professions," 116-121.
5 GeorgesDuby,TheThreeOrders: FeudalSocietyImagined,trans.ArthurGoldhammer
(Chicagoand London:The University ofChicagoPress,1980)documents theimpactofa
changingsocietyand economyon twelfth-century ideas ofan orderedsociety;JohnW.
Baldwin,"TheMedievalTheoriesoftheJustPrice:Romanists, Canonists,andTheologians
in theTwelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,"TransactionsoftheAmerican Philosophical
Society,
n. s. 49, pt. 4 (Philadelphia:The American PhilosophicalSociety,1959),reprintedin Pre-
CapitalistEconomic Thought: Three Modern ed. LeonardSilk(NewYork:Amo
Interpretations,
Press,1972)and Masters, Princes,andMerchants: TheSocialViewsofPetertheChanter andhis
Circle,2 vols. (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton UniversityPress,1970),1: 261-311dis-
cusses scholasticand theological viewsofusuryand themerchant.
51 Le Goff, "Tradesand Professions," 115.
52 Ibid., 109.
14 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
titude toward nature. In a series of articlespublished between 1940 and

1975, White refersto many elements within Christianitywhich have
long been associated by historianswith the development of Western
science and technology,including charityand compassion for the in-
dividual soul, the Judaic respect forwork, a linear concept of history,
a creator-godand the Biblicalinjunctionto rule the earth.53In particular,
following Robert Forbes and Ernst Benz, White suggests that Christi-
anity,by replacingpagan animismwitha view ofmatteras inertmaterial
created for a spiritualpurpose, encouraged man to see himselfas the
master and exploiterof nature.4 White's distinctivecontribution,how-
ever, is the argument that the medieval West's unique technological
dynamism (far more developed, for example, than equally Christian
Byzantium) can be explained by the voluntaristicand activistcharacter
of Latin piety.
have long been aware of a basic contrastof tonality

Historiansof spirituality
betweenthetwo greatsegmentsofChristendom whichsurelyaffected thede-
velopmentoftheirrespective technologies.The Greekshavegenerally heldthat
sin is ignoranceand thatsalvationcomesby illumination. The Latinshave as-
sertedthatsinis vice,and thatrebirthcomesbydisciplining thewillto do good
works.The Greeksaintis normally a contemplative;theWesternsaint,an ac-
tivist.55
The slightbutsignificant betweenGreekand Latinpietyin thispe-
differences
5 White'sfirstarticleon medievaltechnology, "Technology andInvention intheMiddle

Ages," (1940),157concludes,"Thelabor-saving power-machines ofthelaterMiddleAges
were producedby theimplicit theologicalassumptions oftheinfinite worthofeven the
mostdegradedhumanpersonality, byan instinctive repugnance towardssubjecting any
man to a monotonousdrudgery whichseemsless thanhumanin thatit requiresthe
exerciseneitherof intelligence norof choice."Whiteexpandedand modifiedhis thesis
thatChristianity was thecause oftechnological development in theWestin "WhatAc-
celeratedTechnological Progressin theWestemN MiddleAges?" in Scientific Change,ed.
A. C. Crombie(New York:BasicBooks,1963),272-291;"The Iconography ofTemperantia
and theVirtuousness ofTechnology," inActionandConviction inEarly Modern Europe:Essays
in Memory ofE. HarrisHarbison, ed. T. K. Rabband J.E. Seigel(Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton UniversityPress,1969),197-219;"CulturalClimatesandTechnological Advance
in theMiddleAges," Viator 2 (1971):171-201;"MedievalEngineering and theSociology
ofKnowledge,"Pacific Review
Historical 44 (1975):1-21 and "The Historical RootsofOur
EcologicCrisis,"Science155,wholeno. 3767(March10, 1967):1203-1207.Withtheex-
ceptionof "WhatAcceleratedTechnological Progressin the MiddleAges?" and "The
HistoricalRootsof Our EcologicCrisis,"thesearticleshave been reprinted in Medieval
Religion."TheHistorical RootsofOurEcologicCrisis,"has beenwidelyreprinted; see Carl
Mitcham,"SelectBibliography ofTheologyand Technology," 396fora partiallist.In part
perhapsbecausethisarticle,unlikeWhite'sotherwork,presentstheinfluence ofChris-
tianityin a negativelight,ithas becomea focusofcontroversy; see below,n. 64.
5 RobertJ.Forbes,StudiesinAncient Technology (Leiden:E. J.Brill,1965)2: 103-105and
Man theMaker:A History ofTechnology andEngineering (New York:Schuman,1950),107-
109;ErnstBenz,"Fundamenti cristianidellatecnicaoccidentale," in Tecnica
e casistica,
241-
265and "TheChristian Expectation oftheEndofTimeandtheIdealofTechnical Progress,"
in EvolutionandChristian Hope:Man'sConcept oftheFuture from theEarlyFathers toTeilhard
de Chardin (GardenCity,N.Y.: Doubleday,1966),121-141;White,"CulturalClimates,"
186-189(Medieval Religion,236-238).
5 White,"CulturalClimates," 189(Medieval Religion,238).
TheHistory 15
riod help not onlyto makehistorically the accomplishment

intelligible of the
medievalWestin technology butlikewiseto explainthepsychicfoundations
of
our moderntechnology whichrestson thatachievement.56
White'sconcernis focusedon medievalWesternmonasticism,

which
"asserted the originallyJewishthesis thatwork . . . is an essential kind
ofworship."57 The equationofworkwithprayertogether withan ideal
of activereformled Europeanmonks,accordingto White,to believe
thatadvancingtechnology was bothpleasingto God and morallysal-
vatory,a beliefexpressedin manuscript illuminations
and putintoprac-
ticeby themonksthemselves.58 Sincethisattitudetowardtechnology,
in White'sview, was not shared,forthe mostpart,by scientistsand
philosophers,it is primarily
to the religiousbeliefsof monksthatme-
dieval Europe owed not onlyits technological supremacybut also its
unique conceptionoftechnology as a divinelysanctionedactivity.59
White'sprovocativepresentation ofhis thesisthatLatinChristianity
was thecause ofmedievaltechnological dynamism raisesseveralissues
whichare at theheartofthelatentconfusionoverthehistoryand sig-
nificanceofmedievalthoughton technology. On theone hand,White's
insistenceon religionas the primaryshaperof cultureinviteshim to
overemphasizeclassicalcontemptforlaborand technological artsas a
contrastto Westernmonasticapprovalofthem.60 On thispoint,he has
been questionedby Carl Mitcham,JohnPassmoreand otherphiloso-
phersoftechnology who have referred to a Greek,especiallyStoic,and
Romantradition whichvaluedworkand manas controller ofhisphysical
environment.61 On the otherhand, althoughWhitehimselfpointsto
thedangerofregarding Christianityas a monolithicsetofattitudesand
ideas, he also mayhave neglectedthevarietyofattitudestowardwork
56 Ibid.,201 (Medieval Religion,253).

5 Ibid., 191 (MedievalReligion, 241). See also, "MedievalEngineering," 2-3 (Medieval
Religion,319-320)and "Iconography ofTemperantia," 198-199(Medieval Religion,182-184).
Whiteconsistently emphasizestheabsolutedifference betweenclassicalcontempt forlabor
and monasticapprovalofit.
58 White,"Iconography of Temperantia,"201-202,213-217(Medieval Religion, 185-187,
192-203);"CulturalClimates,"197-199(Medieval Religion,248-251).
59 White,"MedievalEngineering," 11-14(Medieval Religion,
328-331).
' White,"Continuing theConversation," in WesternMan andEnvironmental Ethics,57
(thisis a replyto criticsofWhite'sarticle,"The Historical RootsofOur EcologicCrisis"):
"Everyculture, whether itis overtly
religious ornot,is shapedprimarilybyitsreligion....
I have moreand moreconvergedupon religion, includingcryptoreligion,as a sourcefor
historicalexplanations."
61 Mitcham,"Religiousand PoliticalOriginsof ModernTechnology," 271-272;John
Passmore,Man's Responsibility forNature:Ecological Problems andWestern Traditions(New
York:CharlesScribner's Sons,1974),4-5, 28-40.Glacken,Traces ontheRhodian Shore, 35-
149; de Gandillac,"Place et signification de la techniquedans le mondemedieval,"and
Alessio, "La filosofiae la 'artesmechanicae'nel secoloXII," 114-117also supportthis
view. Cf. Moses I. Finley,"TechnicalInnovation and EconomicProgressin theAncient
World,"Economic History Review 2nd. series18 (1965):29-45 fortheviewthateconomic
dependenceon slaveryin antiquity resultedin a contempt fortechnologyand labor.
16 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
and technology withinLatinChristianity.62White'spositionthat"[tech-

nological]aggressionis the normalWesternChristianattitudetoward
nature,"63forexample,has been challengedby scholarswho arguefor
thepresenceofa second,ifminority, Christiantraditionofstewardship
towardnaturein thepatristic, medievaland laterperiods.' The work
ofCrombie,Pedersen,and Beaujouanon therelationship oftheoryand
practicein medievalscience,and Le Goff,Holdsworthand otherson
theologicalperspectiveson laborsuggestsa widerrangeofviewsabout
thevalue ofmanuallaborand technology thanWhiteacknowledges.
The interpretationsofbothWhiteand Le Goffhavebeensubstantially
modifiedby George Ovitt.Ovitt,who has provideda valuable and
much-neededoverviewofmedievalconceptsofprogress,God as crafts-
man and monasticrules as theyrelateto attitudestowardlaborand
technology, suggeststhatwhilesomemedievalwriters believedmanual
work to be redemptive,theologiansmore consistently subordinated
manual workto spiritualends and aspirations.He concludes,against
White,thatreligiousvalues in the Middle Ages produceda strongly
ambivalentattitudetowardlaborand technology.65 And,althoughOvitt
agreeswithLe Goffthatitis moreaccurateto see medievaltheologians
as merelyrespondingto social and economicchanges(ratherthanas
Whiteargues,thatmedievaltheologyitselfproducedthesechanges),
Ovittdescribesthisresponsein farmorenegativetermsthandoes Le
Goff.IfforLe Goffthetwelfth and thirteenth
centuriessaw thetriumph
of a "theologyoflabor,"forOvittit is preciselyin thisperiodthatthe
Churchdisassociateditselffromitsearlieridealofcooperative laborand
initiatedwhat Ovittcalls the "secularization
of labor."Henceforth,he
argues,manuallaborwas relegatedtotheseparate(and inferior) sphere
of workersand bothlaborand technology were divorcedfrommoral
and spiritualgoals.66
62
White,"CulturalClimates,"188(Medieval Religion,237).
63
Ibid., 199(MedievalReligion,
251).
64 Passmore,Man'sResponsibilityforNature,4-5, 28-40;KeithThomas,ManandtheNat-
uralWorld:A History oftheModernSensibility (New York:PantheonBooks,1983),17-25
and, especially,RobinAttfield, "ChristianAttitudes to Nature,"Journal oftheHistory of
Ideas44 (1983):369-386and TheEthics ofEnvironmental Concern (New York:ColumbiaUni-
versityPress,1983),20-33. See also Ovitt,RestorationofPerfection,
70-87.
Whitestateshisargument thatLatinChristianityis thesourceofmedievaland present
Westernexploitative attitudes
towardnaturemostuncompromisingly in "The Historical
RootsofOur EcologicCrisis."Thisarticle, whichhas beenwidelyreprinted as partofthe
current interestin environmentalstudies,has arousedconsiderable responseamongcon-
temporary philosophersand theologiansoftechnology. See, especially,Winner,Auton-
omousTechnology, 112-118;LewisW. Moncrief, "TheCulturalBasisofOurEnvironmental
Crisis,"in Western ManandEnvironmental 31-42;ReneDubos, "A Theologyofthe
Ethics,
Earth,"in Western ManandEnvironmental Ethics,43-54;andThomasSeigerDerr,"Religious
Responsibility forEcologicalCrisis:An Argument RunAmok,"Worldview 18,no. 1 (an-
uary,1975):39-45. Forfurther examplessee Mitcham,"SelectBibliography ofTheology
and Technology," 380-381.
65 Ovitt,Restoration 164-165,200-201.
ofPerfection,
66 Ibid., 137-163,200-201.
TheHistory 17
A less obviouscorollaryof White'semphasison religionis his dis-

missalofmedievalphilosophy.ForLe Goff,forexample,theemergent
approvalof laborwas expressedin philosophicaland scholasticworks
of"high"cultureno lessthanintypesofevidencewhichreflected "low"
culture:indeed,his argumentin partturnson his view thatmedieval
intellectuals
respondedto socialchangebyadoptingnew viewsofman-
ual labor.A peculiarity ofWhite'spresentation, however,as suggested
above is thatalthoughitpurportsto connecttheologyand technology,
it excludesthebodyofmedievalphilosophicaland theologicalthought
fromany significant rolein forming medievalresponseto technological
progress.Whitesees the attemptby some medievalthinkers, such as
Theophilusand Hugh of St. Victorto give technologya new philo-
sophicalstatus,as an "abjectfailure,"notonlybecauseofthe"old non-
monasticupper-classprejudiceagainstmanuallabor,"butalso because
ofthe pervasivecontemptforthemechanicalartsinherited fromantiq-
uity.67If religiousfeelingsupportedtechnology, the medievalphilo-
sophicaltradition, in White'sview, merelyperpetuated"ancientper-
versities."68It is symptomatic of the gap createdby Whitebetween
"religion"and "philosophy"thathisevidenceformedievalconceptions
of technologyand labor is almostentirelyiconographical or circum-
stantial(that is, evidence that Westernchurchesunlike Byzantine
churches,in factused mechanicaldevicessuchas clocksand organs)69
and that,by his own account,the values in LatinChristianity which
made thepursuitoftechnology morally virtuousexisted"belowthelevel
of verbalexpression,""so deep thattheyare not oftenverbalizedex-
plicitly,"and "so takenforgranted,so axiomatic, thattheylargelyelude
expressionin writing."70
These severalquestions-the relationship of medievalattitudesto-
ward labor and technological artsto those of classicalantiquity,the
influenceof contemporary conceptionsof the natureand purpose of
scientificknowledge,and theimpactofreligiousideas ofhumanvirtue
on attitudestowardtechnological progress-are amongthosewhicha
comprehensive studyoftheconceptofthemechanical artsintheMiddle
Ages mighthelp to answer.Such a studywould contribute towardes-
67 White,"MedievalEngineering," 11-12(MedievalReligion,328).
68 Ibid., 12 (MedievalReligion,328).
69White,"CulturalClimates,"197-198(Medieval Religion, of
248-250);"Iconography
Temperantia," 201-202(MedievalReligion,
185-187).Although White'siconographicalanal-
ysisis persuasive,he offers
onlytwoexamplesdirectly concernedwithtechnology, one
fromtheninthcentury, thesecondfromthefifteenth. Whitediscussesonlytwotreatises
on craftsor themechanicalarts,Theophilus'sDe diversis
artibusand Hugh ofSt. Victor's
Didascalicon,"CulturalClimates,"195-197(Medieval Religion,
246-248).As Winner,Au-
tonomous Technology,
115pointsout,White,as wellas Weber,seestheWest'spreoccupation
withtechnological domination as stemmingfrom"theveryidentity ofWesternman."
70 White,"Iconography of Temperantia,"216 (MedievalReligion,201): "CulturalCli-
mates," 190 (MedievalReligion,239); "Medieval Engineering," 2 (MedievalReligion,318).
Mitcham,"Religiousand PoliticalOriginsofModernTechnology," 272 and Stock,"Sci-
ence,Technology,and EconomicProgress,"1 briefly
referto thispoint.
18 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
tablishing theextentto whichmedievalthinkers articulatedexplicitjus-

tificationsoftechnology as a humanactivity and category ofknowledge.
Althoughtheseissueshavebeguntobe examinedbythecomparatively
fewscholarsto deal directly and systematicallywiththemedievalme-
chanicalarts,in manyways these workshave reproducedthe frag-
mentedperspectiveof moregeneralstudiesof medievalcultureand
technology.
PeterSternagel'sDie ArtesMechanicae imMittelalter(1966)collectedfor
the firsttimemostof the explicitreferences to the artesmechanicae or
mechanicalartsin theperiodfromtheearlyMiddleAges throughthe
thirteenth century.71The workremainsan invaluablebibliographic ref-
erenceforthe relevantprimarysourcematerialand demonstrates the
important pointthatthe termartesmechanicae was coinedin the ninth
centuryand acquiredfurther substanceand meaningin thetwelfth and
thirteenth centurieswhen it becamethe usual rubricfortechnological
of the artsand sciences.72As Sternagelhimself
arts in classifications
acknowledges,however,his analysisis primarily linguisticand neither
deals withtheissuesraisedbythetexts,norputsthemwithina tradition
or contextof thought.73 The limitations of Sternagel'sfocusare illus-
tratedbyhisfailuretodiscussRogerBacon,despiteBacon'swell-known
interestin technological devicesand experimental science,becauseBa-
of the sciencesdoes notname technological
con's classification artsas
"mechanical"arts.Insofaras Sternagelgoes beyondthecollectionand
description oftexts,he suggeststhatmedievalviewsofthemechanical
arts were fundamentally disorderedby attitudeswhich,on the one
hand,valued religiouspovertyand the"pure" laborofthefarmer and,
on theotherhand,recognizedthesocialprestigeaccordedthemerchant
and the ownerofgoods.74
FrancoAlessio,in contrast, places twelfth-centuryviews of the me-
chanicalartswithina broadphilosophicalsetting.75 Arguingthatthe
twelfth century was a pivotalperiodin thedevelopment ofideas about
technology, AlessioanalyzestheworkofHughofSt.Victorand Domini-
cus Gundisalvoas a "religiousor naturalanthropology" whichhad its
ultimateoriginsin antiquity.76 he suggeststhatHugh ofSt.
Specifically,
Victor'spositiveconceptionof the mechanicalartswas inspiredby a
passage in Augustine'sCityofGod,whichin turnreflects theviews of
Ciceroand, beyondCicero,Posidoniusand Panaetius.7Accordingto
Alessio,the medievalconceptionof theartesmechanicae is bestunder-
71PeterStemagel,Die ArtesMechanicae imMittelalter. undBedeutungsgeschichte
Begriffs-
biszumEndedes13. Jahrhunderts (KallmunguberRegensburg: Lassleben,1966).
72 Ibid.,30-36,77-78.
73 Ibid., 123-124.
74 Ibid.
7 Alessio's "Filosofia
e le 'artesmechanicae"'appearedindependentlyofStemagel's
workand does notreferto it.
76
Ibid.,83.
77 Ibid., 114-117.
TheHistory 19
stood not,as Crombieand Pedersensaw it,as a chapterin thehistory

of sciencebutratheras a conflation and enrichment oftraditionsabout
art,natureand man as homofaber.78
The framework set up by Alessio and Sternagel,however,was re-
jectedin 1982by GuyAllard.79 Accordingto Allard,thosehistorians of
philosophyand sciencewhohavefollowedtheexampleofPierreDuhem
and soughttheoriginsofmodernsciencein theMiddleAges, a group
in whichhe explicitly includesSternageland Alessio,have failedprop-
erlyto distinguish betweenthe statements of certainartisans,monks,
preachers,and merchantsand the philosophicalthoughtof medieval
intellectuals.80Whereasthe former are, in Allard'sphrase,"optimistic
and favorable"towardtechnology, the latterare characterized by an
"ideologicalblockage"whichinevitably resultedin the devaluationof
the mechanicalarts.81The hierarchical systemofthoughtused by Au-
gustineand the medievalscholasticsdependedupon definingthe in-
terior,spiritualsideofmanas moreimportant thantheexterior, material
man and theoretical knowledgeas morevaluablethanthe production
In supportof his view thatthissystemnecessitatedthe
of artifacts.82
inferiority
ofthemechanicalarts,Allardmarshalsevidencethattheme-
chanicalartswerecommonly referred to as "servile,""adulterate,""ex-
terior,"or "lesser,"and suggeststhattheliterary or rhetorical-
function
oftenaccordedthemonlyfurther led to theiroccultation.83
Underlying thisrejectionof themechanicalartswas a "reflexof de-
fenseand fear"againsttheperceivedthreatof socialchangewhichin
the twelfthand thirteenth centurieswas occasionedby the new social
mobilityand access to moneymaking professions.'Allardrecognizes
onlytwoexceptionstothisgeneralpattern: RogerBacon,who expresses
a "strangeand new" appreciationfortechnological arts,and Dante,
whose work, Allard suggests,reflects thepoliticalpowerofmerchants
and artisansin contemporary Florence.85
Yet anotherperspective is offeredbyGeorgeOvitt'sTheRestoration of
Perfection.Althoughlargelyconcernedwiththe broaderquestionsof
attitudestowardwork,Ovittdevotesa chapterto theplace oftheme-
chanicalartsin classifications of knowledge.Like Allard,Ovittfinds
medieval philosophyorganizedaccordingto hierarchicalprinciples
78 Ibid.,82-83.
79 Allard,"Artesmecaniques,"13-14specificallydiscussesAlessioand Stemagelas the
two pioneersin thestudyofthemedievalmechanical arts.
80 Ibid., 13-15.
81 Ibid., 15.
82 Ibid., 15-19.
8 Ibid.,17-24.AllardgivesHughofSt. Victor, whois citedbyAlessioand LynnWhite

as demonstrating a verypositiveview oftechnology(Alessio,"Filosofiae le 'artesme-
chanicae,"'119-120;White,"CulturalClimates,"196-197[Medieval Religion246-248]),as
an important exampleoftheoccultation ofthemechanicalarts.
4 Allard,"Artsmecaniques,"15,24-29.
85
Ibid.,29-31.
20 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
which placed the mechanicalartson the lowestrungof knowledge.

UnlikeAllard,however,he does notsee socialor class relationshipsas
sufficientto explainthislow status;rather,he arguesthatthe classifi-
catoryschemeused bymedievalauthorswas theprimary reasonforthe
devaluingof the mechanicalartsbecause it was based on "the meta-
physicaleffectsofthescience[onthestudent]ratherthanon eithertheir
methodsor products."86 This "metaphysical"approachto knowledge
necessarilylimitedthe extentto whichthe mechanicalartscould be
consideredas practicalmechanicsand broughtintorelationship with
theoreticalscience.Althoughforexample,Hugh ofSt. Victorincludes
the mechanicalartsamongthenecessarypartsofknowledge,theyap-
pear as theleastvalued categorybecausetheydeal withthebodyand
serve merelyas a preliminary step towardsalvation.A moremodern
idea of the relationshipof theoretical
and applied science,therefore,
could only come about throughthe abandonmentof what Ovittcalls
the "metaphysical"or "salvationary"conceptionof knowledge.One
importantstep in thisdirectionoccursin RobertKilwardby'sDe ortu
scientiarumwhich,Ovittpointsout, modifiesAristotelian principlesin
orderto show thatthetheoretical sciencesofmathematics and physics
make use of the mechanicalartsand viceversa.87Anotherimportanttext
is RaymondLull'sArbor scientiae
in whichrelationships amongscientific
disciplinesare morecrucialthanthe hierarchical subordination of the
physicalto the spiritual.88
Althoughhe emphasizesthe overalllimita-
tionsofmedievalclassificationsoflearning,therefore,Ovitt,likeAllard,
findssignificantexceptions.
Scholarshave thusfarprovidedvaluableinsightsintomedievalideas
about technology butas yetno coherentoverallpictureofthecontem-
poryconceptof the mechanicalarts.The presentstudywillseekto add
and
clarity completeness to scholarlyassessmentsofthemedievalme-
chanicalarts and therebycontribute to further understanding of the
culturaland intellectualcontextof medievaltechnology.The diverse
interpretationsofferedby Le Goff,White,Crombie,Alessio, Allard,
Ovittand othersreflect notonlydifferences in scholarlyemphasisbut,
moreimportantly, thecomplexity and ambiguity oftheintellectualtra-
ditionitself.We cannot,in myview,hope to understandthehistory of
medievalideas aboutthevalue oftechnology or the significance
ofin-
dividualfiguressuch as Hugh of St. Victor,RogerBacon and Robert
Kilwardbyunless we apply a perspectiveat once broaderand more
precisethanhas heretofore been used. On theone hand,theoftenelu-
sivestatements ofmedievalauthorson themechanical artsmustbe seen
as partofa continuingtradition
on thenatureand purposeofknowledge
8 Ovitt,"StatusoftheMechanical
Arts,"93-94.See also Restoration 119-
ofPerfection,
120,136.
87
Ibid., 127-130.
88
Ibid., 133-135.
TheHistory 21
goingbackto antiquity at leastas faras thetimeofPlatoand Aristotle.

Itis perhapsdifficult
todaytoappreciatethelogicaland historical weight
of classicalphilosophicalprincipleswhichdefinedknowledgeas truth
soughtforitsown sake;yet,itis withinthissystemofthought, inherited
by the Middle Ages and absorbedby medievalChristianity, thatme-
dieval thinkersattempted to assimilatetheimpactof technological de-
velopment.At the same time,as we shallsee, thisphilosophicalstruc-
turewas notinflexible butcouldbe modifiedand developedin various
ways so as to givetechnology bothmoraland intellectual sanction.On
the otherhand, the reworking of ideas in new directions did not take
place in a historical
vacuumbut reflected changingcircumstances and
intellectualcurrents.We must,therefore, also considerin moredetail
the historyof Aristotelianism and Platonismin the Middle Ages, the
impactof theavailability or loss of specifictexts,and thechangingde-
mandsmade on philosophyas an intellectual tool.Medievaldefinitions
and evaluationsofthemechanicalartsreflected in varyingdegreesthe
subtleresponsesof thinkers to the socialcircumstances in whichthey
found themselves,to a long-livedand respected,but stillmalleable,
classicalphilosophicaltradition, and to theirindividualintellectual
con-
cerns.Ifwe look morecloselyat theseresponsesthroughthefocusof
how craftsappeared in classifications of knowledge,a fullerview of
medievalideasaboutthenatureand valueoftechnology shouldemerge.
rRANS. AMER. PIL. SOC.
VOL. 80 Pr. 1, 1990
II. Liberal
andIlliberal of
Arts:TheClassification
ArtsinAntiquity
Technical
T mheMiddleAgeswerethephilosophical
heirsofclassical
antiquity.
Medievalwriterson the arts,althoughprofoundly and deeply
affectedby contemporary conditionsand themoraland spiritual
demands of Christianity, wrotewithinan intellectual framework first
set out in Greekthought.In particular, new attitudestowardtechnical
arts,or crafts,developedwithreference to classicalideas aboutthere-
lationshipofarttonature,physicaltomentallabor,craft tophilosophy.'
Many ancientstatements oftheseideas wereunknownto themedieval
world; otherswere knownonlyin part,or througha seriesof inter-
mediaries.Nevertheless, a studyoftheattitudes ofantiquity as a whole
towardtheclassificationoftechnical artsas a partofknowledgeprovides
a valuablebasis fortheexamination ofthemechanicalartsin thetwelfth
and thirteenthcenturies.Not onlywerethethinkers ofthehighMiddle
Ages engagedin a rediscovery of classicalthought,but classicalviews
on thenatureofcraftsmanship, in theirmostdiffuseand generalform,
had becomepartofthemedievaltradition. The ideas expressedin an-
ofthearts,althoughstrongly
cientclassifications modifiedby medieval
thinkers, werealso consistentlyreferred to,eitherimplicitly orexplicitly,
bythemand providedtheframework withinwhichtheydevelopedtheir
own thoughton craft.
The complexity of classicalideas about technologyhas becomein-
creasinglyapparentin the last thirty years.Whereasearlierhistorians
of sciencesaw onlya pervasivecontemptformanuallaborand crafts,
since the 1950s scholarshave challengedthe idea thatantiquityas a
whole possessed an anti-technological prejudice.The workof Ludwig
Edelsteinon thehistory oftheidea ofprogressand on Greektechnology,
RudolfoMondolfoon Greekattitudestowardmanuallabor,ArthurD.
Kahn on the Greektragedians,DerekJ.de Solla Priceon thetechnical
achievementof the ancients,and ClarenceGlackenon environmental
ideas, amongothers,have in variouswaysshownthattherewas a pos-
itiveas well as a negativeelementin ancientattitudestowardwork,
' Hugh of St. Victor'sDidascalicon

(c. 1127),one ofthemostimportant medievaltexts
on technology's place amongthedivisionsofknowledge,exemplifies thispoint.Hugh's
defenseofcraft, whilein manyrespectsoriginal, is also in largepartbuiltupon classical
ideas (see ChapterIV). Othertwelfth-
and patristic and thirteenth-century thinkersused
ideas developedfromAristotle to supportschemaoftheartsand scienceswhichincluded
technology as thepracticalaspectoftheoretical science(see ChapterV).
23
24 Artsfrom
TheMechanical Antiquity
through Century
theThirteenth
craftsmanship and technicalinvention.2 One area whichhas tendedto

be overlookedin thisreassessment is how craftsfigurein classifications
of the artsand sciences.Majorstudieshave been done on theclassifi-
cationof the finearts,the liberalartsand the partsof philosophybut
these have treatedtechnicalarts only incidentally.3 Yet the ways in
whichthinkersorganizeknowledgeare extremely revealingof funda-
mentalattitudesabout the natureand value of the different artsand
scienceswhichtogether makeup thesumtotalofthatknowledge.Much
can be elucidated,forexample,aboutthehistory ofaesthetics, fromthe
studyof how painting,sculpture,and architecture have appearedin
ofthearts.4The placeoftechnicalartsin overallschemes
classifications
ofknowledgesimilarly providesa valuablelocusfortheimplicit expres-
sion ofbasic attitudestowardcraft.
of technicalartsseems to have providedan espe-
The classification
ciallycomplexphilosophical problemforancientthinkers.5 Technology
2 LudwigEdelstein, TheIdeaofClassical Antiquity(Baltimore: JohnsHopkins,1967)and

"RecentInterpretations of AncientScience,"Journal oftheHistoryofIdeas13 (1952):579-
585; RodolfoMondolfo,"The GreekAttitude towardManualLabor,"PastandPresent 6
(1954):1-5;Arthur D. Kahn,"'EveryArtPossessedbyManComesfromPrometheus': The
GreekTragediansand Scienceand Technology," Technology andCulture11(1970):133-162;
DerekJ.de SollaPrice,Gears from theGreeks:TheAntikythera Mechanism (NewYork:Science
HistoryPublications, 1975);ClarenceGlacken,Traceson theRhodian Shore(Berkeley: Uni-
versityof California Press,1967);J.Donald Hughes,Ecology in AncientCivilizations (Al-
buquerque,N.M.: University ofNew MexicoPress,1975).JohnPassmore,Man'sRespon-
forNature:Ecological
sibility Problems andWestern Traditions (New York:CharlesScribner's
Sons, 1974),4-5, 28-40,has recently arguedfora Stoicconceptof stewardship toward
nature;see also RobinAttfield, "Christian Attitudes to Nature,"Journal oftheHistory of
Ideas44 (1983):369-386 and TheEthics ofEnvironmental Concern (New York:ColumbiaUni-
versityPress,1983),1-66 fordiscussionofPassmore'sthesis.Fortheargument thatclas-
sicalculturewas unsympathetic towardtechnology see,especially,MosesI. Finley,"Tech-
nicalInnovationand EconomicProgessin theAncientWorld,"Economic History Review
2d series18 (1965):29-45.
3 Foran excellent discussionand bibliography on artin antiquity see Paul OskarKris-
teller,"The ModernSystemoftheArts,"Journal oftheHistory ofIdeas12 (1951):496-527;
rpt.in Renaissance Thought II: PapersonHumanism andtheArts(New York:Harper,1965),
163-227.On theliberalartssee HenriIreneeMarrou,"Les artsliberauxdans l'antiquite
classique,"in Artsliberaux et philosophieau MoyenAge:Actesdu Quatrieme Congres Inter-
nationalde Philosophie Medievale (Montreal:Institut d'EtudesMedievales,1969;Paris:Li-
brairePhilosophiqueJ.Vrin,1969),5-27 and Marrou,SaintAugustin etla finde la culture
antique,Bibliothsque des EcolesFrangaises d'Athenesetde Rome,Fasc.145(Paris:Boccard,
1938).Majorstudieson classification oftheartsand sciencesin antiquity whichat least
touchon thepositionofthecrafts besidetheaboveincludeJosephMarietan,Probleme de
la classification
des sciencesd'Aristote a s. Thomas(Paris:F. Alcan,1901);W. Tatkiewicz,
"Classification of theArtsin Antiquity," JournaloftheHistory ofIdeas24 (1963):231-240;
RobertFlint,Philosophy as Scientia andA History
Scientiarum, ofClassification
oftheSciences
(Edinburgh:W. Blackwood,1904),whichhoweverconcentrates on theperiodafterthe
seventeenth century; theintroductory materialin Friedrich Marx,ed. Corpusmedicorum
latinorum, 1 (Leipzig:B. G. Teubner,1915),andJuliusJuinthner, introduction to his trans-
lationof UberGymnastik byPhilostratus (Leipzigand Berlin:Teubner,1909),127-133.For
a discussionofideas aboutartin generalsee Margherita IsnardiParente,Techne: Momenti
delpensiero grecoda Platone ad Epicuro (Florence:La Nuova Italia,1966).
4 See, forexample,Kristeller, "ModemSystem,"163-174.
5 Two recentstudiesdealingwiththisproblem,and reachingsomewhatdifferent con-
clusions,are CarlMitcham,"Philosophy and theHistoryofTechnology," in TheHistory
Liberal
andIlliberal ofTechnical
Arts:TheClassification ArtsinAntiquity 25
is in manyrespectsa uniquemeetingplace betweenmindand matter;

thetendencyofmuchofclassicalthoughtto emphasizethedistinct and
separatenatureof thesetwo realmsled to a basic ambivalencein the
treatment of technicalartsas a kindof knowledge.On the one hand,
technicalinventionand practicewerefrequently regardedas requiring
physicalratherthanmentaleffort. WhenDemocrituscomparesarchi-
tectureand weavingwiththebuildingof nestsby birdsand webs by
spiders,he cameclosetoreducingtechnology to an instinctsharedwith
animals.6Craftsmanship was oftenrepresented as a kindofunthinking
experience(h?4r,6tpla),a mereknackformanualdexterity, substantially
different fromthe rationalprocessesinvolvedin the liberalarts and
knowledge.Regardedin thislight,technical
scientific artsorcraftswere
not trueknowledgeat all. On the otherhand, mostancientthinkers
(includingmany,suchas Platoand Aristotle who subscribetotheabove
viewin somecontexts) also assumecrafttobe a productofman'sreason
and, therefore, partof knowledgein a broad sense. Craftswere arts
and, likeall arts,achievedtheirpurposesby theuse ofan orderlyand
rationalmethod;unlikeactivitiesbased entirelyupon inspirationor
physicalexertion, followedrules.7Becauseof
thearts,includingcrafts,
this rationalcharacter,craftswere linked,howeverdistantly,with
highertypesofknowledge.
These opposingconceptionsof craftunderliemuch of ancientdis-
cussionon thevalueoftechnicalarts.The Hippocratic doctorsdefended
medicineon thegroundsthatitwas an art,thatis,based on knowledge.8
Plato's paradoxicaluse of technicalillustrationsor imageryis another
example.In theRepublic and elsewhere,theartisanprovidesthemodel
forthetruestatesman becauseitis theartisanwho,unlikethepoet,can
give a clear accountof his work,workscompetently towarda well-
definedgoal and producesworkthatcanbe judgedobjectively.9 As has
andPhilosophyofTechnology,ed. GeorgeBugliarello andDean B. Doner(Urbana:University

ofIllinoisPress,1979),163-201and Wolfgang Schadewaldt, "TheConceptsofNatureand
Techniqueaccording totheGreeks,"Research inPhilosophy andTechnology2 (1979):159-171.
6 Democritus, Fragment 154in M. Diehls and W. Kranz,eds., Die Fragmente derVor-
6thed. (Berlin:Weidmann,1954),2:173.
sokratiker,
7 The Greektermforart
(i8xvvq) and its Latinequivalent(ars)wereused broadlyto
applyto virtuallyall humanactivities whichwerein somesenserational, includingwhat
we would now distinguish as science,fineartand technology; "Modem
see Kristeller,
System,"166-167.Irrational or nonrational activities,however,werenot arts.Platoex-
cludes poetryfromtheartsbecauseit followedno fixedrulesand, therefore, couldnot
give a rationalaccountof itself(Ion533d)and Aristotle contrasts
the experienceof the
manuallaborerwiththeartofthemaster-worker becausethelatterknowsthe"why"and
cause of thingsbuttheformer actswithoutunderstanding whathe does likean animal
or inanimateobject(Metaphysics 1.1, 981a25-981b9). On theotherhand,even sex could
be regardedas an artifsufficiently
systematized, as, forexample,intheclassicalsexmanual
Dodecatechnon;see PeterCaws, "Praxisand Techne,"in TheHistory andPhilosophy ofTech-
nology,ed. G. Bubliarelloand D. Doner,228,247n. 5.
8 Hippocrates, TheArt,Loeb ClassicalLibrary (London:Heinemann,1931),2:191-217.
9 Plato,Republic488a-489,Loeb ClassicalLibrary (London:Heinemann,1935),2:16-22;
297e-299e,Loeb ClassicalLibrary
Politicus (London:Heinemann,1925),146-152.Forad-
ditionalexamplesofcraft as an analogyforstatecraft see J.R. Bambrough, "Plato'sPolitical
26 Artsfrom
TheMechanical Antiquity theThirteenth
through Century
been pointedout by G. R. E. Lloyd,BrunoSnell and others'0the in-

troductionof orderintodisorderand the necessaryskillfulactiondi-
rectedtowarda clearlyconceivedand good end involvedin the pro-
ductionofan artifact by theartisanwas a powerfulanalogyforcorrect
and knowledgeableactionin Greekthought.Platofindscraftso useful
as an examplethatCalliclesmustcomplainto Socratesin the Gorgias
thathe neverstopstalkingaboutcobblers,fullers, cooksand doctorsas
if the argumentwere aboutthem.1"At the same timePlato describes
crafts, byactualcraftsmen,
at leastas practiced as base and degrading.12
In Plato'smetaphysical worldthebed madebythecarpenter is a "shad-
owy thing,"onlyone stepremovedin itslevelofimitation or unreality
fromthe bed producedby the painter.13 Accordingto Plato,it is the
userofan object,notitsmaker,who possessesknowledgeofit.14Used
didactically,craftis presentedas a paradigmofwhatknowledgeshould
be, yetin othercontextscraft,forPlato,does notappearto constitute
knowledge,in itspropersense,at all. A simplerdiscussionofopposing
judgmentson craftoccursin Seneca's Epistolae.Seneca reportsPosi-
donius as assertingthatit was a philosopherand wise man who first
inventedbuildings,toolsand weavingand to thisSeneca answersthat
philosophyhas nothingtodo withtoolsoranything elsewhichinvolves
a bentbodyand a mindgazingupon theground.15 Thisdouble-edged
attitudepasses intoLatinChristianity and,fromthere,intothemedieval
tradition.One of the mosteffective of ancientambivalence
statements
towardcraftoccursin Book22.24ofAugustine'sCityofGod.Here Au-
gustine,in a deliberately oxymoronic statement,describescraftsas at
once exemplifying the "naturalgenius"of man and, at thesame time,
as "superfluous,perilousand pernicious." 16
Analogies," in Philosophy,
Politicsand Society,ed. Peter Laslett (Oxford: Basil Blackwell,
1963), 98-115.
10 G. R. E. Lloyd,Polarity
andAnalogy:
TwoTypes inEarlyGreek
ofArgumentation Thought
(Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1961), 292-294; Bruno Snell, TheDiscoveryofthe
Mind: TheOriginsofEuropeanThought(Cambridge,Mass.: Harvard UniversityPress, 1953;
rpt. New York: Harper, 1960), 185-186, 222; Bambrough, "Plato's Political Analogies,"
100.
"Plato, Gorgias491a, ed. E. R. Dodds (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1959), 132.
12 Plato, Republic495d, 522b, 590c, Loeb Classical Library,2:48, 148, 406.
13 Ibid., 495d, 522b, 590c, 596, Loeb Classical Library,2:48, 148, 406, 422-426.
14 Ibid., Loeb Classical Library,2:446.
'5 Seneca, Ad Luciliumepistulaemorales90.13, Loeb Classical Library(London: Heine-

mann, 1930), 2:403.
16 Augustine, De civitate Dei 22.24, ed. B. Dombart (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1918) 2:612:
Praeterenimartesbenevivendiet ad inmortalem perveniendifelicitatem,

quae virtutes vocantur
etsolaDei gratia,quae inChristeest,filiis
promissionis
regnique donantur,nonnehumanoingenio
tottantaequeartessuntinventae etexercitae,
partimnecessariae
artim uttamexcellens
voluptariae,
vis mentisatquerationis in hisetiamrebus,quas superfluas,
immoetpericulosas perniciosasque
appetit,quantumbonumhaveatin natura,undeistapotuitvel invenire vel discerevel exercere,
testetur?
For furtherdiscussion of Augustine's meaning and intentin this passage, see below, pp.
52-55.
Liberal
andIlliberal
Arts:TheClassification ArtsinAntiquity
ofTechnical 27
Althoughnot absolutelycontradictory, thesevariousconceptionsof

craftssuggestverydifferentjudgmentson thelegitimacy and worthof
technologyas a branchof knowledge.Bothviewpointswere reflected
in the way technicalartsappearedin classifications
oftheartsand sci-
ences. When authorswished to emphasizethe physicaland inferior
characterof all or some crafts,theylabeled these craftsas banausic
(f3cvavo-os),a pejorative termwhich served to separate unworthyfrom
worthyarts.Yet it is misleadingto conclude,as some historianshave
done,17thatancientthinkers condemnedall technicalartsand system-
aticallyopposed themto theliberalarts.Craftswerealso classifiedin a
varietyof ways which establishedthemas fullylegitimateparts of
knowledge:as productivearts,as partsof mathematics, as liberaland
"semi-liberal"arts.Ifwe look at theseclassifications
moreclosely,the
complexityof ancientattitudestowardtechnologycan be seen from
anotherperspectiveand moreevidenceis gainedfortheview thatan-
tiquitywas neitheruniformly hostilenorindifferent to technology.
The BanausicArts
In theRepublic
whenSocratescasuallyremarksthatmanualcraftsde-
base the humanmindand body,thewordhe uses forcraftsis notthe
neutralrkxvribut ra',8avavo-ia.18 Xenophontakesthe same position
17 See, forexample,E. J.Dijksterhuis,

TheMechanization trans.C.
oftheWorldPicture,
Dikshoorn (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 74: ". . . whatever called forpurely mental
work(thelaterartesliberales) was regardedby societyas greatlysuperiorto handicraft,
whetheraided by machinesor not,to thetrades,and to mechanical engineering, which
can be coveredby thenameofartesmechanicae, and to whichtheplasticartsmayalso be
added. The artesmechanicae did notbefitthefreeHellene,anyactivity bringing maninto
tooclosea contactwithmatter has a degrading Theexistence
effect. ofa freecitizenought
to be characterized by arXoXA otium(leisure),comparedwiththis,beingtieddown to a
duty&TXoXtanegotium, is inferior." Another instanceofan over-sharp distinctionoccurs
in RobertJamesForbes,Studies inAncient Technology,2d rev.ed. (Leiden:E. J.Brill,1965),
2:100: "This typicalGreekcontrastbetweenthe liberalartsand the 'artesmechanicae'
precludedall efficientcooperation betweenscienceand technology." See also thediscus-
sion in EmstRobertCurtius,European andtheLatinMiddleAges,trans.Willard
Literature
R. Trask,Bollingen Series,36(NewYork:Harper,1963;rpt.Princeton: Princeton University
Press,1973),37.TheGreekterm3avavo-LKat anditsLatinequivalents areoftentranslated
intoEnglishas "mechanical arts"(as, forexample,inLiddellandScottGreek-English Lexicon
and in thetwoexamplesquotedabove).Thistranslation is misleading forseveralreasons.
AlthoughtheRomansused thesingularformarsmechanica torefer totheartofmechanics,
i.e. the artof makingenginesofwar,astronomical modelsor lifting devices,theplural
formin Latindoes notseemto be used in antiquity. On thispointsee PeterSternagel,
Die artesmechanicae imMittelalter: Begriffs-undBedeutungsgeschichte biszumEndedes 13.
Jahrhunderts (Kallmung:Lassleben,1966),13-17.The Latinartesmechanicae is a medieval
term,firstknownto be used in theninthcentury, whichreferred to all craftsas a group
and carrieda generallyfavorableconnotation (see Chaps. III and IV below). The terms
on theotherhand,referred
J3aVaV0-tKat, artesilliberales, onlytocertaincrafts whichwere
regardedas unworthy or degradingand notnecessarily to all crafts.The translation of
mechanicalartsfortheGreekbanausicartstherefore tendsto confusein themindofthe
readerthemorepositivemedievaltradition withthelimitedand pejorativemeaningsig-
nifiedby theGreekword.ForthisreasonI have used thetransliteration banausicrather
thanthemorecommon"mechanicalarts."
495e,Loeb ClassicalLibrary,
18 Plato,Republic 2:48.
28 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
whenhe explainsthatthebanausicarts(f3avavo-LKaL), "as theyarecalled,

are spoken against, and are, naturallyenough, held in utterdisdain in
our states," because theysoftenthe body and weaken the mind.19Both
beforeand afterPlato the termbanausic forcraftswas stronglypejorative
and was associated withphilosophicaland social attitudeswhich labeled
certainoccupations or activities,primarilybut not exclusivelythose re-
quiring physical, ratherthan mental, labor, as inferiorand base.20 In
Latin a similar set of ideas and value-judgmentswas conveyed by the
expressionsartesilliberales, artesvulgares and artessordidae.21
The standard by which some arts were labeled inferiorwas that of
the kyKV1KXLOgirat5sia or liberalarts. The liberalartswere those arts pur-
sued forthe sake of a liberatedmind ratherthan forthe satisfactionof
any vocational or physical need. The precise curriculumand focus of
the arts was flexiblethroughoutantiquityand into the early Middle
Ages; the liberal arts mightbe construed narrowly,includingonly the
specific subjects prerequisitefor the study of philosophy or broadly,
including all of general culture.22Yet the liberal arts were always re-
garded as contributingtoward intellectualand moral wisdom.23
The banausic arts, on the otherhand, were considered hostile, or, at
least unhelpful,to the pursuitofvirtue.Aristotle(384-322 B.C.) provides
a succinct definitionof the banausic arts in the Politics(8.2 1337b):
A taskand also an artora sciencemustbe deemedvulgar[,f3cvavo-ov]

ifitrenders
thebodyor soul or mindoffreemenuselessfortheemployments and actions
of virtue.Hence we entitlevulgarall such artsas deteriorate
theconditionof
the body, and also the industriesthatearn wages; fortheymake the mind
preoccupiedand degraded.24
19 Xenophon,
Oeconomicus4.2, trans.G. CyrilArmstrong,
Loeb ClassicalLibrary
(Lon-
don: Heinemann,1936),390-391:
'AXx xaXeS, (0t XeyuIS, i KpsrO/3ouXeU.t
ytp a' Fye 8avavotcai xaXoU'LFEpas Ka& frLppPnTnL
TE ELcSl Xat f&ACOT*)faErOrs7ravu aootouvra9 7rpo0
rc' "nXewov.
See also Xenophon,Oeconomicus 6.5, 408:"f3avavo-LKa&. ..T?Xvaq'
20 For example,Herodotus,Persian Wars2.165,Loeb ClassicalLibrary(London:Hei-
nemann,1921):478;Aristotle, Politics1277b,1278a,1289b33,1328b39,1329a20,1338b34,
Loeb ClassicalLibrary (London:Heinemann,1932),190,196,286,574,576,646;Plutarch,
Lives.Marcellus17.4,LoebClassicalLibrary (London:Heinemann,1916),5:472;Galen,Pro-
treptikos14 in Scriptaminora,ed. IoannisMarquardt(Leipzig:B. G. Teubner,1893;rpt.
Amsterdam: Hakkert,1967),1:120;Jerome, DialoguscontraPelagianus
1.21,ed. Migne,PG
23:537.
21 Forexample,Seneca,AdLucilium epistulae
morales88.21,LoebClassicalLibrary,
2:362
and Cicero,De officiis1.42.150,Loeb ClassicalLibrary (London:Heinemann,1913),152.
2 H. I. Marrou,A History ofEducation in Antiquity,
trans.GeorgeLamb (New York:
Mentor,1964),244; H. Parker,"The Seven LiberalArts,"EnglishHistorical Review5
(1890):424,427.
23 See Seneca,Ad Lucilium 88, especiallysections2, 20, 29-33,Loeb ClassicalLibrary,
2:348,360,366-368.
24
Aristotle,Politics
1337b,trans.H. Rackham,Loeb ClassicalLibrary (London:Heine-
Liberal
andIlliberal
ofTechnical
ArtsinAntiquity 29
Aristotleexpressesclearlythe connectionoftenmade in antiquitybe-

tweenmanuallabor,workformoneyand mentalsluggishness. Itshould
be notedthatforAristotleitis notphysicalactivity
persewhichis vulgar
butphysicalactivitythatleads to theworseningoftheconditionofthe
body or whichis ungovernedby higheraims. Thus Aristotle includes
gymnastics amongthepartsofa liberaleducationbecauseitteachesthe
properuse of the bodybut also pointsout thattrainingonlyin gym-
nasticsagainrendersyoungmenvulgar(Politics 8.3.1-4.2).25
Comparableideas appearin theworkofGalen,Plutarch,Ciceroand
Seneca. Galen (c. A.D. 129-199) stronglydistinguishes betweenarts
whichare rationaland nobleand those,calledthebanausicarts,that
workthroughthe body or physicalexertion.26 Plutarch's(fl. A.D. 66)
famousdescription of Archimedescitesboth Plato's objectionto me-
chanics as involving mean and manual labor (,8avavo-ovpyiaxs)
and Ar-
chimedes'srepudiation ofengineering becauseitspurposeis mereutility
and profit.27 Cicero(106-43B.C.) in the De officiisdividestradeswhich
are liberales
(in whichgrouphe includesagriculture, medicineand ar-
chitecture)fromthosewhicharesordidi; thelattercategory includestax-
gatherers and usurersbecausetheyincurill-will, retailers
becausethey
lie, manuallaborers,all mechanicsbecause theyare engagedin vulgar
trades(insordida arte)and "no workshopcanhaveanything liberalabout
it,"and as an afterthought fishmongers, butchers, cooks,poulterers and
dancers.28 Seneca(d. A.D. 66) also excludesfromtheliberalartspainting,
wrestling, perfumers, cooks,"otherhelpstowardluxury,"and anyart,
evenmathematical ones,practisedformonetary payment.29 In theearly
fifthcentury, MartianusCapella helpedtransfer thisradicaldistinction
betweenworthyand unworthyartsto the MiddleAges by excluding
medicineand architecture fromthecelestialcompanyoftheliberalarts
mann, 1932), 638-639:
,avavcrov E'spyov eTvas 84

rtorroVÒ*s ~xrn rmvT7V
'C ? taKM r*X"rv rxtra) Ka
ica CuaSia
8.Lcqaw
0acu 7tp8;Tra's-Xp7)ar K(li TCas ipcLeagS 'rs 7771
afVS aXp7jaTO TO
p awIa Trwv
71r7 'fX"7
Q7pya'ovraL
A twpco V 7v rlv &L1votav. So 1d1w rf
1roLaLrraa 'rEXVasC O(YaU TO a(r),ua7CLrapaacKEua'Covn
X"EPov 8taKEcro8at 18cvaVrotvs' K)OVFLLEV KCl'r T8W
tatcapvgKaOpieppyao& aacXoAov yip ffowocO rqt
6uwouta Kal 7alretv7)v.
25 Aristotle,Politics8.3.1-8.4.2, Loeb Classical Library,642-648.
26
Galen, Protreptikos 14 in Scriptaminora,ed. Marquardt, 1:120.
27 Plutarch,Lives.Marcellus 17.4, Loeb Classical Library,5:472.
28 Cicero, De Officiis1.42.150, Loeb Classical Library,152.
29 Seneca, Ad Lucilium88.18, Loeb Classical
Library,2:358-359: "Non enim adducor, ut
in numerum liberaliumartium pictores recipiam, non magis quam statuarios aut mar-
morariosaut ceteros luxuriae ministros."
30 Antiquity
Artsfrom
through Century
because they"are concernedwithmortalsubjectsand theirskilllies in

mundanematters."30
These examplesare amongthemostexplicitwe possess on thedefi-
nitionof the banausicarts.3'Theyshow thatthe appellationbanausic
and its Latinequivalentswere frequently associatedwithphysicalac-
tivityand thesatisfaction ofphysicalneedsorpleasuresbutdidnotrefer
to anystrictlydefinedcategory ofarts.Thesetermswereused as general
labels forartsor tradeswhichsupplymerelynecessaryneeds or have
degradingeffectson theirpractitioners, whetherbecause theydeform
thebody,involvethetransfer ofmoneyorencourageimmoralbehavior.
The inferiority of the banausicartsis derivedneitherfromtheirtech-
nologicalcharacternor theirphysicality alone but fromthe idea that
these particular artsdo notinvolvethe soul in eitheritsintellectual or
its moralcapacitiesbutare practicedmerely to satisfyphysicalneeds or
pleasures.Iftechnical artsorcraftscomprisethemaintypeofartslabeled
banausic, theyare not the only type;dancingand tax-gathering are
equallyilliberal,and, accordingto Seneca,even geometry is illiberalif
one is paid to practiceit. Moreover,as we shallsee, certaincraftswere
regardedas elevatingthe mindand were,therefore, consistently ex-
cluded fromthecategoryofthebanausicarts.
The disjunction betweenthebanausicartsand crafts is important not
only because it leaves open the possibility thatsome craftsmightbe
consideredliberalratherthanilliberal, butbecauseit helps makemore
explicitthegroundsuponwhichcrafts couldbe regardedas non-rational
activities.One ofthecleareststatements oftheidea underlying thecon-
ceptionofthebanausicartsis foundin Plato'sGorgias. Socratesexplains
whycookery,his analoguefororatory, is notan art:
. . . cookeryputs on themaskof medicineand pretendsto knowwhatfoods

are bestforthebody. . . . Now I callthissortofthingpanderingand I declare
thatit is dishonourable-I'mspeakingto you now, Polus-because it makes
pleasureits aim insteadofgood, and I maintainthatit is merelya knackand
notan artbecauseithas no rationalaccountto giveofthenatureofthevarious
thingswhichit offers.32
3 MartianusCapella,Martianus CapellaandtheSevenLiberalArts,trans.WilliamHarris
Stahl,vol. 2: TheMarriage andMercury
ofPhilology (New York:ColumbiaUniversity Press,
1971),346;Martianus Capella,ed. AdolfusDickand JeanPreaux(Stuttgart: B. G. Teubner,
1978),471-472:"cui DeliusMedicinamsuggerit Architectonicamque in praeparatisassis-
tere.'sed quoniamhismortalium rerumcuraterrenorumque sollertiaestnec cumaethere
quicquamhabentsuperisqueconfine,non incongrue, si fastidiorespuuntur, in senatu
caelicoreticebunt ab ipsa deincepsuirgineexplorandaediscussius."'
31 As faras I know,no systematic oftextshas beenmade.Tatkiewicz,
collection "Clas-
ofArts,"233findsthedistinction
sification betweenvulgarandliberalartsthe"bestknown
and mostgenerally accepted"classificationoftheartsin theancientworldbutgivesonly
Galen as an example.
32 Plato,Gorgias464d-465a,trans.W. Hamilton (London:Penguin,1960),46 (ed. Dodds,
andIlliberal
Liberal Arts:TheClassification
ofTechnical
ArtsinAntiquity 31
The twin chargesof irrationality and panderingbroughtby Plato

againstcookerywere oftenleveledagainstcraftsin general.It is this
conceptionofcraftwhichis behindmuchofancientprimitivism, or the
beliefthata simplerlife,one lessencumbered withtheproductsofcrafts
and otherarts,is moredesirable.33 Arthur0. Lovejoyin his important
workon classicalprimitivism findsthatthe artswere oftendescribed
as allowingand encouraging mento act on theirevilimpulsestoward
luxury,hubrisand excessivepleasureand as leadingmen astrayfrom
the ideals of moderation, self-sufficiencyand the contemplative life.34
Accordingto Lovejoy,"nearlyall thecrafts. .. couldmoreorless plau-
siblybe, and, as the textsshow, in antiquitywere,broughtunder a
similarindictment [ofpromoting greedand violence]."35
The issue ofnegativeattitudes towardcrafts in antiquityis, ofcourse,
complicated bythequestionoftheeffects ofancientsocialand economic
conditions, especiallyslavery,on ideas.36Leavingthiscomplexproblem
aside as beyondthe scope of thispaper, however,one can pointto
severalelementswithinthe intellectual tradition
itselfwhichmade it
difficult
fortechnicalartsto be treatedas fullyrationaland legitimate
partsofknowledge.CarlMitchamexploreshowtheconception ofmatter
as an organicentityalreadyorderedtowardformlimitedtheGreekidea
of technology.37ForLudwigEdelstein,theimportant pointis the pre-
vailingnotionthatscientific knowledgewas important foritsown sake
ratherthanforany use whichmightbe made of it.38Relatedto both
94-95):
O~/O7T44I17 ITO'SKEV, Ka.& 7Tpoo-7oTLrcLTaSV fla-rtiaTc v

T4. jul
M/A(a e.&V* ,
*, v9 ' " ' .
It , I w
KcoAax,cic'W
JV o&, aGLrT OLcA, ,cct ai"cxpo.' 96p
rZaa
rowiNrv
EW(U 'TO 'TOW'OV, U) Icau--ro-
HW K
0trrO yap 7Tp
aAii AC'YCOv
0
K
AWC
*,
0t8o orod&crcu
a-oX azv 'roO LATOViTIEv && ailra
oV Ji77JMEJM4 OXX mE/htTfpL4V,OT& OVcK EXEL oyov oaXS&
{p irpomkhpas
<X7> a nrpoao4pet
olros arTTa rqv ijiawi zra,warzes
flTV aSLav EKO.OOU /4 EXEty
3 Arthur0. Lovejoy and George Boas, Primitivism
and RelatedIdeas in Antiquity(Balti-
more: JohnsHopkins, 1935), 7.
3 Lovejoy and Boas, Primitivism, 7-21, forsources and commentary,passim. Lovejoy
and Boas also discuss classical anti-primitivism,
or the beliefthatthe inventionof the arts
improved the conditionsof human life,Primitivism, 192-221.
35Lovejoy and Boas, Primitivism, 16.
36 For an excellentsummaryof the literatureon this topic see Edelstein, "Recent Inter-
pretations,"579-583. See also Finley,"Technical Innovation," forthe view thateconomic
dependence on slavery in antiquityinspired contemptfor technologyand labor but cf.
Desmond Lee, "Science, Philosophy and Technologyin the Greco-RomanWorld," Greece
and Rome20 (1973): 69-75, 193 forthe opposite view thatslaverywas an effectratherthan
a cause of the lack of technologicaldevelopment.
37 Mitcham, "Philosophy," 185-187.
38 Edelstein, "Recent Interpretations,"583.
32 TheMechanical
Artsfrom through
Century
attitudeswas thetendencyto identify withvirtue,as in Pla-

rationality
to's contrastofcookeryand medicine.Linkingthequestionsofration-
alityand morality was theteleologicalcharacterofancientthought.True
knowledgecould onlybe knowledgeof a finalend, transcending the
immediatesatisfaction of physicalneeds or pleasuresand focusingon
higherpurposes.Technology, as theancientswerewellaware,remains
a means to an end ratherthanan end in itself.ForbothPlatoand Ar-
istotle,thepersonwho uses an objectand, therefore, knowsitsproper
purpose possesses scientia;the craftsman who makesthe objectholds
at bestcorrect opinionaboutit.39In an almostcompletereversalofmod-
ern values, utilityperse and divorcedfromhigherconsiderations of
virtue,remainsthe least important productof the artsand sciences,
rankingevenbelowrecreation.40 Trueknowledgemustask "forthesake
of what." The answer"forthe sake of utility"was merelyto beg the
question,in muchthe same way (but fromthe oppositeperspective)
thattodayadvocatesof thehumanitiesin educationare oftengreeted
withthe question,"Yes, but whatare theygood for?"The dangerof
technology, accordingto one strandofclassicalthought,is thatit pro-
vides techniquebutnotpurposeand increaseshumanpowerswithout
also supplyingguidancefortheproperuse, ifany,ofinventions.41 Jac-
ques Ellul'ssuggestionthattheGreeksrejectedtechnology (and magic)
threatened
because its "potentialities" theirsense ofbalance,harmony
and moderationpointsup thisoppositionbetweenmoraland intellec-
tual restraintand technological possibility.'The labelingof craftsas
banausicor illiberalreflectedand perpetuatedthispersistent themeof
means versusfinalends, techniques versuswisdom.
The ProductiveArts
Unlikethe designationof artsas liberaland banausic,otherancient

ofknowledgedid notpass a moraljudgmenton different
classifications
human activitiesbut insteadassumed the rationality of all arts and
groupedthemaccordingto thekindofprocesseachinvolved.Thebasis
ofall laterversionsofthistypeofclassification
was Aristotle'sdivision
39 Plato,Republic
601c-602,Loeb ClassicalLibrary(London:Heinemann,1933),6.
40 Aristotle,
Metaphysics
1.1981b16,Loeb ClassicalLibrary
(London:Heinemann,1933,
34).
41 Jean-Pierre
Vernant,"Promethee et la functiontechnique,"in Mythetpensee chezles
grecs:Etudesde psychologie
historique
(Paris:FrangoisMaspero,1965),185-195;Wolfgang
Schadewaldt,"The ConceptsofNatureand Techniqueaccording totheGreeks,"Research
inPhilosophy 2 (1979):168-169.
andTechnology Fortheimportantclassicaltextson thedanger
oftheartsand crafts,withcommentary, see Lovejoyand Boas,Primitivism.
4 JacquesEllul,TheTechnologicalSociety, trans.JohnWilkinson(New York:Vintage-
Knopf,1964),29. See also KarlF. Morrison,TheMimetic TraditionofReform in theWest
(Princeton:Princeton
University Press,1982),15,in whichMorrison discussesAristotle's
betweenthe"natural"and liberalacquiringofwealth,whichenablesone to
distinction
livewell,and the"unnatural" and dishonorable acquiring
ofexcesswealthand unlimited
profit.
ofTechnical
andIlliberal
Liberal ArtsinAntiquity 33
ofhumanknowledgeintothefundamental categories ofthinking, doing

and making.The last category,thatof "makingarts"or TonlcqtKaLwas
definedas artswhichproduceda concreteresult,and was composed
mainlyor exclusively ofcrafts.
artshad been classifiedon thebasis ofproduction
Priorto Aristotle,
by the Sophistsand by Plato,but theseclassifications werenot devel-
oped and remainedonlyincidentalcomments.The Sophistsseparated
artswhose purposewas to producethe necessitiesof lifefromthose
whichpromotedpleasureand amusement.43 Thisdistinction was long-
livedand was repeated,withvariations, byPlato,Aristotle, Cicero,Posi-
donius and Augustine,yetacquiredlittlefurther substance.44
More elaborateclassificationsalong the same linesappearin Plato's
Sophistand Statesman. seem to have no directin-
These classifications
fluenceon otherclassifications of the artsin antiquityor the Middle
Ages. Yettheydeserveattention becausePlato'suse ofthemilluminates
the paradoxicalrole craftplaysin his thought.In the Sophist(219b-d)
Plato compares"productivearts" (im0qrTtK6') or artswhichbringinto
existencesomethingthatdid not existbeforeand "acquisitivearts"
(KT-TCKO) orartswhichconquerbywordordeed, orprevent othersfrom
acquiringthingswhichhave alreadybeen produced.Amongthe pro-
ductiveartshe includesagriculture, medicine,construction or molding
ofvesselsand theartsofimitation (paintingand sculpture)and among
the acquisitiveartsall waysoflearningand acquiringknowledge,cog-
nition,trade,fighting, huntingand fishing.In the Statesman (281d-e)
Plato contrastsproductivearts,in thiscase artswhichproduceobjects
fromraw materials,with"contributory arts"(evvatTcKo6) or artswhich
producethe tools needed by the productivearts.These Platonicclas-
sificationsare remarkable fortheirprecision,detailand knowledgeof
crafts.45Undercontributory arts,forexample,Platodiscussesartswhich
make instruments, containers, carriages,"defenses"(includingweav-
ing, clothing,armor,walls, stoneworkand others),diversions(visual
arts,poetry,music),nourishments (farming, hunting, gymnastics, med-
icine,butchering)as wellas thosehandlingrawmaterial suchas mining,
lumbering,the currier'sart,the art of strippingbarkand the artsof
makingcork,papyrusand rope (287b-289c).Underweaving,he sep-
4 Isocrates,Panegyrics
40,LoebClassicalLibrary (Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press,
1928),1:143.
4 Ps.-Plato,Epinomis975d,inPlatonis Opera,ed. IoannesBurnet, Scriptorumclassicorum
bibliothecaOxoniensis(Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1907),5:975d;Aristotle, Metaphysics
981b17,Loeb ClassicalLibrary, 6; Cicero,De naturadeorum 2.59.148and 2.60.150,Loeb
ClassicalLibrary(London:Heinemann, 1933),266,268;Seneca,AdLucilium 88.21-24,Loeb
ClassicalLibrary,2:362;Augustine,De civitate Dei 22.24,ed. Dombart,612.
4 Theseclassificationsare discussedin Pierre-Maxime Schuhl,"RemarquessurPlaton
et la technologie,"Revuedesetudesgrecques 66 (1953):469-472. To themmightbe added
in theEpinomis
theclassification toPlato)975a-976cwhichdividedtheartsinto
(attributed
artsof recreation (music,drawing),necessity(agriculture, manufacture
architecture, of
furniture,tools,pottery,weaving,smithing, huntingand prophecy)and defense(medi-
cine,militaryarts,navigation and law).
34 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
aratesweavingfromfelting, garmentsmade fromhairfromgarments

made fromvegetableproducts,stitchedand unstitchedgarmentsand
coveringswhichwe spreadunderus fromcoveringswe wrap around
us (279e).
Pierre-Maxime Schuhlhas claimedthatPlato'sclassificationsoftech-
nologicalartswerenotsupersededin complexity and detailunderFran-
cis Bacon;46althoughthisjudgmentfailstotakeintoaccounttheMiddle
Ages, it carriessome weightwithrespectto antiquity.The precise
knowledgeofspecificcraftsdisplayedin thepassagescitedabove goes
farto dispelthenotionthatPlatohad nothingbutcontempt formanual
crafts.47
Nevertheless, despitethedetail,thelimitationsofPlato'sclas-
sificationsare soon evident.In none are craftsintegrated withother
sortsofknowledge;wherePlatodoes discusshisbasicdivisionofknowl-
edge intomathematics, physicsand dialectics(Republic
509d-511e),no
mentionis made of any but purelyspeculativeknowledge.Craftsdo
notappearas a subdivisionofanybroaderclassification, butare intro-
duced forrhetorical and didacticpurposesas partofan extendedanal-
ogyor example.The acquisitiveartsdefinedin theSophist are foundto
encompasssophistry, whichhuntsyoungmen (233b),the deceptive
natureof whichis the subjectof the dialogue.The lengthydiscussion
ofvarioustechnological artsin theStatesmanprovidedanalogiesforthe
moredifficult taskof definingthe artof kingship(278b).Plato's clas-
sificationsofthearts,elaborateand knowledgeable butlackingin sub-
stance,are,in fact,instancesofhisfrequentuse oftechnicalillustrations
or imageryto explaina pointofmoralor speculativephilosophy.In the
Statesman (285d-286d),aftersometwohundredlinesdiscussingthede-
tailsof weaving,the strangerremarks,"Of course,no man of sense
could wish to pursue a discussion of weaving forits own sake.... But
it is alwayseasierto practicein smallmattersthanin greaterones."48
a "smallthing"in comparison
Craft,forPlato,is finally, toethicalques-
tions,butitremains,also, a valuablefocusthroughwhichPlatodefines
his ideas.
In all likelihood,Aristotleborrowedthe termproductiveartsfrom
Plato. UnlikePlato,however,Aristotle not onlyintegratedcraftsinto
46 Schuhl,"RemarquessurPlaton,"466.
4 aboutcrafts
Plato'sknowledgeability hasbeenoftenremarked upon.See,forexample,
discussionin Lloyd,Polarity
andAnalogy,292,277,293-294;Friedrich Solmsen,"Nature
as Craftsman oftheHistory
in GreekThought,"Journal ofIdeas24 (1963):473-496;
Alison
Burford, CraftsmeninGreek
andRoman (Ithaca:CornellUniversity
Society Press,1972),130-
131;Vernant,"Promethee," 185-193.
48 Plato,Statesman285d-286b,trans.HaroldN. Fowler(London:Heinemann,1925),
106-107:
H wou *W s rt# s Y AoSyov a^nv
9 oXy91p(a uL
T7w o s CL
aw E,A,7U&
c *L 'wow EXW
CT
., c. ^
j4w~ 8' wvi-~ro
ZAd7-rocw 7? A*"
UWaTQf 1Ept4 s&dAAOV 7I TEp4 TC'a M ,.
Liberal
andIlliberal
ofTechnical 35
an overallclassification but provideda framework withinwhichthe

natureof craftcould be further explored.His rigorousdefinition ofart
was the philosophicalunderpinning formuchofancientand medieval
thoughton craft. Further, Aristotlesupplieda flexibleand usefulmethod
oforganizingall branchesofhumanknowledge,includingcraft,which
lentitselfto laterelaborationand expansion.
Using some of Plato'sterminology butin a farmoresystematic fash-
ion, Aristotledistinguishes theoretical knowledge(mathematics, phys-
ics and metaphysics) whichdealswithnecessarybeingand endsin truth
(Metaphysics 21.993b,6.1025b,6.1 1026a,11.7 1064b),practicalarts(eco-
nomics,ethicsand politics)or knowledgeexpressedin action(Nico-
machean Ethics6.1140,Metaphysics 2.1993b)and productive artsorknowl-
edge by whichsome productsuch as a shoe or a poem is broughtinto
being (Metaphysics 11.7 1064a).Aristotle also mentionssubalternate or
subordinateartswhichpursueparticular ends includedwithina larger
purpose,as, forexample,all artsconcernedwithequippinghorsesfall
underthe generalcategoryofthe artofriding(Nicomachean Ethics1.1.
1094a).
Aristotledoes littleto furtherrefinehis remarksand, on thewhole,
craftsplay an inconspicuouspartin his classification of the artsand
sciences.His notionof subalternate sciences,however,containsgreat
potentialforrelatingspecificarts,particularly technicalarts,to each
otherand to highersciences.One stepAristotle takesin thisdirection
is the inclusionof mechanicsas a morephysicalkindof mathematics
(Metaphysics 1078a).Anothercontextfordiscussionofcraftsin relation
to otherartsoccursin the firstbook of thePolitics, in whichAristotle
explainshow variousoccupations,includingagriculture, mining,com-
merceand othermanualarts,pertainto wealth-getting and, therefore,
to economics.49 Latercommentators on Aristotle'sworks,especiallythe
Hellenisticand medieval Arabic philosophers,developed his basic
schemeintocomprehensive and highlypreciseclassifications whichfre-
quentlygave a substantial place to crafts.
The integration of craftintoan overallschemeofknowledge,more-
over,opened thedoorforfurther thoughton theepistemological status
of craft.By developingPlato's use of art as a model of skillfulwork
towardan end, Aristotlemade explicitthe analogicalrelationship be-
tweenartand natureand thereby supplieda philosophical understand-
ing ofcraftwhichwas to lastthroughtheRenaissance.Aristotle defines
artas "a reasonedstateofcapacityto make"(Nicomachean Ethics1140a).
Art was rationaland could be distinguished fromsimpleexperience
because the artist,unlike,forexample,themanuallaborer,knowsthe
reason why he does what he does (Metaphysics 981a-b.) Art,further-
more,differs fromotherkindsof knowledgebecause it makesor pro-
duces something,althoughnot necessarilya physicalobject.All art,
4 Aristotle,
Politics
8.3.1-8.4.2,Loeb ClassicalLibrary,
642-648.
36 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
accordingto Aristotle, is concernedwithbringing intoexistencea thing

whichmayexistor not and is distinctfrombothaction,or doing,and
scientificknowledge.50
The definition of artas thehumanactivity whichcauses something
to "come-to-be"createsan analogybetweenartand nature.Bothnature
and art impose a formupon matterforthe sake of a finalend; the
purposefuland intelligent shapingofmatterby humancraftis, there-
fore,analogoustonaturalcausation.51 Artimitates nature(Physics199a-
15-17) by its methodofproduction, notas some laterthinkers under-
stood,in theproductsthemselves.52 Nature,however,possessesa pri-
macywhichartdoes nothave; althoughAristotle leaves open thepos-
sibilitythat art could in some sense go beyondnature,"imitation"
generallyretainsthePlatonicconnotation ofinferiority.
Nature,unlike
art,is self-moving and theprincipleofmovementin a naturalthingis
withinitself.For artificialthings,however,theprincipleof movement
thatis, in themakerratherthanin thethingmade.53Con-
is extrinsic,
sequently,man maymakeuse of naturebut he cannotdirecther;his
abilitiesare sharplycircumscribed by art'sinferiorpoweronlyto "im-
itate."Yet Aristotle himselfsometimesspeaksofartcompleting nature
(Physics199c15)oraddingtonaturewhatnatureitselfcannotdo (Politics
1337a2) and he suggeststhe possibilitythatart could in some sense
corrector go beyondnature.The reworking ofAristotle's complexand
fertilediscussionoftherelationship ofartand nature,as artbecamethe
rivalofnatureand, finally, nature'sobedientcommander, continuedto
be a majorpartofthehistory ofthephilosophyoftechnology through
the seventeenth century.54
CertainHellenisticwritersdevelopedtheAristotelian divisionofthe
arts and sciencesinto more elaborateand systematicclassifications
which emphasizedtechnological arts. This tendencymay reflectad-
vancesin thepracticalsciencesofmechanics,optics,medicineand ge-
50Aristotle,NicomacheanEthics6.3.41140a,TheEthics ed. JohnBurnet(New

ofAristotle,
York:ArnoPress,1972),259-262.
use ofcraftas an analogywithnaturalprocesses,see Lloyd,Polarity,
51 On Aristotle's
288; Solmsen,"Natureas Craftsman," J.M. Le Blond,Logique
488,491; and, especially,
et methodechezAristote
(Paris:J.Vrin,1939),326-346.
52 Seneca,AdLucilium 90.24,LoebClassicalLibrary,412;HughofSt.Victor, Didascalicon
1.9, ed. CharlesHenryButtimer, The CatholicUniversity ofAmericaStudiesin Medieval
and RenaissanceLatin,10 (Washington, D.C.: The CatholicUniversity Press,1939),16-
17.
53 Foran excellent
and lucidexplicationofAristotleon natureand artsee M. J.Charles-
worth,AristotleonArtandNature, AucklandUniversity CollegeBulletin No. 50,Philosophy
SeriesNo. 2 (Auckland:AucklandUniversity Press,1957).Fora moreinterpretative dis-
cussionsee Le Blond,Logique etmethode,330-331,who suggeststhatartwas notonlyan
exceptionallyusefulexampleforAristotle, butthebasicsourceofhis ideas on causation.
See also Morrison,Mimetic Tradition,
10-13.
5 See Paolo Rossi,Philosophy, Technologyand theArtsin theEarlyModernEra,trans.
SalvatorAttanasio(New York:Harper,1970).
andIlliberal
Liberal ArtsinAntiquity
ofTechnical 37
ography,as well as the moreorganizedapproachto knowledgechar-

oftheAlexandrianschool.55
acteristic
One of the mostimportant of theseclassificationsis a scheme,re-
markablefortheimportance whichit givesto crafts, put forward in an
earlyscholiumto theArsGrammatica ofDionysiusThrax.56 The artsare
divided into fourgroups: the productive,theoretical, practicaland
mixed. Of these fourcategories,threehave a technological element.
Productiveartsare those whichfashion"a certainmatterwhichhas
been wrought"intoan artificial thing;metal-working, shoemakingand
carpentryare given as examples.Practicalarts are arts executedby
means ofinstruments, forexample,military artwhichprevailsagainst
theadversaryusingmachines.Theoretical artsarethefamiliar category:
astronomyand philosophyare theexamples.Finally,"mixed"artsare
thosewhichseem to combinetheothercategories,forinstance,medi-
cine, whichis evidentlytheoretical but is also executedby hand and,
therefore, practical.57
In the same commentary variationson the main schemealso dem-
onstratea stronginterest in classifyingtechnicalarts.Attributed to Lu-
cius Tarrhaeusis a fourfold divisionintoapotelesmatic, practical,in-
strumentaland theoretical.Apotelesmaticarts are describedas arts
using one or more materials,as carpentry workswithwood, metal-
workingwithmetaland architecture withlimeand stone.The practical
artsare artsusingactions,subdividedintofivetypesbased on thetype
of action involved: self-movement (for example, dancing),moving
against(wrestling), aimingat (javelinthrowingand oratory),moving
after(huntingand fishing)and assistingin movement(drivinghorses
or steeringa ship).Instrumental artsare confinedto theplayingofmu-
sicalinstruments, byblowing,touchorboth.Astronomy and geometry
are the examplesof theoretical arts.Lucius Tarrhaeusends his classi-
ficationbysayingthatall theartstogether arecalledknowledge(hyvC0TLs
kvto-r') and citesHomerto provehis point.58A combination classi-
ficationis givenlaterin thetreatisein whichartsare dividedintotheo-
retical,practical(zitherplaying and dancing),apotelesmatic(statuary
and building)and acquiring(huntingand fishing).59
The moststriking aspectofthescholiais theemphasison technology.
The authorsoftheseclassifications have made use ofAristotelian cate-
5 On Hellenistic technology and sciencesee, especially,BertrandGille,Lesmecaniciens

grecs:La naissance
dela technologie
(Paris:Editionsdu Seuil,1980).Theliberalartswerealso
moredistinctly definedas a categoryofknowledgein thisperiod.See Marrou,SaintAu-
gustin,211-235and Marrou,"Les artsliberaux,"23-27.
56 Scholiaad DionysiusThrac,in Immanuelis Bekker,ed., AnecdotaGraeca(Berlin:Apud
G. Reimerum, 1816),2:652-670.On DionysiusThraxsee R. H. Robins,"DionysiusThrax
and theWesternGrammatical Tradition,"in Diversions
ofBloomsbury: Selected
Writingson
Linguistics(Amsterdam: NorthHolland,1970),113-154.
S Scholia ad DionysiusThrac,ed. Bekker,Anecdota Graeca,2:652;cf.2:655.
58 Ibid.,2:652-654.
59Ibid.,2:670.
38 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
goriesbuthave redefined theircontent.In thefirstscholiumall butone

ofthefourkindsofknowledgeare associatedwithtechnicalartsand in
all the classifications
the productivearts,skimmedover by Aristotle,
receiveas muchemphasisas thetheoretical arts.The definitionofpro-
ductiveartshas been narrowedto includeonlyartsproducingmaterial
objects,thus excludingpoetry,and focusingattentionon crafts.The
practicalarts,on the otherhand, have partiallyor completely lostthe
ethicaland social elementof Aristotle'sconceptionand have been
reduced to physicalactions,particularly actionsusinginstruments or
machines.The dignityconferredon craftsin these classifications is
reinforcedby Lucius Tarrhaeus'squotation from the Iliad: "The
apotelesmatic artsare'theoverseerofmanycunningly madethings."'60
Classifications oftechnicalartsbased on Aristotle's flourishedin the
last centuriesof antiquity.These usuallymodifiedAristotle'soriginal
classificationin characteristic
ways.The morenarrowdefinition ofpro-
ductiveartsas artsproducinga physicalobject,foundin thescholiabut
not in Aristotle(who had includedpoetryamongtheproductivearts),
appears to have becomestandard,strengthening thefocuson crafts.A
possibleecho ofthescholiacan evenbe seen in Plotinus.Althoughthe
overallstructure oftheartsderivesfromPla-
ofPlotinus'sclassification
tonic,ratherthanAristotelian, sources,he includesthecategoryofthe
productiveartsand names buildingand carpentry as examples.61Di-
ogenes Laertiusrepeatsthebasic Aristotelian divisionof the artsinto
practical,productiveand theoretical, althoughhe attributes thisclas-
sificationtoPlato.Practicalartsarethosewhichdo orperform something
but producenothingvisible,as, forexample,politics,fluteplaying and
harpplaying; productive arts,suchas architecture
and shipbuilding, pro-
duce a workwhichcan be seen.62These definitions, withdifferent ex-
amples,also appearedin theclassicalLatintradition in Quintilian63
and,
in a veryabbreviatedform,in Cicero.'
Althoughitwas onlyrarelyalludedto in thecontextofclassifications
of knowledge,theconceptionofcraftas theintelligent and purposeful
shapingofmatter bywhicha mentalformwas imposedupon a physical
substancecontinuedto be associatedwiththe productivearts. Thus
Plotinusdescribescarpentry as drawingupon intellectual patternsin
orderto giveformto matter.65 The ChurchFathersused theidea ofthe
60
Ibid., 2:654: "(? lcaprvps! Kat 6 7TSotV)T7), k7tL /LsJ &'orXTOTSXS7aJTK7. 0S
Xspo't1 iiTio-raro atc8acXa7roXXarsv'Xsuv."
1 Plotinus, Enneads5.9.11, in Opera,ed. Paul Henry and Hans-Rudolf Schwyzer,Mu-
seum Lessianum Series philosophica, 34 (Paris: Desclee de Brouwer et Cie, 1959), 2:424.
62 DiogenesLaertius,
LivesofEminent
Philosophers.
Plato3.84,LoebClassicalLibrary
(Lon-
don: Heinemann, 1925), 1:350.
63 Quintilian, Institutiooratoria2.18.1, Loeb Classical Library (London: Heinemann,
1921), 346. Quintiliannames dancing and paintingas examples ofpracticaland productive
arts, respectively.
4 Cicero, Academica2.7, Loeb Classical Library(London: Heinemann, 1933), 496.
65 Plotinus,Enneads5.9.11,in Opera,ed. Henryand Schwyzer,
2:424.
Liberal ofTechnical
andIlliberal ArtsinAntiquity 39
productive arts not only as a method of classificationbut also to point

out the produced, or created, nature of the world. In Basil's Hexameron
the world is presentedas a workofart,and an analogy is drawn between
God's productionof the universe and the productionof the craftsman:
The aim of thetheoretical skillsis actionofthemind;but thatofthepractical,

themotionitselfof thebody,and, ifthatshouldcease, nothingwould subsist
or remainforthosebeholdingit. In fact,thereis no aim in dancingand flute
playing;on thecontrary, theveryactionends withitself.However,in thecase
of the productivearts,the workremains,as thatof architecture, carpentry,
metalwork, weavingand ofas manysuch artsas, even ifthecraftsman is not
present,ablymanifest inthemselves processesofthoughts,
theartistic and make
it possibleforyou to admirethearchitect fromhis work,as well as themetal-
workerand theweaver.Thatitmightbe shown,then,thattheworldis a work
of art,set beforeall forcontemplation, so thatthroughit thewisdomofHim
who createdit shouldbe known....66
Ambrose paraphrases this passage in his own Hexaemeron.67 Augus-

tine uses the same contrastbetween a categoryof arts which produce
a physical object and those consistingonly in action in the De doctrina
christianaas part of a general classificationof knowledge.68 He more
rigorously distinguishes between the productive powers of man and
God, consistentlystressingthe inferiority of human art and the inad-
equacy of the analogy. Nevertheless,he seems to have found the com-
parison a compellingone and he framedthe problemseveral timesfrom
differentperspectives.69
The productiveartsserved as a usefuland convenientrubricforcrafts
throughout the fifthcentury.Yet the term seems to have died out in
the Latin West sometime afterthis date. Although Boethius translated
Aristotle'sTopics,which mentionsthe productivearts,and althoughhis
own classificationof the arts and sciences generallyfollowsAristotelian
lines, Boethius does not include the productivearts among the parts of
knowledge.70 Early medieval classificationsof knowledge, while some-
' Basil,Exegetic
Homilies, trans.SisterAgnesClareWay(Washington D.C.: TheCatholic
University ofAmericaPress,1963),12;In Hexaemeron. Homily 1.7in Operaomnia, ed. Julian
Garnier(Paris:Apud GaumeFratresBibliopolis, 1839),1:9.
67 Ambrose, Hexaemeron 1.5,in Opera,CorpusScriptorum latinorum
Ecclesiasticorum (Leip-
zig: G. Freytag,1896),32:14.Fortherelationship ofhexaemera ofBasiland Ambrose,see
F. E. Robbins,TheHexaemeral Literature:A StudyoftheGreek andLatinCommentaries on
Genesis(Chicago:University ofChicago,1912),57-59.
68 Augustine, De doctrina 2.30 (47),in Opera,Corpuschristianorum,
christiana serieslatina
(Turnholt: BrepolsEditoresPontificii,1962),32:65.
69 For example,Augustine compareshumanand divineartin theConfessions 11.5,De
diversis 83andDegenesi
quaestionibus adlitteram8.10and8.12.Fora moredetaileddiscussion
ofGod as craftsman in thehexaemeral see GeorgeOvitt,Jr.,TheRestoration
literature, of
Paradise:LaborandTechnology inMedieval Culture (New Brunswick, N.J.:Rutgers University
Press,1987),57-70.
70 JamesA. Weisheipl, "Classification oftheSciencesin MedievalThought,"Medieval
Studies27 (1965):58-62.
40 Artsfrom
TheMechanical Antiquity Century
theThirteenth
through
timesincludinga groupof "making"arts,do so underthe rubricme-

chanicaand associatetheseartswithphysicsor themathematical arts.71
The disappearance of the threefold divisionof knowledge intopro-
ductive,practicaland theoreticalknowledge perhaps reflectedthe in-
creasing of
unavailability the Aristoteliancorpus as a wholein theLatin
West.A symptomoftheresulting confusionis thelackofanystandard
for outrtKart:whereasQuintilianleftthe Greekterm
Latin translation
untranslated,Ambroseand Augustinedefinedthe idea but provided
no name,Boethiustranslated and thesixth-century
it as effective trans-
gave the Latin translationas factrices.72
lator of Basil's Hexaemeron
The GreekEast, on the otherhand, retainedcontactwithall of the
Aristoteliancorpus,and therethe classification of the productivearts
had a continuoustradition intothemedievalperiod.Greekmathema-
as we shall see below,began to identify
ticiansof late antiquity, me-
chanicswithboththeproductive artsand a physically-oriented branch
ofmathematics. Throughtheintermediary ofJohnPhiloponus,theAr-
passed into Arabicand Hebrew classifications
istotelianclassification
and appearedin modifiedformin theworksofAlfarabi, Algazali,Av-
erroes,Al-Mukammas, Ihwanal-Safa,Maimonidesand others.73 These
treatises,which were highlyelaborateand systematic,ofteninter-
changedthetermsproductive artsand practicalarts,mixedmagicalarts
crafts
withtechnicalartsand also classified as thepracticalpartsoftheo-
reticalsciences.74The Aristotelian in itsArabicvariations
classification
was reintroduced intotheWestin thetwelfth century throughDomingo
Gundisalvo'stranslation ofAlfarabi'sDe ortuscientiarum and thereafter
again influencedLatinclassificationsofthearts.75
Craftsand Mathematics
branchesofmath-
includedthetraditional
The liberalartsin antiquity
ematics,geometry,arithmetic, astronomy and music,whichlaterbe-
came the medievalquadrivium. Despitethe sharpdistinctionmade by
some authorsbetweenthe liberaland banausicarts,certaintechnical
artswereoftenrecognizedas possessinga mathematical character and,
Plato,forinstance,distin-
hence, as being in some sense theoretical.
guishesin thePhilebus betweencraftson thebasis ofa greateror lesser
use ofmathematics arts,which
(55e-56b).The moreexactand scientific
7' See below, Chapter III.

72 Boethius,De topicis De topicis
6.4, Boethius's
differentiis ed. EleanoreStump
differentiis,
(New York:CornellUniversity Press,1978),25. Forthetranslation ofBasil'sHexaemeron,
see Migne,PL 53:874.
73 HarryA. Wolfson,"TheClassificationoftheSciencesinMedievalJewish Philosophy,"
HebrewUnionCollegeJubilee Volume(1875-1925)vol. 2 (Philadelphia:JewishPublication
Jewish
SocietyPress,1925),264-265,vol.3 (Philadelphia: SocietyPress,1926),
Publication
371.
7 Wolfson, 2:264,266,280-281,298.
"Classification,"
7 See below,ChapterV.
LiberalandIlliberal
ofTechnical 41
use measurements and instruments, includebuilding.The less exact,

whichattainonlyunreliableand uncertain results,includelyreplaying,
medicine,agriculture, navigation and military science.76AlthoughPlato
is quickto suggestthatthecalculationused in commerceand building
is of a different
sortthanthatused in philosophy(57a), his discussion
is an interestinginstancein whichPlato appears willingto apply his
interestin mathematics to practicalpursuits.Aristotleclassifiesme-
chanicsas a branchofmathematics, butone which,likeopticsand har-
monics,had a physicalorientation (Physics194a7-13).77The pseudo-
AristotelianMechanicalProblems treatsmechanicsas a mathematical dis-
ciplinewhich,nevertheless, overcomesnature.78 Contrary to Plutarch's
claimthatPlato'sdisapprovalcaused mechanicsto becomeentirely dis-
tinctfromgeometryand ignoredby philosophers,79 Hero and later
Greek mathematicians continuedto regardmechanicsas a branchof
mathematics, withoutdenyingits associationwithmanualarts.Hero
(firstcenturyA.D.) impliesa parallelism betweenphilosophers, who de-
duce propertiestheoretically, and mechanics,who deduce themfrom
sensiblebodies.80The fifth-century Neoplatonist, Proclus,tellsus that
Geminus(fl.first century B.C.?) and othermathematicians dividedmath-
ematicsintoarithmetic and geometry, whichdealtwiththeoretical forms
only,and mechanics,optics,astronomy and otherarts(sometimesin-
cludingmilitary tactics)whichdealtwithsensibleobjects.81 Pappus in
the fourthcenturyexplicitly named metal-working, architecture,car-
pentry,paintingand themanualactivities connectedwiththeseartsas
the practicalpartofmechanics,whose theoretical partincludesgeome-
try,arithmetic,astronomy and physics.82 He defendsa closeassociation
betweenpurelytheoretical mathematics and manualskillsas beneficial
to both.83For Proclushimself,mechanics,whichhe characterizes as a
"making"or productiveartor science,is an important partof mathe-
matics;it includesnot onlythe makingof instruments ofwar and de-
76 Plato,Philebus55e-56b,Loeb ClassicalLibrary (London:Heinemann,1925),358.Ar-

istotlealso describesmedicine,navigation, gymnastics and businessas less certainand
requiringmoredeliberation thanotherarts(Nicomachean Ethics[3.3.8];cf. Nemesiusof
Emessa (fl.late 4thc.), On theNatureofMan chap. 34 whichlistsmedicine,gymnastics
and navigationas artsdependingon conjecture.
7 Aristotle,Physics 194a7-13,Loeb ClassicalLibrary (London:1929)1:120.
78 Ps.-AristotelianMechanical Problems, editedunderthe name of Aristotlein Minor
Works, Loeb ClassicalLibrary (London:Heinemann,1936),331.
7 Plutarch, Lives.Marcellus14.5-6,Loeb ClassicalLibrary, 5:470,472.
80 Hero, Treatise
on Pneumatics 1.1 in ThePneumatics ofHeroofAlexandria: A facsimile
of
the1851Woodcroft Edition(London:Macdonald,1971),1.
81 Proclus,Commentary on theFirstBookofEuclid'sElements 1.13.38-39,trans.GlennR.
Morrow(Princeton: Princeton University Press,1970),31-32;ed. Gottfried Procli
Friedlein,
Diadochi inprimum EuclidisElementorum librumCommentarii, exrecognitione
Godofred Friedlein
(Leipzig:Teubner,1873),38.
82 Pappus Alexandrinus, Collectio8.1 in Selections theHistory
illustrating ofGreek Mathe-
matics,Loeb ClassicalLibrary (London:Heinemann,1941),2:614.
83 Pappus,Mechanics 8.3, Loeb ClassicalLibrary, 2:618,620.
42 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
fense,astronomical modelsand marvelousdeviceswithmovingfigures,

but everyartconcernedwiththemovingofmaterialthings.'"
These Greekmathematicians of late antiquityexertedlittle,if any,
directinfluence,as faras is known,on theearlydevelopmentof clas-
sificationsof the sciencesin the LatinWest, althoughPappus's and
Proclus'sarrangements ofthemanualand mathematical artssuggesta
possibleconnectionwithIsidoreofSeville'slistofthe artsin theLiber
numerorum and theDifferentiae.85
AmongmedievalArabicphilosophers,
however,parallelismbetweentheoretical sciencesand physicallyori-
ented artsbecame a majorelementin the organization of knowledge
and, as we shall see below (ChapterV), these classifications in turn
profoundly affectedWesternapproachestowardtheintegration oftech-
nologywithotherbranchesofknowledgein theworkofDomingoGun-
disalvo(DominicusGundissalinus), RobertKilwardby, RogerBaconand
others.
Craftsand theLiberalArts
The distinctionbetweentheliberaland illiberalor banausicartswas,

as we have seen,nota clear-cut oppositionbetweentheoretical artsand
crafts.The banausicartsincludednotonlymanualartsbutanyactivity
whichwas pursuedforphysicalneedorpleasure,entertainment ormon-
etarygain. Trade,dancingand wrestlingwere as muchbanausicarts
as metal-working; on the otherhand, geometry or astronomy, if per-
formedforpaymentorpursuedin thewrongspirit,couldbe considered
illiberal.86
Conversely,inantiquity theliberalartswerenota fixedcanon
of disciplinesbuta looselydefinedgroupofartscharacterized in terms
oftheirfunction and value in society;althoughthecenteroftheliberal
artsremainedthe sevenliterary and mathematical artswhichlaterbe-
came the medievaltrivium and quadrivium, the classicalconceptionof
the liberalartsfocusedon the generaldevelopmentofintellectual and
moral abilitiesratherthan on specificsubjectmatter.87 Even though
handicrafts in generalwere commonlycalledbanausicarts,some arts
witha physicalaspectwereconsistently associatedwiththeliberalarts
orplacedin an intermediate category,neitherfully"liberal"norentirely
"banausic."
These arts,mostoftenmedicine,gymnastics, agriculture,
mechanics,
navigationand, sometimes,painting,could be regardedas in some
sense liberal,despitethe factthattheydealtwiththe physicalworld,
8 Proclus,Commentary 1.13.41,trans.Morrow,34; ed. Friedlein,

41.
8 IsidoreofSeville,Libernumerorum 7.44(PL 83:188)and Differentiae
2.39 (PL 83:94);on
theseclassifications
and thepossibleconnection withPappusorProclus,see ChapterIII,
61-65.
8 See, forexample,Seneca,AdLucilium 88.1,Loeb ClassicalLibrary,
348and Aristotle
Politics1337b,Loeb ClassicalLibrary,638.
87 Marrou,A History ofEducationinAntiquity,244,288,299,302-304.
ofTechnical
andIlliberal
Liberal ArtsinAntiquity 43
b)ecausethey,likethefully-fledged liberalarts,had virtueorintellectual

wisdomas theirend. Morespecifically, ifan artcouldbe linkedto theo-
reticalknowledgeor couldbe seen as possessinga specialmoralvalue,
it acquireda differentand higherstatusthanotherphysically oriented
airts.A mathematical, and, therefore,theoretical charactercould easily
ve attributed to mechanics,which,althoughit includedmanualarts,
was, as we have seen, oftenincludedas a subdivisionof geometry.88
3imilarly, medicine,whileoftenregardedas a manualcraft,could also
be considereda science.89Doctorsand otherssince the Hippocratic
schoolhad assertedthatmedicinewas partofphilosophy.90 Theauthors
ofthe scholiato DionysiusThraxplacedmedicinein a specialcategory
becauseitmixedtheoretical scienceand practical Evenagriculture,
art.91
if,as Cassiodorussays, "it studiesthe seasons," and navigationcould
be associatedwithastronomy and,hence,withtheoretical knowledge.92
A closenessto natureand naturalprocessesalso servedto givesome
physicallyorientedarts,especiallyagriculture and medicine,a moral
value. Agriculturewas strongly associatedwiththe simpleand, there-
fore,virtuous,life.A tellingexampleis theremainder ofthepassage in
Xenophon'sOeconomicus quoted above.93 This passage had been cited
in thetruncatedformpreviously quotedas an exampleofcontempt for
the banausicarts.94
However, the work in which thispassage occurs is
a treatiseon householdmanagementand the passage in questionis
immediately followedby advice to pursue"husbandryand the artof
war . . . two ofthenoblestand mostnecessarypursuits."95 Xenophon
goes on to praiseagriculture, clearlynot a "banausic" art,because it
increasesone's estatewithoutdeprivingothermen,teachesrighteous-
ness, trainsthebodyin all thata freeman shouldbe able to do, yields
88 Above,p. 41.
89 Owsei Temkin,"GreekMedicineas Scienceand Craft,"Isis44 (1953):213-225.
9 Hippocrates,Decorum 2.5-6, Loeb ClassicalLibrary, 2:286,288.See also below,p. 44
and Temkin,"Medicine,"224-225.
Thrac,ed. Bekker,Anecdota
ad Dionysius
91 Scholia Graeca, 2:652.
92 Cassiodorus,AnIntroductiontoDivineandHumanReadings, trans.LeslieWebberJones
(New York:ColumbiaUniversity Press,1946;rpt.New York:OctagonBooks,1966),202-
divinarum
203;Institutiones etsaeculariumlectionum,ed. R. A. B. Mynors(Oxford: Clarendon
Press,1961),71-72,78. Philostratusalso associatesagriculturewithastronomy; see below
p. 45.
9 Above,27-28.
9 BenjaminFarrington, GreekScience(London:Penguin,1944),28-29.
9 Xenophon,Oeconomicus 4.4, Loeb ClassicalLibrary, 390,391:
fS
'[H c, 5:'xpaTec,
8 '77rotatvev &j9ovXevuet,
'Apa, Efr?7o 'CKpaT7, /J na IvfJ)ILEV T-OV

fleparw2v9arnX'a uii,kaaa0asOa; E'K,LcVOV'dp 4aaoY
tv TrOZs KaXXaTOrO Te Kai avlayKatoTrdTOV) 71yOU-
yLevov etvat E7r M
1/iao 7jefop-yLau Te /cat TrIV
%
o_Â_ V
7roXEj.wK TE'rXEV)V TOVTrw aL00TEEpWV iaXvpc4
44 Artsfrom
TheMechanical through
Antiquity Century
theThirteenth
food and luxuries,gives strength and exerciseand preparesthe mind

and bodyforotheractivities.96Jean-Pierre Vernantin his studyofclas-
towardworkand natureconcludesthatagriculture,
sicalattitudes unlike
otherformsof labor,had a moraland religiousvalue forthe Greeks;
whereasmining,forexample,was sometimesrepresented as an arro-
gantattackon nature,agriculture conformed manto natureand, there-
Hesiod, Virgil,Lucretius,Varroand Ciceropraisethe
fore,to virtue.97
farmerand farming as exemplifying the simple,morallife.98For Au-
is speciallyblessed:Adamand Eve farmedthegar-
gustine,agriculture
den ofParadisebeforetheFall,notas painfullaborbutwithspontaneous
joy.99Where,accordingto Augustine,is "humanreasonbetterable to
speak,as itwere,tonaturethanwhenmansows theseed,plantsa tree,
transplantsa bush. . .?""
Medicine,likeagriculture,had a specialplacebecauseitclearlysought
a humangood withinthecontextofnaturalprocesses.Plato'sexample
in the Gorgiasof trueand properknowledgeis medicine,because it
knowsthewelfareofits subjectand does notpanderto unworthy de-
In
sires.101 the and
Platonic Neoplatonic tradition of Plotinus and Au-
gustine,both agriculture and medicineare elevatedbeyondordinary
craftsbecause theyhelpbringnatureor naturalproductsto fruition.102
For Cassiodorusthe practiceof medicineand agriculture is an act of
charityand comesundertheheadingofdivinereading.103
Ancientclassificationsoftheartsoftenreflected theseideas. Classical
authorsnotinfrequently liftedsometechnical orphysically orientedarts
out of the generalcategoryof craftand directly associatedthemwith
philosophyor liberalarts."0Cicerosinglesout agriculture, medicine,
architecture,and, withsome hesitation,wholesaletradeas liberal.105
The encyclopediaplannedby Celsus (firstcenturyA.D.?)was to cover
agriculture,medicineand military artsas well as rhetoric, philosophy
and law.106Varro(116-27B.C.) includesmedicineand architecture as
96 Xenophon,Oeconomicus 5.12-18,6.4-12,Loeb ClassicalLibrary,404,408-410.

9 Jean-PierreVemant,"Travailet naturedans le Gr6ceancienne,"in Mytheet pensge
chezlesgrecs,206,217.
98 ClarenceJ.Glacken, TracesontheRhodian Shore:NatureandCultureinWestern Thought
fromAncient TimestotheEndoftheEighteenth Century (Berkeley:UniversityofCalifornia
Press,1967),130-134,163-167;Lovejoyand Boas,Primitivism, 279,285,353.
99Augustine, Degenesiadlitteram 8.8and8.10,inOeuvres deSaintAugustin(Paris:Descl6e
de Brouwer,1972),49:34,42.
100Augustine, De genesiad litteram8.8, TheLiteral
Meaning trans.JohnHam-
ofGenesis,
mondTaylor,Ancient Christian 42 (NewYork:NewmanPress,1982),2:45;Oeuvres
Writers,
de SaintAugustin, 49:36:"Quod enimmalusmirabiliusque spectaculumestaut ubi magis
cumrerumhumanaratioquodammodoloquipotest,quam cumpositisseminibus, plan-
tatissurculis,translatis
arbusculis, insitismalleolis.
101Plato,Gorgia 465a,ed. Dodds, 94-95.
102 See below,45-48.
103 Cassiodorus, Institutiones,
ed. Mynors,71-72,78.
10 Galen,Protreptikos 14 in Scriptaminora,ed. Marquardt, 1:120.
105 Cicero,De officiis
1.42,Loeb ClassicalLibrary, 154.
106 See Marrou,"Les artslibraux,"23.
andIlliberal
ofTechnical 45
the eighthand ninthliberalarts.107 Vitruvius(firstcenturyB.C.), al-

thoughnot explicit,seems to regardarchitecture as liberaland partof
philosophy.108 Jerome(c. 340-420)and Fulgentius(fifth century)also
considermedicineto be amongtheliberalarts.109
The crossoverbetweencrafts and liberalartsdevelopedfurther in late
antiquity.Authorsfromthesecondthroughthefifth centuriesclassified
some artsas neitherliberalnorbanausicbut as belongingto some in-
termediate category, whichmixedmentaland physicalelements.H. L.
Marrouhas citedGalen,thefifth-century grammarian MaximusVicto-
rinus and the popular Greek philosopher, Philostratus, as having
grouped the arts in thisway.110 One may add to these Plotinus, and
Augustine'sDe doctrina AlthoughforMarroutheseclassifi-
christiana.
cationsare of interestprimarily as stagesin the developmentof the
conceptoftheartesliberales, theyalso demonstrate therangeofancient
attitudestowardtechnicalarts.Takentogetherwiththoselistsof the
liberalartswhichincludedartssuchas agriculture, medicine,architec-
ture,elsewhereregardedas crafts,theseclassifications indicatea con-
siderabledegree of flexibility towarddefiningtechnologicalarts as
knowledge.
Philostratus(c. A.D. 165or 170-240)separatesthebanausicartsfrom
thosewhichwere learnedor wise (o-oOai)and fromthosewhichwere
The lattergroup includes paint-
somewhat or less learned (uro6o-o4ot).111
navigation
ing,sculpture, "ifitwaitsupontheseasons";
and agriculture
these,he remarks,are "notveryinferior 112
to theliberalprofessions."
107
Ibid., 23.
108 Vitruvius, TenBooksonArchitecture (London:Heinemann,
1.1,LoebClassicalLibrary
1931),1:6-32.
l09 Jerome, Letter53.6 in Opera,ed. IsidorusHilberg,CorpusScriptorum Ecclesiasticorum
Latinorum (Leipzig:G. Freytag, 1910)54:452;Fulgentius, 3.8,ed. R. Helm(Leip-
Mitologiae
zig: Teubner,1898).Gregoryof Nyssa lumpedtogethergeometry, logic,physics,me-
chanicalinventions, agriculture,navigation and "otherpursuitsofourlife"as proceeding
fromthesame mentalprocesses;see ContraEunomium 2.181,ed. WernerJaeger(Leiden:
E. J.Brill,1960),1:277.Thispassageis discussedand translated in AlcuinA. Weiswurm,
TheNatureofHumanKnowledge According ofNyssa,TheCatholicUniversity
toSaintGregory
ofAmericaPhilosophical Studies,136(Washington, D.C.: TheCatholicUniversityofAmer-
ica Press,1952),141-144.
Marrou, "Les arts liberaux," 9-11.
1 Philostratus, TheLifeofApollonius Loeb Classical
ofTyana8.7,trans.F.C. Conybeare,
Library(London:Heinemann,1912),2:298.
112 Ibid., 2:299:
lTpoipxes8a, s &aatXev, wca'eisu eo'eoxe'0

I vtu ol aa war' d poe'v roUseas, rpaJrrovr
J"ev a\>) aB A vaat
n U' (riip xprn.u1aToV,
ai fU L
o itucp&v,a; 8' av3jucyaXwv, as 8' 0'cv
6p4ovTrra& Ka ovX at j8dvavarot fovov, a?vA
?8vu tV ?>XX0v TEXVOW oox SC OO&IY) Kas
(vfruovfe&,7rV'Xi
Xiv Oois a xc a
46 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
Philostratuselsewhere also exemptsmilitarycommand and gymnastics

fromthe banausic arts.113 Galen, in addition to the simple distinction
between banausic and liberal arts, arranges the arts and their practi-
tionersin a three-parthierarchyaccording to theircloseness to the di-
vine; geometers, arithmeticians,philosophers, doctors, astronomers
and grammariansare in the first,or highest,rank; painters,modelers,
schoolmasters,carpenters,architects,and sculptorsare in the second;
and all the remainingarts are in the third,or last, rank.114
A comparableclassificationwas outlinedby Maximus Victorinus,who
divided the arts into those which are entirelyphysical, those entirely
intellectualand those requiringboth human faculties:
Whatis art?How manyarethekindsofart?Three.Whatarethey?Certainones

are ofthebody,certainones are ofthesoul and body.Whichones are onlyof
thesoul?Theseare poetry,music,astrology, grammar, rhetoric,
law, philoso-
phy. Whichare of thebody?Shouting,leaping,fleetness,carrying burdens.
Whichare of thesoul and body?Cultivation ofa farm,gymnastics,
medicine,
mechanics [W??XaVKaK],
carpentry[TSKTOVK'K]115
Plotinus (c. 203-262) also classifiesknowledge in a hierarchicalfashion.

In the Enneads,he distinguishesbetween the arts on the basis of the
qualityof the substance or materialwithwhich theydeal and theircon-
sequent distance or closeness to the IntelligibleWorld:
As forthearts:suchas lookto housebuilding and thelikeare exhaustedwhen

theobjectis achieved;thereareagainthose-medicine,farming, and otherser-
viceablepursuits-whichdeal helpfully withnaturalproducts,seekingtobring
themtonaturalefficiency;and thereis a class-rhetoric,music,and everyother
methodof swayingmindor soul,withtheirpowerofmodifying forbetteror
roaS /iLep 7ro07TlIr)v holv/rnIV aOTpOiO/uaV,

aoLo-r1aS xat ThW pl7TOp(DV TOUT /LlT a7OpMOVT,
'oov6o0v 84 t/iypaibLav 7rXaoT,C J2v aya)n-arO-

7roLouS xvk8EpV?7Tav 76(ApytovJ, 71v TraW wpaWs
ewmu,rai, yap at'e a; Tr'X ao/>;a' OU 7roXI
113
Philostratus,UberGymnastik 261, ed. JuliusJunther(Leipzig and Berlin:B. G. Teub-
ner, 1909; rpt. Chicago: Argonaut Publishers Inc., 1969). On gymnasticsas an art com-
parable to medicine ratherthan a sportin the modern sense, see Marrou, "Les artshiber-
aux," 10-11.
114
Galen, Protreptikos5 in Scriptaminora,ed. Marquardt, 1:107.
115
Maximus Victorinus,Ars VictoriniGrammatici in Grammatici
Latini,ed. Henrici Keil
(Leipzig: Teubner, 1870; rpt. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1961), 6:187: "Ars quid est?
Vnius cuiusque rei scientia. Artiumgenera quot sunt? Tria. Quae? Sunt quaedam animi
tantum, quaedam corporis,quaedam animi et corporis. Quae sunt animi tantum?Hac
sunt,poetice, musice, astrologice,grammatice,rhetorice,iurisscientia,philosophia. Quae
sunt corporis?Iaculatio, saltus, velocitas, oneris gestamen. Quae sunt animi et corporis?
Ruris cultus, palaestra, medicina, WvXaVtKx, TEKTOVLKT)."
ArtsinAntiquity 47
forworse-and we have to ascertainwhat those arts come to and what kind of

power lies in them.116
Now as to the artsand craftsand theirproductions:The imitativearts-painting,

sculpture, dancing, pantomimicgesturing-are, largely,earth-based;they fol-
low models found in sense, since theycopy formsand movementsand repro-
duce seen symmetries;they cannot thereforebe referredto that highersphere
except indirectly,throughthe Reason-Principlein humanity.On the otherhand
any skillwhich,beginningwiththe observationofthesymmetryoflivingthings,
grows to the symmetryof all life,will be a portion of the Power There which
observes and mediates the symmetryreigningamong all beings in the Intellec-
tual Cosmos. Thus all music-since its thoughtis upon melody and rhythm-
must be the earthlyrepresentationof the music there is in the rhythmof the
Ideal Realm. The craftssuch as buildingand carpentrywhich give us Matterin
wroughtforms,maybe said, in thattheydraw on pattern,to taketheirprinciples
fromthatrealm and fromthe thinkingThere: but in thattheybringthese down
into contactwith the sense-order,theyare not whollyin the Intellectual,except
as contained in the Idea of man. So agriculture,dealing with materialgrowths;
so medicine watching over physical health; so the art which aims at corporeal
strengthand well-being;power and well-beingmean somethingelse There, the
fearlessnessand self-sufficingquality of all thatlives.
Oratoryand generalship,administrationand sovereignty-under any formsin

which theiractivitiesare associated with Good and when they look to that-
possess something derived thence and building up theirknowledge fromthe
knowledge There.
Geometry,as a science of the Intellectualentities,holds place There: so, too,

philosophy, whose high concernis Being.
For the arts and products of art, these observationsmay suffice.117
116 Plotinus,Enneads4.4.31, trans.Stephen MacKenna (London: Faber and Faber, 1962),
314 (in Opera,ed. Henry and Schwyzer,2:120):
T;Xvat 4* ad /jO' ozKiav lrobVQwU KCL' -n1

\
_ * \ s 8
-
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. t
,fXYTQ f 49 TOCOI7rOV EAT7nav' (i(rpEK7 K(1 La YE KtCL at
TocaILaL VlT77pCTLKat Kar 3O7jdFtav et; Ta OtjaEL E&UQfLcEvac.
vv Kcara (vb(Ytv Eyetv pi7rno*Lav 8E KaC 11OVM7(V DcaL ,Panaav
igvXat,ywytav j -rp6; -,O 'iAtov 77 rPoc '?' XP?v (y1eW

rAXitc:7aq. ^v art * a a
/,"lrf'rov, w**oair9rvaa!a Tl! s MLKA ,Uf T7rv
117
Ibid., 5.9.11, trans. MacKenna, 440-441 (in Opera,2:423-424):
T1 o;vv KaaTa TE'XV'V Kat a Texvat; TWv 870 TEXVCV

ocat /L.'T'Kat, ypaot"d pkv Kat alv8pLavroLotla, opx'qclL9
TE Kal XELpOVOIlta, EVTaVOaE 7TOV 7V cvcrraUaLv AacflOvCYacL Kat
ato0rPr 7rpoaXpkEvat 7rapa8oE`ypaTt Ka /u.qzov/u.EvatESt071

TE KaCL KLVaIcELsl Tas- -TEcrvj/uErptav as opwat
clELrTa-rtLaGTaL
OVK av CLKOTrS- EKEZ aVacyOLVTO, EL T9) avOpw7rov Ao^p.
48 TheMechanicalArtsfromAntiquitythrough
theThirteenth
Century
Theoverallgraduatedarrangement intheseclassifications
reflects Plo-
tinus'sconception oftheuniverseas a seriesoflevelsofreality orbeing.
For the purposesof thispaper, the important pointis thatPlotinus
distinguishes betweencraftswhichimpressa mentalformon non-living
matter,suchas architecture,(i.e., theAristotelian
productive arts),and
thosewhichhelpbringnatureto its"naturalefficiency." All craftspar-
ticipateto some extentin boththesensibleand theintelligible realms;
they,in Plotinus'swords,"draw upon pattern."Butsome craftsexist
on a levelclosertotheIntellectualbecausetheydealwithsensiblethings
whichthemselvesexiston a higherplane: architecture and carpentry
produceproductsof "wroughtMatter,"but agriculture, medicineand
gymnastics deal withlivingbeings,whose lifederivesfroma higher
sphere,thatis, Lifeitself.
A passage in Plato'sLawsmayhave been one of Plotinus'ssources.
In thisdialogue,theAthenian,firstdismissingtheproductsofthearts
of painting,musicand othercraftsas "toys"or "simulacre,"remarks
that"ifthereare artswhichreallyproduceanything ofgenuineworth,
theyarethosewhichlendtheiraid to nature,likemedicine,husbandry,
gymnastics."-118He goes on to liststatesmanship and legislation,thus
closelyparallelingtheorderoftheartsgivenin theEnneads.
Plotinus'sideas on the artsmay,in turn,have influencedAugus-
EL rTLS'EeS EK i-r7s-
7rEpt Tra {4a cv,tktErpIas' oAws tcov
ovWr77S'KaL Gw0t veS T7V EV T VO7JTco 7rEpt 7ravra 0v/t/tE-
-rpiav. Kat ,Uv7VKat /LOVLYLK) r7raoa [7rEpt aputovtav Exovaa

F."I p,voG v q &V] 7rEpt%pv0tk6uvKaL ap/wovtav Exovaa ra
107)1/taTa -roV av-rov Tpo7rov av Ev), WUrIrEp Kat 77 7rEpt
T.)VVO)TOV
ap JOILvEXovaa. o0aaL SE vToLJTLKaL aLcTGr)Tv
.JV KaTa OOV OLKOaO,LK-q

XEXV7)V, KaU TEKTOVLK/, KaOoaOV
CT)JkETpaLs 7rpoqXpovTa, apXays av EKE LEV EXOLEV Kat
'(fpO"'EI
E)VEKEL CoU al 4Ti iai3-ra aVYKEppaYCaLLE-
1'lUTo OAOV
OVK av EtEV E'KEL 77 E'vT-o dvOpw7T(m. ov0 /urq', lVSE'
yEwpyta avAAabu43dvovracaurGO'c c,v-r, L'a-rpLK7' rE Tr7V

%
EvTaVa
fl^rav V'YI`tav
VyEa Oc
OEcopovâa
7V(C 72TE
T X(pl
ITEptL 1XVZV TTV8 r-aL EU-
%aU T71v8E v-
EflaW &)AA-r7
yap EKEIE
Svva,tL Kat VyLELa, KicaG7v
avd'TpEpVq
I % * et I
'5rav-raKaL tKava, oaa Câ. p77TopELa SE KaL cTTpaT7yta,
Ol',cOVO1taTE ICaL faaLrtKA),Et rTLvES
avirWvTO KaAoVKOL-
vwvovaL 7-aZs-
7rp4EoLTv,ELEKELVO GEWpOZEV, MotpavEKELGEV
I Ia*'IrEltan'I7
I EVaLVE
f I T7 . Er077/
I I .kIqS .,,S- EKEL.
I - 'YEW-
/LETpLaa aKTEa E EKEL, Lota TE aVLTaTW
TEptLTO OV ovaa. Kat TEpt ,uEV TEXVWV KaL TWJV Kara TE-
Xvas' TavTa.
118 Plato,Laws
889c,inOpera,
ed. loannesBurnet
(Oxford:
Clarendon
Press,1907),5:889c:
andIlliberal
ofTechnical 49
In theDe doctrina
tine.1"9 AugustineechoesPlotinuswhenhe
christiana,
dividescorporealartsintothosewhichmanufacture a product,those
whichresultin an actionand those,namelymedicine,agriculture and
navigation,which"displaya kindof serviceto the workof God."'20
likethatof Plotinus,includesa distinctive
Thisclassification, category
ofartswhichaid theprocessesoflifein nature.121It seemsprobablein
the lightof Augustine'sintellectual
historythatPlotinusis an indirect
or directsourceforthisadditionalgroupof arts.If so, Augustinehas
reXtTp of
WrrTpov u rovt . irrpv yevo 'vrv, a'vnjv Ovvr?7yvIt
O1TWJCv rtepa yeyErvli7KevaL raL&tAs Tvavs, aMet'asg o;
vTfpo8pa ufrey(ovrav, WdAAe3ldwA arTa avyevrl eavrTr,
or 7 ypa(#Kc' yevVa Ka'L MuOVOIK7J KaL oTaL ravra&s elov
1rvzdp&Oo& rixvat at r& La-rrov6aiov apa yevvwattrw

KaJ
fXKvwv, ELvaL ravras 17r0(TaL flp vTEL EKola'woav rjv avtrwe

fvi'al.tv, otov av &arpK1 KaL yewpyLK71 KcaL yvuvaor-rLK77. Kw
Kq sai T?'V rAoTL"v ouiLcpov TL gEpoS eZvat paTLv KoLw-
VO1P* tXZ71 ? TO ro?v, OVT(U KaLrpv voMofhau
'
afraV *)V EpiMTEL,
TE~V?( 8, aAooX
OvK ELvaa
a&r 9( fL.
119 On Plotinus's influencein general on Augustine's thoughtsee PierreCourcelle, Late
LatinWritersand theirGreekSources,trans. HarryE. Wedeck (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
UniversityPress, 1969), 169-180. Augustine lists the arts in a hierarchyfromthe physical
to the intellectual,possibly influencedby Plotinus, in his De quantitateanimae32.72 and
the CityofGod 22.24.
120 Augustine, De doctrina christiana
2.30.47, On ChristianDoctrine,trans. D. W. Robert-
son, jr. (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill,The Liberal Arts Press, Inc., 1958), 66; textin Opera,
CorpusChristianorum, serieslatina32:65:
Artiumetiamceterarum, quibusaliquidfabricaturuel quod remaneatpostoperationemartificis

ab illoeffectum,
sicutdomuset scaninumet uas aliquodatquealia huiuscemodi, uel quae min-
isteriumquoddamexhibent operantideo sicutmedicinaet agricultura
et gubernatio,
uel quarum
omniseffectus est actiosicutsaltationumet cursionum et luctaminum:harumergocunctarum
artiumde praeteritisexperimenta faciunt
etiamfuturaconici;namnullusearumartifex membra
mouetin operando,nisipraeteritorum memoriam cumfuturorum contexat.
exspectatione
Gubernatio can be translatedas both navigationand government.

121
Earlier(De doctrina 2.29.45) Augustinedistinguishesbetween superstitions
christiana,
which are valid onlybecause ofa special signand sciences such as medicineand agriculture
which are valid because of the forceof nature; CorpusChristianorum 32:64:
Aliudestenimdicere'tritam istamherbamsi biberis,uenternondolebit'etaliudestdicere'istam

herbamcolo si suspenderis, uenternon dolebit'.Ibi enimprobatur contemperatiosalubris,hic
significatio damnatur.
superstitiosa Quamquamubipraecantationes etinuocationes
etcharacteres
nonsunt,plerumque dubiumest,utrumres,quae alligatur autquoquomodoadiungitur sanando
corpori,ui naturaeualeat,quod libereadhibendumest, an significatiua quadam obligatione
proueniat,quodtantoprudentius oportetcauerechristianum,quantoefficacius
prodesseuidebitur.
Sed ubilatet,qua causaquidualeat,quo animoquisqueutaturinterest, dumtaxatin sanandisuel
temperandis corporibussiuein medicinasiuein agricultura.
In De genesiad litteram8.9.18 Augustine describes agricultureand medicine as extemal

helps forinternalnaturalforces.Cf. Plotinus,Enneads4.4.31, trans.MacKenna, 314: "the
artificialeither remains, as it began, within the limitof the art-attainingfinalityin the
artificialproduct alone-or is the expression of an artwhich calls to its aid naturalforces
and agencies, and so sets up act and experiencewithinthe sphere of the natural."
50 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
modifieddetails,perhapsto bringthe schemeintoa morespecifically

Christianambiance.First,he replacesthepossiblymorallysuspectgym-
nasticswithnavigation. Second,althoughPlotinusdescribedagriculture
and medicineas aidingnature,accordingto Augustinetheseartsarein
theserviceofGod. BothAugustineand Plotinus,as wellas Plato,how-
ever,place a highervalue on agriculture and medicinethanon crafts
in generalbecause theyconnecthumanactivity to natureand through
natureto thedivine.
The classificationsof Philostratus,Galen, MaximusVictorinus, Plo-
tinusand Augustinefallintono precisely repeatedpattern.Each,how-
ever,uses a hierarchy or graduatedscale fromthe physicalto the in-
tellectualas a principlearoundwhichto organizethevariousartsand
sciences. Those same technicalartswhichwere sometimesincluded
amongtheliberalarts-agriculture, medicineand withless consistency,
gymnastics, mechanics,architecture, navigation,sculptureand paint-
ing-appear along thisscale notwiththe purelyphysicalor banausic
arts,but in a centerpositionas artsof both the body and soul. The
softeningof the radicaldistinction betweenbanausicand liberalarts
suggeststhattechnicalartsmightoccupya middleground,retaining a
corporealnaturebut also participating in the intellectual
realm.This
blurring ofcategoriesmay,in turn,haveinfluenced earlymedievalclas-
sificationsofphilosophy.122To an extent,theseclassificationsovercame
the dichotomy ofmentaland physicallaborwhichmade it difficult for
classicalthinkersto acceptcraftsas possessingintellectual and moral
worth.By perceivingcraftssuch as agriculture, medicine,mechanics,
navigationand othersas linkingmen to a higherlevel of realitythan
the purelymaterial,some philosopherssuggestedthattheseartshad
ends or purposesbeyondpleasure,convenienceor the satisfaction of
physicalnecessityand thattheydirectedmen to some extenttoward
the spiritualor intellectual,
as well as thephysical,world.
Conclusion
Despite the emphasisof classicalthoughton purelytheoreticalphi-

losophyand science,technological artswereoftendescribedas a basic
partofknowledgein antiquity. Undertherubricoftheproductive arts,
or by associationwiththeliberalarts,craftswereincludedwithinthe
realmofapprovedartsand sciences,and, to a greatdegree,thesedefi-
nitionsof craftscounteredthe negativelabel of "banausic"artsgiven
to manyartswitha physicalcomponent.
of the artsand sciencesbecameincreasingly
Althoughclassification
detailedand elaborateoverthe courseof time,basic attitudestoward
crafthad alreadybeen formulated in thetimeofPlatoand Aristotle.A
viewofknowledgeas hierarchically orderedfromthelowestartstothose
122 See below,ChapterIII.
Liberal
andIlliberal
ofTechnical
ArtsinAntiquity 51
closestto thedivineand an emphasison themoralvalue ofknowledge

was primarily associatedwithPlato and thinkersinfluencedby him,
who oftendefinedcrafts as banausicorliberalarts.Thesetwocategories
were,in fact,oppositepointson an ascendingscaleofartsand sciences
fromtheleastto themostvalued;individualcrafts wereassignedto one
or theothergroupas theywereperceivedtolead menawayfromvirtue
or towardit. Althougha blend of Platonicand Aristotelian influences
is evidentin manyof theseclassifications, the strongestand clearest
definitionsofcraftsas liberalor semi-liberal artsweremade bythinkers
deeplyinfluenced byPlatonicorNeoplatonicthought, suchas Plotinus,
Augustine,and MaximusVictorinus.
The more neutral,simplerand farless value-ladenconceptof the
productivearts,definedby Aristotle as artswhichmade a productac-
cordingto rationalrules,was used alongsidethebanausicand liberal
artsas a rubricforcraftsthroughout antiquity and was sometimesin-
corporatedintohierarchical schemesofthePlatonictype.Aristotle also
describedcraftsas relatedto othersciencesthroughthe principleof
subalternation, or subordination, or in specialcases as applyingmath-
ematicsto physicalproblems,as, forexample,in mechanics.Although
Aristotlehimselfmade onlyscatteredcommentson thesesubjects,his
ideas suggestedsystematic methodsofdefining technology as a partof
knowledgewhichweredevelopedbyHellenistic and lateancientthink-
ers intocomprehensive schemesgivinga majorplace to crafts.
At thesame time,classicalthinkers did notdevelopa rigorousframe-
workwithinwhichto considercrafts ortechnicalartsas partsofknowl-
edge. No singleancientclassification of theartssubsumedall thearts
or activitiesnow calledtechnology underone heading.The productive
artsmost clearlyand comprehensively definedcraftsas a group;it is
notclear,however,whethersuchartsas medicine,agriculture and nav-
igation,whichdid not obviously"make" or producesomething, were
consideredproductive arts.Theywererarelymentionedas examplesof
productiveartsand were almostalwaysplaced in a distinctcategory
undera varietyof rubrics.The idea of the productivearts,moreover,
was limitedin thatit did notincorporate implications aboutfinalends
or purposes,an issue whichwe have seen was virtually inseparablein
classicalthoughtfromtheproblemofknowledge.Significantly, it was
preciselytheartswhichweremostcommonly accordeda higherintel-
lectual statusbecause theywere more easily associatedwith higher
humanvalues,suchas medicineand agriculture, whichwereexcluded
fromthe productivearts.The banausic,"semi-liberal" and liberalarts,
on theotherhand,weredefinedlargelyin termsofperceivedvalueand
onlylooselyin termsofsubjectmatter;dependingupon theindividual
perspectives ofparticularauthors,thesecategories includedsome,many
or no crafts.Thisdiscontinuity accurately thedifficulties
reflects in de-
finingtechnology facedby a systemofthoughtwhichemphasizedthe
52 Artsfrom
through Century
dichotomy of mind and matterand identifiedmoral virtuewith intel-

lectual knowledge.
The complexityof the classical philosophical traditionon the place of
technology as a part of knowledge is aptly illustratedby the views of
St. Augustine, who was in many ways both an heir to classical thought
and a parentofa new and distinctiveculture.In his formalclassifications
of knowledge Augustine combined the Aristotelianclassificationof the
productive arts and the Platonic-Neoplatonichierarchicalarrangement
of arts fromthe most physicalto the most spiritual.The same hierarchy
underlies a famous passage in the Cityof God,which places human
knowledge, including technology,in the contextof man's natural and
supernatural ends. This passage, which remained a touchstone forat-
titudesabout craftsthroughthe thirteenth century,is both a culmination
of classical ideas on technologyand a link to the medieval artesmechan-
icae.
And,quiteapartfromthosesupernatural artsoflivingin virtueand ofreaching

immortal beatitudewhichnothingbutthegraceofGod whichis in Christcan
communicate to thesons ofpromiseand heirsofthekingdom,therehavebeen
discoveredand perfected, by thenaturalgeniusofman,innumerable artsand
skillswhichminister not onlyto thenecessitiesof lifebut also to humanen-
joyment.And even in thoseartswherethe purposesmayseem superfluous,
thereis exercisedan acutenessofintelligence
perilousand pernicious, ofso high
an orderthatit revealshow richlyendowedour humannatureis. For,it has
thepowerofinventing, learningand applyingall sucharts.
Justthinkoftheprogressand perfection whichhumanskillhas reachedin the
astonishingachievements of cloth-making, architecture,agricultureand navi-
gation.Or thinkoftheoriginality and rangeofwhathas been doneby experts
in ceramics, andbypainters;ofthedramasand theatrical
bysculptors spectacles
so stupendousthatthosewho have notseen themsimplyrefuseto believethe
accountsof thosewho have. Thinkeven of thecontrivances and trapswhich
have been devisedforthe capturing, killing,or trainingof wild animals;or,
again,ofthenumberofdrugsandappliancesthatmedicalsciencehas discovered
in itszeal forthepreservationand restorationofmen'shealth;or,again,ofthe
poisons, weapons, and equipmentused in wars, devisedby military artfor
defenseagainstenemyattack;orevenoftheendlessvariety ofcondiments and
sauces whichculinaryarthas discoveredto ministerto the pleasuresof the
palate.
It was humaningenuity, too, thatdevisedthe multitudeof signswe use to
expressand communicate ourthoughts and,especially,
speechandwriting. The
artsof rhetoricand poetryhave broughtdelightto men's spiritsby theiror-
namentsof styleand varietiesofverse;musicianshave solacedhumanearsby
theirinstruments and songs;boththeoretical and appliedmathematics have
made greatprogress;astronomy has been mostingeniousin tracingthemove-
ments,and in distinguishing
themagnitudes, ofthestars.In general,thecom-
pletenessofscientific
knowledgeis beyondall wordsand becomesall themore
astonishingwhenone pursuesanysingleaspectofthisimmensecorpusofin-
andIlliberal ArtsinAntiquity
ofTechnical 53
formation.Last,butnotleast,is thebrilliance
oftalentdisplayedbybothpagan
philosophersand Christianhereticsin thedefenseof errorand falsehood.(In
sayingthis,of course,I am thinkingonlyofthenatureofthehumanmindas
a gloryofthismortallife,notoffaithand theway oftruththatleads to eternal
life.)'23
The mood of this account of the arts is one of ambivalence and par-
adox. Augustine, ofcourse, is drawingupon an explicitlyChristianview
of knowledge and the human condition and his exclusion of the arts
and sciences fromthe sphere of "immortalbeatitude" clearly reflects
Christian ratherthan classical values. Augustine, however, wrote this
passage specificallyas an answer to Cicero's praise of craftsin the De
raturadeorum124and in doing so he made use of the classical, as well
as a Christian,critiqueoftechnology.Cicero's discussion in the De natura
deorumties human dignityand power closely to man's abilityto change
his environmentthroughtechnologyand to create a "second nature"
for himself.125 It is one of the most positive statementson technology
in classical literatureand although elsewhere Cicero criticizesand even
attacks certaincrafts,here he unequivocally espouses the view placed
in the mouth of the Stoic, Balbus, thattechnologicalarts are a product
of human reason well and properlyused.'26 Augustine's reply, how-
ever, finds technologyto be an expression of the "natural genius" of
123
Augustine, De civitateDei 22.24, trans. Gerald G. Walsh and Daniel J.Honan in The
Fathersof the Church:A New Translation(Washington, D.C.: The Catholic Universityof
America Press, 1954), 24:484 (ed. B. Dombart,revisedby A. Kalb [Leipzig: Teubner, 1928],
2:612-613);
Praeterenimartesbenevivendietad immortalem perveniendi felicitatem,

quae virtutesvocantur
etsolaDei gratia,quae inChristoest,filiispromissionisregnique donantur, nonnehumanoingenio
tottantaequeartessuntinventaeet exercitae, partimnecessariaepartimvoluptariae, ut tamex-
cellensvis mentisatquerationisin his etiamrebus,quas superfluas, immoet periculosasperni-
ciosasqueappetit,quantumbonumhabeatin natura,undeistapotuitvelinvenire veldiscerevel
exercere,testetur? Vestimentorum et aedificiorum ad operaquam mirabilia, quam stupendain-
dustriahumanapervenerit; quo in agricultura,quo in navigatione quae in fabricatione
profecerit;
quorumquevasorumveletiamstatuarum, etpicturarum varietate
excogitaveritetimpleverit; quae
in theatris
mirabilia audientibus
spectantibus, incredibiliafaciendaet exhibenda molitasit;in cap-
iendisoccidendisdomandisinrationalibus animantibus quae etquantareppererit; adversusipsos
hominestotgeneravenenorum, totarmorum, totmachinamentorum, etprosaintemoriali tuenda
atquereparandaquotmedicamenta atqueadiumenta conprehenderit; provoluptate faucium quot
condimenta et gulaeinritamenta reppererit; ad indicandaset suadendascogitationes quam mul-
titudinem varietatemque signorum, ubipraecipuum locumverbaetlitterae tenent;ad delectandos
animosquos elocutionis omatus,quamdiversorum carminum copiam;ad mulcendasauresquot
organamusica,quos cantilenaemodosexcogitaverit; quantamperitiam dimensionum atquenu-
merorum, meatuque et ordinessiderumquantasagacitateconprehenderit; quam multarerum
mundanarum cognitione se impleverit,quispossiteloqui,maximesivelimusnonacervatim cuncta
congerere, sed in singulisinmorari? In ipsispostremo erroribuset falsitatibus
defendendis quam
magnaclaruerint ingeniaphilosophorum atquehaereticorum, quis aestimare sufficiat?
Loquimur
enimnuncde naturamentishumanae,qua istavitamortalis omatur,non de fideatqueitinere
qua illainmortalis
veritatis, adquiritur.
124 Maurice Testard, SaintAugustinetCiceron(Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes,1958), 1:76-
77.
125
Cicero, De naturadeorum2.50, Loeb Classical Library(London: Heinemann, 1933),
270-271.
126
Ibid., 2.50-2.51, Loeb Classical Library,266-271.
54 TheMechanical
Artsfrom through
Century
man but,at thesametime,to be "superfluous, perilousand pernicious."

The oxymoronis intentional, and an analysisofAugustine'scatalogue
ofthe artsand sciencesrevealshis purposein speakingin an apparent
contradiction.
Augustinebeginswiththe distinction betweenartswhichare nec-
essaryand thosewhichareforpleasure,a comparison whichgoes back
to the Sophistsand was transmitted throughAugustineto theMiddle
Ages.127Yet he does nottellus whichartsare "necessary"and which
"forpleasure,"and he arrangesthe artsnot intotwo distinctgroups
buthierarchically inthePlatonicorNeoplatonicpattern.Beginning with
artsproducingmaterialobjects(cloth-making, architecture) he follows
withthe artshe describesin the De doctrina christianaas "aidingGod"
(agriculture,navigation), theartswe would now call "finearts"(sculp-
ture,painting),a groupofartsperhapscharacterized bytheimportance
ofprocessratherthanproduct(hunting, medicine,warfare and cookery)
and ends withtheliberalartsand, finally, philosophy.
Althoughsome commentators have takenboththeintroduction and
catalogueofartsat facevalue as straightforward praiseoftheingenuity
and power of the humanintellect, in factAugustine'stone is heavily
ironic.128
His subjectis theconditionofourmortallife,which,he care-
fullypointsout,is divorcedfromfaith,truthand eternallife,and which
he describeselsewhereinthesamechapteras depravedand condemned
to sin.129His listof the arts,it shouldbe noted,includesheresy,the-
atricalspectacles,traps,poisons,weaponsand warmachines.(Thepair-
ing of heresywithphilosophy,as well as medicinewithpoisonsand
cookerysuggestsa delicatesenseofirony.)The arts,despitetheirstatus
as expressionsofhumangenius,are notonlyirrelevant to man's final
beatitudebut are potentially dangerous and immoraleven in the mi-
serablemortallifeforwhichtheywere intendedto console us. The
argumentis essentially thesameas thatimpliedbythelabelingofcrafts
as banausic,i.e., thatthe abilityto inventor use inventionsdoes not
implythe abilityto knowhow to use inventions forproperand moral
ends, and thatthelatterrequirement shouldconditiontheformer. Yet
Augustineclearlydoes not denythattechnology is a productof intel-
ligence.Liketheclassicalphilosophical traditionas a whole,Augustine
leavesus witha paradoxical viewoftechnology as partofhumanknowl-
edge and achievement and yetas antitheticalto mankind'shighestand
truestends.
Augustine,perhapsinadvertently, however,also providesa way out
ofthedilemmaposed bytheambivalence ofhis statement. Ifall thearts
togethersuffered thelimitations ofreasonvis-a-vis faith,as impliedby
127
See above, p. 33, for the Sophists and below, Chapter IV, for this distinctionin
Bonaventure and Vincentof Beauvais.
128 See below, Chapter IV, n. 98, formodem scholarlyinterpretations of this passage.
129
Augustine, De civitateDei 22.24, ed. Dombart, 2:609.
ArtsinAntiquity 55
his inclusionof philosophyas well as heresy,then,converselyall the

artstogether, couldbe putin theserviceofGod as long
includingcrafts,
as theywere properlysubordinatedto religiouspurposes.This inter-
pretationof the Augustinianview of knowledgeas dependentupon
religionwas one of the sourcesforthe striking re-evaluationof tech-
nologyin thetwelfth century.Thisre-evaluation would have been im-
possible, however,withoutthe groundworklaid down by classical
thoughtwhichfrequently, ifnotconsistently,
related'technologytoother
lpartsof knowledge.Althoughthe persistentambivalenceof general
commentson theartsand craftsin antiquity, whichtiedcraftsas much
tothemiseryofmanas tohisdignity, had a parallelinthefragmentation
ofcategoriesunderwhichcrafts wereincludedwithin,orexcludedfrom,
knowledge,ancientclassificationsoftheartsand sciencesalso suggested
mechanismsby whichthisfragmentation could be resolved.Medieval
classifiers
of the artsdevelopedthesesuggestionsintocomprehensive
schema which forthe firsttimeincludedall craftsin a group as an
essentialpartofknowledge.
TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC.
VOL. 80 PT. 1, 1990
III. Crafts,
Philosophy,
andtheLiberal
Artsin
theEarlyMiddleAges
Tmhe transition fromthe ancientto the medievalworld,if not as

sudden and decisiveas once thought,was neverthelesspro-
found.1Betweenthefifth and theninthcenturies, Roman,Ger-
manic,and Christianinfluencescombinedto forma new WesternEu-
ropean society.Isolatedeconomically, politically,
and culturally
from
theEasternempire,theincreasingly ruraland localizedGermanicking-
doms orientedthemselvestowardNorthernEurope ratherthan the
Mediterranean, and developednew formsof political,social,and mil-
itaryorganization.As awarenessof classicalphilosophyand science
declined,so didtheancientsystemofeducation,and theChurchbecame
the sole focusand agentofcultureand schooling.
One ofthecharacteristicswhichmarkedtheearlymedievalworldas
a new culturewas its technological dynamism.RichardLefebvredes
Noettes,MarcBloch,and especiallyLynnWhitehave pictureda society
remarkably innovativein the inventionof new technicaldevicesand
methods,such as the rigidhorsecollar, three-fieldsystemand heavy
wheeledplow,and aggressivein itsuse ofolderinventions, suchas the
stirrupand watermill.2 These new and adapted technologieshelped
shape earlymedievalsocietyand setthestageforthetechnological de-
velopmentofthetwelfth and thirteenthcenturies.3
1
Foran overallexamination ofthiscomplexissue and extensive bibliography, see Wil-
liamCarrollBark,Origins oftheMedieval World (Stanford, Calif.:Stanford University Press,
1958).
2 The mostthorough explication of thisthesisis foundin LynnWhite,jr., Medieval
Technology and SocialChange(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1962);Whiteprovidesexcellent
bibliographicalmaterialand a provocative discussion.LynnWhite'sviewson theimpor-
tance of the earlyMiddleAges forthe historyof technology and the reasonsforthe
technologicalvitalityofthisperiodare summarized in "WhatAccelerated Technological
Progressin theWestern MiddleAges?"Creation: TheImpact ofanIdea,ed. DanielO'Conner
and FrancisOakley(New York:Scribner, 1969),84-104.The pioneering studieson early
medievaltechnology areRichardLefebvre des Noettes,Laforce motrice
animale a travers
les
dges(Paris:Berger-Levrault, 1924);L'attelage;le chevalde sellea traversles ages(Paris:A.
Picard,1939);"La 'nuit'du MoyenAgeetsoninventaire," Mercure deFrance 235(1932):572-
599. A usefuland balancedviewis presentedin MarcBloch,"The Adventand Triumph
oftheWatermill," in LandandWork inMediaeval Europe:Selected PapersbyMarcBloch, trans.
J.E. Anderson(Berkeley and Los Angeles:University ofCalifornia Press,1967),136-168;
"Mediaeval'Inventions,"'in LandandWork, 169-185;and MauriceDaumas,Historie ge-
neraledestechniques(Paris:PressesUniversitaires de France,1962),1:431-438.
3 LynnWhite'sarguments connecting technologicalchangeand socialchangearesome-
whatoverstated; see reviewsofWhite'sbookbyR. H. HiltonandP. H. Sawyer,"Technical
Determinism: TheStirrup and thePlough,"PastandPresent 24 (1963):90-100, and Bernard
S. Bachrach,"CharlesMartel,MountedShockCombat,theStirrup andFeudalism,"Studies
inMedievalandRenaissance History7 (1970):49-75.
57
58 Artsfrom
through Century
theThirteenth
The intellectualenvironment surrounding earlymedievaltechnology

has come underscrutiny fromseveraldifferent directions.JacquesLe
Goff,forexample,has emphasizedtheambivalenceofattitudestoward
craftand manuallaborin all threecultures-classical,Judeo-Christian,
and Germanic-whichinfluencedearlymedievalsociety.He further
suggests,however,thattheCarolingianperiodexperienceda "Renais-
sance ofLabor"in whichthisambivalence resolved
was at leastpartially
and manualworkand laborersgivena new legaland socialstatus.4
LynnWhite,on theotherhand,has arguedthatthevoluntaristic and
activepietyofearlymedievalLatinChristianity, togetherwiththedis-
placementof animismby the cultof the saints,encouragedand sup-
portedan exploitativeattitudetowardnature.5 White'sposition,inturn,
has beenmodified byGeorgeOvitt.Ovittconcursthattheearlymedieval
period saw a morepositiveevaluationof laborand craftsmanship but
suggeststhatlaborwas alwaysplaced withinthe contextof personal
spiritual(ratherthan secular)ends. Thus, bothbiblicalcommentaries
and earlymedievalmonasticrulesdefinedlaboras normativeforthe
Christianbut at the same timesubordinated"laborsof the hands" to
"laborsofthe soul."6
ofthepartsofknowledgeprovideanotherusefulper-
Classifications
spectivefromwhichto evaluateearlymedievalattitudestowardcraft
and manuallabor.Not onlydo classifications ofknowledgegiveus in-
sightintohow craftsmanship mighthave been consideredfroma phil-
osophical(ratherthanfroma morebroadlytheological)pointof view
but the schematicliteraturetoucheson one ofthecentralquestionsin-
heritedfromantiquity: in whatway could craftsmanship, whichdeals
physicallywiththematerialworld,be consideredrational?
This questionof the intellectualstatusof craftwas raisedmostex-
plicitlyby MartianusCapella, a fifth-centurygrammarian and rhetori-
cian,whoseMarriage ofPhilologyandMercury was an importantinfluence
on latermedievaliconography of the arts.In his allegoryCapella dis-
missesmedicineand architecture fromthecelestialcompanyofthelib-
eral artsbecause their"mundane"and "mortal"naturemade itappro-
4 JacquesLe Goff,"Labor,Techniques,and Craftsmen in Value SystemsoftheEarly

Middle Ages (Fifthto TenthCenturies),"trans.ArthurGoldhammer in Time,Workand
Culturein theMiddleAges(Chicagoand London:University ofChicagoPress,1980),71-
86. Le Goffmentionstechne versuslabor,theprestigeofthewarrior versustheprestigeof
the craftsman,a creatorGod versusworkas punishment fororiginalsin,"Labor,Tech-
niques, and Craftsmen," 74-77; "Earlymedievalman inherited a varietyof mentaltra-
ditions,in whichthe attitudetowardlaborrangedfromcontemptto respect,"73. See
ChapterI, pp. 11-15,fordiscussionoftheseissues.
5 LynnWhite,"Technological Progress,"95-104.See also LynnWhite,"CulturalCli-
matesand Technological AdvanceintheMiddleAges,"Viator 2 (1979):171-201.
See Chap-
terI, pp. 13-17fordiscussionofWhite'sideas.
6 GeorgeOvitt,Jr.,TheRestoration LaborandTechnology
ofParadise: in MedievalCulture
(New Brunswick, N.J.:RutgersUniversity Press,1987),105-106.See also Ovitt,"The
CulturalContextofWestern Technology:EarlyChristianAttitudestowardManualLabor,"
Technology andCulture
27 (1986):477-500.
Crafts, andtheLiberal
Philosophy, Artsin theEarlyMiddleAges 59
priateto disdainand rejectthem.7Here Capella appearsto be notonly

acceptinga prejudicefortheoretical overpracticalknowledgebut also
reinforcingtheauthority ofthisattitudeforlatermedievalthinkers.
The continuing influenceofclassicalsuspicionofcrafts, however,was
onlyone elementin earlymedievalthought.Severalscholarssincethe
1950shave notedan alternative patternofrelatingcraftand theliberal
arts.BernardBischoff, PeterSternagel and ManuelDiaz yDiaz identified
first
a secondaryclassification appearingin theworkofIsidoreofSeville
in whichmedicine,mechanics(mechanica), and astrology aregivenequal
weightwiththe fourmathematical liberalarts,arithmetic,geometry,
astronomy,and music,as partsof philosophy.8 These and otherhis-
torianshave, however,attachedlittlesignificance to Isidore'sclassifi-
cation.AssumingthatCapella'scontempt forcraftrepresented thestan-
dardor"normal"philosophical attitude,theyhavedismissedthemixing
of craftsand liberalartsas eccentric and confused,a symptomof the
generalbreakdownofintellectual lifein theearlyMiddleAges. Diaz y
Diaz, forexample,findsIsidore'sclassification "confused,""curious,"
"verystrange,"and itstransmission tolaterauthorsan "eruditedetail."9
PeterSternagel,on theotherhand,simplysees theclassification as the
productof Isidore's"faultyunderstanding."10 In his classicarticleon
medievalclassificationsofthesciences,JamesA. Weisheiplrefers tothis
as it appears in the workof RhabanusMaurusas "con-
classification
fused.""
The impressionofconfusion, however,is largelyillusory,a resultof
as an isolatedcommentratherthanplac-
treatingIsidore'sclassification
ing it withina broadhistorical context.As we shallsee, manyaspects
ofcontemporary lifehad an impacton how thinkers
intellectual viewed
the relationshipbetweencraftsand philosophy.MartianusCapella's
treatiseon theartsrejectingmedicineand architecture, forinstance,was
' Martianus Capellaand theSevenLiberal Arts,trans.WilliamHarrisStahl,vol. 2: The

Marriage andMercury
ofPhilology (New York:ColumbiaUniversity Press,1971),346;Mar-
tianusCapella,ed. AdolfusDickand JeanPreaux(Stuttgart: Teubner,1978),471-472.For
theLatintext,see ChapterII, n. 29.
8 PeterSternagel,DieArtesMechanicae imMittelalter. undBedeutungsgeschichte
Begriffs- bis
zumEndedes13. Jahrhunderts (KallmungfiberRegensburg: Lassleben,1966);BernardBis-
choff,"Eine verschollene Einteilung derWissenschaften," Archives Doctrinale
d'Histoire et
Litteraireau MoyenAge33 (1958):5-20;ManuelDfazy Dfaz,"Les artsliberauxd' apresles
ecrivainsespagnolset insulairesaux VIIe etVIIIe siecles,"in Artsliberaux au
etphilosophie
MoyenAge:Actesdu Quatrieme Congres International Medievale
dePhilosophie (Montreal:In-
stitutd'etudesmedievales,1969;Paris:Libraire philosophique J.Vrin,1969),37-46.These
studiesare invaluablefortextualand bibliographical information. ap-
The classifications
2.39(PL 83:94)and Libernumerorum
pearin IsidoreofSeville's(c. 560-636)Differentiae 8.44
(PL 83:188).Bischoff, "Eine erscholleneEinteilung der Wissenschaften," discussesthe
complextransmission On Isidore'sdefinition
of Isidore'sclassification. of mechanicasee
below, p. 68 and forIsidoreand astrologysee JacquesFontaine,"Isidorede Sevilleet
l'astrologie,"Revuedesetudeslatines 31 (1953):276-277.
9 Diaz y Diaz, "Artsliberaux,"40, 41, 46.
Stemagel,ArtesMechanicae, 17.
"James Weisheipl,"Classification oftheSciencesinMedievalThought," MedievalStud-
ies27 (1965):65.
60 Artsfrom
through Century
rarelyreadin theperiodbeforetheninthcentury.12 On theotherhand,

a numberoflateancientauthorshad definedcraftsas liberalor "semi-
survivedin textsknownto theearly
liberal"arts.These classifications
Middle Ages and mayhave had an impacton Isidoreand others.The
persistenceof a classificatory
tradition includingcraftsas a partof le-
gitimateknowledgewas supportedby theverypracticalconceptionof
the function ofphilosophyand theartscharacteristic ofearlymedieval
thought.Especiallypriorto the revivalof intellectual lifein the ninth
century,secularknowledgewas consideredimportant moreforitsuse-
fulnessin scriptural
exegesis,intellectual and thepractical
training needs
of dailylifethanforany inherentabstractvalue. In thispragmaticat-
mosphere,thelinebetweenappliedand theoretical scienceblurredand
manyearlymedievalauthorsblendedphilosophywithan enthusiastic
interestin themundaneaspectsofcrafts.Ultimately, theattention paid
to craftsby earlymedievalthinkers generateda new conceptof tech-
nologyas a categoryof knowledgein whichcraftsbecamea standard
divisionof the artsand sciencesunderthe rubricartesmechanicae. Far
frombeing mere detailsof terminology or arbitraryvariations,these
changeswereimportant stepsin theformation ofEuropeanideas about
technologyas a legitimate and worthyarea ofhumanthoughtand en-
deavor.Althoughthefullelaborationoftheconceptof themechanical
artsdid notappearuntilthetwelfth and thirteenthcenturieswhenHugh
of St. Victorand his followersdescribedseven crafts-fabric-making,
armamentand building,commerce,agriculture, huntingand food
preparation, medicineand theatrics-ascorporealartsparallelin form
and functionto the sevenliberalarts,therootsoflatermedievalintel-
lectualassimilationoftechnology lie in theearlyMiddleAges.
Craftsand theLiberalArts
The namingofcertaincraftsas partsofphilosophyor in otherways

associatingcraftswiththe liberalartswas not a rareor occasionaloc-
currencebuta consistentpatternin theearlyMiddleAges. Eventhough
compendiaofthemoretraditional liberalartsrestricted
tothequadrivium
and triviumand excludingcraftsfromlegitimate knowledgewerecom-
mon in thisperiod,manyof theauthorsof theseworkselsewhereas-
sociatetechnicalartswiththe liberalartsor philosophy.Cassiodorus,
forexample,in his formaltreatiseon thearts,theInstitutiones,names
only the seven usual liberalarts,yet the sectionon divinereadings
includesa discussionofmedicineand agriculture.13In hisletters,
more-
over, Cassiodorusgroupsmechanics,architecture and medicinewith
12FortheinfluenceofCapella'streatisein thisperiod,see belownote66.
13Cassiodorus,AnIntroduction
toDivineandHumanReadings, trans.LeslieWebberJones
(New York:ColumbiaUniversity Press,1946;reprint New York:OctagonBooks,1966),
130,135-136,143-145;Institutiones
divinarumetsaecularium ed. R. A. B. Mynors
lectionum,
(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1961),71-72,78.
the quadrivium as the mathematical sciencesdealingwithgeneralprin-

ciples.14Similarly,althoughIsidore of Seville's Etymologiaedoes not
name technicalartsas specificpartsof knowledge,an echo of his al-
ternative appearsin hisdefinition
classification ofmedicineas a "second
philosophy"whichmakesuse ofall theliberalarts.15A ninth-century
manuscriptattributed to Boethiusassociatesgeometrynot only with
philosophers,butalso withmechanicians, architects,and physicians.16
A comparablemixingof liberalartsand craftsreappearsas late as the
twelfth centuryin HonoriusAugustodunensis's De animaeexsilio
etpatria
whichnamesphysics(definedas medicine),mechanicsand oeconomica,
or economics,as theeighth,ninth,and tenthliberalarts.17
It was Isidoreof Seville'sclassification
of mechanics,astrologyand
medicineas partsof physicsor philosophyand variationsstemming
fromit,however,whichbecamethemostimportant and widelydiffused
alternativeor additionto the standarddivisionsof philosophy.In the
Libernumerorum, a workon the scriptural significanceof numbers,Isi-
dore dividesphilosophyintosevenparts:arithmetic, geometry, music
and astronomyplus astrology, mechanics,and medicine.18 The Differ-
entiaerepeatsthelistofdisciplinesbutthistimeas divisionsofphysics,
which,togetherwithlogicand ethics,made up philosophy.19
14 Cassiodorus,Variae 3.52,ed. A. J.Fridh,CorpusChristianorum, serieslatina(Turnholt:

BrepolsEditoresPontifici, 1973),96, 136:"Geometriam quippe,ut est hominumgenus
nimisacutissimum atque sollicititum, Chaldaeiprimuminvenissememorantur, qui rati-
onemipsiusdisciplinaegeneraliter colligentes et in astronomicis rebuset in musiciset in
mechaniciset in architectiset in medicinam et in musicislogisticam, uel quicquidpotest
formisgeneralibuscontineri"; see also ibid. 1.45 (ed. A. J.Fridh,49): "Translationibus
enimtuis[Boethius]Pythagoras musicus,Ptolemaeusastronomus leguntur Itali:Nicom-
achus arithmeticus, geometricus Euclidesaudiuntur Ausonii;Platotheologus,Aristoteles
logicusQuirinaliuoce disceptant: mechanicum etiamArchimedem LatialemSiculisred-
didisti."Theseletterswerewritten c. 510.
15 Isidoreof Seville,Etymologiae,ed. W. M. Lindsay(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1911),
4:xiii:"Quaeritura quibusdamquareinterceterasliberalesdisciplinas Medicinaearsnon
contineatur. Proptera,quia singularescontinent causas ista veroomnium. . . Hinc est
quod MedicinasecundaPhilosophiadicitur."Medicinehad a specialplaceamongthearts
in the earlyMiddleAges; see BruceStansfield Eastwood,"The Place of Medicinein a
Hierarchy ofKnowledge:The Illustration in LyonPalaisdes Arts,ms. 22, f. lr, fromthe
EleventhCentury,"Sudhoffs Archiv 66 (1982):20-37.Cf. RhabanusMaurus(c. 776-856)
who namesonlythequadrivium and trivium in hisDe institutioneclericorum(PL 107:395ff.)
but in his De universo(PL 111:413)givesmechanics,medicineand astrology as partsof
physics.
16 Ps.-Boethius,in Sternagel, ArtesMechanicae,24: "Utilitasgeometriae triplexest,ad
facultatem, ad sanitatem, ad animam.Ad facultatem ut mechanici et architecti.
Ad sani-
tatemut medici.Ad animamut philosophi."
17 HonoriusAugustodunensis, PL 72:1241-1246; ConcerningtheExileoftheSoulandits
Fatherland,alsocalled,
AbouttheArts,trans.JosephM. MillerinReadings inMedievalRhetoric,
ed. JosephM. Miller,MichaelH. Prosser,ThomasW. Benson(Bloomington and London:
IndianaUniversity Press,1973),198-206.
18 Isidoreof Seville,Libernumeroruum 8.44 (PL 83):188:"Septumapud veteresannu-
merantur generaphilosophiae, primaarithmetica,secondageometria, tertiamusica,quarta
astronomia, quintaastrologia,sextamechanica,septemmedicina."
19IsidoreofSeville,Differentiae
2.39(PL 83:94):"Adphysicam pertinereaiuntdisciplinas
septem,quarumprimaest arithmetica, secundageometria, tertiamusica,quartaastro-
62 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
The classification
linkingmedicine,astrology and mechanicswiththe
quadrivium and henceto theliberalartsand philosophybecamewide-
spread,firstamongtheIrishand Anglo-Saxonscholarsofthelatesev-
enth throughthe ninthcenturiesand lateramongthe mastersof the
CarolingianRenaissance.It appears,but withoutthe mentionof me-
chanics,in an anonymousworksometimesattributed to Isidore,the
Institutionumdisciplinae.20
The anonymousLetterto Cuimnanus, which
closelyfollowsIsidore'swording,datedby Bischoff to themid-seventh
century,is a possibleearlylinkbetweenSpain,Ireland,and the Con-
tinent.21
Laterin theseventhcentury thepoetAldhelmofMalmesbury
repeatedthisorderingoftheartstwicein his De virginitate and once in
De metrisetenigmatibusac pedum Italso appears,butagainwith-
regulis.22
out mechanics,in a ninth-centuryworkattributed to Bede.23Duringthe
eighthand ninthcenturiesvariationson Isidore'sclassification appear
in manyworksof Carolingianprovenience,includingan anonymous
appendixto Alcuin'sRhetoric, worksby Ermenrich ofEllwagen(a pupil
ofRhabanusMaurus)and ClemenstheGrammarian, as wellas several
anonymousand uneditedmanuscripts citedby Sternagel.24
nomia,quintaastrologia,sextamechanica,septimamedicina";PL 83:93:"Hujus philo-

sophiaepartestresesse dixerunt, id est,physicam, logicam,ethicam."
o Editedin Paul Pascal,"The 'Institutionum disciplinae'ofIsidoreofSeville,"Traditio
13 (1957):425-432;"Iurisquoquescientiae artemretineat, philosophiam etiam,medicinam,
musicam,geometricam, astrologiam comprehendat atqueitahis disciplinis omnibusper-
ometurut nequaquamexpersnobilissimarum artiumesse videatur,"427.Fora summary
and bibliography ofthearguments on theauthenticity ofthistext,see Pascal,"'Institu-
tionumdisciplinae,"'425-426,428-431(whoacceptsthetextas Isidore's)andDiaz y Diaz,
"Les artsliberauxd'apresles ecrivains," 41-42 (who does not).Pascalis unawareofthe
classificationoftheartsin Isidore'sDifferentiae and Libernumerorum, butsuggestsa con-
nectionwithJerome, Adversus Pelagianos1.21whichincludeslaw,astrology and medicine
amongtheliberalarts,429.
21 "John Scottus,MartinHibemiensis, TheLiberalArts,andTeaching,"inStudies: Papers
on LatinTextsandManuscripts oftheBritish:550-1066,ed. (Toronto:Pontifical Instituteof
MediaevalStudies,1981),23.
21 Bischoff,"Eineverschollene EinteilungderWissenschaften," 19.See alsoVivienLaw,
TheInsularLatinGrammarians (Woodbridge, Suffolk:The BoydellPress,1982),87-90.
2 Aldhelm,De virginitate 35: "Igiturconsummatis grammaticorum studiiset philoso-
phorumdisciplinis, quae. VII. speciebusastrologia,mechanica, medicina"(ed. R. Ehwald,
MGH,Auctores antiquissimi,
15:277).Ibid.59 (ed. Ehwald,320):". . . omnespropemodem
philosphorum disciplinas,hoc est arithmeticam, geometricam, musicam,astronomiam,
astrologiam, et mechanicam....," and Aldhelm,De metris 3. "Saecularesquoque et fo-
rasticaephilosophorum disciplinaetotidemsupputationum partibuscalcularicemuntur
arithmetica, scilicet,geometrica, musica,astronomia, astrologia,mechanica,medicina"
(ed. R. Ehwald,MGH,Auct.antiqu.,15:71).
23 Ps.-Bede, PL 90:908:"Naturalis verodividiturin sex,scilicet,arithmeticam, geomet-
riam,musicam,astronomiam, astrologiam,medicinam."
24 Schemata10 (PL 101:947-948): "De physica-Arithmetica, astronomia, astrologia,me-
chanicia,medicina,geometria, musica."See also Stemagel,ArtesMechanicae, 19,forad-
ditionalreferences. Ermenrich, adGrimaldum
Epistola Abbatem 7MGH,Epistolae, 5:541:"Item
physicadividitur in arithmeticam, astronomiam, astrologiam, mechanitiam, medicinam,
geometricam, musicam."See alsoLaw,Insular LatinGrammarians, 105.Clemens,Arsgram-
matica7, ed. Johannes Tolkiehn,Philologus. Supplementband 20, fasc.3 (1928),6: "Physica
.in quot partesdividitur? M. Plato,ut praediximus, eam in quattuorprincipalesdivisit
partesid est:arithmeticam, geometricam, musicam,astronomiam, et est hos illudquad-
Artsin theEarlyMiddleAges
andtheLiberal
Philosophy,
Crafts, 63
By the ninthcenturyIsidore'sclassificationhad been absorbedinto

themainstream ofearlymedievalthought.Itappearsin theworkoftwo
ofthe mostinfluential mastersoftheninthcentury, RhabanusMaurus
and Martinof Laon. RhabanusMaurus,a pupil of Alcuin,enjoyeda
high reputationand his encyclopedia,the De universo, was widely
read.25In generalthe De universo closelyfollowsIsidore'sEtymologiae,
upon whichit is modeled.Yet while the Etymologiae names onlythe
seven conventionalliberalarts,RhabanusMaurusprefersIsidore'sal-
ternative includingmedicine,mechanics,and astrology
classification as
partsof philosophy.26 MartinofLaon's versionof theIsidoreanclassi-
ficationappears in whatJohnContrenihas describedas "an excellent
representative of ninth-centuryteachingmanuals."27The presenceof
in educationalhandbooksbothreflected
Isidore'sclassification and en-
sured its continuinginfluence.The strength of thistraditionis dem-
onstratedby its survivalin a twelfth-century work by Thierryof
Chartres.28
Such a widespreadand persistent patternof classification deserves
seriousattention and a higherstatusthanthatof"detail."Moreover,if
comparedto earlierclassifications of the artsit becomesclearthatthe
Isidorianclassificationrepresentsthecontinuation oflateclassicalprac-
tice. Henri Marrou has shown thatlate ancient of the
classifications
sciences oftenplaced certainarts with a physical or practicalaspect
amongtheliberalartsorin an intermediate category betweentheliberal
arts.
and illiberal,or corporeal, Medicine had been associatedwithphi-
losophyor theliberalartsby Galen,Cicero, Celsus, Varro, Jerome and
Augustineand had a specialstatusfor Plotinus and Maximus Victori-
ruviumphilosophiae,quo, utBoethiusdicit,hisviandumquibusexcellentior estanimus;

quibus adhaerentastrologiaet medicina";ibid. 7 (ed. Tolkiehn,9): "In physicaquoque
etiamartesminoressunt,quas aratoresetfullones etcaementarii excercentetdisponunt."
On thisvariationsee below,68. On theattribution ofthiswork,see Law, InsularLatin
Grammarians, 102.Sternagel, Mechanicae,
Artes 22;DfazyDfaz,"Artsliberaux," citesseveral
tenth-century Englishmanuscripts, 45.
25 M. L. W. Laistner,ThoughtandLetters in WesternEurope A.D. 500to900(Ithaca,New
York:CornellUniversity Press,CornellPaperback,1966),201,221.
26 RhabanusMaurus,De universo 15.1(PL 111:413):"DividiturautemPhysicain septem
partes,hoc est,Arithmeticam, Astrologiam, Mechaniam, Medicinam, Geometriam etMu-
sicam."
27 Martinof Laon, textin JohnJ. Contreni, "JohnScottus,MartinHiberniensis, the
LiberalArtsand Teaching,"in InsularLatinStudies: Paperson LatinTextsandManuscripts
550-1066,ed. MichaelW. Herren(Toronto:Pontifical
oftheBritish: InstituteofMediaeval
Studies,1981),32: "Physicaautemin quattuordivisionespartitur, id est arithmeticam,
geometricam, musicam,astronomiam quibusadhaerent astrologia,medicina,etetiammi-
noresartesquas aratores,et fullones,et cimentarii exercent."ForMartinof Laon, also
calledMartinHiberniensis (819-875),see JohnJ.Contreni,TheCathedral School ofLaonfrom
850 to930:ItsManuscripts andMasters, MuinchenerBeitragezur Mediavistik und Renais-
sance-Forschung, 29 (Munich:Bei derArbeo-Gesellschaft, 1978).Fortheimportance of
thedifferences fromIsidore'sversion,see below,pp. 68-69.
Thistexthas notbeeneditedbuttheschemeofthesciencesis discussed
28 Heptateuchon.
in MartinGrabmann, Methode
derscholastischen
Die Geschichte (Graz:Akademische Druck-
u. Verlagsanstalt,1957),2:44.See Bischoff,"Einteilung,"6.
64 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
nus.29In the fifth centuryFulgentius'slistof the liberalartsincluded

medicine,astrologyand divination.30 Xenophon,Cicero,Celsus, Plo-
tinus,MariusVictorinus, Augustine,and othersregardedagriculture as
in some sense liberal.31Architecturewas a liberalart forCiceroand
Varro;Vitruvius,althoughnot explicit,seems to have consideredar-
chitectureas "liberal"and as partof philosophy.32 Mechanicshad re-
tainedan uneasypositionbetweengeometry and craftever sinceAr-
istotleand severalof the Greekmathematicians and Latinauthorsin
late antiquityregardedmechanicsas includingboththeoretical math-
ematicsand manualcrafts.33
A lateclassicalsourcepreciselyanticipating
Isidore'sclassification
has
not yetbeen identified. JacquesFontainein his thoroughstudyof the
intellectual
contextof Isidore'sthoughtsuggestsa possibleconnection
to Proclus.34
An evenclosercorrespondence occursbetweentheCollectio
of Pappus Alexandrinus, whichdescribesmechanicsas composedofa
theoretical
partincludinggeometry, arithmetic,astronomy and physics,
and a manual part,includingmetal-working, architecture, carpentry,
paintingand all skillsinvolvingthe use of the hands.35Diaz y Diaz
argues fora hypothetical Hellenisticsource and Sternagelpointsto
Varro,on theone hand,becausehe includesmedicineand architecture
among his listof nine liberalartsand to Vitruviuswho associatedar-
chitecturewithmechanics,on the other.36 Anotherpossiblesourceis
Audax,a grammarian ofthefifthorsixthcentury whomIsidoreis known
to have read. Audax repeatsMaximusVictorinus's classification
ofthe
arts:
How manyare the kindsof art?Whatare they?Certainones are onlyof the
29 Henri Irenee Marrou, "Les artsliberauxdans l'antiquite

classique," in Artsliberauxet
philosophieau MoyenAge, 5-19. For Plotinus, see the Enneads4.4.31 and 5.9.11 in Opera
ed. Paul Henry and Hans-RudolfSchwyzer(Paris: Desclee de Brouweret Cie., 1959),2:120,
423-24.
30 Fulgentius, Mitologiae3.8., ed. R. Helm (Leipzig, 1898).
31
Marrou, "Arts liberaux," 6-12.
32 Cicero, De officiis
1.42; Vitruvius,TenBookson Architecture 1.1; forVarro,see Marrou,
"Arts liberaux," 19.
33 Hero,Treatise
onPneumatics
1.1;Proclus,Commentary
ontheFirst
BookofEuclid's
Elements
1.13.38-39, ed. GottfriedFriedlein(Leipzig, 1873); Pappus Alexandrinus,Collectio8.1.
34JacquesFontaine,Isidore
deSeville
etlaculture dansl'Espagne
classique wisigothique
(Paris:
Etudes Augustiniennes, 1959), 1:345-348.
35 Pappus Alexandrinus,
Mathematical in Selections
Collection, illustrating
theHistory
of
GreekMathematics, Loeb Classical Library(London: Heinemann, 1941), 2:614. How Isidore
might have directlyor indirectlyknown the Greek treatisesof Proclus or Pappus is, of
course, somethingof a puzzle. For the absence of any extantLatin translationsof Pappus
priorto the twelfthcenturysee MarjorieNice Boyer,"Pappus Alexandrinus,"in Catalogus
translationum
etcommentariorum:
Medieval
andRenaissance
Latintranslations
andcommentaries,
ed. Paul 0. Kristellerand F. Cranz (Washington:Catholic Universityof America Press,
1971), 2:206.
36 For the view ofDiaz y Diaz, see "Questiones et discussions," Artsliberaux etphilosophie
au MoyenAge, 67; Stemagel, ArtesMechanicae,20-21; Paul Pascal also suggests Varro as
the ultimatesource of the classificationin the Institutionum
disciplinae;see "'Institutionum
disciplinae,"' 430-431.
soul, certainones are ofthebody,certainones areofthesouland body.Which

ones areonlyofthesoul?Thesearepoetry, music,astrology,
grammar,rhetoric,
law, philosophy.Whichare ofthebody?Shouting,leaping,fleetness, carrying
burdens.Whichare of the soul and body?Cultivation of a farm,gymnastics,
medicine,mechanics,carpentry.37
Audax's classificationis particularlyinterestingfor the explicitness

with which it asserts that technologicalarts involve both the mind or
"soul" and the body and thus both mentaland physicallabor. Although
its structureclearlydiffersfromIsidore's designation of mechanics, as-
trologyand medicineas liberalarts,certainsimilaritiessuggesta possible
influence. Both Audax and Isidore referto astrologyratherthan to as-
tronomyand thereis some evidence that Isidore may have considered
naming law as a liberal art in the Etymologiae.8Isidore may well have
conflatedgymnastics,which was regardedas a method ofhygiene,with
medicine. Isidore's definitionofmechanics,further,as we shall see, was
so broad as to be virtuallycoextensivewith craftand thereforeagricul-
ture and carpentrymighthave been included under mechanica.
Although a direct link between Isidore and classical texts remains
elusive, these texts provide a background to Isidore's classification
which lends it seriousness and weight. They demonstratethat the di-
chotomyofbody and soul, or mindand matter,so thoroughlydeveloped
in ancient thought,did not necessarilymean thatall physicallyoriented
arts or craftswere considered completelycorporeal activities,substan-
tiallydifferentfromthe liberalarts. Specificcraftswere not infrequently
considered "liberal." Viewed against the frameworkof this varied and
complicated tradition,Isidore's classificationof the arts appears more
as the product of complexitythan of confusion.
The significanceof earlymedieval classificationsof the arts,however,
lies not only in the continuationof ancient ideas but also in the way
3 TextsofMaximusVictorinus and Audaxpublishedin HenriciKeil,Grammatici Latini

(Leipzig:Teubner,1870;rpt.Hildesheim: GeorgOlms,1969),6:187and 7:320-321.Audax
in Keil,Grammatici Latini,7:320;"Artiumgenera.Quot sunt?Tria.Quae? Suntquaedam
animitantum,quaedamcorporis, quaedamanimiet corporis:animitantum,ut poetica,
musica,astrologia,grammatica, rhetorica,iurisscientia,philosophia;corporis, iaculatio,
saltus,velocitas,onerisgestamem; animiautemet corporis, ruriscultus,palaestra,med-
icina,mechanica,tectonica." FordiscussionofMaximusVictorinus, see ChapterII, p. 46,
above. Forthemedievalmanuscripts repeating Audax'sclassification,see Keil,7: xxxii-
xxxvand xliv-xlviii.On Audaxhimself, see MartinSchanz,Geschichte derRomischen Lit-
teratur(Munich:C. H. Becktsche, 1920)4:2:214-221.ForIsidore'sknowledgeofAudaxsee
Fontaine,Isidore 1:107-108,197-199.Audaxwas knowntoEnglishauthorsafter
deSeville,
Isidore,including BedeandAldhelm;seeJ.D. A. Ogilvy,Books Known toAnglo-Latin Writers
from Aldhelm toAlcuin(670-804),Studiesand Documents,2 (Cambridge, Mass.: The Me-
diaevalAcademyofAmerica,1936),13,andLaw,Insular LatinGrammarians, 24. According
to JocelynN. Hillgarth, "A CriticalReviewof theLiterature since1935,"in Isidoriana:
de su nacimiento
EstudiossobreSan Isidorede Sevillaen el XIV centenario (Leon: Centrode
Estudios"San Isidoro,"1961),1: 34-35:"The sourceshe [Isidore]actuallyemployedwere
almostalwayslate,oftheFourthor Fifthcenturies A.D. or evenlater...."
38 Diaz y Dfaz,"Artsliberaux," 40. Cf.theInstitutionum disciplinae,
probably byIsidore,
whichincludeslaw, astrology and medicineamongtheliberalarts.
66 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
theseideas werechanged.Isidoreand his successorsshapedtheirclas-

sical heritageaccordingto theirinterests, whichwerepragmatic rather
thanphilosophical.One can discerninthehistory oftheseclassifications
hintsof a characteristicenthusiasmforthe productsof technicalskill.
Earlymedievalculturetransformed even as it per-
ancienttraditions
petuatedthem.Ifthewaysinwhichknowledgewas organizedremained
intact,thecontentofknowledgeand theuses to whichitwas putwere
modified.39 Muchofclassicalscienceand philosophybecameeitherun-
whatremainedofsecularknowledgewas in-
availableor unintelligible;
creasinglysubordinated to practicalneeds.
These tendenciescontributed, on the one hand, to a verypractical
conceptionof the purposesofthe liberalartsand, on the otherhand,
in theeveryday
to a livelyinterest aspectsoftechnology. As PierreRiche
has pointedout, Westernthinkersfromthe sixththroughthe eighth
centuriesreducedphilosophy tophysicsand medicine,and mathematics
to surveying, buildingand calendarcomputation.40 Thewriterswe have
been dealingwithoftenseemedto have had a fondnessforconcrete
detailsabout everydaytoolsand artifacts. Of the twentybooks of the
Etymologiae, Isidore,forexample,devotessixto technicalsubjects,com-
pared to onlythreeon theliberalarts.The sixbooksare largelygiven
to namingthe typesand partsof ships,buildings,clothing,weapons,
and householdand farmutensils.41 These sectionsare oftendetailed;
forexample,the sectionon horsemanship mentionsthe trappingsof
theharness,bridle,curbs,reins,halter,saddle,saddlecloths, lasso and
branding-irons.42
AldhelmofMalmesbury and theAnglo-Saxongrammarian, Tatwine,
wroteriddlesnotonlyaboutplantsand animalsbutalso on household
toolsand furniture,
suchas cups,sewingneedlesand tables,and tech-
3 Weisheipl, "Classificationof the Sciences," 64-65: "As the early Middle Ages were
unaware of the numerous Greek works on natural science, metaphysicsand ethics, rep-
etition of the Boethian and Stoic classificationof the sciences had littlesignificanceand
no practicalvalue forteachersof the arts. Misunderstandingsof the originaldivisions and
confusions of the issues involved were the inevitableresultof not having the Aristotelian
4Pierre Riche,Education
andCulture
intheBarbarian
West theSixthThrough
from theEighth
Century,trans. JohnJ. Contreni(Columbia, South Carolina: Universityof South Carolina
Press, 1978), 46-47, 68-71; "Only the applied sciences . . . stillattractedattention"(47).
41
Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae,
ed. W. M. Lindsay, 1, Index Librorum:
IV. De Medicina;XV. De Civitatibus, de Aedificiis

Vrbaniset Rusticis,de Agris,de Finibuset
MensurisAgrorum de Itineribus; XVI.De Glebisex TerravelAquis,de omnigenereGemmarum
et Lapidumpretiosorum et vilium,de EborequoqueinterMarmoranotato,de Vitro,de Metallis
omnibus,de Ponderibus et Mensuris;XVII.De CulturisAgrorum, de Frugibusuniversigeneris,
de BitibusetArboribus omnisgeneris, de HerbisetHoleribusuniversis; XVIII.De BellisetTrium-
phisac Instrumentis Bellicis,de Foro,de Spectaculis,Alea et Pila;XIX.De Navibus,Funibuset
Retibus,de FabrisFerrariis etFabricisParietumetcunctisInstrumentis Aedificiorum,
de Lanificiis
quoque, Ornamentis et Vestibusuniversis;XX.De Mensiset Esciset Potibuset Vasculiseorum,
de Vasis Vinariis,
Aquariiset Oleariis,Cocorum,Pistorum, et Luminariorum, de Lectis,Selliset
Vehiculis,Rusticiset Hortorum, sivede Instrumentis
Equorum.
4 Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae,

ed. Lindsay, 20:xvi.
Crafts, Artsin theEarlyMiddleAges
andtheLiberal
Philosophy, 67
nical devices, such as mill, spindle, whetstone, sieve, lighthouse and

bellows.43
Cassiodorus, especially,displays an interestin themundane and prac-
tical in his descriptionsof the projected technologicalcomfortsof Vi-
varium: its fishponds, gardens, sundial, and waterclockand self-regu-
lating lamp forthe copy-room,44 and in his commentsin his lettersin
praise of aqueducts, bridges,roads, iron tools and weapons, mills,sew-
ers, clothing dyes and surveying.45Typical, if unusually appealing, is
his account of the virtuesof writingon papryus:
An excellentworkin truthingeniousMemphisconceived,so thatitadornedall

the bookcasesof theworld.. . Before[papyruswas discovered]the sayings
of the wise, the thoughtsof the ancientswere in danger.For how could the
writerhave been able to writequickly,when,thehardnessofthebarkresisting
himhe would scarcelyhavebeen able to be ready?The excitement ofthemind
submitsto theunfitting whenthewordsare harassed,themental
hindrances;
powersare compelledto growlukewarm.... Thiswas fitonlyforthebegin-
ningsoftheworld.Thenpapyruswas discovered, and therewithwas eloquence
made possible.... So smoothand so continuous, thesnowyentrailsofa green
herb,whichkeeps thesweetharvestofthemind,and restoresit to thereader
wheneverhe choosesto consultit; whichis thefaithful witnessto all human
action.46
This strongconcernforthe everydayutilityof technologyis reflected

in the changinguses ofthe termmechanica.47
The originalGreekmeaning
was a mathematicaldisciplinewhich dealt with problemsof the moving
4 Aldhelm, De metris
etenigmatibus, ed. Ehwald, 15:127,129,124 and Tatwine,Aenigmata,
in Thomas Wright,TheAnglo-Latin SatiricalPoetsand Epigrammatists
(London: Her Majesty's
StationeryOffice,1872), 2:528, 531, 532, 533. On Tatwine, see Law, InsularLatin Gram-
marians,23, 64-67.
4 Cassiodorus,Divinarum
etsaecularium
lectionum
1.29,30; DivineandHumanReadings,
131, 134-135. Cassiodorus also recommendsthe studyofmedicine(1.31; Divineand Human
Readings,135-136) and, in special cases, agriculture(1.28; Readings,129-131).
45 Cassiodorus, Variae1.2, 2, 45, 52, 53; 5.38; 7.6, 17; 3.25. (ed. Fridh, 11, 17, 52, 115-
116, 276-277).
4 Translationadapted fromTheLettersofCassiodorus,trans.Thomas Hodgkin (London:
Henry Frowde, 1886), 483; Variae11.38 (ed. Fridh,455-456):
Pulchrum plane opus Memphis ingeniosa concepit, ut universa scrinia ves-

tiret.... Periclitabantur
antehicdictasapientium, cogitatamaiorum.Nam quemadmodum ve-
lociterpotuissetscribi,quod repugnante duritiacorticisvix poteratexpediri?Ineptasnimirum
morascaloranimisustinebat et cumdifferebantur verba,tepescerecogebantur ingenia . . . Sed
hoc primordiisconsentaneum fuit.... Haec enimtergoniveoaperiteloquentibus campum,co-
piosa semperassistitet quo fiathabilis....Inuncturasinerimis,continuitas de minutiis,
viscera
niveavirentium herbarum. . .ubiapicibuselevatisfecundissima verborum plantatasegesfructum
mentibustotienssuauissiumum reddit,quotiensdisiderium lectoris
invenerit....
47 In addition to the tendencytoward definingmechanica as craft,traced below, many

early medieval authorscontinuedto associate mechanica arswithmagical-mathematical arts
(mostlyin contextsotherthanthe classificiationofthearts);see Sternagel,ArtesMechanicae,
37-47. For the close association of technologicalinformationand magic in the earlyMiddle
Ages, see Lynn Thomdike, A HistoryofMagicand Experimental Science(New York:Columbia
UniversityPress, 1947), 1:551ff.
68 Artsfrom
through
Antiquity Century
of objectsand hence"overcamenature,"or at leastgave theillusionof

doingso.48Thismeaningis stillevidentin Cassiodorus,who describes
mechanicsas a wonderful artwhichis "almostNature'scomrade,open-
ing her secrets,changingher manifestations, sportingwithmiracles,
feigning thatwhatwe knowto be an illusionis accepted
so beautifully,
by us as truth."49
ForIsidore,mechanics,evenifstillassociatedwiththemathematical
sciences,is simplyanykindofhandicrafts. He definesmechanica in the
to whichbelongstheproduction
as a certainskillor doctrina
Differentiae
(or making)ofall things.50 AfterIsidore,thedefinition ofmechanica be-
comeseven moreconcrete.In thelateeighthcenturymechanicsis de-
finedin the appendixto Alcuin'sRhetoric as skillin the artof making
thingsout of metal,wood and stoneand thisdefinition reappearsin
RhabanusMaurus's De universo in the earlyninthcentury.51 At some
laterpointthe definition of mechanica becameconflatedwitha portion
of a letterby Jeromedefiningwhat he calls the "minor arts."52By the
48 For example,the ps.-Aristotelian Mechanical Problems whichdescribesmechanics

as an artproducingan effect contrary to nature,in Aristotle, MinorWorks, Loeb Class-
ical Library(Harvard:HarvardUniversity Press,1936),331. The closeassociationofthe
marvelousand thetechnological was also an important elementin theancientattitude
towardcraftand was transmitted to medievalculture;see Stemagel,ArtesMechanicae,
37-47.
4 Cassiodorus,Variae1.45, translation adaptedfromHodgkin,Cassiodorus, 170 (ed.
Fridh,51): "Mechanicus,si fasestdicere,paenesociusestnaturae,occultareserans, man-
ifestaconuertens, miraculis ludens,ita pulchresimulans,ut quod compositum non am-
bigitur,ueritasaestimetur."
? IsidoreofSeville,Differentiae2.52. (PL 83:94):"Mechicaestquaedamperitia,veldoc-
trina,ad quam subtiliter fabricasomniumrerumconcurrere dicunt."Cf. Differentiae 1.8
(PL 83:11):"Arsestnaturaliberalis, artificiumverogestummanibusconstat."Thispractical
interpretation mayalso be operativein Isidore'sunderstanding ofastrology. According
toJacquesFontaine,"Isidorede Sevilleetl'astrologie," 276-277,Isidore"understood nat-
uralastrology, as opposedto superstitious astrology, to meancalendarcomputation, ob-
servationsofweatherand theheavensused in farming and navigation bythestars."Cf.
Cassiodoruson astronomy: "Thereis anotheradvantagearisingfromstudiesofthissort,
whichis nottobe despised,ifwe learnfromthemtheproperseasonforsailing,thetime
forploughing, thedateofthesummer's heatand oftheautumn'ssuspectedrains";Divine
andHumanReadings, 202-203.On therelationship betweenastronomy and astrology in
theearlyMiddleAges,see M. L. W. Laistner, "TheWestern ChurchandAstrology during
theEarlyMiddleAges,"in TheIntellectual HeritageoftheEarlyMiddleAges,ed. ChesterG.
Starr(New York:OctagonBooks,1966),57-82. The Anonymous ad Cuimnanum repeats
Isidore'sdefinition ofmechanica virtually wordforword;Bischoff, "Einteilung," 19. This
definition is notdissimilar fromthedefinition oftheproductive arts-artswhichproduce
objects-but how thisidea becameattachedto thewordmechanica is notclear.
51Schemata 10 (PL 101:947-948):"Mechanicaest peritiafabricaeartisin metalliset in
ligniset in lapidibus";De universo, 15.1 (PL 111:413):"Mechnia(sic) est peritiafabricae
artisin metallisetin lignisetlapidibus."Thisdefinition also appearsin Ermenrich's letter
to Grimaldum in MGH,Ep.,5.541.
52 Letter 53.6 in whichJerome comparestheknowledgeofgrammarians, rhetoricians,
philosophers, geometers, musicians,astronomers, astrologers, physiciansand logicians
withtheknowledgeoftheminorcrafts requiring manualdexterity morethanreasonused
byfarmers, masons,carpenters, workers inwoolandmetal,fullers andartisanswhomake
furniture and utensils(PL 22:544):"Taceode Grammaticis, Rhetoribus, Philosophis, Geo-
metris,Dialecticis, Musicis,Astronomis, Astrologis, Medicis,quorumscientiamortalibus
vel utilissima est,et in trespartesscinditur, ro686'}ya, r?)vgsAOo8ov,rv ?L1tsptaV.
late ninth centuryeven the word mechanicahas dropped out and for
Clemens the Grammarianand Martinof Laon physics consists of arith-
metic, geometry,music, and astronomy,to which are attached astrol-
ogy, medicine and the minor arts which farmers,clothing-fullers and
stone-workersemploy.53
Thus between the fifthand ninthcenturiesthe notion of what might
constitutephilosophyor the liberalartsbroadens considerably.Whereas
Cassiodorus added threespecifictechnicalarts,each with an obviously
mathematicalcharacter,to the quadrivium, by the ninthcenturyat least
some authors include the whole range of handicrafts,naming farming,
cloth-makingand stone-working,as parts of physics and hence of phi-
losophy. This change continued to be influentialas late as the twelfth
centurywhen it appears in Honorius Augustodunensis's treatiseon the
arts. Honorius describesand definestenliberalarts,theusual quadrivium
and triviumplus physica,economics and mechanica.54 Physicais described
as medicine.55The definitionof mechanica56shows how completelythe
early Middle Ages had transformedits originalclassical meaning:
Concerningmechanics,theninthcitythroughwhichour nativeland oughtto

be approachedis mechanics.It teachestravelers everyworkin metals,wood or
stones,in additionto painting,sculptureand all artswhichare done withthe
hands. By thisartNimroderectedhis tower,Solomonconstructed his temple.
By it Noah fashionedhis arkas well as all protections
in theentireworld,and
it taughtthemanifoldweavingsofgarments.57
The beginning of this descriptionof mechanicamentioningwork with

metals, wood and stone demonstratesits originsin the laterversions of
Ad minoresartesveniam,etquae nontamXoyw,quammanusadministrantur. Agricolae,

caementarii, fabri,metallorum, lignormve caesores,lanariiquoque et fullones,et caeteri
qui variamsupellectilem et viliaopusculafabricatur, absque doctorenon possuntesse
quod cupiunt."
5 This portionof Martinof Laon's treatise in JohnJ. Contreni,"JohnScottus,"32:
"Phisicaauteminquattuor divisiones id estarithmeticam
partitur, geometricam, musicam,
astronomian quibusadhaerentastrologia, et medicina,et etiamminoresartesquas ara-
tores,et fullones,et cimentariiexercent."
ForClemenstheGrammarian see note24.
5 De animae exsilio,
PL 172:1241-1246.
5 HonoriusAugustodunensis, De animaeexsilio,9 (PL 172:1245):"Octava civitasest
physicaper quam petiturpatria.In hac docetHippocratesviatoresvireset naturasher-
barum,arborum,lapidum,animalium;et per medelamcorporumdeducitad medelam
animarum,"
5 The translationof De animaeexsilio,10 in Milleret al., Readings
inMedievalRhetoric,
suffers
fromseveralproblemsincludingthetranslation of"De mechanica"(PL 172:1245)
as "Concerningthemechanical arts,"obscuring theconnection withIsidore.
5 HonoriusAugustodunensis, De animaeexsilio,PL 172:1245:"Nona civitasest me-
chanica,per quam subeundaest patria,haec doces viantesomneopus metallorum, lig-
norum,marmorum, insuperpicturas, sculpturas,etomnesartes,quae manibusfiunt. Haec
turrimNemroderexit,haec templumSalomonisconstruxit. Haec arcamNoe et omnia
moeniatotiusorbisinstituit,et variastexturas vestiumdocuit."RobertDarwinCrouse,
"HonoriusAugustodunensis: The Artsas viaad patriam," Artsliberauxetphilosophie,
531-
539providesa usefulsummary ofHonorius'sideas on theartsbutmissestheconnection
withtheIsidorianclassification.
70 TheMechanical
Artsfrom through
Century
the Isidoreanclassificationof the technicalarts. But its expansionto

include painting,statuary,building,shipbuildingand weaving,and
thus to includevirtuallyall the crafts,as well as the additionof illus-
trationsfrombiblicalhistory,shows how muchmore developedthe
conceptof craftas a partof knowledgehad become.Classification of
the artsin the centuriesafterthe end of the ancientworld,therefore,
bothcontinuedold patternsand introduced new ones. The gradualex-
pansionofthetermmechanica intoa generictermforcraftswas an im-
portantinnovation whichreacheditsfulldevelopment onlyin latercen-
turies.Takenseriouslyon theirown termsand lookedat in thecontext
ofbroaddevelopments in intellectual
history,theseearlymedievalclas-
are partof a coherentset of ideas aboutthe relationship
sifications of
craftand philosophyand suggesta greaterintellectual appreciation of
technologyin thisperiodthanis usuallyrecognized.Moreover,these
classifications,
by reinforcing the importance of craftsas a divisionof
knowledge,contributed to thegenesisof a new, characteristically me-
oftechnicalarts,theartesmechanicae.
dieval,classification
The "artesmechanicae"
The earliestknownuse ofthetermartesmechanicae in thepluraland

referring to a categoryor groupof artsoccursin Johnthe Scot's com-
mentaryon MartianusCapella'sMarriage ofPhilologyandMercury.58 Al-
thoughJohn'sremarks arebrief,theyareextremely Notonly
significant.
does he outlinea way ofclassifying technicalartswhichis differentin
importantways fromancientand earliermedievalclassifications, but
laterthinkers, in particular
thetwelfth-century theologianHugh of St.
Victor,drewuponJohn'sideas to developa comprehensive philosophy
of technology.
In his commentary on Capella's allegory,JohntheScotremarksthat
afterMercurygavethesevenliberalartstohisbride,Philology, she gave
him the seven mechanicalarts.59The seven mechanicalartsare not
named here,butlaterin theworkthephrase"architecture and certain
otherarts" replacesthe termartesmechanicae.60 This second passage
containstheotherelementin John'sconceptionofthemechanicalarts:
Stemagel,ArtesMechanicae, 30.
5 Johnthe Scot,79,12:"DOS A VIRGINEac si dixisset:PostquamMercuriusdederit
septemliberalesartes,tuncvirgodabitseptemmechanicas," AnnotationesinMarcianum,
ed. CoraE. Lutz(Cambridge, Mass.:TheMediaevalAcademyofAmerica,1939),74;47,13:
"MANCIPIAQUEid estque dotaleserant,id estseptemartesmechanicas quas Philologia
Mercuriodonaret,"Annotationes, 59. The mechanicalartsare also mentionedin 475, 1:
"ALIAS id est mechanicis," Annotationes,189and 475,4:"Consequentibus ed estVII me-
chanicis,"Annotationes, 189.
60 170,14:"Percepte artesdicunturque communi animiperceptioneiudicanturutseptem
liberalesartes. . . sed naturaliter
in animaintelliguntur.Non sic ceteraeartesquae imi-
tationequadamvel excogitatione humanafiunt, et caetere,"Annotationes,
ut architectoria
96, 97: "Itheliberalarts]naturaliterin ipsa animaintelliguntur.
Mechanicaeenimartes
non naturaliter insuntsed quadamexcogitatione humana,"Annotationes, 86.
in the soul" are comparedwith

the liberalarts"understoodnaturally
the mechanicalartswhichcome by "some imitationor humandevis-
ing.//61
AlthoughJohn'sremarksare littlemorethana sketch,theynever-
thelessimplya coherentconceptofcraftas a kindofknowledgewhich
differssubstantially frompreviousclassifications.Unlikethe classical
idea ofthebanausicarts,whichopposed unworthy physicaland worthy
mentalarts,John'smechanicalartsare parallel in formand function to
the liberalarts.The Aristotelian notionof the productivearts,which
died out in the LatinWestby thefifth centuryand had no discernible
influenceon JohntheScot,definedtheartsin termsofresultsproduced
(thought,action,objects)ratherthanin termsof a hierarchy ofinnate
and transcendent (liberal)artsand invented(mechanical)arts.Although
Johncontraststhe two sets of arts,suggestingthattheliberalartsare
in some sense likethe soul, "divine,"62whilethe mechanicalartsare
"human," theyremainlinkedto each otherand thereis no traceofthe
pejorativetone associatedwiththe banausic,or illiberal,arts.In this
respect,John'sclassification mostcloselyresemblesthelateancientidea
of "semi-liberal"arts.But,unliketheseand the laterclassifications of
Martinof Laon and otherCarolingianmasters,Johnnames technical
arts or craftsas a completelyseparatecategoryof arts,clearlydistin-
guishedfromtheliberalartsand,-thereby, focusesattentionon thedis-
tinctivenatureofcraft.
An intellectualappreciationof technicalarts was fed by cultural
changesin theCarolingianperiod.Indeed,theestablishment ofa new
of craftsat thistimecan bestbe explainedby placingthe
classification
problemwithina broadculturalcontext.70 Fromtheeighthcentury, the
studyofphilosophyand, especially,theartshad beengenerally revived
and emphasized.63ForJohnthe Scot,in particular, the artsare an es-
sentialelementin the effort to attainWisdom.The arts,accordingto
John,are "man's linkwiththeDivine,theircultivation a meansto sal-
vation."'4Innatein man,theartsbelongnaturally to him,and knowl-
edge of them,obscuredbecause of originalsin, mustbe stimulated
throughteaching.65 The continuedpopularity ofIsidore'sclassification
ofcrafts,combinedwithJohn'sconcernto defineand establishthearts
61JohntheScot,Annotationes,
170,14 (ed. Lutz,86,96-97).
62 See note60 and note65.
63
andLetters
Laistner,Thought andIntellectual fora usefuloverviewoftheissues
Heritage;
surrounding Renaissance,
theCarolingian see JohnJ.Contreni,"Inharmonious Harmony:
Educationin theCarolingian World,"AnnalsofScholarship 1 (1980):81-96.
4 Contreni,"JohnScottus,"25.
65 Contreni, on p. 41: "Everynaturalart
"JohnScottus,"25. Thispassageis translated
(therefore) in humannature.Itfollowsthatall menbynaturepossess
is foundmaterially
naturalarts,butbecause,on accountofthepunishment forthesin ofthefirst man,they
(are obscured)in thesoulsofmenand are sunkin a profound ignorance, in teachingwe
do nothingbutrecallto our presentunderstanding thesameartswhichare storeddeep
in our memory."On the"Christianization ofthearts"in MartinofLaon, see Contreni,
"JohnScottus,"and Cathedral SchoolofLaon,113-117.
72 Artsfrom
through
theThirteenth
Century
as a necessarypartofeducation,mostprobablyled to theestablishment
of theartesmechanicae.
MartianusCapella's MarriageofPhilology and Mercury, in whichar-
chitectureand medicine,and byimplication all crafts,
areexcludedfrom
the liberalarts,was onlyrarelyread in the periodpriorto the ninth
century.66 In its absence,as we have seen, classifications of the arts
includingtechnicalartsflourished. Johnthe Scot,as partof the Caro-
lingianrevivalof philosophyand the arts,was largelyresponsiblefor
bringingMartianusCapella into a prominencewhichlasted untilthe
end oftheMiddleAges.67Yetinwriting hiscommentary on theMarriage,
Johnhad to reconciletwo contradictory traditionson crafts:Capella's
rejectionof themand the Irish-Carolingian practiceof includingcrafts
undertherubricsofmechanica, astrology and medicineamongtheliberal
arts.He seemstohaveresolvedtheproblembyinventing a newcategory
of arts,therebyneithereliminating technicalartsfromthedivisionsof
knowledgenor incorporating themamongthe liberalarts.Takinghis
cue fromhis contemporaries, he calledthemthemechanicalarts.
The notionofthemechanicalartswas sustainedby a new interest in
craftsmanship and manuallaborfromthe ninthcenturyon.68For the
firsttime,calendars,encyclopediasand biblicalcommentaries were il-
lustratedwithrealisticdepictionsofagricultural and artisanlabor.69
The
mechanicalartsreappearedin Remigiusof Auxerre'scommentary on
MartianusCapella, althoughRemigiusdoes not further develop the
idea.70Its fullpotentialwas reachedonlyin thetwelfth centurywhen
Hugh of St. Victorfleshedout the meaningof the mechanicalartsby
enumerating and describingin detailseven crafts-fabric-making, ar-
mamentand building,commerce, agriculture,huntingand foodprepa-
66 Stahl,MartianusCapella,Vol. 1: TheQuadriviumofMartianus Capella,56; CoraE. Lutz,

"MartianusCapella,"inCatalogus translationum
etcommentariorum: Mediaeval andRenaissance
Latintranslations
andcommentaries, ed. Paul0. Kristeller
andF. Cranz(Washington: Catholic
University ofAmericaPress,1971),2:36.
67 Stahl,MartianusCapella,1:61,Lutz,"MartianusCapella,"368.
' Le Goff,"Labor,"arguesfora "Carolingian RenaissanceofLabor,"83-86.
69 Le Goff,"Labor,"84-86,pointsto changesin calendarillustration around800 and
1023A.D. in manuscripts ofRhabanusMaurus'sDe universo; LynnWhite,"CulturalCli-
mates,"198emphasizesan illumination oftheUtrecht Psalter,c. 830,whichshowsKing
David's troopsusinga crank-driven grindstoneto sharpentheirswords,whiletheenemy
uses a whetstone. Thecalendarillustrationsarepublishedand discussedinJ.C. Webster,
TheLabors oftheMonths inAntique andMediaevalArttotheEndoftheXIIthCentury (Evanston
and Chicago:Northwestern Press,1938).Forthecalendars,see also,H. Stern,"Poesiset
representations carolingienneset byzantinesdes mois," Revuearcheologique, 6e series
(1955):45-46and forthepsaltersee ErnestDeWald,TheIllustrations oftheUtrecht Psalter
(Princeton:PrincetonUniversity Press,1932).
70 RemigiiAutissiodorensis
Commentum inMartianum Capellam, LibriI-II, ed. CoraE. Lutz
(Leyden:E. J.Brill,1962);LibriIII-IX (Leyden:E. J.Brill,1965),208,200,302,304,305.
Remigiusdoes referto "architecture, medicineand certainotherartswhichconsistmore
in experiencethanin reason,"Lutz,Commentum, 17-18(mytranslation). Remigius'scom-
mentary was extremelyinfluential;Lutz,Commentum, 2, 38-40.ForRemigius on theliberal
arts,see CoraE. Lutz,"Remigius'Ideas on theClassification oftheLiberalArts,"Traditio
12 (1956):65-86.
Crafts, Artsin theEarlyMiddleAges
andtheLiberal
Philosophy, 73
ration,medicineand theatrics-and,drawingupon John'sideas about

the arts in general,linkedthe mechanicalas well as the liberalarts
offallenman.Thisremarkable
tosalvationand restoration
directly vision
oftechnology a
as partofphilosophyderivesultimately from earlyme-
whichjoinedphilosophy,
dievalclassifications theliberalartsand crafts.
VOL. 80 PT. 1, 1990
HughofSt. Victor
IV. ParadiseRestored: andthe
MechanicalArtsin theTwelfth
andThirteenth
Centuries
TNhe revivaloftheEuropeanworld,whichbeganin thelateeleventh

centuryand extendedintothetwelfth, cutacrossall areasoflife.
An increasingpopulation,in partthe resultof improvedagri-
culturaltechniques,contributedto the rapidgrowthof cities,the set-
tlementof new areas in EasternEuropeand theLevant,and a greatly
expandednetworkofindustry and trade.1Thiseconomicgrowth, which
soon acquiredits own self-sustainingmomentum, in turn,produced
profoundsocial changes.As a new fluidity in socialrelationships ap-
peared,theartisanand merchant, alreadyincreasingly important in the
functioning of a moreindustrialized
and commercial society,began to
achievenew recognition fromseculargovernments and theChurch.2
This economicand socialexpansionhad itscounterpart in the intel-
lectualsphere.The revivalofthoughtand lettersstillgenerallyreferred
to as the Renaissanceof the TwelfthCentury,despiteincreasingevi-
dence thatitwas rootedin theeleventhcentury, involvedbotha more
thoroughapplicationof reasonand dialecticto philosophicaland the-
ologicalproblemsand an increasedawarenessof secularconcernsand
the naturalworld.3Late eleventh-,twelfth-and thirteenth-century
' On thesetopicssee GeorgesDuby,RuralEconomy andCountry LifeintheMedievalWest,

trans.CynthiaPostan(Columbia,S.C.: University of SouthCarolinaPress,1968);The
Cambridge Economic HistoryofEurope(Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press,1952-71),
vols. 1 and 2; P. Boissonnade,LandandWork inMedieval Europe:TheEvolution oftheMedieval
Economy from theFifthtotheFifteenth
Century,trans.EileenPower(New York:Harperand
Row, 1964);MarcBloch,Landand WorkinMedieval Europe:Selected
PapersbyMarcBloch,
trans.J.E. Anderson(London:Routledgeand KeganPaul, 1967,rpt.New York:Harper
and Row,1969);CharlesSinger,E. J.Holmyard, andA. R. Hall,eds.,A HistoryofTechnology
(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1965),vol. 2; LynnWhite,jr., MedievalTechnology and Social
Change(London:OxfordUniversity Press,1964);MauriceDaumas,ed., Histoire generale
des techniques (Paris:1962),1:429-598;A. C. Crombie,Medieval and EarlyModernScience
(GardenCity,N.Y.: Doubleday,AnchorBooks,1959),vol. 1; BrianStock,"Science,Tech-
nologyand EconomicProgress intheMiddleAges,"inScience intheMiddleAges,ed. David
C. Lindberg(Chicago:University ofChicagoPress,1978),1-51 (whichcoversthetwelfth
century);and JacquesLe Goff,Time,WorkandCulture in theMiddleAges,trans.Arthur
Goldhammer (Chicagoand London:University ofChicagoPress,1980).
2 Le Goff, Time,Work andCulture,29-42,58-70,107-21;PeterSternagel, Die ArtesMe-
chanicae imMittelalter. undBedeutungsgeschichte
Begriffs- biszumEndedes13. Jahrhunderts
(KallmungfiberRegensburg: Lassleben,1966),54-61.Fora usefuldiscussionofchanges
in twelfth-century societyfromthestandpoint oflaborand technology, see GeorgeOvitt,
Jr.,TheRestoration LaborandTechnology
ofPerfection: inMedievalCulture (New Brunswick,
N.J.:RutgersUniversity Press,1987),137-143.
3 The best shortsurveyof the Twelfth-Century RenaissanceremainsCharlesHomer
75
76 Artsfrom
through
Antiquity Century
scholarsnotonlygave new readingsto thewritings oftheChurchFa-

thersand thoseclassicaltexts,such as the Timaeusin its partialtrans-
lationbyChalcidius,withwhichtheywerealreadywellacquainted,but
also soughtouta wholerangeofpreviously unknownGreekand Arabic
philosophicaland scientific works.In particular,a greatlyexpanded
knowledgeof Aristotle, in bothhis originaland Arabicguises,helped
changethe directionof medievalthought,forcing thinkersof all intel-
lectualpersuasionsto takeaccountofa comprehensive naturaland eth-
ical philosophywhichstoodindependently ofChristian revelation,the-
ologyand history. Thisnewphilosophical breadthand complexity were
servedby new institutions, and the further
such as the universities,
developmentof oldermethodsand disciplines,such as scholasticism
and logic.
Socialand economicchangesprovidedbothopportunity and stimulus
fortechnological development.Even a partiallistof twelfth-and thir-
teenth-century discoveriesrevealsthe fertileinventivenessof the pe-
riod:thewheelbarrow, spinningwheel,flying buttress,
pole-lathe, rud-
der and keel,compass,mechanicalclock,eyeglasses, chimney, stained
glass, and, in the earlyfourteenth century,the crossbow.4Equallyin-
dicativeofinterest in techniqueswas therapidadaptationofborrowed
or olderdevices,such as thewatermill or windmill,to new industrial
uses. Bytheend ofthethirteenth century, millswereemployedin full-
ing, tanningand wood-cutting, forforgingmetalsand poweringbel-
Haskins,TheRenaissance oftheTwelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: HarvardUniversity

Press,1927),butfortheresultsofmorerecentscholarship, see RobertL. Benson,Giles
Constableand CarolD. Lanham,eds., Renaissance andRenewal intheTwelfthCentury (Cam-
bridge,Mass.: HarvardUniversity Press,1982).Formorespecializedtreatment ofideas
about natureand theirconnection withphilosophical and theological concerns,see es-
peciallyM.-D. Chenu,Nature, ManandSociety in theTwelfth Century:EssaysinNewTheo-
logicalPerspectivesintheLatinWest,ed. and trans.Jerome Taylorand LesterK. Little(Chi-
cago:University ofChicagoPress,1968);BrianStock,Myth andScience intheTwelfth Century:
A StudyofBernard Silvester (Princeton:Princeton University Press,1972);J.M. Parent,La
doctrinede la creationdansl'cole deChartes (Paris:J.Vrin,1938);TullioGregory, "L'idea di
naturanellafilosofia medievaleprimadel' ingressodellafiscadi Aristotele: il secoloxii,"
in La filosofia
dellanaturanelMedioevo: AttidelTerzoCongresso Internazionale
di Filosofia
Me-
dievale,1964(Milan:SocietaeditriceVitae pensiero,1966),29-65 and Animamundi:La
di Guglielmo
filosofia diConches etla ScuoladiChartres (Florence:G. C. Sansoni,1955);Franco
Alessio,"La filosofia e le 'artesmechanicae'nel secoloXII," StudiMedievali, 3rdseries,6
(1965):71-155and RichardLemay,AbuMa'sharandLatinAristotelianism intheTwelfth Cen-
tury:TheRecovery ofAristotle's NaturalPhilosophy through ArabicAstrology,AmericanUni-
versityof BeirutPublication of theFacultyofArtsand Sciences,OrientalSeriesno. 38
(Beirut:AmericanUniversity of Beirut,1962).For thebibliography of recentworkson
twelfth- and thirteenth-century attitudestowardtechnology inparticular,see aboveChap-
terI and forgeneralintellectual trendsin thethirteenth century see Frederick Copleston,
Mediaeval Philosophy,vol.2, part2 inA History ofPhilosophy(GardenCity,N.Y.: Doubleday,
Image Books,1962)and MauriceDe Wulf,Histoire de la philosophie
medievale (Louvain:
InstituteSuperieure de Philosophie, 1924),bothofwhichcontainextensive bibliographies,
and Femandvan Steenberghen, Aristotlein theWest:TheOriginsofLatinAristotelianism,
trans.LeonardJohnston, 2nd ed. (Louvain:NauwelaertsPub. House, 1970).
4 Crombie, Medieval Science, 1;191-222;White,Medieval Technology,78-128.
Artsin theTwelfth
andtheMechanical
HughofSt. Victor andThirteenth
Centuries 77
lows, and in thecrushingoforeand othermaterials; theyhad also been

adapted foruse in slow-moving riversand tidalbasins.5
In this newly"mechanism-minded" world,6men developedan in-
creasingawarenessof theirabilityto shape, as well as to understand,
the naturalworld.Twelfth- and thirteenth-century thinkers,who had
begun moreand moreto see natureas a separatemacrocosm, open to
humanunderstanding, now also beganto view theirrelationship with
rnatureas a dynamicone. In thewordsofM.-D. Chenu,they"thought
ofthemselvesas confronting an external and active
present,intelligible,
realityas theymightconfront a partner."7This sense ofthepossibility
of mastery,or, at least,confrontation withnatureis reflected in con-
temporary commentson the importance of technologicalachievement
in humanlife.
Diversereferences to craftsin the literature
of the periodindicatea
widespreadsensitivity to thevalueoftechnology. Severalscholarshave
tied a new emphasison craftsto trendsin religiousthought.Chenu,
forexample,sees an insistenceamongtwelfth-century theologianson
man's materialnatureand a consequentattemptto relateman's efforts
to directnaturewithreligiousconcerns.8BrianStockfindsin the ser-
monsof Bernardof Clairvauxa recognition of theimportance forsal-
vationof physicallabor.9Similarly, earlytwelfth-century Benedictine
thought, in particular,
thatofRupertofDeutz and Theophilus,has been
linkedwitha theologicaljustification ofcraftsmanship.'0
Favorablecommentson craftsoccurin manyothercontextsas well.
The technologicalimagination of RogerBacon, forexample,who en-
visaged not onlynew incendiary weaponsbut also carswhichmoved
by themselves, underwater ships,and flying machinesis wellknown."
AlexanderNeckham,writinga centuryearlierin his encyclopedia, the
De naturisrerum, frequently singledout inventions, toolsor machines
5 Crombie,Medieval Science,1:196-199;White,Medieval Technology,

79-89;Singer,History
ofTechnology, 1:608-614,619-620.
6 The phraseis Chenu'sfrom Nature, ManandSociety, 43.
7 Chenu,Nature, ManandSociety, 5.
8 Chenu,Nature, Man andSociety, 38-46. Fora fulldiscussionoftheissuesand histo-
riography surrounding theconnection betweenmedievalreligion and technology,see the
Introduction, ChapterI.
9 BrianStock,"Experience, Praxis,Workand Planningin BernardofClairvaux:Obser-
vationson the Sermones in Cantica,"in TheCulturalContext ofMedievalLearning,
Boston
Studiesin The PhilosophyofScience,26 (Dordrecht and Boston:D. Reidel,1974),228.
" JohnVan Engen,"TheophilusPresbyter and RupertofDeutz:TheManualArtsand
Benedictine Theologyin theEarlyTwelfth Century,"Viator11 (1980):147-163.
See Ovitt,Restoration ofPerfection,143-163fora valuableaccountofmonasticthought
on laborin thetwelfth century. Ovittarguesthatbytheend ofthetwelfth century,the
churchhad rejecteditsearliercommitment to laboras an importantpartofthereligious
life.
1"RogerBacon,Opusmaius6. Exemplum3, The'Opusmaius'ofRogerBacon,ed. John
HenryBridges(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1897;rpt.Frankfurt: Minerva,1964),2;217;Ep-
istolaFratris
RogeriiBaconis de Secretis
operibus
artisetnaturaeetdenullitate
magicae,
4 in Fr.
RogeriiBaconOperaquaedam hactenus ed. J.S. Brewer,RerumBritannicarum
inedita, Medii
Aevi Scriptores, 11 (London:Longman,Green,Longmanand Roberts,1859),532-533.
78 TheMechanical
Artsfrom through
Century
forpraise.Neckhamdescribesthemariner'scompass,theconstruction
of a fishingnet,theuses ofcoal and metals,theways in whichplants
and animalsservemankind,the operationsof the bakerand weaver
and the partsoftheplow and otherequipment.12Neckham,who also
wrotea separatetreatise on thenamesand partsofhouseholdand farm-
ing utensils,especiallypraisesthe plow as a giftfromheaven.13 Ma-
chinesand craftswere also depictedin manuscript illuminations. The
manuscript ofHerradofLandsberg'sHortusdeliciarum, forexample,in-
cludedrepresentations ofa heavyplow,spindle,mason'stools,cartand
harness,grainmilland wine press in illustrations of variousbiblical
passages.14 Drawingsofa swing-plow, kitchenand farming utensils,a
treadleloomand waterclocks also appearin theLuttrellPsalter(c. 1338)
and otherillustrated Bibles."' By theend of thetwelfth centurycycles
of craftsbeginto appear in churchsculpture,includingChartres,the
Campanilein Florence,RheimsCathedraland Amiens.'6
Less systematicbut stillsignificant referencesto craftsare scattered
throughout theliteratureoftheperiod.The discoveryofcrafts,forex-
ample, was incorporated into Christianhistory.PeterComestorand
HonoriusAugustodunensis recountnotonlythatTubalinventedmetal-
working,as recordedin Genesis,butadd theextra-biblical information
thathis sisterNoema inventedtextile-working.'7 Arnold,Benedictine
abbot of Bonnevalfrom1149to 1159,prefacedhis Hexaemeron witha
detaileddescription of the inventionand use, "withGod's pleasure,"
ofagriculture,metallurgy, textile-working, cookeryand medicineat the
timeofMoses.'8 Arnoldwas perhapsinfluenced bya passagein Exodus
35:30-35citedby his fellowBenedictine, RupertofDeutz,as proofthat
all knowledge,includingcrafts, is a giftfromGod:
12 Alexander Neckham,De naturis rerum libriduo1.24,54,76,98,156,ed. ThomasWright,

RerumBritannicarum MediiAevi Scriptores, 34 (London:Longman,Green,Longman,
Robertsand Green,1863),158,162-163,173-174,183,248-249,279-283.
13 Ibid. 1.169:280;see also "The TreatiseDe utensilibus ofAlexanderNeckham,"in A
VolumeofVocabularies, ed. ThomasWright (London:privateprinting, 1857-73),96-119.
14 Herradede Landsberg, Hortus deliciarum, ed. JosephWalter(Strasbourg and Paris:F.
X. de Roux,1952),pl. 7, 9, 10,30, 61.
15 E. G. Millar,ed. 'TheLuttrell Psalter'.Facsimile Edition(London:BritishMuseum,1932)
depicts,forexample,a watermill, windmill, wheelbarrow, crossbow,bellows,plow,and
harrow(pls. 114,68, 125,10,21c,92, 94); and La Biblemoralisee (Paris:SocieteFrancaise
de Reproduction des Manuscrits et Peintures, ofa polelathe,
1911-1927)has illustrations
waterclock and otherinstruments, 1:183,2:pl.213,5:pl.181.See R. vanMarle,Iconographie
de l'artprofaneau Moyen-Age etd la Renaissance (TheHague: MartinesNijhoff, 1931-1932),
vol. 1; and White,Medieval Technology andSocialChange, 110-117foradditionalexamples.
See also EmileMale,TheGothic Image:Religious ArtinFrance oftheThirteenth
Century, trans.
Dora Nussey(New York:Harperand Row,IconEditions,1972),64-75.
16 Van Marle,Iconographie de l'artprofane, 2:252-260;Male, TheGothic Image,64-75;M.
W. Evans,Medieval Drawings (Feltham, N.Y.: Hamlyn,1969),pl. 89,whichshowsa model-
book,earlytwelfth century, containing a cycleofcrafts boundwitha copyofHughofSt.
Victor'sDidascalicon.
" PeterComestor, Historiascholastica.LiberGenesis 28 (PL 198:1079);HonoriusAugus-
todunensis,De imagine mundi 3. Exhortio (PL 172:165).
18 ThissectionofArnold'spreface to hisHexaemeron has beeneditedbyJeanLeClercq,
"Ecritsmonastiquessurla Bibleaux XIe-XIIIesiecles,"Medieval Studies15 (1953):96-98.
HughofSt. Victor
andtheMechanical
Artsin theTwelfth
andThirteenth
Centuries 79
That,however,all . . . [kindsof knowledge]. . . are giftsof God and on that

accountthe holyspiritis rightly beforenamedtheSpiritof knowledge,is es-
tablishedfromabundantexamples.We, nevertheless, citebriefly onlysingle
examplesof each. We are informed thatilliterate
knowledgeis a giftof God
when we read in Exodus:BeholdtheLordcalledby nameBezaleel,theson of
Uri,theson ofHur,ofthetribeofJudah;and filledhimwiththeSpiritofGod,
in wisdomand in understanding and in knowledgeofall learningforthecon-
trivanceand makingof worksin gold,silverand brass,and in carvingstones
and in carpentrywork.Whatevercan be devisedskilfully, he yieldedup to his
heart.Oliabalso theson ofAchisamech, ofthetribeofDan. He instructed both,
so thattheyshouldmakeworksin wood,weavingand embroidery, ofblueand
purple,and twice-dyed scarletand in flax.19
Theologians also considered the question whether artificialthings

made by man can be counted among the works of God.20 For Thomas
Aquinas an essential part of human excellence is not man's rational
nature alone but also his ability,using both his reason and his hands,
to equip himselfwith an endless catalogue of tools.2' Monastic writings
and records often included expressions of enthusiasm for craftsand
machinery. Monks took an active interestin the use of waterpower to
accomplish a varietyof industrialtasks associated withthe management
of the monastery,as well as promotingforestclearance, new farming
19 RupertofDeutz, De SanctaTrinitate
etoperibus
eius40. De operibus
Spiritus
Sancti7.5,
ed. Hrabanus Haacke, Corpus christianorumcontinuatiomediaevalis, 24 (Turnholt:Bre-
pols Editores Pontificii,1972), 2042-2043:
Quod autemomniaquae subistogenere,id estscientiadiuidendodistinximus, dona Dei sint,et
idcircoSpiritussanctusrecteSpiritus
scientiae
praedicetur,examplis comprobare exabundanti est.
Verumtamen singulasingulorum breuiter
exemplaponamus.Illiteralem scientiam donumDei esse
docemur,cumin Exodolegimus.EccevacauitDominusexnomineBeselchelfilium Huri,filiHur,
de tribuIuda, impleuitqueeumSpirituDei, sapientiaetintelligentiaet scientiaeomnidoctrina ad
excogitandum et faciendumopus in auro,argentoet aerosculpendisque lapidibuset operecar-
pentario.Quidquidfabreadinueniri potest,deditin cordeeius.Oliabquoquefilium Achisamech,
de tribuDan. Amboserudiuitsapientia,ut faciantoperaabietarii polymitarii ac plumarii,de hy-
acinthoac purpura,coccoquebis tinctoet lino.
Van Engen, "Theophilus Presbyterand Rupert of Deutz," 153-154, sees this passage as
a deliberate retortto Augustine. Cf. Eusebius, Praeparatione
Evangelicae9.27 (PG 21, 729)
who quotesArtapanus(c. 50 B.C.) as sayingthatMosesinventedshipsand warmachines
as well as philosophy;Godfrey ofSt. Victor,Microcosmus 1.52-55,ed. PhilippeDelhaye,
Memoiresettravauxpubliesparles professeurs des FacultesCatholiquesde Lille,56 (Lille:
FacultesCatholiques,1951;Gembloux:J. Duculot,1951)72-73 who says thatthe me-
chanicalartsoriginated in thelaw ofMoses; RogerBacon,Opusmaius2.9, ed. Bridges,
Supplementary volume,1900,53-59 who says thatphilosophy, includingexperimental
science,was revealedby God to thebiblicalprophets.
20 See Chenu, Nature, Man and Society, 39-40, in whichhe quotesa twelfth-century
manuscriptwhichdiscussesthe question,"Can one considerthingsmanufactured by
man-footgear,cheese,and likeproducts-as worksof God?" and Robertde Melun,
Oeuvresde Robert de Melun,ed. RaymondM. Martin,Spicilegium SacrumLovaniense,
Etudeset Documents,fascicle21 (Louvain:Spicilegium SacrumLovaniense,1947),3, Sen-
tentiae,
1:73.
21 ThomasAquinas,Summa la.91,3.2,ed. and trans.EdmundHill,in Summa
theologiae,
theologiae,ed. Blackfriars
(New York:McGraw-Hill; London:Eyreand Spottiswoode),
13:28.
80 TheMechanical
Artsfrom theThirteenth
through
Antiquity Century
techniquesand stockbreeding.22 Indeed, the whole questionof the

properrelationshipof manuallabor to the religiouslifewas a major
issue in twelfth-and thirteenth-century monasticwritings.23
The mostexplicitand developedthoughton craftsmanship and the
natureof technologyitself,apartfromthe broaderand morediffuse
issue of themoraland socialvalue ofwork,however,can be foundin
workson thedivisionsofknowledge.In responseto thefloodofnewly
availableclassicaland Arabictextsand thefurther development ofscho-
lasticism,the classification
of the artsand sciencesgrewintoan inde-
pendentgenreof full-scale worksspecificallyon thepartsand organi-
zation of the arts and sciences.24In part,this reflectedthe greater
complexityof the intellectual and culturalenvironment. Yet in these
worksmedievalthinkers also displayeda greaterinterest in technology
perse. Farmoreconsistently thanin antiquity or theearlyMiddleAges,
thesetreatisesincludedcraftsor technicalartsas a partofknowledge.
Manyoftheseworks,moreover, elaborateda philosophical basiswhich
underlayand supporteda conception ofcraftsmanship as an expression
of humanreason,tiedto religiousor scientific values. Implicitly or ex-
theauthorsoftheseclassifications
plicitly, addressedthecritique oftech-
nologydevelopedin classicalthoughtand passed on to the medieval
world.
The strength oftheimpulsetowardthelegitimization ofcraftscan be
seen in theseriousattention paid to theproblemofincludingcraftas a
partofknowledgein authorsfromquitedifferent intellectualtraditions.
HonoriusAugustodunensis, as we have seen, developedtheIsidorian
associationof medicineand mechanica withthe quadrivium into a far
22
LynnWhite,jr.,"CulturalClimatesand Technological AdvanceintheMiddleAges,"
Viator10 (1979):194-195.
ClarenceJ.Glacken,Traceson theRhodian Shore:NatureandCulture in Western Thought
fromAncient TimestotheEndoftheEighteenth Century (Berkeley:University of California
Press,1967),304-313,331-333;Christopher J.Holdsworth, "The BlessingsofWork:The
CistercianView," in Sanctity andSecularity:
TheChurch and TheWorld,ed. DerekBaker,
Studiesin ChurchHistory,10 (New York:Harperand Row Publishers, Inc., 1973),59-
76.
23
Ovitt,Restoration ofPerfection,143-163.
24 The essential workson theclassification ofthesciencesin thetwelfth and thirteenth
centuriesare JamesA. Weisheipl,"Classification oftheSciencesin MedievalThought,"
MedievalStudies 27 (1965):54-90 andJosephMarietan, Probleme dela classification
dessciences
d'Aristote
d s. Thomas (Paris:F. Alcan,1901).These,however,treattechnological artsonly
peripherally. The majorstudiesof how craftsor technological artsappearedin classifi-
cationsofknowledgein thisperiodareAlessio,"Filosofiae le 'artesmechanicae,"'Ster-
nagel,ArtesMechanicae and GeorgeOvitt,"TheStatusoftheMechanicalArtsin Medieval
Classifications ofLearning,"Viator 14 (1983):89-105
and Restoration ofPerfection,107-136.
For discussionoftheissuesraisedby theseand otherworks,see ChapterI. Also useful
fortheliberaland mechanicalartsare RichardWilliamHunt,"The Introductions to the
'Artes'in the TwelfthCentury,"Studiamediaevalia in honorem R. J.Martin(Bruges:De
Tempel,1949),85-112;G. Pare,A. Brunetand P. Trembley, La Renaissance du XIIesiecle:
Les ecoleset l'enseignement(Paris:LibrairePhilosophique J.Vrin,1933);LudwigGompf,
"Der LeipzigerOrdoartium," Mittel-lateinisches
Jahrbuch 3 (1966):94-128; and Artsliberaux
etphilosophieau MoyenAge:Actesdu Quatrieme Congres International
dePhilosophie Medievale
(Montreal:Institut d'EtudesMedievales,1969;Paris:J.Vrin,1969).
andtheMechanical
HughofSt. Victor Artsin theTwelfth
andThirteenth
Centuries 81
broader conception of craftsas part of the liberal arts.25In the early

twelfthcenturyRupert of Deutz suggested his own division of knowl-
edge:
Some knowledgeis literate,some illiterate.For thereis literateknowledge,

whichis learnedthroughwritten records,as areall artswhichare containedin
tooks. Illiterateknowledgeindeed whichis notlearnedthroughbooks,as is
sculptureortheartificer's artand anysuchart,becauseindeeditis rightly called
knowledge,butitis notlearnedthroughreading.Again,literate knowledgeis
bothliberaland illiberal.Theartofmedicinewhichphilosophers do notprofess,
is both literateand illiberal,althoughmediciattribute verymuchliberality to
iheirart,saying,thatit is notnumberedamongthesevenliberalartsbecause
it is formedfromall or throughall theliberalarts,thus,ofcourseno one can
itrulybe learnedin medicineunlesshe is skilledin all theliberalarts.Again,
literateand liberalknowledgeis calledphilosophy.26
Although neither Honorius's nor Rupert's division of knowledge

spawned any furtherdevelopment, two of theircontemporariesintro-
duced new patternsof integratingcraftsinto a system of knowledge,
which were to prove extremelyfruitful.27
Domingo Gundisalvo (fl.1140),
on the one hand, introducedintothe LatinWest Arabicnotionsofcrafts-
manship as the operative or practicalaspect of theoreticalknowledge.
His scheme, for example, associated agriculture,medicine and navi-
gation with physics and carpentry,and stone-workingwith geometry.
Hugh of St. Victor (d. 1140 or 1141), on the other hand, apparently
unaware of the new Aristotelianand Arabic scientificlearning,devel-
oped the notion of the artesmechanicae as a discrete and independent
group of arts, analogous in formand functionto the liberal arts, from
patristicand early medieval sources, particularlyAugustine and John
of Scot. Accordingto Hugh, the mechanicalartssupply all the remedies
25 See Chapter III above, p. 69.

26
etoperibus
RupertofDeutz, De SanctaTrinitate eius40. De operibus
Spiritus
Sancti7.3,
ed. Haacke, 2040:
Scientiaalia litteralis, Namlitteralis

aliaillitteralis. est,quae litteris
addiscitur, utsuntomnesartes
quae libriscontinentur. ueroquae litteris
Illitteralis non addiscitur, ut est sculptoria
siue fabrilis
ars et taliumquidlibet,quod rectequidemscientiadicitur,sed non legendopercipitur. Rursus
litteralis
scientia,alia liberalis, Litteralis
alia illiberalis. et illiberalis
est medicinaears,quam phi-
losophinon profitentur, quamuiset mediciartisuae liberalitatem plurimum attribuant,
dicentes,
quod idcircointerseptemliberalesartesnon numeretur, quia de omnibusuel per omnesipsa
consistat,itascilicetutmedicusnemoueraciter esse possit,nisiomniumartium liberaliumperitus
sit.Porrolitteraliset liberalisscientiaphilosophiadicitur.
4.13, ed. W. M. Lindsay (Oxford: Clarendon Press,

Cf. Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae,
1911):4.13 where Isidore says thatmedicine contains all the liberalarts.
27
DomingoGundisalvo,De divisione ed. LudwigBaurin Beitrage
philosophiae, zurGe-
derPhilosophie
schichte TexteundUntersuchungen,
desMittelalters, Band4, Heft2-3 (Munster
Westfalen: AschendorffscheVerlagsbuchhandlung,1903). For discussion of the content
and sources of Gundisalvo's treatise,see Chapter V below. For Johnthe Scot as a source
forHugh of St. Victor's Didascalicon,see Chapter III above.
82 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
forourphysicalweakness,a resultoftheFalland,liketheotherbranches
of knowledge,are ultimately subsumedunderthereligioustaskofres-
toringour true,prelapsarian nature.
The twelfth-century pushtowardtheintellectual assimilationoftech-
nologycontinuedintothethirteenth century.BothHugh ofSt. Victor
and Gundisalvoinspiredotherstointegrate technology intodiscussions
of knowledgein a varietyofways. In thetwelfth century, Hugh ofSt.
Victorand his followersplaced the mechanicalarts,definedas an in-
dependentcategory ofknowledge,withinthereligiouscontextofman's
effortto restorehimselfto his prelapsariancondition.In thethirteenth
century,althoughtheVictorine understandingof craftsmanship as an
aspect of salvationcontinuedto be influential in the thoughtof Bon-
aventure,VincentofBeauvaisand others,a conceptofthemechanical
artsas appliedscienceservingthecommunity predominated.28 Albertus
Magnus,RobertKilwardbyand RogerBacon,especially,following the
lead ofGundisalvo,modifiedelementstakenfromtheAristotelian, Ar-
abic and Victorinetraditions to definethe mechanicalartsas the op-
erativeor instrumental side ofthetheoretical
sciences.
Medievalthinkers duringthetwelfth and thirteenth there-
centuries,
fore,attempted in variouswaysto fashiona coherentand positiveview
oftechnology fromthediversebodyofthoughtdevelopedbytheircon-
temporaries and predecessors. We willfollowthesomewhatearlierVic-
torineunderstanding ofthemechanicalartsin thepresentchapter.The
Arabic-Aristoteliantraditionon themechanical intheLatin
arts,initiated
West by Gundisalvoand further developedin the thirteenth century,
willbe takenup in thefifth chapter.
Hugh of St. Victor
Hugh of St. Victor,firstmonkand thenmasterat the abbeyof St.

VictornearParisfromtheilOOsuntilhis deathin 1141is, unquestion-
ably,one ofthemostimportant in thedevelopment
figures ofmedieval
ideas about technology.29Nicknamedby his contemporaries"a new
28
See below,ChapterV.
29
The bibliographyon Hugh of St. Victoris extensive.Especiallyvaluableforthein-
tellectualcontextoftheDidascalicon
aretheintroduction, notesand bibliographyinJerome
Taylor,The"Didascalicon" ofHughofSt. Victor:A Medieval GuidetotheArts,trans.Jerome
Taylor,RecordsofCivilization, Sourcesand Studies,64 (NewYorkandLondon:Columbia
University Press,1961).In addition,forHugh ofSt. Victor'slife,see Jerome Taylor,The
OriginandEarlyLifeofHughofSt. Victor: An Evaluation oftheTradition.
Textsand Studies
in theHistoryofMedievalEducation,5 (NotreDame, Indiana:The MediaevalInstitute,
1957);forhis thoughtin general,see RogerBaron,Science etsagessechezHuguesde Saint-
Victor(Paris:P. Lethielleux,1957)and EtudessurHuguesde Saint-Victor (Bruges:Desclee
de Brouwer,1963)and JohnPhilip Kleinz,TheTheory ofKnowledge ofHughofSt. Victor,
CatholicUniversity ofAmericaPhilosophical Studies,87 (Washington D.C.: CathoiicUni-
versityofAmericaPress,1944);and forHugh'smystical thought,BerylSmalley,TheStudy
oftheBiblein theMiddleAges(New York:Philosophical Library,
1952;rpt.NotreDame,
Indiana:University ofNotreDame Press,1970),83-105.HughofSt.Victorfigures prom-
inentlyin recenttreatments ofmedievaltechnology. Forbibliography on thisaspectofhis
thought,see above,ChapterI, pp. 17,18,20, and below,n. 32.
andtheMechanical
andThirteenth
Centuries 83
Augustine,"Hugh was a mystic, as wellas a theologianand educator.30

Besides producingthe Didascalicon he wrotemajorworkson theology,
includingtheDe sacramentis and severalshorteducational
christianaefidei,
textson practicalgeometry and grammar.31
Hugh is bestknownamongmodernscholars,however,forhisvision
ofthemechanicalartsas partofman'sreligiousand philosophical quest.
As scholarlyinterest in medievaltechnology has grown,so, also, have
estimations ofHugh's originality and importance. Whereasin 1904Rob-
ertFlint,in his thenstandardworkon theclassification ofthesciences,
describedHughas a "sicklyand feeble"recluse,sincethe1950sscholars
ofmedievalscienceand technology have consistentlysingledoutHugh
forpraise,describinghim as "remarkable,""revolutionary," "of par-
ticularinterest,"and "one ofthemostadventurous spiritsofhisage."32
The focusofthispraiseand attention is HughofSt.Victor'sconception
of the mechanicalarts,whichdescribesand definescraftsas a distinct
categoryof humanknowledgeexplicitly and comprehensively. In the
Didascaliconand also, in a condensedversion,in theEpitome Dindimiin
philosophiam Hugh describessevenmechanicalarts-fabric-making, ar-
mament,commerce,agriculture, hunting,medicineand theatrics-
looselycomparingthefirst threeto thetrivium and thelatterfourto the
quadrivium; together, the mechanicalartsconcerntheworksofhuman
laborwhichminister tothenecessitiesoflife.33 Theartesmechanicae com-
prise the thirdmajor divisionof philosophy,followingtheoretical
knowledge,made up ofmathematics, physics,and theology,and prac-
30 David Knowles,TheEvolution ofMedievalThought (Baltimore:HeliconPress,1962),

142.
31 Hugh of St. Victor, Hugonisde SanctoVictore Didascalicon
de studiolegendi:A Critical
Text,ed. CharlesHenryButtimer, CatholicUniversity ofAmericaStudiesinMedievaland
RenaissanceLatin,10 (Washington: CatholicUniversity ofAmericaPress,1939).The Di-
has beentranslated
dascalicon byTaylor,Didascalicon. Hugh'stheological worksincludeDe
sacramentis fidei(PL 176:173-618),De arcaNoemorali
christianae (PL 176:617-680)and De
arcaNoemystica (PL 176:681-712).Extracts fromthelattertwoworkshavebeentranslated
in HughofSaintVictor: SelectedSpiritualWritings,trans.bya ReligiousofC.S.M.V. (New
York:Harperand Row, 1968).Hugh's minoreducationalworks,Practica geometriae,
De
grammatica and Epitome Dindimi inphilosophiamareeditedinHugonis deSanctoVictoreopera
ed. RogerBaron,Publications
porpaedevtica, in MediaevalStudies,TheUniversity ofNotre
Dame, 20 (NotreDame, Indiana:University ofNotreDame Press,1966).Henceforth ref-
erencesto the Didascalicon will includepage numbersto bothTaylor'stranslation and
Buttimer'sedition(forexample,HughofSt.Victor, Didascalicon
1.11,Taylor,60 [Buttimer,
22]). References to the notesor introduction to the translationby Taylorwillbe given
simplyas Taylor,ed., Didascalicon, 4.
3 Robert Flint,Philosophyas Scientia andA History
Scientiarum, oftheSciences
ofClassification
(Edinburgh:W. Blackwood,1904),94; Weisheipl,"Classification of the Sciences,"65;
Crombie,Robert 21; White,"MedievalEngineering,"
Grossteste, 10;White,"CulturalCli-
mates,"196.See also thecomments byGuyBeaujouan,"Reflexions surles rapportsentre
theorieet pratiqueau moyenage," in Cultural Context ofMedievalLearning,438;Alessio,
"Filosofiae le 'artesmechanicae,"'111-116;Stemagel,ArtesMechanicae, 67. Forfurther
discussionof recentevaluationsof Hugh of St. Victor'simportance forthe historyof
medievaltechnology, see above,ChapterI.
3 Hugh of St. Victor, Didascalicon 2.20-27,Taylor,74-79(Buttimer, 38-44);cf.Epitome
2. 147-153,Baron,Operapropaedevtica, 192-193.
84 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
ticalknowledge,composedofpolitics,ethicsand economics.34 Thefunc-

tionsofthedifferent partsofknowledgeparalleleach other,forjustas
the theoreticalartsserveas theremedyforignorance,and thepractical
artsserveas the remedyforvice,the mechanicalartsare the remedy
forphysicalweakness.35 Hughadds logic,whichincludesgrammar and
the theoryofargument, as thefourthpartofknowledge.36
Hugh's arrangement of theoreticalknowledge,practicalknowledge
and logicis alreadysomewhatunusual,foritcombinestheAristotelian
and Boethiandivisionof philosophyintotheoretical and practicalarts
withthePlatonicand Augustinian divisionofknowledgeintophysics,
ethicsand logic.37The additionofthemechanicalartsbreakswithtra-
ditioneven moredecisively.Priorto theDidascalicon, "human"philos-
ophyhad generallyreferred to thepursuitofvirtue.38 Hugh,however,
locatesphilosophyfirmly in thetotality oflife.Becausemanis bothan
immortaland a mortalbeing,knowledgemustincludethecarewhich
mantakesto safeguardand makemorepleasanthismaterial existence.39
Since divinewisdomis "a kindofmoderator overall humanactions,"
the"theoretical considerationofallhumanactsand pursuitsbelongs with
equal fitnessto philosophy."40 Moreover,he says,"the same actionis
able to belongto philosophyas concernsits ideas and to be excluded
fromit as concernsits actualperformance," and therefore,the theory
ofagriculture belongsto thephilosopher, evenas theexecutionbelongs
to the farmer.4'
Hugh does notcompletely overturn thetraditioninheritedfroman-
tiquitythatcraftscouldnotproperly be consideredknowledge.Themost
obviousholdoveris Hugh'sdesignation ofthemechanicalartsas "adul-
terate,"becausetheyconcernhumanlaborand areimitative ofnature.42
This curiousassociationderivesfroma mistakenninth-century ety-
3 Hugh ofSt. Victor,Didascalicon2.1, Taylor,64 (Buttimer,24); Epitome2.132-146, Baron,

192.
Operapropaedevtica,
3 Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon6.14, Taylor, 152 (Buttimer,130); Epitome2.164-195,
Baron, Operapropaedevtica,193-194. This passage is translatedby Taylor,Didascalicon,12.
3 Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon1.11, Taylor,60 (Buttimer,22).
3 Taylor, ed., Didascalicon,
8.
3 Taylor, ed., Didascalicon,
183, n. 27.
39 Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon1.5, 1.7-8, Taylor, 51-52, 54-55 (Buttimer,12, 14-
16).
40 Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon1.4, Taylor,51 (Buttimer,11):
Quia enimde studiosapientiae idquesoilshominibus

loquisuscepimus, quodamnaturaeprivilegio
competere attestati
sumus,consequenternuncomniumhumanorum actuummoderatricem quan-
dam sapientiam posuissevidemur.... iamnon solumea studiain quibusvel de rerumnatura
vel disciplinaagiturmorum,verumetiamomniumhumanorum actuumseu studiorum rationes,
non incongrue ad philosophiam dicemus.
pertinere
4' Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon1.4, Taylor,51 (Buttimer,11): "Potest namque idem
actus et ad philosophiam pertineresecundum rationemsuam, et ab ea excludi secundum

administrationem,verbigratia,ut de praesentiloquamur: agriculturaeratiophilosophi est,
administratiorustici."
4 Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon1.8, 1.9, 2.20, Taylor,55, 56, 75 (Buttimer,16, 39).
Artsin theTwelfth
andtheMechanical
Centuries 85
mologywhichidentified theGreekwrixavi,(machine)with,uoqxo6(adul-
terer).43 ofHugh'soverallverypositiveattitude
Itis symptomatic toward
themechanicalartsthathe does notdwellupon or explaintheir"adul-
terate"natureand thedesignation has proveda puzzle bothto his me-
dieval and his modernreaders.'
Hugh's insistenceon thevalidityofincludingcraftsamongthelegit-
Lmateparts of knowledge comes throughnot only in his theoreticalar-
gumentsin supportofthisview,butalso in his descriptions
ofthearts
themselves.Hugh coverseach of the mechanicalartsin detail,giving
themequal space withtheology,
physicsand themathematical arts.His
accountdisplaysa pragmatic,
livelyconcernfordifferentaspectsofcraft-
manship.Under"armament,"forexample,Hugh namesvarioustypes
ofweaponsand armor,as wellas thetoolsand activities
ofthecarpenter
and otherbuilders,who "work with mattocksand hatchets,the fileand
beam, the saw and auger, planes, vises, the trowel and the level,
smoothing, hewing, cutting,filing,carving,joining, daubing in every
sort of material."45Hugh's descriptionof fabric-makingsimilarlysug-
gests a knowledgeable layman's interestin craftand its products:
Fabricmakingincludesall the kindsof weaving,sewing,and twisting which

are accomplishedby hand, needle,spindle,awl, skeinwinder,comb,loom,
crisper,iron,or any otherinstruments whatever;out of any materialmade of
flaxor fleece,or anysortofhide,whetherscrapedorhairy,outofcaneas well,
or cork,or rushes,or hair,or tufts,or any materialof thissortwhichcan be
used forthemakingofclothes,coverings, drapery,blankets,saddles,carpets,
nets,ropes;out ofstrawtoo,fromwhichmen
curtains,napkins,felts,strings,
usuallymaketheirhatsandbaskets.Allthesepursuits belongtofabricmaking.46
4 Taylor, Didascalicon,191, n. 64; M. L. W. Laistner, ed., "Notes on Greek fromthe

Lectures ofa NinthCenturyMonasteryTeacher," BulletinoftheJohnRylandsLibrary 7 (1922-
23):439.
4 Baron, Scienceet sagesse,78, dismisses the label "adulterine" as etymologicalword
play and Sternagel,"ArtesMechanicae,"sees Hugh's use of the termas an attemptto make
an oft-repeatedtag more positive (73). Chenu, Nature,Man and Society,44, interpretsthe
phrase as meaning that the mechanical arts adulterate the spiritualdignityof man by
associating it with matterbut Paolo Rossi, Philosophy, Technologyand theArtsin theEarly
ModernEra, trans. Salvator Attanasio (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), 138, stresses
the implication of the inferiority of human art to nature. Ovitt, RestorationofPerfection,
118, ascribes to Hugh the view thatthe mechanical arts are "tainted" on the basis of the
label as adulterate.
45 Hugh of St. Victor, Didascalicon2.22, Taylor, 76 (Buttimer,40): ". . in dolabris et
securibus,lima et assiculo, serraet terebro,runcinis,artavis,examussi,polientes,dolantes,
sculpentes, limantes, scalpentes, compingentes,linientiesin quadlibet materia."
46 Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon2.21, Taylor, 75 (Buttimer,39-40):
Lanificium continet omniatexendi,consuendi,retorquendi genera,quae fiuntmanu,acu, fuso,

subula,girgillo, sivealiisquibuslibet
chilindro,
pectine,alibro,calamistro, ex quac-
instrumentis,
umque lini vel lanae materiaet omni genere pellium erasarum vel pilos habentium,cannabis
quoque,velsuberis,iuncorum, pilorum, floccorum,autaliaqualibetrehuiuscemodi, quae inusum
vestimentorum, operimentorum linteorumsagorum, sagmatum, substratoriorum, ma-
cortinarum,
tularum, filtrorum chordarum,cassium,funium, redigipotest.straminaquoqueex quibusgaleros
et sportulastexeresolenthomines.haecomniastudiaad lanificium pertinent.
86 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
Hugh's account of commerce (navigatio)is especially striking.The

praise he bestows contrastssharplywith the more typicalclerical sus-
picion of business as an immoraland disruptiveactivity:47
Commercecontainseverysortof dealingin thepurchase,sale, and exchange

of domesticor foreigngoods. This artis beyondall doubta peculiarsortof
rhetoric-strictlyof itsown kind-foreloquenceis in thehighestdegreenec-
essaryto it. Thus the man who excelsothersin fluencyof speechis calleda
Mercurius,or mercury, as beinga mercatorum
kirrius verylordamong
(kyrios)-a
merchants.Commercepenetratesthe secretplaces of the world,approaches
shoresunseen,exploresfearful and intonguesunknownand with
wildernesses,
barbaricpeoplescarrieson thetradeofmankind.The pursuitofcommerce rec-
oncilesnations,calmswars,strengthens peace,and commutes theprivategood
of individualsintothecommonbenefitofall.48
Hugh's descriptionsof the mechanical arts serve to support his un-

derlyingconcept of the role of technologyin human life. Unlike earlier
classifications,the rubricartesmechanicae is explicitlydefined by Hugh
as a generic termforall crafts,which, he says, we see in "infiniteva-
rieties" around us.49 His list of the arts is clearlydesigned to be com-
prehensive withoutviolatingthelogicaland rhetoricalnecessityfornam-
ing seven arts to match the seven liberal arts. "Armament" is a broad
group which includes not only weaponry but also architecture,carpen-
tryand metal-working;"hunting" includes food gathering,cookeryand
the selling and servingof food and drink;and "theatrics"refersto all
sorts of entertainmentsand games.50These rubricsare clearlyintended
to be categories of arts,ratherthan simplyreferringto a single craft.
To what extentdoes Hugh's descriptionof the mechanicalartsreflect
4 On conflicting attitudestoward commerce,see Chenu, Nature,Man and Society,224

and Le Goff, "Licit and IllicitTrades," in Time, Workand Culture,58-70; "Trades and
Professionsas Representedin Medieval Confessors'Manuals," in Time,Workand Culture,
107-121; "Merchant's Time and Church's Time in the Middle Ages," in Time,Workand
Culture,29-42. See also Georges Duby, TheThreeOrders:Feudal SocietyImagined,trans.
ArthurGoldhammer (Chicago and London: The Universityof Chicago Press, 1980), 322-
353andJohnW. Baldwin,Masters, andMerchants:
Princes TheSocialViewsofPetertheChanter
and his Circle(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1970), 1:261-311.
48 Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon2.23, Taylor, 76-77 (Buttimer,41):
Navigatiocontinet
omnemin emendis,vendendis, mutandis, domesticis siveperegrinismercibus
negotiationem.haec rectissime
quasiquaedamsui generisrhetorica est,eo quod huicprofessioni
eloquentiamaximesitnecessaria.unde et hic qui faciundiaepraeessedicitur,Mercurius, quasi
mercatorum kirrius,id est,Dominusappellatur.haec secretamundipenetrat, litorainvisaadit,
desertahorridalustrat,et cumbarbarisnationibus et linguisincognitis
commercia humanitatis
exercet.huiusstudiumgentesconciliat,
bellasedat,pacemfirmat, etprivatabonaad communem
usumomniumimmutat.
4 Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon1.9, Taylor,56 (Buttimer,17): "Hac eadem pinendi,

texendi, sculpendi, fundendi,infinitagenera exorta sunt, ut iam cum natura ipsum mir-
emur artificem."
5 Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon2.22, 2.25, 2.27, Taylor, 76, 77-78 (Buttimer,40-41,
42-43, 44).
HughofSt. Victor
andtheMechanical
Artsin theTwelfth
andThirteenth
Centuries 87
the actual technological developmentof the earlytwelfth century?In

partbecause ofhis theoretical and philosophicalorientation,Hugh has
been accusedofrelying overmuch uponliterary convention and ofbeing
overlymetaphorical and "bookish,"especiallywithreference to his ac-
countof commerce.5'Whileit is truethatHugh makesno mentionof
"state-of-the-art"technology, suchas thestirrup, heavyplow,windmill,
e(tc.and some of his discussionundeniablyis drawnfromthewritten
wvordratherthan personalobservation,his descriptionsof ordinary,
every-day productsand tools,suchas thedescription oftextile-making
a1ndcarpentry quotedabove,are specific, knowledgeable and, as faras
is presentlyknown,his own.52At leastsome oftheinformation Hugh
piresents on craftsmayverywell have come fromwhathe saw about
hiimin the abbeyofSt. Victoror thenearbycityofParis.His approval
commerce,whilecertainly
olDf couchedin rhetorical language,mayalso
reflect Hugh's awarenessoftherisein thestatusofthemerchant in the
twelfth centuryand the gradualshiftfroma predominantly ruraland
agricultural societytoa moreurbanand commercial one.53Hugh'sprag-
maticand observantattitude, moreover, is notat odds withhisreligious
and philosophicalconcernsbuta partofthem.The convergence ofhis
interests, as well as his awarenessofmaritime commerceis illustrated
by some of his commentsin a discussionof Noah's ark. Priorto his
discussionofthespiritualmeaningoftheArk,in whichhe remarkson
its literalshape, Hugh arguesagainstOrigen'scontention thattheArk
was builtin theshape ofa pyramidon thebasis ofcontemporary ship
design:"foritis indisputable thatso massivea structure, ladenwithso
manyand suchlargeanimals,and also withprovisions,couldnotpos-
siblykeep afloatwhen the waterscame,unless the greaterportionof
itsbulkwereat thebottom;thisfactwe can putto theprooftodaywith
shipsthatcarryheavyloads."5' Hugh also displayssometechnological
imaginationwhen he suggeststhatchambersopen to the sea on one
side were constructed on the outersurfaceof the arkto accommodate
51 GuyH. Allard,"Les artsmecaniquesaux yeuxde l'ideologiemedievale,"in Lesarts

mecaniquesau moyen dge,Cahiersd'etudesmedievales7 (Montreal:Bellarmin, 1982),21-
22; AndreVermeirre, "La navigation d'apresHuguesde Saint-Victor etd'apresla pratique
au XIesiele," inArtsmecaniques, 51-61and Chenu,Nature, ManandSociety, 44,n. 94. Cf.
M.-D. Chenu,"Civilisation urbaineet theologie:L'Ecolede Saint-Victor au XIIesiele,"
Annales29 (1974):1253-1263, in whichChenucitestheDidascalicon, including thepassage
on commerce, as evidenceofresponsetomedievalsociety'sshift fromruralandseigneurial
to morecommercial and urban.
52 Taylor,ed., Didascalicon,
205-206,has identified thosesectionsofHugh'sdiscussion
whichare quotations.Theyare largelyfromIsidore'sEtymologiae and theIsagogeofJo-
hannitiusto Galen.
53 Chenu,"Civilisation urbaineet theologie,"1254,1263.
5 Hugh ofSt. Victor, De arcaNoemorali, 12in Selected Writings,
Spiritual 60 (PL 176:626-
627):"Cui sententiae plurarefrageri
videntur, primum quod haecformaad natandumnon
videturesse idonea. Constatnamquetantaemolismachinam, totet tantisonustamani-
malibus,atquecibariis, nequaquamitapotuissesupematarevenientibus aquis,ut nonex
magnapartesui deorsumpremeretur; cuiusreiexperimentum adhuccaperepossumusin
navibusmagnagestantibus onera."
88 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
animalssuch as theotterand theseal whichlivebothin thewaterand

the dryland.55
Hugh, however,is not a craftsman and his concernis clearlymore
witha theoreticaljustification oftechnology thanwithtechniquesthem-
selves. His importance lies in thehistoryof ideas abouttechnology-
an importance whichbecomesincreasingly apparentas his relationship
to earlierapproachesto craftis clarified. Hugh's conceptionoftheme-
chanicalartsdid notappearin a vacuumbutdevelopedoutofa specific
philosophicalmilieu.His pragmatic, literalapproachis strongly remi-
niscentof earlymedievalattitudestowardcraftsand some of Hugh's
descriptionsof the mechanicalartsare drawnfromIsidore'sEtymolo-
gies.56 The skeletonconceptof seven mechanicalartsparallelingthe
seven liberalartsoriginated, as we have seen, in the ninthcentury.57
The identificationofthemechanical artsas "adulterine"has beentraced
to thetenth-century scholar,MartinofLaon.58Manyoftheartsincluded
as mechanicalartsbyHughwereearlierdescribedbyIsidoreofSeville,
includingthe unusual theatrica.59 Hugh also quotesverbatim, without
acknowledgment, the Isidoriandefinition Hugh, in ad-
of mechanica.60
dition,was profoundly influenced by Augustine.Not onlydid Hugh
adapt generalAugustinian ideas to supporthis conceptofthemechan-
ical arts,but he mayhave also derivedhis specificlistingofthesearts
fromAugustine.61 JeromeTaylor'sassessmentof the Didascalicon as
"botha summaryand an extensionofthisdidactictradition . .. bound
to it in mostofitsmaterialsand in aspectsofitsform,yetprovidinga
new synthesisofthematerials, a synthesisremarkable foritsoriginality
and its wholeness"is particularly apt forHugh's treatment oftheme-
chanicalarts.62Hugh, however,goes muchfurther towarda compre-
hensiveunderstanding oftechnology as a distinct
sphereofhumanac-
tivitythan do any of his known sources. In Books I and II of the
Didascalicon Hugh presentsa carefulcase in defenseof the dignityof
5 HughofSt. Victor,De arcaNoemorali, 12in Selected

Spiritual
Writings, 60 (PL 176:616).
206,n. 74.
57 See above ChapterIII. SinceJohntheScotdoes notnamethemechanical artsindi-
vidually,the sourceof Hugh's namesis a problem.Alessio,"Filosofiae le 'artesme-
chanicae,"' 114-116has suggestedAugustine,CityofGod22.24as Hugh's sourceand
Sternagel, ArtesMechanicae,
pointstoa lateancientGreek-Latin glossary, theHermeneumata,
whichis knownto existin ninth-and tenth-century manuscripts (76-77).Anotherpos-
is IsidoreofSeville'sEtymologiae;
sibility see note59,below.
191n. 64.
5 For the tableof contents to Isidoreof Seville,Etymologiae,
ed. Lindsay,see above
ChapterIII, n. 46.
60 HughofSt.Victor, Didascalicon2.20,Taylor,75(Buttimer,39): "Mechanicaestscientia
ad quam fabricam omniumrerumconcurrere dicunt."
61 For Hugh's dependenceon Augustine forhis ideas on knowledgesee Kleinz,The
Theory ofKnowledge ofHughofSt. Victor, 16-31and Taylor,Didascalicon, 11-14.Alessio,
"Filosofiae la 'artesmechanicae,"'114-116suggestsAugustine,CityofGod22.24as the
sourceforthenamesofHugh's sevenmechanicalarts;however,see discussionofthis
passage above,ChapterII, and belowpp. 97-98.
3-4.
andtheMechanical andThirteenth
Centuries 89
craftsand theirinclusionas a partofphilosophythroughthereworking

of moretraditional ideas, usingthemas buildingblocksto emphasize
the importanceofthemechanicalarts.
Underlying Hugh's conceptofthemechanicalartsand philosophyis
his conceptionofman as botha physicaland a spiritual being.Hugh's
thoughtherehas parallelswithothertwelfth-century thinkerswho em-
phasized the combinationof the corporealand incorporealin man's
:aature.63
Hugh,however,is unusuallyforceful in histransferenceofan
,Awareness of the physicallifeof man to the provinceof philosophy.
Philosophyseekstorestoretheconnection betweenthehumansouland
Divine Wisdom.i4But because philosophyconformsto the whole of
humannature,it mustincludethoseactionsmen taketo "cherishand
conserve"theirmortalpart.65
The purposeofphilosophy,moreover, is governedby Hugh's vision
offallenman,damagedin all aspectsofhisnature.66 ForHugh,theFall
is thecentralfactofman'shistorical and presentcondition.Originalsin
has stupefiedthe mind,corruptedand infectedhumannature.Men,
livingin "a greatchaos of forgetfulness" findthemselvesignorantof
wisdom,desirousofevil,and theirfleshsickenedwithmortality.67 We
are restored,however,throughknowledgeto ournatural,pre-lapsarian
condition.The threeevilsofignorance,viceand physicalweaknesscan
be counteredbythethreeremediesofthetheoretical sciences,theprac-
ticalartsand themechanicalarts.
The intention of all humanactionis resolvedin a commonobjective:eitherto

restorein us thelikenessofthedivineimageortotakethought forthenecessity
of thislife,which,themoreeasilyit can suffer harmfromthosethingswhich
workto its disadvantage,the moredoes it requireto be cherishedand con-
served.68
The workofrestoration thereforeencompassesall aspectsofhumanlife

and involvesthereliefof our physicaldeficiencies
as well as thepuri-
ficationand sharpeningofthemindand will.
In its generaloutlines,Hugh's understandingof the Fall and resto-
rationthroughtheartshas itsrootsin patristic
and, especially,Augus-
63 Chenu,Nature, ManandSociety, 24-26.

64 Hugh ofSt. Victor,Didascalicon 1.1,Taylor,46 (Buttimer, 4).
65 Ibid., 1.7,Taylor,54 (Buttimer, 15).
6 Ibid.,1.1,Taylor, 47 (Buttimer,6). Kleinz,TheTheory ofKnowledge ofHughofSt.Victor,
16-20,discussestherelationship oftheFalland knowledgein Hugh's De sacramentis.
67 Hugh ofSt. Victor, Epitome 2.164,ed. Baron,193-194.
' Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon 1.7, Taylor,54 (Buttimer,15): "ex quo colligipotest
id quod supradictumest,quod videlicetomniumhumanarum actionumad huncfinem
concurrit intentio,ut vel divinaeimaginissimilitudo in nobisrestauretur,vel huiusvitae
necessitudini consulatur, quae quo faciliuslaedi potestadversis,eo magisfoveriet con-
servariindiget."
90 Artsfrom
through Century
tinian,thought.69 Hugh takesfromAugustinethefundamental ideal of

humanlifeas progresstowardthevisionof God and educationas an
essentialingredient in thisjourney.70More specifically,Hugh owes to
Augustinehis sense oftheFallas a pervasiveand disastrouseventcast-
ing its shadow over man's existenceand his readingof Genesisas a
kind of blueprintor standardforpast and futurehumanbehavior.71
Augustine,unlikeotherChurchFathers,could conceiveof a Paradise
in whichAdam and Eve not onlyhad a sexualnaturebut performed
physicallaborand practicedthe craftof agriculture.72 Yet Augustine,
like the otherpatristicwriters,regardedrestoration as an exclusively
spiritualtask.Insofaras thebodywas regardedas antithetical to man's
truenature,Adam, the trueman,liveda completely spirituallifeand
a returnto the pre-lapsarian conditioncould onlybe accomplishedby
sheddingbodilyneeds and desires.73 ForHugh,however,theworkof
restoration includedtherepairof man's physicallife,notby reducing
thatlifeto a minimum orattempting toeliminateitentirely,
butbyusing
theopportunity toinvent"better things"forhimself.Moreover, through
its relationshipto man's finalend, the pursuitof the mechanicalarts
acquiredreligiousand moralsanction.
In supportofhis conceptionofphilosophyas encompassingthe to-
talityof life,and specificallyin supportof the mechanicalarts,Hugh
incorporates a discussionof cosmologyintoBook 1 of the Didascalicon
(chapters6, 7 and 8). As JeromeTaylorhas pointedout,theseactions
serveto placethemechanicalartsin a universalsetting, connecting their
function withthataspectofhumannaturewhichis partofthetemporal,
sublunaryworldand subjectto necessity.74 Immediately following this
discussion,Hugh,in a remarkable chapterwhichdeservestobe quoted
in full,bringstogetherfacetsoftherelationship ofthemechanicalarts
to the humancondition,natureand God:
69 For the idea of restoration thought,see GerhartB. Ladner,TheIdeaof
in patristic
Reform: ItsImpactonChristianThought andAction intheAgeoftheFathers, reviseded. (Cam-
bridge,Mass.: HarvardUniversity Press,1959,rpt.New York,Evanstonand London:
Harperand Row,HarperTorchbooks, 1967).
70 Ladner,IdeaofReform, 153-203,373,377;see, also, PeterHarteBaker,"LiberalArts
as Philosophical St. Augustine'sDe Magistro,"
Liberation: in Artsliberauxetphilosophie au
moyen dge;Actesdu quatrieme Congres international
de Philosophie
Medievale (Paris:Libraire
PhilosophiqueJ.Vrin,1969),469-479.
11-15.
72 Augustine, CityofGod14.26,SanctiAureliiAugustini episcopiDe civitateDei, ed. B.
Dombart(Leipzig:B. G. Teubner,1928),2:53-55;De Genesi adlitteram 8.8and8.10inOeuvres
de SaintAugustin, 7thseries,49, La GenWseau senslitteral
endouzelivres, ed. and trans.P.
Agaesse and A. Solignac,34, 42. Thereis an interesting illustrationoftheCityofGod,c.
1100,in whichtheCityofCainis depictedas a battlefield and theCityofGodas a pastoral
scene ofplowingand sowing;Evans(Medieval Drawings, pl. 47). The plowis a carefully
drawnrepresentation ofa swingor heavyplough.
73 Augustine's idea ofreform and restorationis morecenteredon man'sterrestrial life
and less contingent on a withdrawal fromtheworldthanthatoftheGreekFathersbut
remainsexclusively and moralin content;
spiritual Ladner,IdeaofReform, 106-107,153-
167,190-191.
7 Taylor,ed., Didascalicon,10.
andtheMechanical
andThirteenth
Centuries 91
Now therearethreeworks-theworkofGod,theworkofnature,and thework

who imitatesnature.The workof God is to createthatwhich
of the artificer,
was not,whencewe read,"In thebeginningGod createdheavenand earth";
theworkofnatureis tobringforth intoactualitythatwhichlayhidden,whence
we read,"Lettheearthbringforth thegreenherb,"etc.;theworkoftheartificer
is to put togetherthingsdisjoinedor to disjointhoseput together, whencewe
read,"Theysewedthemselves aprons."Fortheearthcannotcreatetheheaven,
nor can man,who is powerlessto add a merespan to his stature,bringforth
thegreenherb.Amongtheseworks,thehumanwork,becauseitis notnature
but onlyimitative ofnature,is fitlycalledmechanical, thatis adulterate,
justas
a skeletonkeyis calleda "mechanical"key.How theworkof theartificer in
each case imitatesnatureis a longand difficult matterto pursuein detail.For
illustration,however,we can show thematterbriefly as follows:The founder
who casts a statuehas gazed upon man as his model. The builderwho has
constructed a househas takenintoconsideration a mountain, for,as theProphet
declares,"Thou sendestforthspringsin thevales; betweenthe midstof the
hillsthe watersshallpass"; as theridgesof mountainsretainno water,even
so does a houserequiretobe framed intoa highpeakthatitmaysafelydischarge
theweightofpouringrains.He who firstinventedtheuse ofclotheshad con-
sideredhow each ofthegrowingthingsone by one has itspropercoveringby
whichto protectitsnaturefromoffense.Barkencirclesthetree,feathers cover
the bird,scales encase the fish,fleececlothesthesheep,hairgarbscattleand
wildbeasts,a shellprotects thetortoise,and ivorymakestheelephantunafraid
of spears. But it is not withoutreason thatwhile each livingthingis born
equipped withits own naturalarmor,man alone is broughtforthnaked and
unarmed.For it is fitting thatnatureshouldprovidea plan forthosebeings
whichdo notknowhow to careforthemselves, butthatfromnature'sexample,
a betterchancefortrying thingsshouldbe providedto manwhenhe comesto
deviseforhimself byhisown reasoningthosethingsnaturally giventoall other
animals.Indeed,man'sreasonshinesforthmuchmorebrilliantly in inventing
theseverythingsthaneveritwouldhave,had mannaturally possessedthem.
Nor is it withoutcause thattheproverbsays:"Ingeniouswanthathmothered
all thearts."Wantitis whichhas devisedall thatyou see mostexcellent in the
occupationsofmen.Fromthistheinfinite varietiesofpainting, weaving,carv-
ing,and founding havearisen,so thatwe lookwithwondernotat naturealone
but at theartificeras well.75
7 Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon1.9, Taylor,55-56 (Buttimer,16-17):
Suntetenimtriaopera,id est,opus Dei, opus naturae,opus artificisimitantis naturam. opus Dei

est,quod non eratcreare.undeillud:In principio creavitDeus caelumet terram. opus naturae,
quod latuitad actumproducere. undeillud:Producatterraherbamvirentem etc.opus artificis
est
disgregataconiungere vel coniunctasegregare.unde illud:Consuerunt sibiperizomata.neque
enimpotuitvel terracaelumcreare,vel homoherbamproducere, qui nec palmumad staturam
suam adderepotest.in his tribusoperibusconvenienter opus humanum,quod naturanon est
sed imitaturnaturam, mechanicum id est,adulterinumnominatur, quemadmodum et clavissub-
introductamechanicadicitur.qualiterautemopus artificis imiteturnaturam, longumestet one-
rosumprosequipersingula.qui statuamfudit, hominem intuitus est. qui domum fecit,montem
respexit.quia enim,ut ait propheta,qui emittisfontesin convallibus, intramediummontium
perstransibunt aquae. eminentia montiumaquas non retinet. ita domusin altumquoddamca-
cumenlevandafuit,ut irruentium tempestatum molestiastutoexcipereposset.qui usumvesti-
mentorum primusadinvenit, consideravitquod singulaquaeque nascentium propriaquaedam
habeantmunimenta quibusnaturam suamab incommodis defendunt. cortex ambitarborem, penna
tegitvelucrempiscemsquamaoperit,lana oveminduitpilusiumentaetferasvestit,conchates-
92 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
The broad contextof thispassage, togetherwiththe two chapters

precedingit, is the classicaltoposof the natureand dignityof man.
AlthoughHugh's versionis severelycondensed,he echoessomeofthe
commonthemeswhichtypically appearedin classicaland patristic
dis-
cussionsofhumandignity, includingman'suniquepossessionofbody
and soul and theimportance oftheartsbothas an expressionofhuman
ingenuityand powerand as a remedyforman's physicalinfirmities.
The expressionof these ideas is in some respectsrepresentative of
twelfth-century humanismand appearsintheworkofBernardSilvestris
and the authorof thePhilosophia attributedto Williamof Conchesand
others.76Hugh's discussion,however,is unusualin itsemphasison the
technological.Ifwe breakthispassageup intoitscomponentparts,we
findan intricate reworkingofclassicaland patristic themes,juxtaposed
with each otherso as to emphasizeman's capacityfortechnological
inventionas an essentialand uniquecharacteristic ofhumannature.
The comparisonofthethreeworksofman,natureand God is drawn
fromChalcidius'scommentary on theTimaeus. Chalcidiusmeantbythe
the
"workof nature" orderingpower of theanima mundi;by thework
of the who
artificer, imitates nature,generallyany humanactivity re-
flectingthatorder.7 In Hugh's interpretationthe threeworks become
threedifferent levelsofartisticproduction, whichhe illustrates,
appro-
priately,withquotationsfromGenesis.78 Thereference toGenesisserves
notonlytohelpexplainhuman,divineand naturalproduction, butalso
to locatehumanproduction in Christianhistory.Hugh tiesthefactsof
tudinemexcipit,eburelephantem iaculanontimerefacit.nectamensinecausafactum estquod,
cumsingulaanimantium naturaesuae armasecumnatahabeant,solushomoinermis nascitur
et
nudus. oportuitenimut illis,quae sibiproviderenesciunt, hominiautemex
naturaconsuleret,
hocetiammajorexperiendi cumilla,quae ceteris
occasiopraestaretur, naturaliter
datasunt,propria
multoenimnuncmagisenitetratiohominishaec eademinveniendo
rationesibiinveniret. quam
habendoclaruisset.nec sinecausa proverbiumsonatquod:
"Ingeniosafamesomnesexcuderit artes."
hac equidemrationeilla quae nuncexcellentissimain studiishominum vides,repertasunt.hac
eadem pingendi,texendi,sculpendi,fundendi, infinitageneraexortasunt,ut iam cum natura
ipsummiremur artificem.
76 R. W. Southern,MedievalHumanismand OtherStudies(New York: Harper and Row,

HarperTorchbook, 1970),39-43,findstheexpression ofthedignity and nobility ofman
verycommonin thethetwelfth century.The 'Philosophia'is discussedbelow,pp. 105-
106.
7 Chalcidius, Commentary 1.23in Timaeus;
A Calcidotranslatuscommentarioque instructus,
ed. J.H. Waszinkinassociation withP. J.Jensen,Vol.4 inPlatoLatinus(London:Warburg
Institute,
1962;Leiden:E. J.Brill,1962),73-74.
78 Taylor,ed. Didascalicon,
27,190n. 59discussesdifferencesbetweenChalcidius's mean-
ing and Hugh's. For Hugh's generaltendencyto readaptheterodoxtestsforhis own
purposes,see Taylor,Didascalicon, 19-28.In his In Ecclesiasten
homiliae,14 (PL 175:215-
216) Hugh speaksoffourworks,distinguishing betweenthe"workoftheartificer with
nature"and the"workoftheartificer alonewithoutnature."A comparison ofthethree
worksalso appearsin WilliamofConches'scommentaries on Boethius'sConsolation and
Plato'sTimaeus inJoseph-Marie Parent,La doctrine
delacreationdansl'ecoledeChartres(Paris:
LibrairePhilosophiqueJ.Vrin,1938),127-128,147-148and GlosaesuperPlatonem: Texte
ed. EdouardJeauneau(Paris:Librairie
critique, Philosophique J.Vrin,1965),104-105.The
significanceofthisthemein thetwelfth centuryis discussedin Chenu,Nature, Manand
40-41.
Society,
Centuries 93
history,forwhichtheBiblewas a keysource,to a religiousframework

yetat the same timehe neverlosta sense oftheliteralsignificance of
events.79The processof restoration has, forhim,a concrete,factual
dimensionin partexpressedin theinvention, development and practice
ofthearts,whichhavenotonlytheirtheoretical originsintheconditions
of the post-lapsarian worldbut theirhistoricaloriginsas well. Hence
Hugh explicitly identifies themechanicalartswiththefirstactofAdam
and Eve in the fallenworld-the makingof clothing-andelsewhere
in the Didascalicon,which,it shouldbe remembered, is a guideforthe
studyof philosophyas well as a classification of knowledge,gives a
capsule historyoftheartsand theirimportant authorsand texts.80
The relationship of theworkof the artificer to thatof natureis one
of imitation.Yet,whileHugh does notrejecttheidea thatthepowers
of artare inferior to thoseof nature,he also suggeststhatthe artisan
can rivalnature:"We look withwondernotat naturealone but at the
artificeras well." Moreover,whereastheoriginalAristotelian meaning
of art imitating naturereferred to the processby whicheach imposed
formupon matter, Hugh meanstheintelligent observation ofnatureby
the artisanin orderto make an analogousproduct.8' The exampleof
naturegives guidanceforhumaneffort to surpasswhatnaturealone
can provide.
The dignityof the mechanicalartslies finallyin the way in which
theyprovidean occasionforthe exerciseof humanreasonand supe-
riority.In Didascalicon 1.9 Hugh uses a time-honored toposcontrasting
man'sinferior physicalcondition"nakedand unarmed"withhisunique
possessionofbothhandsand reasonwhichtogether renderhimcapable
of the arts.This figure,whichwas oftenpartofthebroaderthemeof
thedignityofman,providesa valuablelocusforideas abouttechnology
7 On Hugh's sensitivity to historyand his insistence,in contrastto Augustine,on

"temporalrealism"in discussionofGenesis,see Chenu,Nature, ManandSociety, 165-173.
See also thediscussionofAugustine and HughofSt.Victorin A. G. Molland,"Medieval
Ideas ofScientificProgress,"Journal oftheHistoryofIdeas39 (1978):562-564.
8 HughofSt. Victor,Didascalicon 3.2,Taylor,83-86(Buttimer, 49-52).Forthetradition
behindHugh's information on theinventors ofthearts,see BrianP. Copenhaver,"The
Historiography ofDiscovery intheRenaissance: TheSourcesandComposition ofPolydore
Vergil's'De inventoribus rerum,'vols. 1-3," Journal
oftheWarburg andCourtauld Institutes
41 (1978):193-222.Hugh,unlikeArnoldofBonneval,RupertofDeutzand Godfrey ofSt.
Victor(see n. 18 and n. 19 above),ascribestheinvention ofmostofthemechanical arts
to gagan authors.
S Thereis a discussion comparableto Hugh's on how theartisanimitatesnaturein
WilliamofConches'scommentary on theTimaeus in GlosaesuperPlatonem, ed. Jeauneau,
104-105;Parent,Doctrine dela creation,
104.ForAristotle'sunderstanding ofartimitating
nature,see M. J.Charlesworth, Aristotle
onArtandNature, AucklandUniversity College
BulletinNo. 50, PhilosophySeriesno. 2 (Auckland:AucklandUniversity Press,1957).
Crombie,Robert Grossteste,
translates"qualiterautemopus artificis
imitetur naturam, lon-
gum est et onerosumprosequiper singula"(Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon, Buttimer,
16)as "buthow theworkoftheartificer imitatesnatureis bylongandburdensome pursuit
ofparticulars."
94 Artsfrom
theThirteenth
through
fromantiquity throughtheRenaissance,and itshistory some

illustrates
of the complexity ofWesternattitudes.82
thetoposgoesbackatleasttoPlatoand Aristotle,
In classicalliterature,
in whom the kernelof laterclassicaland medievalversionsis already
apparent.83 The "manunarmed"figure, whichis also used byEpictetus
and Pliny,reacheditsfullestdevelopment in Galen'sDe usu
in antiquity
partiumand Cicero'sDe naturadeorum, in whichcraftsexemplify the
power,ingenuity and adaptability ofthehumanrace.'
Hugh's use ofthistheme,however,does notrepresent a straightfor-
ward reworking of theseclassicaltexts.The sourcespossiblyavailable
to himwere,withtheexceptionofPliny'sNatural History, works
entirely
of the ChurchFathers.85 versionsthe "dignityof man"
In its patristic
theme,as wellas thenarrower toposof"manunarmed,"seemsto have
been moreskepticalaboutthevalue of crafts.Ideas of humandignity
were complicated,on one level,by Genesis1:26,"And God said, Let
us makemanin ourimage,afterourlikeness,"and 1:28,man'smandate
ofdominionovertheanimals,and,on a deeperlevel,byJudeo-Christian
ideas on man's fallenconditionand the processof restoration to his
true,pre-lapsarian nature.86 As CharlesTrinkaushas pointedout (he
82 For the conceptof thedignity ofmanand bibliography on thesubject,see Charles

Trinkaus,"In OurImageandLikeness": Humanity andDivinity inItaliianHumanist Thought
(Chicago:University ofChicagoPress,1970),2 vols.,thearticlebyTrinkaus in Dictionary
oftheHistory ofIdeas:StudiesofSelected PivotalIdeas,s.v. "RenaissanceIdea oftheDignity
ofMan," and forpatristic and earlymedievalauthors,EugenioGarin,"La 'dignitashom-
inis' e la litteraturapatristica,"La Rinascita 1 (1938):102-146. The figureofman "naked
and unarmed"is notedin passingbyTrinkaus, "In OurImageand Likeness,"2:104,280-
281and byGerhart Ladner,"ThePhilosophical Anthropology ofSaintGregory ofNyssa,"
Dumbarton OaksPapers12 (1958):68.
83 Plato,Protagoras320d-321d,LoebClassicalLibrary, 128-132;Aristotle,PartsofAnimals
4.10, Loeb ClassicalLibrary, 373.
4 Galen,De usupartium 1.2-3.6,ed. C. G. KuhninG. ClaudiiGaleni OperaOmnia(Leipzig:
Teubner,1822;rpt.Hildesheim:GeorgOlmsVerlagsbuchhandlung, 1964),3:3-9;Cicero,
De naturadeorum 2.150-163,ed. ArthurStanleyPease (Cambridge, Mass.: HarvardUni-
versity Press,1958),939-964.Epictetus, MoralDiscourses. 1.16,1-2,LoebClassicalLibrary
(London:Heinemann,1925),108-110.
85 Thesourcespossibly accessibletoHughincludeNemesiusofEmesa,De natura hominis
in theeleventh-century translation byAlfanus,(Nemesii EpiscopiPremnon physiconsive'fepi
cicEOsq &vcp&ffovlibera n. AlfanoArchiepiscopo Salerni,ed. CarolusBurkhard (Leipzig:Teub-
ner,1917),Gregory ofNyssa,De hominis opificioin theninth-century translationbyJohn
theScot,underthetitleSermo deimagine, orthelatefifth-century translationbyDionysius
Exiguus(PL 67:347-408),and Pliny,Natural History 7.1-5,Loeb ClassicalLibrary, 2:506-
509. For thehistory ofthesetextsand theiravailability in theearlytwelfth century, see
TheodoreSilverstein, "Guillaumede Conchesand NemesiusofEmessa:On theSources
of theNew ScienceoftheTwelfth Century," in HarryAustryn Wolfson Volume
Jubilee (Je-
rusalem:AmericanAcademyforJewishResearch,1965),2:719-734;M. L. W. Laistner,
Thought andLetters in Western Europe A.D. 500to900,2nd ed. (Ithaca,New York:Cornell
University Press,CornellPaperbacks,1966),247;Trinkaus,"In OurImageandLikeness,"
1:185-188.JohntheScot'sSermo deImagine hasnotbeenprinted butexcerpts areembedded
in his De divisionenaturae (theseexcerpts do notincludethe"manunarmed"chapter);see
M. Cappuyns,JeanScotErigene: sa vie,sonoeuvre, sa pensee(Brussels:CultureetCivilisation,
1964),172-178.
' Trinkaus,articlein theDictionary oftheHistory ofIdeas,s.v. "RenaissanceIdea ofthe
DignityofMan."
HughofSt. Victor
andtheMechanical
Artsin theTwelfth Centuries
andThirteenth 95
is referringto theItalianhumanists, butthepointhas equal validityfor

theChurchFathers)ifman'sdignity layin hiscreationin theimageand
likenessof God, thiscould be interpreted eitheras meaningthatman
could and shouldtranscendthelimitations of his mereimage-likeness
and, as muchas possible,leave behindthephysical,orthatman could
act "like a God" withrespectto the sub-human,naturalworld.87If
interpreted withthesecondmeaning,craftsretaintheirfunction as an
(mblem of human glory and If
dignity. interpreted in the first
sense,
however,craftsclearlybecome at best a distraction and at worstan
insidiousand dangeroustemptation.
Hugh's comparisonof the naturaldefensesof animalswithman's
1'unarmed"stateresemblesthosemadebyNemesiusofEmessa,thelate
fourth-century bishop and apologist,in his De naturahominis and by
Gregoryof Nyssa in his own workon the same subject,De hominis
Nemesius'stextmayhavebeen accessibleto Hughin an elev-
opificio.88
enth-century translation by Alfanus,bishopof Salerno,and Gregory's
in translations by DionysiusExiguusand Johnthe Scot.89Nemesius,
who drawsupon Aristotle, Posidoniusand Galen,includesmanystan-
dard elements:man is the linkbetweenthe physicaland incorporeal
worlds;all othercreaturesare made forhis use; man's indigenceand
nakednesslead him to practiceall the arts-clothing,the preparation
of food,building,medicineand citylife.90 The accountconcludeswith
a eulogyto thearts,which,he says,expressesthepreeminence ofman's
place in theuniverse.Buthis finalwords,in whichhe remindsus that
such thingsmust be seen in the contextof eternalblessednessand
should not be barteredfor"a briefseason of pleasure,"show an un-
derlyingambivalence.91 HowevermuchNemesiusmay have been in-
fluencedby Stoicand otherclassicalauthorstowarda morepositive
assessmentofcrafts, in thiscontext,at least,he ultimately sees a basic
oppositionbetweenattention to technology and eternalsalvation.Un-
likeHugh, who definesthemechanicalartsas an essentialpartof the
humaneffort to recoverand restorehumanity's truenature,Nemesius
considers crafts potentiallyalienating from that task.Thisviewis rein-
forcedby a curiousaccountof the Fall in which theeatingof thefruit
of the treeof knowledgewas forbiddennot because it would confer
87 Trinkaus, oftheHistory
articlein theDictionary ofIdeas,s.v. "RenaissanceIdea ofthe
DignityofMan."
NemesiusofEmesa,De natura hominis
(PG 40:503-816);Gregory ofNyssa,De hominis
opliicio(PG 44:137-256);see n. 85 above.
9 Silverstein,
"Guillaumede Conchesand NemesiusofEmessa,"727.
9' Nemesius, De naturahominis1 (PG 40:517-524); Alfanus, Premmonphysicon1, Burk-
and translation
hard, 14-15. Thereare a modemcommentary of thissection,William
and NemesiusofEmesa,LibraryofChristianClassics, 4 (Philadelphia:
Telfer,CyrilofJerusalem
WestminsterPress,1955),242-244.See also AlbertoSiclari,L'Antropologia
di Nemesio
di
Emesa(Padua: Editrice"La Garangola,"1974),254-257.
91 Nemesius,De naturahominis1 (PG 40:533-536);Alfanus,Premmonphysicon1, Burk-
hard, 22-23; see also Telfer,CyrilofJerusalem
and NemesiusofEmesa,254-257.
96 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
knowledgeofgood and evilbutbecauseitwouldimpartfullawareness

ofhumanphysicalweakness,causingpeopleto devoteall theirconcern
to the careof thebody(i.e. technology) and to neglecttheirsouls.92
GregoryofNyssa's version,whichdependsupon manyofthesame
sourcesas Nemesius's,has a morepositivetone on the artsand, as
GerhartLadnerhas pointedout,Gregorylinksman's uprightposture
and thefunction ofhis handsto theoriginoflanguage,man's spiritual
life,and his masteryofcreation.93Gregory describeshow theapparent
deficiencyofthehumanbodyis in facta meansforobtaining dominion
over the animals,whichsupplyus withwool, labor,leatherforarmor
and shoes, and feathers forourarrows.94 Yet Gregory refersto human
art or craftonlyin the relativelylimitedcontextof weapons and the
domestication ofanimalsand,in theend,findsthepossessionofhands
importantnot so muchfortheirusefulnessin makingor handlingof
instruments, as because theyfreethebodyforan uprightpostureand
the mouthforspeech.95Hugh's treatment of craftsin the "man un-
armed"toposand dignity ofmantheme,in contrast, comesfroma wider
perspectiveand impliesa farbroaderroleforcrafts.
The sole classicalsourceaccessibleto Hugh, Pliny'sNaturalHistory,
containsan unusuallynegativeversionof the "man unarmed"figure.
For Pliny,man's lackofnaturaldefensesis a signofhis misery.Of all
the animalsman alone at his birthis nude; even treeshave bark,but
man is bornnaked on the naked groundto weep and wail and alone
mustdepend upon borrowedresources.96
The most pointedcontrastwithHugh's views,however,is in Au-
gustine'sCityofGod.The profoundinfluenceof Augustineon Hugh
makestheirdivergenceon thevalue ofcraftsall themorestriking. Au-
gustine, who never loses
entirely his interestin the materialworld,at
an
times,as we have seen,shows appreciation of crafts.
YetAugustine's
commentsare oftentemperedby the same moralsuspicionwe have
seeninNemesiusand,inothercontexts, inPlato.Thisis nowhereclearer
thanin chapter24 ofbook22 oftheCityofGod,whichcomprisesa short
treatiseon the dignityofman,written withdirectreference to the ac-
countofthesame subjectin Cicero'sDe naturadeorum.97 FrancoAlessio
has suggestedthatHugh derivedthe names of his seven mechanical
92 Nemesius,De natura hominis 1 (PG 40:514-516);Alfanus,Premmon physicon 1, Burk-

hard,12.
9 Ladner,"Anthropology ofGregory ofNyssa,"68.
9 Gregory ofNyssa,De hominis 8.1,8,(PG44:144);DionysiusExiguus,De creatione
opificio
hominis, (PL 67:354-355).
95 Gregory ofNyssa,De hominis 8.1,8,(PG44;144);DionysiusExiguus,De creatione
opificio
hominis, (PL 67:354-355).
96 Pliny,NaturalHistory 7.1-5, Loeb ClassicalLibrary,2:506-509.
97 Augustine, Dei,22.24,ed. B. Dombart,
De civitate revisedbyA. Kalb(Leipzig:Teubner,
1928),2:609-616.On therelationship of theideas in thispassage to Cicero'sDe natura
deorum, see MauriceTestard,SaintAugustin et Ciceron,
(Paris:EtudesAugusfiniennes,
1958).ForAugustine'sideas on craft, see aboveChapterII, pp. 49-50,52-55.
Centuries 97
arts fromthe catalogue of the artsand sciences given here by Augustine

and that Cicero, Augustine and Hugh forma continuingtraditionin
praise of human power and art.98It is verylikelythatHugh considered
this chapter, which has often been assumed to be a straightforward
panegyric on the arts, a contextforhis discussion of man's dual mortal
and immortalnature and man's reason expressed throughart. The con-
gruence between some of the artscatalogued by Augustine and Hugh's
list of the mechanical arts in the Didascalicon,pointed out by Alessio, is
indeed striking.99Yet the tone of the two accounts is very different.
Augustine's point is thatGod in his infinitemercyhas provided us with
certainconsolations in our mortalexistence,even though this existence
is unhappy, depraved and, ultimately,condemned to sin.100For Au-
gustine, the arts at once exemplifythe "natural genius" of man and are
"superfluous, perilous and pernicious":
And,quiteapartfromthosesupernatural artsoflivingin virtueand ofreaching

immortal beatitudewhichnothingbutthegraceofGod whichis in Christcan
communicate to thesons ofpromiseand heirsofthekingdom,therehavebeen
discoveredand perfected, by thenaturalgeniusofman,innumerable artsand
skillswhichminister not onlyto thenecessitiesof lifebut also to humanen-
joyment.And even in thoseartswherethepurposesmayseem superfluous,
perilousand pernicious,
thereis exercisedan acutenessofintelligenceofso high
an orderthatit revealshow richlyendowedour humannatureis. For,it has
the powerofinventing, learningand applyingall sucharts.101
98 Alessio,"Filosofia e la 'artesmechanicae',"114-116,128-129.Moderninterpretations
ofthispassagein CityofGod22,24havevariedwidely.Glacken,Traces ontheRhodian Shore,
199,findsthispassage "surprising" becauseit "generously praiseshumanintelligence,
skilland creativity." ErnestL. Fortin,"Augustine,theArtsand Human Progress,"in
TechnologyandTheology: EssaysinChristian Analysis andExegesis,ed. CarlMitcham and Jim
Grote(Lanham,New Yorkand London:University PressofAmerica,1984),200,saysthat
thepassage"expatiates in rhapsodictermson theresourcefulness ofthehumanmindand
thesplendorofitsaccomplishments" and Ovitt,"StatusoftheMechanicalArts,"95, n.
33 describesthepassage as the"locusclassicus forthesalvationary efficacy oftheworks
ofthehands." On theotherhand,White,"CulturalClimates,"196,says,"Attheend of
De civitate
Dei,SaintAugustine discussestechnology ina moodofcompleteambivalence."
Mauricede Gandillac,"Place et signification de la techniquedans le mondemedieval,"
in Tecnicae casistica
(Padua: Casa EditriceDott.AntonioMilani,1964),273,remarks that
iftheVictorines wereinspiredbythistext,itis clearthattheygaveitanothersensethan
Augustine'soriginalone, and KarlMorrison,TheMimetic TraditionofReform in theWest
(Princeton: Princeton University Press,1982),76, characterizes thepassage as "ambigu-
ous." SergeLusignan,"Les artsmecaniquesdans le Speculum Doctrinale
de Vincentde
Beauvais,"in Cahiers d'etudes 7:39,also connectsthispassagein theCityofGod
medievals,
withtheDidascalicon, butapparently findsno greatdifference in themeaningofthetwo
texts.See also the discussionof the passage in RobinAttfield, "ChristianAttitudes to
Nature,"Journal oftheHistory ofIdeas44 (1983):377.
9 Alessio,"Filosofiae le 'artesmechanicae,"'115-116.
' Augustine,CityofGod22.24,De civitate Dei,ed. Dombart,2:609.
101 Augustine, De civitate Dei 22.24,TheCityofGod,trans.GeraldG. Walshand Daniel
J.Honan,TheFathers oftheChurch: A NewTranslation, 24 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic
University ofAmericaPress,1954),484 (Dombart,2:612):
Praeterenimartesbenevivendiet ad inmortalem
perveniendi quae virtutes
felicitatem, vocantur
98 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
Augustine's list of the arts, examined carefully,includes not only ar-

chitecture,the manufactureof clothing,agriculture,navigation, sculp-
ture,medicine, cookery,rhetoric,geography,arithmetic,music and phi-
losophy but also hunting,the making of theaters,poisons, weapons,
and war machines, and "lastly the brilliance ... displayed by both
pagan philosophers and Christianhereticsin the defense of errorand
falsehood."'102Throughoutthe chapter,he repeats, not withoutirony,
that he is speaking only of man's mortalbeing, not of faith,truthor
eternal life.103His presentationis, in fact,an elegant statementof pro-
found ambivalence toward craftswhich draws upon both the classical
and the Christiancritiqueof technology.
Nemesius, Gregoryof Nyssa, Augustine and Hugh all see techno-
logical arts as in some sense a remedy forthe physical discomfortsof
manes post-lapsarianlife. Yet while Nemesius and Augustine consider
this remedy a necessary evil to be carefullylimitedand controlledand
Gregorysees a useful but veryrestrictedrole forthe arts, the tone and
working of Hugh's presentationof the "man unarmed" theme, as well
as the firsttwo books of the Didascaliconin general, suggest a farmore
positive understanding:
. .. thatfromnature'sexample,a betterchancefortrying
Foritis fitting things
should be providedto man when he comesto deviseforhimselfby his own
reasoningthingsnaturally givento all otheranimals. .. Indeed,man'sreason
shinesforthmuchmorebrilliantly in inventing thesethingstheneveritwould
have had man naturally possessedthem... Wantit is whichhas devisedall
thatyou see mostexcellent in theoccupations ofmen... we lookwithwonder
notat naturealone butat theartificer as well.104
etsolaDei gratia,quae inChristo

est,filispromissionis
regnique nonnehumanoingenio
donantur,
tottantaequeartessuntinventaeet exercitae, ut tamex-
partimvoluptariae,
partimnecesssariae
immoet periculosaspemi-
cellensvis mentisatquerationisin his etiamrebus,quas superfluas
ciosasqueappetit,quantumbonumhabeatin natura,undeistapotuitvelinvenire vel discerevel
exercere,testetur?
102 Augustine, De civitate Dei 22.24, trans.Walsh and Honan (ed. Dombart, 2:612-613):
. . . erroribus et falsitatibusdefendis quam magna claruerintingenia philosophorum
atque haereticorum. . ."
103 Augustine, De civitateDei 22.24, ed. Dombart, 2:609-616.
104 Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon1.9, Taylor, 56 (Buttimer,17). See above, n. 75 for
the Latin text. The "man unarmed" figurealso appears in Adelard of Bath, Quaestiones
ed. MartinMullerin Beitrige
naturales, derPhilosophie
zur Geschichte 31
desMittelalters
(1934):19-21 (translatedin Dodi Ve-nechdi Hanakden. . . towhichis added
theworkofBerachya
thefirstEnglishtranslation
fromtheLatinofAdelard
ofBath'sQuaestiones trans.
naturales,
Hermann Gollancz (London: H. Milford,1920,106-108) and Thomas Aquinas, Summatheo-
logiaela. 91.3, ed. Blackfriars,13:29, although neitherof these passages focuses as clearly
on technologyas does Hugh's version. The figurealso appears in Petrarch'sDe remediis
utriusquefortunae 2.93, a versionstrikinglyclose in meaningand language to the Didascalicon
1.9, and BenedettoMorandi's OfHumanHappiness;see Trinkaus,"In Our Image and Like-
ness," 1:294,280-282.BrianStock,Myth intheTwelfth
andScience A Study
Century: ofBernard
Silvester(Princeton: PrincetonUniversityPress, 1972), 225, suggests the Asclepiusas a
source for the Didascalicon;cf. Taylor, Didascalicon,184, n. 32, who notes that, although
Hugh knows the Asclepius,thereare essential differencesbetween Hugh's conception of
the mechanical artsand the artsforthe tendingof the earthas theyappear in theAsclepius.
HughofSt. Victor
andtheMechanical
Artsin theTwelfth
andThirteenth
Centuries 99
The mechanicalartsarepresentedas partofa divineplanwhichincludes

both man's need and capacityto develop technology.Carefully justi-
fyingthemechanicalartsas an expressionofreasonand as partofthe
religiousquest forsalvation,Hugh gives technology both intellectual
and moralsanction.He thusbeginsto resolvetheambivalencetoward
technologywhichtroubledmanyWesternthinkerssince the timeof
Plato and Aristotle.
Hugh's methodofresolutiongrewout ofand reflects his own intel-
lectualroots.FromAugustine,Hugh drewthebasic idea thatknowl-
edge, properlyconceivedand used, mustdirectmentowardsalvation.
In this sense, forboth him and Augustine,all knowledge,even the
theoreticalsciences,is ultimately forthevalue ofknowledge
functional,
lies notin itsexistenceforitsown sakebutin itsefficacy in promoting
man's supernatural end. FromtheearlyMiddleAges, Hugh inherited
the skeletonidea of the mechanicalarts,a pragmaticattitudetoward
learningand theacceptanceofconcrete and practicalinformationas part
ofthecontentofphilosophy.Buildingupon theseroots,Hugh outlined
a definition and justification
of the mechanicalartswhichestablished
them as fullylegitimateparts of philosophymore thoroughlyand
thoughtfully thanhad earlierwriters.He thuswenta longway toward
answeringthe chargesof irrationality and immorality whichhad been
commonlyleveledagainstcrafts.As we shallnow see, his contempor-
aries and latermedievalthinkers, recognizinghis achievement, enthu-
siasticallyadopted the artesmechanicae and the ideas associatedwith
themand made craftsa regularly acceptedcategoryofknowledge.
The "artesmechanicae"in theLate Twelfthand Thirteenth

Centuries
The importanceof Hugh of St. Victor'sconceptionof the artesme-

chanicaeis clearnot onlyfromthe originalityand cohesivenessof his
workbut also in the statusaccordedhimby historiansof scienceand
technology:in almosteverytreatment of medievalideas about tech-
nology,Hugh is givena majorplace.105 Perhapsas an unintendedcon-
sequence of thisenthusiasm,Hugh's workhas oftenbeen tacitlypre-
sentedas ifitwerean isolatedeffort
whichhad littleeffecton medieval
thoughtas a whole. Few studiescitemorethanone or two examples
ofauthorswho followedHugh'slead, and littleattention has been paid
toevaluatingtheoverallpositionofthemechanical artsinthelatetwelfth
and thirteenth Yet even as Hugh's ideas dependedupon,
centuries.106
105 See above pp. 17, 18, 20, 83.

106
The exceptionis Stemagel, ArtesMechanicae,85-102, which provides an excellentand
thorough surveyof authorsand textsinfluencedby Hugh; Stemagel, however, gives little
analysis of the ideas presentedin these works. Ovitt,"The Status ofthe Mechanical Arts,"
97, n. 40, refersto a Victorinelegacy, but discusses the influenceof Hugh only on Bon-
aventure and Robert Kilwardby. Ovitt, Restoration of Perfection,
120-121, also mentions
100 Artsfrom
through Century
theThirteenth
and grewout of,a long-standing earlymedievaltradition, he himself

contributed to the formationof new patternsof thoughtabout tech-
nology.As we shallsee below,numerousquotationsand adoptionsof
his conceptionofthemechanical artsappearedthroughout thehighand
late Middle Ages and intothe Renaissance.This influence, moreover,
was widespread,surfacingin authorsfroma greatvarietyof philo-
sophicalorientations.Not onlywere thereover twenty-four separate
instancesofthedirectorindirect quotationor paraphrasing fromHugh
on themechanicalartsin thetwelfth and thirteenth centuriesalonebut
distantechoesofhis theological rationalefortechnology reappeareven
intothemodernera.107
Hughand hisfollowers didnot,ofcourse,entirely overcomethedeep-
seatedheritageofsuspiciontowardtechnology in classicaland medieval
thought.Tracesofthisdistrust remainin Hugh's workitself,mostno-
tablyinhisdesignation ofthemechanical artsas "adulterine."Although
the negativeconnotations of thistag do not predominate in Hugh or
mostof his followers, was moreoftenrepeatedthan
theidentification
rejected.As PeterSternagelhas suggested,ina fewcasestheimplication
ofimpurity was explicitly
or falsity reinforced.108
Furthermore, theme-
chanicalarts,even if includedwithinphilosophy,were oftenranked
last amongthepartsofknowledgeand weresometimesconsidered,in
contrastwithphysics,mathematics orgrammar, in a certainsense "ser-
Outsidethespecificarenaofclassifications
vile."'109 ofknowledge,also,
negativeattitudestowardtechnological artspersisted.Despite signifi-
cant changesin the way the Churchand societyviewed professions,
BernardofClairvaux,PetertheChanter,Pope InnocentIII, Bertholdof
Regensburgand otherseloquentlypreachedthe vanityand superflu-
ousness oftechnological endeavors.110Althoughmerchants seemedto
Godfrey ofSt. Victor.Alessio,"Filosofiae le 'artesmechanicae,"'121-125,mentions Kil-

wardby,Richardand Godfrey ofSt. Victor,RadulfusArdensand severaluneditedman-
uscriptsas containing Hugh'sclassification ofthemechanical artsbutconcentrates on the
firsthalfof the twelfth century.Even less comprehensive are De Gandillac,"Place et
signification,"272-273,whichemphasizestheimportance ofRichardofSt. Victor;Beau-
jouan, "Reflexions," 439,441,and Pedersen,"Du quadrivium a la physique,"115,which
singleout Hugh ofSt. Victorand DomingoGundisalvoand givelittleindication oftheir
influence; LynnWhite,"CulturalClimates,"198,whichmentions onlyHughand,briefly,
RichardofSt. Victorand "MedievalEngineering," 11,whichcitesHughand "severalof
his contemporaries," as attemptingto givean intellectualstatusto technology.
107 Sternagel,ArtesMechanicae,85-102,has collectedmostoftheexamplesoftheuse of
Hugh's classificationofthemechanical artsin thetwelfth and thirteenth centuries;
I have
locatedseveraladditionalinstances.FrancisBacon at the end of theNovumOrganum,
Aphorism 42, expressesa conception oftechnology as madenecessarybytheFalland as
a divinelysanctionedpartof man's efforts to restoreand repairhimself,whichis re-
markably similarto Hugh's.See below,p. 126.
108 Sternagel,ArtesMechanicae,89-91.See also Allard,"Les artsmecaniques,"15-19.
lo9 ThomasAquinas,Summa theologiae
la2ae, 57,3.3,ed. Blackfriars,
23:48;Bonaventure,
De reductione artiumad theologiam,
2, ed. SisterEmmaThereseHealy,SaintBonaventure's
De reductione artium(SaintBonaventure, N.Y.: SaintBonaventure College,1939),38.
l1o Probablythemostfamousexampleis InnocentIII's diatribeDe contemptu mundi14,
in whichhe surveyshumanactivities, includingtravel,metallurgy, weaving,carpentry,
ofSt. Victor
fHugh andtheMechanical
Artsin theTwelfth
andThirteenth
Centuries 101
have gained a considerabledegreeof socialstatusin the twelfth, thir-

teenthand fourteenth thisadvancewas onlybriefly,
centuries, ifat all,
sharedby smallartisansand laborers."'1 Moreover,as LynnWhiteand
othershave pointedout,thenewclassifications oflearningdidnotaffect
thecurriculum actuallytaughtat schoolsand universities."12
The persistence ofa certainambivalence, however,shouldnotobscure
the thoroughness withwhichthemainstream ofmedievalthoughtab-
sorbedHugh ofSt. Victor'sideas on themechanicalarts.The Didascal-
icon,continuallyreadfromitsappearancein 1130,had an influence both
"immediateand penetrating."113 Bytheend ofthetwelfth century,the
rubricartesmechanicae had becomethe normaltermfortechnological
arts,even amongauthorswho otherwisefollowedtheAristotelian-Ar-
abic classifications
of the sciences,and theseartswere a regularand
expectedpartof knowledge."14Over the nextcentury, authorsassoci-
ated with such diverseschools as Chartres,the philosophicalcircle
aroundAbelard,themystical theologians at St. Victor,and thefollowers
ofGilbertde la Porree,dubbedthePorretani, adoptedHugh'svisionof
the mechanicalarts.By theend ofthethirteenth century, manyofthe
mostimportant of the artsand sciences,includingAlbertus
classifiers
Magnus,Bonaventure, RobertKilwardby and VincentofBeauvais,had
used Hugh's ideas. Towardthecloseofthatcentury personifications of
themechanicalartsnamedbyHughbegantoappearin churchsculpture
and manuscriptilluminations.115 Widely-read epitomesof philosophy
suchas theSpeculum vitaehumanae (c. 1475)and theMargarita philosophica
(1504)reproducedHugh'scycleoftheartsand showthatthemechanical
agriculture,milling,hunting,commerceand warfare,endingwiththe quotationfrom

Ecclesiastes2:11 "All is vanity."The textis in PL 207:707-708and ithas been translated
alongwithGiannozzoManetti'sanswer,byBernardMurchland, TwoViewsofMan (New
York:Frederick UngarPublishing Co., 1966).Forcriticismofcontemporary buildingand
architectureas extravagant, superfluous, and immoral byBemardofClairvaux, Peterthe
Chanter,and others,see Baldwin,Masters, PrincesandMerchants,1:66-69.See also M.-D.
Chenu, "Arts'mecaniques'et oeuvresserviles,"Revuedessciences philosophiques
et theolo-
giques29 (1940):313-315, and Allard,"Les artsmecaniques,"24-29and,especially, Ovitt,
RestorationofPerfection, 150-160formonasticcriticisms of manuallaboras outsidethe
primary concernsofthereligiouslife.
1"' Le Goff,"Licitand IllicitTradesin theMedievalWest,"69-70.
112 White"MedievalEngineering," 13-14 and Weisheipl,"Classification of the Sci-
ences," 66.
113 Taylor,ed., Didascalicon, 4, whereTayloralso discussesthesurvivalofalmostone
hundredmanuscripts oftheDidascalicon datingfromthetwelfth tothefifteenth centuries.
114 Those worksin whichHugh's classification oftheartesmechanicaeappearsare dis-
cussed in the presentchapter;thosewhichuse Aristotelian or Arabicclassifications
of
technologicalarts,eventhoughtheymayalsobe influenced byHugh,arediscussedbelow,
ChapterV. Thereare,inaddition, authorswhosimply use thetermartesmechanicaewithout
an explicitclassificationofcrafts, suchas JohnofSalisbury, and OttoofFreisingand for
these,see Sternagel, ArtesMechanicae, 54,58,90, 94.
115Van Marle,Iconographie de l'artprofane,2:252-260;Male, TheGothic Image,64-75;
Evans,MedievalDrawings, pl. 89. See howeverMichaelEvans,"Allegorical Womenand
PracticalMen:TheIconography oftheartesReconsidered," inMedievalWomen, ed. Derek
Baker(Oxford:Blackwell,1984),324-328,who arguesthatillustrations of theVictorine
cycleofthemechanicalartsdid notappearuntilthefifteenth century.
102 TheMechanical Antiquity
Artsfrom Century
theThirteenth
through
artsas namedand conceivedbyHughwerestillpartofEuropeanculture

intothefifteenth and sixteenth centuries.116
Thistradition,moreover, was nota staticone. Theinteraction between
changingcurrents ofthoughton thenatureand function ofknowledge,
especiallythe enormousimpactofAristotle and his Arabiccommenta-
tors,and increasingawarenessof the socialand environmental effects
of technologicalgrowth, produced a constant reworking and revising
ofHugh's originalscheme.Forsomeauthors,revisionwas confinedto
theproblemofwhichartsproperly belongedto theartesmechanicae. No
artnamed by Hugh entirely escaped criticismand some,in particular
navigatio,medicinaand theatrica,arousedconsiderablecomment.More
fundamental changesoccurred whenthinkers broughttobeartheirown
philosophicalorientations and developedor emphasizeddifferent ele-
mentsin Hugh's thought.In thelasthalfofthethirteenth century, for
example,therewas a markedtendency toreconcileor,at least,combine
Hugh's Augustinianview ofknowledgewiththenew Aristotelian and
Arabicscientificlearning.Throughout the twelfth and thirteenth cen-
turiesthinkersnotonlyrepeatedHugh'sideasand listofthemechanical
artsbut were actively engagedin defining and redefiningtechnological
artsas a partofhumanknowledge.Ifwe look at some oftheseworks
moreclosely,we can see thecontinuing ofthistradition.
vitality
THE TWELFTH CENTURY. Hugh's schemequicklyappearedin worksof
the middleand late twelfth centuryand was as quicklyrevised.The
introductionto a partialtranslation of Euclid'sElements (the so-called
AbelardVersionIII, a workofuncertain provenance),forexample,di-
vides mechanicaintoHugh's sevenarts,butpositionsthem,alongwith
ethicsand theliberalarts,as thepartsofpractical knowledge.1"7 A com-
mentaryon theAeneid,longattributed to theeclecticpoet,philosopher
and humanist,BernardSilvestris, butrecently shownto be moreprob-
ably by an unknownmasterassociatedwithChartresor Tours,also
repeatsthe seven mechanicalartsbut includedthemaftersapientia, el-
oquentiaand poesisas thefourth partofphilosophy.118 The samemaster
116 The Speculumvitaehumanae byBishopRoderigoofZamora(RuySanchezde Ar6valo)
(Augsburg:Gunther Zainer,1471);G. Reisch,Margarita (Freiburg:
philosophica OperaJoan-
ofthesciencesin theMargarita
nis Schotti,1504).The classification is repro-
philosophica
FrancisBacon:Discovery
duced in Lisa Jardine, andtheArtofDiscourse (Cambridge: Cam-
bridgeUniversity Press,1974),103. See also Evans,"Allegorical Women,"325, foran
examplefromtheseventeenth century.
117 See MarshallClagett, "KingAlfredand theElements ofEuclid,"Isis45 (154):274for
thetext.
118 BemardSilvestris(?), Commentum supersexlibrosEneidios 6, Julian
Virgilii WardJones
and ElizabethFrancesJones,TheCommentary on thefirstSixBooksofthe"Aeneid" ofVergil
Commonly toBernardus
Attributed (Lincoln,Nebraskaand London:University
Silvestris of
NebraskaPress,1977),32. Theworkhas beentranslated byEarlG. Schreiber and Thomas
E. Maresca,Commentary on theFirstSixBooksofVirgil's"Aeneid"(Lincoln,Nebraskaand
London:University ofNebraskaPress,1979)and is discussedbyJ.ReginaldO'Donnell,
"The Sourcesand MeaningofBemardSilvester's Commentary on theAeneid,"Medieval
Studies24 (1962)233-259.Fortheauthorship oftheworksee JonesandJones,Commentary
onthe"Aeneid," ix-xiand Stock,MythandScience, 36-37,whoagreethatprobably neither
thiscommentary northeone on MartianusCapelladiscussedbelowarebyBemard.
Centuries 103
is also mostlikelytheauthorofa commentary on MartianusCapella's

Marriage ofMercury andPhilology,whichdescribesmechanica as madeup
ofwool-working, architecture,themakingofarms,navigation, hunting,
agriculture, medicineand magic.119
Such revisionofthenamesoftheindividualmechanicalartswas com-
mon. Alessiocitesan anonymoustwelfth-century tracton thedivisions
of the scienceswhichsubstitutes painting(pictura)fortheatrica.120 An
anonymousearlytwelfth-century introduction to theology,theYsagoge
intheologiam byan authorassociatedwiththeschoolofAbelard,reduces
the mechanicalartsto fiveby omitting theaterand medicineand also
substitutesarchitecture forarmatura.121 The Ysagoge,likethe commen-
taryon the Aeneidattributed to BernardSilvestris, places mechanica as
the fourthcategoryofknowledge,aftersapientia, eloquentiaand poesis122
and, like it, definesmechanicsas "in truth,the knowledgeof human
worksservingcorporealnecessities." 123
A late twelfth-or earlythirteenth-century didacticpoem,the "Ordo
artium,"also followsthefour-fold divisionofknowledgeoftheYsagoge
and theAeneidcommentary. The author,however,perhapsinfluenced
by Hugh's incidentalreference to "infinitevarieties"of crafts,greatly
expandsthefieldofthemechanicalartsofwhich,he says,"thereis no
closed numberofkinds."'124 His examplescombinesomeofHugh's list
(armatura, medicine,
navigatio)withnew arts(mercatura, magic,ars Tri-
polemiand arsCereris or agriculture,arsVulcanior forging, pottery and
shoemaking).125 Anotherworkof the same period,a commentary on
Alain de Lille's Anticlaudianusby his disciple,Raoul de Longchamps,
also suggeststhatthereare "infinite kinds"ofmechanicalarts,but he
names only seven, using Hugh's listwiththe exceptionof chirurgia,
whichhe substitutes formedicine.126His briefdescriptions oftheseven
119 An excerpt on the divisionsof knowledgefromthisworkis printedin Jonesand

Jones,ed., Commentary on the"Aeneid," AppendixC, 131-133.
120 Alessio,"Filosofia
e le 'artesmechanicae,"'124.
121
Ysagogein theologiam1, Ecritstheologiques
de l'cole d'Abelard,ed. ArthurLandgraf,
SpicilegiumSacrumLovaniense,Etudeset documents, 14 (Louvain:Spicilegium Sacrum
Lovaniense,1934),72-73.
122
Ysagogein theologiam
1, Ecritstheologiques,
ed. Landgraf, 72.
123 Ysagogein theologiam 1, Ecritstheologiques,
ed. Landgraf,72; Commentary on the
"Aeneid,"ed. Jonesand Jones,32: "Mechanicaveroestscientiahumanorum operumcor-
poreisnecessitatibus obsequentium." Themanuscript oftheYsagoge containsa notesub-
stituting magicfortheaterand addingarchitecture. See Landgraf, 72.
124 The textof the poem (c. 1200)is editedin LudwigGompf,"Der Leipziger'Ordo
artium,"'Mittel-Lateinisches Jahrbuch 3 (1966)94-128, 114: "Sunt mechanicorum/Nullo
clauso numerospecieslaborum."ForHugh'sremark, see above,p. 86.
125
Ordoartium, ed. Gompf,113-114.
126
Raoul de Longchamps, Commentary ontheAnticlaudianus ofAlanusdeInsulis,ed. Jan
Sulovsky(Warsaw:ZakladNarodowyim. Ossolinskitch, 1972),44. Theswitchfrommed-
icineto surgeryas one of themechanicalartsmayreflect themaneuverings ofmedical
professors seekingprestigefortheirdiscipline byassociating medicineitselfwithnatural
philosophy, as suggestedbyDarrelW. Amundsen, "MedicineandSurgery as ArtorCraft:
The RoleofSchematic Literaturein theSeparationofMedicineand Surgery in theMiddle
Ages," Transactions andStudiesoftheCollege ofPhysicians ofPhiladelphia 1 (1979):124-125.
104 TheMechanical
Artsfrom through
Century
artsexplainhow each expelsa defector difficulty; wool-working, for

example,expelscold.Navigation, hunting and agricultureexpelpoverty
and theaterlessensdislikebyencouraging attentivenessand delight.127
Many of thesetreatises,as well as others,adoptednot onlyHugh's
classificationoftheartesmechanicae
butalso hisdefinitionofthebranches
ofknowledgeas specificremediesforthedifficulties ofthehumancon-
dition.The Ysagogein theologiam,thecommentaries on theAeneid,and
MartinausCapella,and Raoulde Longchamp'scommentary on theAn-
ticlaudianus, definetheartsand sciencesas means
liketheDidascalicon,
to countertheevilsofignorance,vice and physicalinfirmity whichre-
sulted fromthe Fall.128At least ten otherauthorsof the twelfthand
thirteenth centuries,themostimportant ofwhomare discussedbelow,
also use the formulaof corresponding intellectual,
moraland techno-
logicalremediesderivedfromHugh as thephilosophical basis fortheir
approachto knowledge.129 The conceptionof knowledgeas a remedy
lifewas, as we have seen, notnew
forthe ills of man's post-lapsarian
in thetwelfth century;itslonghistoryextendsbackatleasttotheChurch
Fathers.The expansionoftheidea toincludetechnology as a restorative
to the body,just as philosophyhealed the soul, however,reflects the
broadeninghorizonsof the twelfth and thirteenth centuries,and, in
particular,thegrowingpreoccupation withthepossibility ofmastering
the physicalworld. Otherthinkersof the period,forexample,Bona-
ventureand RogerBacon,use similarideas also developedfromAu-
gustinianrootsto underscorethe commonfunction of knowledge,in-
cludingtechnological as
expertise, handmaiden to theology.130 For all
these thinkers, God-givenknowledgeis necessaryin orderto survive
thepresentproblemsofourfallenlifeand,further, thesolutionstothese
problemswere assumed to feedthe religiousquest. The diffusion of
these ideas clearlyhelped to open the door to acceptanceof the me-
chanicalarts.Forhow couldthemechanicalartsbe rejectedwhenthey,
likeall knowledge,servetheultimateremedyof salvation?
This seminalidea tookdifferent formsas authorsrelatedit to their
127 Raoulde Longchamps, Commentary ed. Sulovsky,

ontheAnticlaudianus, 44. Medicine
appearsas "terrestrial physics"and is subdividedintotheoretical and practical, 41.
1 Ysagoge intheologiam1, Ecrits ed. Landgraf,
theologiques, 70-71;BernardSilvestris (?),
Commentary onthe"Aeneid," ed. Jonesand Jones,36;BernardSilvestris (?), Commentary on
Martianus Capella,ed. Jonesand Jones,AppendixC, 131;Raoul de Longchamps,Com-
mentary on theAnticlaudianus,ed. Sulovsky,39.
129 L. M. de Rijk,"SomeNoteson theTwelfth Century TopicoftheThree(Four)Human
Evilsand of Science,Virtue,and Techniquesas TheirRemedies,"Vivarium 5 (1967):8-
15, has collectednine authors(Richardof St. Victor,ps.-William of Conches,Ralphof
Beauvais,ps.-Bernard Raoulde Longchamps,
Silvestris, and theauthorsoffourunedited
manuscripts) who use thisformula, traceabletoHugh ofSt. Victor(9). The
all ultimately
formulais also used in theYsagoge intheologiamand theCommentary onMartianus Capella,
as noted above, n. 128 and by RadulfusArdensand Vincentof Beauvais;see below
pp. 105-106,110,116.Thetermsfortheevilsand theirremediesvary;see de Rijk,"Notes
on theTopicoftheEvilsand TheirRemedies,"15.
130 See below, pp. 112-114, 125-126.
HughofSt. Victor
andtheMechanical
Artsin theTwelfth
andThirteenth
Centuries 105
own thoughtand preoccupations.One of the earliestworksto turn

Hugh's ideas in a new direction was thePhilosophia,
a compendiumof
philosophywhichhas beenattributed bothtoWilliamofConches(1080-
1154)and to Hugh ofSt. Victor,buthas morerecently been reassigned
to a discipleof William's.131 The author,like Hugh, regardsthe arts,
includingcrafts,as remediesfortheevilscreatedby theFall and, also
likeHugh, is concernedwithplacingtheclassification ofknowledgein
a broad philosophicalsetting.UnlikeHugh, however,he is less inter-
ested in outliningthe contentof philosophythanin determining how
philosophyrelatedto thestructure oftheuniverse.The first
bookofthe
Philosophia coversthe divisionsofknowledgeand, withoutnamingits
source,includesextensivequotationsfromthe Didascalicon on the me-
chanicalartsand thedefenseoftheseartsexplicatedin theDidascalicon
(1.4,8 and 9 and 2.20); thesecondbook discussesGod, theTrinity, de-
mons and theanimamundi.132 Hugh's accountofthe "threeworks"of
God, natureand man and his use ofthe"man unarmed"toposto dem-
onstratetheappropriateness ofthehumanneed fortechnology appear
almostverbatim in thePhilosophia,
wheretheyfitsmoothlyintothena-
turalistic
viewpointofthework.
The additionsmade by the authoralso mightbe seen to reflectthe
perspective ofa studentofnaturalphilosophy.He borrows,forexample,
Hugh's description ofthepartsofmagicbut,whilehe admitsthatmagic
is remotefromphilosophy,he considerably softensHugh's condem-
nationof its practice.The authorof the Philosophia not onlydiscards
Hugh's remarkthatmagiclies about the truth,infectsmen's minds,
seduces themfromdivinereligionand impelspeople to criminalin-
dulgence,but also attachesthe historyof magicto a legend usually
associatedwiththe liberalarts(accordingto whichtwo columns,one
of stoneand one ofbrick,wereinscribedwithall knownknowledgein
orderto preservethisknowledgefromdestruction in theFlood).133
Otherdetailsalso suggesta thoughtfulrevisionofHugh'sDidascalicon.
To Hugh's explanationof themechanicalartsas "adulterine"because
theyimitatenature,theauthoradds thefurther comment thatthesearts
also deliberatefirstin reasonand latermanifestthemselvesin a work.l4
Armatura is imaginativelyexpandedtoinclude"defense"byclerics,and
131 The workknownas thePhilosophia is editedunderthenameofWilliamofConches,

Unbranoinedito della"Philosophia"
diGuglielmo diConches,CarmeloOttaviano, ed. (Naples:
AlbertoMoranoEditore,1935).Forthequestionofauthorship see Lemay,AbuMa'shar,
160-161,and Gregory, Animamundi, 28-40,who concludesthattheworkis bya disciple
of William.The Philosophia is also discussedin Southern, MedievalHumanism, 42-44. It
shouldnotbe confusedwiththeDe philosophia mundi, byWilliam.
authentically
132 Ps.-WilliamofConches,Philosophia, ed. Ottaviano,25,31.Thediscussionofthethree
evilsand theirremediesis on 22-23.
`13 Ibid., 35-36; Hugh of St. Victor,Didascalicon
6.15, Taylor,AppendixB, 154-155,
Buttimer, 132.Forthelegendoftheinscribed columns,see Cora Lutz,"Remigius'Ideas
on theOriginoftheSevenLiberalArts,"Medievalia etHumanistica10 (1956):41,43-49.
l3 Ps.-William ofConches,Philosophia, ed. Ottaviano,31.
106 Artsfrom
through Century
theauthormakesa pointofjustifying theateror gameson thegrounds

thattheywerediscoveredto refresh thebodyand soul throughdelight
and activity, twothingsmostnecessaryto humanlife.135
Mostimportantly, however,theauthorofthePhilosophia, as suggested
by his associationof the Churchwithdefensementionedabove, links
his plan of knowledgecloselyto a comparableplan of society.This
sociologicalaspect, almostcompletelylackingin Hugh's thought,is
broughtout in the openingsectionsof the workin whichthe author
describesan analogybetweentheexcellencesof thehumanbodyand
thebodypolitic:as thehead is thecitadel,so thearmsrepresent soldiers
guardingthewhole,thestomachandkneesrepresent artisansand work-
thebones and blood,businessmen (negotiatores)
ers (opifices), and the
feet,farmers.136 A similarcomparisonappearsin the commentary on
the Aeneidattributed to BernardSilvestrisand in Johnof Salisbury's
Policratus.The strikingaspectoftheversionin thePhilosophia, however,
is its positiveemphasison commerceand the mechanicalarts,which
togetheroccupythegreaterpartofthecommunity. In comparison, the
Aeneidcommentary leaves out artisansand stylesmerchants as cuppe-
dinarii,associatingthemwithcupidityand avarice,whileJohnof Sal-
isburylumpsfarmers and all themechanicalartstogether as "the feet
who dischargethehumbleroffices."137 Moreover,theauthorofthePhi-
losophia immediately reinforceshis viewby repeatingHugh's notionof
the threeevilsand theirremedies,butwiththe significant additionof
thecorresponding professions whichpracticetheseremedies.Wisdom,
whichguardsagainstignorance, he says,is pursuedbymenoflearning;
virtue,whichguardsagainstvice,is pursuedby men of religion;and
conveniences(commoda) whichguardagainstinfirmity are soughtby
businessmenoftheworld(negotiatores mundani).138The mechanical arts,
therefore, likeotherbranchesofknowledge,do notexistin an intellec-
tual vacuumbut are an essentialpartof humanlifeand societyto be
practicedas well as studied.
Like the authorof the Philosophia, Hugh's successorsat St. Victor,
Richardand Godfrey, incorporate theartesmechanicae intothe pattern
oftheirown thought.Althoughbothwerebetterknownas theologians
and mystics,theyboth, nevertheless, producedmajor encyclopedic
workswhichincludeda discussionofthecontentand divisionsofphi-
135 Ibid.,32, 34.

136 Ibid.,21.
137 Bernard Silvestris(?), Commentaryon the"Aeneid," ed. Jonesand Jones,23; Johnof
Salisbury, Policraticus
6.20,IoannisSaresberiensis
episcopi
Carnotensis
Policraticus
sivedenugis
curialium etvestigiis
philosophorumlibriVIII,ed. ClemensC. I. Webb(Oxford:OxfordUni-
versity Press,1909),2:58-59:"Pedes quidemqui humiliora exercentofficia...." The use
ofthefigure inthecommentary on theAeneid attributed
toBernard is discussedin O'Don-
nell,"BernardSilvester's Commentary," 242-243.
138 Ps.-William ofConches,Philosophia, ed. Ottaviano,23.
Centuries 107
losophy.'39Richard'sLiberexceptionum(c. 1158-1160)describestheparts
ofphilosophyand each ofthesevenmechanicalartsin quotationstaken
directly
fromtheDidascalicon.'40In harmony withRichard'sgeneralten-
dencyto tie philosophycloselyto issues of faith,the Liberexceptionum
opens withan unusuallydetailedaccountof the sciencesas post-lap-
sariansubstitutes forthethreeoriginalgoods bestowedby God, man's
creationin theimageofGod, his similitude to God and theimmortality
cfhis body.'4'
Godfreyof St. Victor(c. 1125-1194),even morethanRichard,made
the mechanicalartshis own. In a shortpoem, the Fonsphilosophiae,
Godfrey brieflydescribesthedivisionsofthesciencesand callsthefoun-
tainofthemechanicalartsa "dirtygymnasium" forfrogs.'42Yet,some
nine yearslater,his farmoresubstantialwork,the Microcosmus, vin-
dicatescraftsas legitimate
and, above all, moral activities.'43
Godfrey'sview of the mechanicalartsdiffers in severalways from
Hugh's. Like the "Ordo artium" and Raoul de Longchamps,he finds
thatthereare a largenumberofmechanicalarts,but,he says,itsuffices
to enumerateseven;he also leaves out theater,considersarmatura and
as two separatecategoriesand changesthenameofnavigatio
fabricatura
to mercatura(commerce).'" Like the author of the Philosophia,he is in-
terestedin the practitioners
of the artsas well as the artsthemselves
and remarksthatarmsweretheinvention ofsoldiers,commerce ofmer-
chants,agricultureof men of the country, buildingof artificers,
wool-
workingof wool-workers, huntingof huntsmenand medicineof doc-
tors,adding thatthereis no one who does not continuously know
throughexperienceall the effects of the mechanicalarts.145The most
significantdevelopmentof Hugh's originalconception,however,is
Godfrey'sextraordinary emphasison the intrinsicgoodness of tech-
nology.
139 The religiousthoughtofRichardofSt. Victoris discussedby Smalley,TheStudyof

theBibleintheMiddleAges,106-111.Thecritical editionsofbothencyclopedias areaccom-
paniedby extensivecommentary; RichardofSaintVictor,Liberexceptionum: Textecritique
avecintroduction,notesettables,ed. JeanChatillon, Textesphilosophiques du moyenage,
5 (Paris:J.Vrin,1958);Godfreyof SaintVictor,Microcosmus: texteetabliet presente,
ed.
PhilippeDelhaye,Memoiresettravaux publiesparlesprofesseurs desFacultesCatholiques
de Lille,56 and 57 (Lille:FacultesCatholiques,1951;Gembloux:J.Duculot,1951).
14 Richardof St. Victor, Liberexceptionum1.6, 14-21,ed. Chatillon,106,109-111.De
Gandillac,"Place et signification," 272-273,particularly emphasizesthe importance of
Richardfortheestablishment ofa Christianviewoftheworldwhichincludedtechnology.
141 Richardof St. Victor, Liberexceptionum1.1-5, ed. Chatillon,104-106;Smalley,The
Studyl oftheBiblein theMiddleAges,106-111.
141 Godfrey de Godefroy
of St. Victor,Le Fonsphilosophiae de Saint-Victor,ed. PierreMi-
chaud-Quantin, AnalectamediaevaliaNamurcensia, 8 (Namur:EditionsGodenne,1956),
36: "ranarumPalastriaSordidatus limo."Godfrey's poemhasbeentranslated, TheFountain
ofPhilosophy:A Translation oftheTwelfth-CenturyFonsphilosophiaeofGodfrey ofSaintVictor,
tr.EdwardA. Synan(Toronto:The Pontifical Institute ofMediaevalStudies,1972).
143 On Godfrey's lifeand thedates fortheFonsphilosophiae and theMicrocosmus, see
Delhaye,Microcosmus, Memoireset travaux,57:13-33.
' GodfreyofSt. Victor,Microcosmus 1.57,ed. Delhaye,Memoireset travaux,56:74.
145 Ibid.
108 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
Godfreybeginsby bracketing themechanicalartswithethics.Spin-

ningan extendedanalogybased on Genesis1:11("And God said, Let
the earthbringforthgrass,the herbyieldingseed, and the fruittree
yieldingfruitafterits kind,whose seed is in itself,upon the earth")
Godfrey describesthemechanical and practicalartsintermsofan earthly
paradise.146The two kindsof artsare two rivers.The first,the me-
chanicalarts,irrigatesthe lowerearth;the second,the practicalarts,
watersthe upper earth.The firstriverof the mechanicalartsdivides
itselfintomanypartsso that"it mightfillup all partsof the earthin
themicrocosm and cause ittobe coveredeverywhere withgreenplants,
by whichnotonlytheanimalsoftheworldare nourishedbutin truth
theearthitselfis madelovely."147In likefashion,theriverofthepractical
artsalso flowsthroughmanypartsof theearth,bringing fruit-bearing
treesto germination.
In keepingwithwhatPhilippeDelhayecalls Godfrey's"humanistic
pointofview," Godfrey valuesmankind'searthlyactivities despitehis
convictionthatman's finalend is a supernatural one.148Godfreyde-
scribesthepracticaland mechanicalartsequallyas necessaryto human
like,bothbecausetheyare usefuland honorablein theirown rightand
becausetheyserveas partofhumanity's spiritualeducation.In a curious
echo ofEusebiusand ArnoldofBonneval,Godfrey statesthatnotonly
ethicsbutthemechanicalartshave theiroriginsin thelaw ofMoses.149
Togethertheyare partof the externaldisciplineor ruleswhichhelp
directand controlthefaulty movements oftheirrational partofthesoul
towardpropergoals.150Appropriately, Godfreyrejectsthe labelingof
the mechanicalartsas "adulterine."Whileit mayhave happened,he
says, thatthe mechanicalartsobtainedthisname on accountof their
abuse, formanymenhaveindeedmisusedthemforpleasure,itis more
correctthattheybe calledpracticalon accountoftheirgood and proper
use whichconsistsin exterior actions.151He explicitly insistsupon the
moraldimensionoftechnology. In a radicalrevisionofAugustine'sview
of craftsas expressedin CityofGod22.24,Godfreyfindsall craftsboth
moraland necessary,and relegatestheiruse forpleasureor immoral
activitiesto a misuse,revealingnottheirtruenaturebuta perversion:
For out ofarmspeace and calmis broughtforth

by thesoldiersintoour land.
'46 Ibid., 1.53-56,(ed. Delhaye,56:72-73).

147 Ibid.,1.56,(ed. Delhaye),56:73:"Quorumprimum quidemin multase fluminasub-
dividititautuniversaspartesterremicrocosmi impleat,eamquevirentibusherbisundique
cooperirifaciat,quibus,non solumanimaliaterrepascuntur, verumetiamipsa terraven-
ustatur."
148 Delhaye,ed., Microcosmus, Memoireset travaux,57:115,118.
149 Godfrey ofSt. Victor,Microcosmus1.52,ed. Delhaye,Memoireset travaux,
56:72;on
Eusebiusand ArnoldofBonneval,see above,pp. 78-79and n. 19.
150 Godfrey of St. Victor,Microcosmus
1.52,ed. Delhaye,M6moireset travaux,56:71-
72; see, also, Delhaye'scommentary, Memoireset travaux,57:115-116.
"'1 Godfrey ofSt. Victor, 1.55,ed. Delhaye,Memoireset travaux,56:73.
Microcosmus
andtheMechanical
andThirteenth
Centuries 109
For even thoughtheabuse of armedforceis thesourceof hatredand ill-will,

nevertheless theaimofitsproperuse is nothingbutpeace and calm.And that
whichhas good as itsaimis itselfalso good. Outoftheexchangesofmerchants,
thepovertyof lands is aided by goods transported fromregionto region.But
also whatneed is thereto recalltheusefulnessoffarmers, bywhoselaborsand
serviceseverylivingbeingis nourished?Nor is therea lesserutility provided
bywool-workers whonotonlyprovidewoolsso thatwe mightnotbe weakened
by nudityor coldbutalso in truthbringa wonderful decoration
to humanlife.
Next loftycities,castles,villasand marvelousedificesof houses made from
stone,wood and metaldemonstrated how usefulare thebuildingarts.Among
thesethingsindeedtheexerciseofhuntingis notignoble,as is shownon the
moreopulenttableofthewealthy.Finally,themanyadvantagesresulting from
their"experiments" demonstrate how muchthemany-sided powerof doctors
(medici)can do. Butallthesethingsarenotunsuitably comparedtothesprouting
of herbsbecause theyonlyoutwardly displaytheseasonalvigorof our earth,
for,as emergingoutwardly, theytransmit nothingoftheirown to theinterior
man.152
A very different work by a contemporaryof Godfrey's,Radulfus Ar-

dens, brings a contrastingdevelopment to the idea of the mechanical
arts in the twelfthcentury.Radulfus,a followerof Gilbertde la Porree,
produced a Speculumuniversale(1193-1199), the opening sections of
which have been described in some detail by Martin Grabmann and
edited in an unpublished thesis by Michele Le Paul.153Although the
entire work has not yet been published and a full assessment is not
possible withoutaccess to the completetext,these accounts are enough
152
Ibid., 1.57, (ed. Delhaye, 56:74):
Siquidemex armatura militie

in terranostrapax et quiesgignitur.
Nam etsiabususmilitiefomes
odii et inuidiesit,bonitamenusus eius finisnonnisipax et quies est. Cuius autemfinisbonus
est,ipsumquoque bonumest. Ex commerciis autemmercatorem mercessuas de terrisin terras
transportantium adiuuaturinopiaterrarum. Sed et agricultorumquid opus est utilitatemcom-
memorare, quorumlaboribuset obsequiisomnisanimapascitur? Nec minorapparetutilitaslan-
ificiumqui non solumne fedanuditateuel frigoribus afficiamur
agunt,uerumetiammirumde-
coremhumaneuite conferunt. Porrofabrilesartesquid prosint,urbesexcelse,castra,uille et
domorummirandaedificiaex lapide,ligno,metallofactaprobant.Interhec etiamnon degener
estusus uenandi,sicutprobatlautiormensadiuitum.Deniquequid possituirtusplurimamedi-
corum,multaexperimentorum commodadocuerunt. Sed hec omnianon incongrue uirentibus
herbiscomparantur quia temporalem uirorem tantumterrenostreprestant, dumforisapparentia
nichilde suo ad interiorem hominem transmittunt.
Note the changing meanings attached to armaturaas one of the mechanical arts; cf. the
views of Hugh of St. Victorabove, p. 85f.and Johnof Dacia and RobertKilwardby,below.
153 MartinGrabmann,Die Geschichte derscholastischen
Methode(Freiburg:Herder'scheVer-
lag, 1909; rpt. Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt,1957), 1:252-254, has tran-
scribed the opening chaptersof the Speculumuniversaleof Radulfus Ardens which discuss
the division of the sciences; a summaryof the work of Michele de Paul, Etudedu Speculum
universale:Editiondu premierlivreis given in Ecole Nationale des Chartes. Positions des
theses soutenues par les eleves de la promotionde 1951 (Paris: Ecole des Chartes, 1951),
107-109. The table of contentsonly of the entirework is given by JohannesGrundel, Das
"SpeculumUniversale"desRadulfusArdens(Munich:Max Hueber, 1961),whichalso provides
bibliographyon Radulfus, 3. For Radulfus as one of the porretani or followersof Gilbert
de la Porree, see P.H. Vicaire, "Les Porretainset l'Avicennisme avant 1215," Revuedes
sciences ettheologiques
philosophiques 26 (1937):449-450.
110 Artsfrom
through
theThirteenth
Century
to show thattheworkbothbelongsto thetradition begunby Hugh of

St. Victorand significantly expandsupon it. The Speculum universale
beginswiththethemeofthecorresponding evils,remediesand sciences,
demonstrating itsconnection to thetraditionbegunbyHugh ofSt. Vic-
tor.l54In theoutlineofthedivisionsofknowledgewhichfollows,Rad-
ulfus describesthe mechanicalartswithintelligent attentionto their
contentand scope. He dividesthemintovicturia (nourishment), lanifi-
caria,architectoria, (supports),medicina,
suffragatoria negotiatoria
(business)
and patrocinia(defenses).155The artslistedunderwool-working and ar-
chitecture are quite similarto the artsin Hugh's descriptions but the
remainderdifferconsiderably. Insofaras it can be judged fromGrab-
mann'sdiagram,Radulfus'sschemeshowsunusualdetail,superioror-
ganizationand an awarenessof thebreadthof contemporary techno-
logicalinvolvement. VicturiacombinesHugh's categoriesofagriculture
and hunting,a morelogicaland concisearrangement. He expands"de-
fenses"to includethe means of guardingnot onlyone's countrybut
also one's religion,laws and personalauthority("tueriuniciqueius
suum") and separatesitfromarchitecture, a morepreciseand inclusive
arrangementthan Hugh's. Navigation,perhaps in response to the
growthof commerceand trade,has been broadenedto businessand,
in additionto Hugh's examplesofbuying,sellingand exchange,Rad-
ulfuslistsborrowing(mutuationem) and adjusting(accommodationum).
Medicineincludespurging,strengthening, moderating and preserving
thebody.Theintroduction ofa groupof"supports,"orbeastsofburden,
tools,equipmentand vehicles,is a striking recognition ofcontemporary
technology.
Bytheend ofthetwelfth century, therefore,HughofSt. Victor'sidea
of the mechanicalartshad been absorbedintothe mainstream of me-
dievalthought.The immediate successof the artesmechanicaeprobably
owes muchto thecohesivenessand persuasivenessofHugh's original
scheme,yetalso certainly a widespreadneed fora methodto
reflects
incorporatetechnologywithinthe sphere of legitimateand valued
knowledge.Thissustainedinterest in themechanicalarts,whichled to
new developmentsand variationsofHugh's ideas, continuedthrough
the thirteenth century.
THE THIRTEENTHCENTURY. Priorto thesecondhalfofthethirteenth cen-
turya cleardemarcation existedbetweenauthorswhose classifications
of the artsand sciencesincorporated Hugh ofSt. Victor'svisionofthe
natureand purposeofthemechanicalartsand those,suchas Domingo
Gundisalvoand MichaelScot,who wereinfluenced byAristotelian and
Arabicthoughton theplace ofcraftsin theorderingofknowledge.As
154 RadulfusArdens,Speculum 1.1inGrabmann,
universale Scholastischen 1:252-
Methode,
253.
Ardens,Speculum
155 Radulfus 1.1;thenamesandpartsofthemechanical
universale arts
accordingto Radulfusare diagrammedin Grabmann, Methode,
Scholastischen 1:254.
Artsin theTwelfth
andtheMechanical
Centuries 111
we shall see in moredetailin ChapterV, thesethinkers did not place

craftsin a discretecategory,as did Hugh and his followers,but con-
sideredthemunderthe rubricsof mathematics, physicsand the eco-
nomicartsas the practicalaspectsof thesetheoretical sciences.More-
over, for most of these thinkersthe emphasis was less on how
technologymightcontribute towardsalvationthanon how craftsfunc-
tionedas adjunctsto thevarioussciences.Althoughone maynoteiso-
latedcross-currents, as, forexample,Gundisalvo'suse ofthetermartes
mechanicae as well as fabriles artes,by and largein thetwelfth and early
thirteenth centuriesthesetwo quitedivergent conceptionsofcraftsex-
isted side by side withoutinfluencing each other.156
By the mid-thirteenth century, however,thissituationhad begunto
change.Discussionsoftheclassification ofknowledgelostmuchoftheir
earlierindividualand idiosyncratic character and becamemorerigorous,
systematic and comprehensive. The new focuson orderlypresentation
reflectednotonlythegrowingstandardization ofeducationbutalso the
availabilityofthefullcorpusofAristotle's workswhichsupplieda com-
plex systemof orderingknowledgeand helped fillin the contentof
manyareas of knowledge.157 The oftendetailedand precisetreatment
of craftsin the Arabictradition also providedan alternative to Hugh's
classificationand some degreeofblendingofAugustinian or Victorine,
Arabicand Aristotelian ideas on craftsbecame the characteristic ap-
proachby the last halfofthethirteenth century.158 In thebackground
the tensionbetweentheAugustinian viewofknowledgeas finally and
ultimately dependentupon the soul's pursuitof God, and the Aristo-
telianview,whichgave philosophyan autonomous,even ifoftensub-
ordinate,value, provideda fundamental touchstoneforideas on the
value and natureoftechnology. It is important to recognizethatwhile
theimpactofAristotle and Arabicphilosophywas immense,itwas not
overwhelming. The view ofcraftsas necessaryaids to salvationdevel-
oped by Hugh and his twelfth-century followers continuedto be influ-
entialand, even thoughmodifiedin termsof Aristotelian and Arabic
thought,retaineditsparticular strength as a divinely-ordained sanction
forthe pursuitoftechnology.
Hugh's classification ofthemechanicalartsappearedoverthelasthalf
ofthethirteenth century in theworksofBonaventure (1221-1274),Vin-
centofBeauvais(d. 1264),RobertKilwardby (d. 1279),AlbertusMagnus
(1206-1280),JohnofDacia (fl.1280),NicholasofParis(fl.mid-thirteenth
century), JohnDuns Scotus(c. 1265-1308)and RaymondLull (c. 1235-
156
DomingoGundisalvo(DominicusGundissalinus), De divisione
philosophiae,
ed. Lud-
wig Baur,BeitrdgezurGeschichtederPhilosophie
desMittelalters,
4.2-3 (Munster:
Druckund
VerlagderAschendorffschen Buchhandlung, 1903),139.
157 Weisheipl,"Classification
oftheSciences,"68.
158
Weisheipl,"Classification
oftheSciences,"68-69,75,80-81.Weisheiplemphasizes
thatmanythirteenth-century thinkersinterpreted
Aristotle's
worksin thelightofa Pla-
tonismderivedeitherfromAugustineor ArabicNeoplatonism (80-81).
112 Artsfrom
through Century
1315).159 All these authors,withthe exceptionof Bonaventure, show

the markedinfluenceofAristotelian or Arabic ideas about the place of
craftsin divisionsof knowledge,yetall also retainthe Victorinecon-
ceptionofthemechanicalarts.VincentofBeauvais'sSpeculum doctrinale,
thesecondvolumeofhismonumental encyclopedia, theSpeculum maius,
and RobertKilwardby'sDe ortuscientiarum, forexample,in quite dif-
ferentwaysrepresent a fulfillmentofHugh's ideas througha synthesis
with the "new science." Althoughless comprehensive in scope, the
remaining authorsalso adapttheartesmechanicae to thenew intellectual
atmosphere.
Least touchedby Aristotelian and Arabicthoughtwas Bonaventure,
whose ideas on the divisions knowledgeare containedin his De re-
of
ductioneartiumad theologiam and Collationes in Hexaemeron.160 Bona-
venture,a strongproponentof Augustinianism, here and elsewhere
defendsthe necessityof subordinating philosophyto SacredScripture
and the demandsof faith;withoutfaith,philosophyforhimis at best
a dangerousdistraction and, at worst,broughtmento theedge ofthe
"infiniteprecipice."161Atthesametime,Bonaventure believesthatboth
the sensible thingsof the world and the mind's responseto them
throughthe illumination of the intellectreflectand manifestthe di-
vine.162LikeAugustine,Bonaventure oscillatesbetweendistrust ofphi-
losophy's claims and appreciation for the way philosophy, properly
used, leads the humanmindtowardGod. It is significant thatwithin
these boundaries,however,Bonaventure, unlikeAugustine,findsno
more difficulty in includingthe mechanicalartswithinthe sphereof
divinelysanctionedknowledgethan he does in includingnaturalor
moralphilosophy.Althoughthemechanicalartsare "in a certainsense,
servile"and areofa lowernaturethanphilosophyproper,theyequally
have theiroriginin divineillumination, theirfunction in theserviceof
159 All of these authors, with the exception of Nicholas of Paris, are discussed below.
Nicholas of Paris's work on the division of the sciences has not been published but ac-
cording to Martin Grabmann, Mittelalterliches Geistesleben(Munich: M. Hueber, 1926),
1:242-244 he followed Hugh of St. Victoron the mechanical arts.
160 Bonaventure, De reductione
SaintBonaventure's ad theologiam:
artium A Commentary
with
an Introductionand Translation,ed. and tr.SisterEmma Therese Healey (Saint Bonaventure,
N.Y.: Saint BonaventureCollege, 1939); Bonaventure,Collationesin Hexaemeron, ed. R.P.
Ferdinandus Delorme (Florence:Ad Claras Aquas, 1934); fora general discussion of Bon-
aventure's ideas on the divisionofknowledge see, especially,BonaventureHinwood, "The
Division of Human Knowledge in the Writingsof Saint Bonaventure," FranciscanStudies,
n.s. 38 (1978):220-259.
161 Bonaventure, Collationes in Hexaemeron1.3, ed. Delorme, 11; on the relationshipof
theologyand philosophyin Bonaventure'sthought,see JohnFrancisQuinn, TheHistorical
Constitutionof St. Bonaventure's Philosophy, Studies and Texts, 23 (Toronto: PontificalIn-
stituteof Mediaeval Studies, 1973), 811-816.
162 Itinerarium
Bonaventure, in Deum1-4, Itineraire
mentis de l'esprit
versDieu: textede
Quaracchi,trans.Henry Dumery (Paris: J.Vrin,1960), 26-31; TheMind's Road toGod,trans.
George Boas (New York: The Liberal Arts Press, 1953); J.M. Bissen, L'exemplarisme
divin
selonSaintBonaventure
(Paris:J.Vrin,1929).
iHughofSt. Victor
andtheMechanical
Artsin theTwelfth
andThirteenth
Centuries 113
'humanwelfare,and theirfinalpurposein themanifestation of Divine

Wisdom.163
Bonaventuretakes both his conceptionof the purpose of the me-
chanicalartsand thelistoftheseartsfromHugh ofSt. Victor,whom,
as he says, he muchadmired."64 Perhapsin indirectreference to Au-
g-astine'sdiscussion,at the end of the CityofGod,of the artsas part
necessary,partpleasurableGod-givenconsolationsforthe distressof
our fallenlife,Bonaventureconsidershow each mechanicalartis in-
tendedforhumanconsolationor comfort, and how eachbanisheswant
by supplyinga necessityor removingan impediment, or,alternatively,
benefitsand delights.165In his Sermones dedecempraeceptis Bonaventure
discusseswhichmechanicalartscan be performed on theSabbathand
dividesthemintothosenecessaryfortheconservation oflifeand health
(whichare therefore approvedinsofaras theyare necessaryand pro-
hibitedinsofaras theyare servile),thoseentirely servileand therefore
prohibitedon theSabbath,and thoseforpleasure,whichare permitted
on accountof our weakness.Unfortunately, he does nottellus which
arts fitintowhichcategory.166 Bonaventureemphasizesthe post-lap-
,iarianfunctionof the mechanicalartsin otherways, also. Thus, for
example,he strongly expressestheidea thatthewholecorporealworld,
includingtheanimals,was createdto servemankindand thatafterthe
1Fallthisservicewas specificallydirectedtowardsatisfying man'sphys-
ical needs forclothing,food,and labor.167
Bonaventure, unlikeHugh,is further interestedin theanalogicalspir-
itualmeaningofthearts.HereBonaventure uses Aristoteliandefinitions
to help explainhow the artesmechanicae exemplify divineartthrough
analogy.The mechanicalarts,likeotherkindsofknowledge,manifest
Divinewisdomand canbe reducedtothelightofSacredScripture. Thus
the artificer's
use of a mentalimageto producean artifact exemplifies
by analogythe processby whichtheInvisiblebecomesvisibleand the
Wordwas made incarnate;theartificer's desireto producea workthat
is beautiful,usefuland enduringcorrespondsto thethreeelementsof
life,knowledgewhichproducesbeauty,thewillwhichrendersan object
usefuland perseverancewhichrendersit lasting;and, finally,the ar-
tificer's
desireforpraise,benefit and delightexemplifies thesoul'sthree-
163 Bonaventure, De reductione
artium2:11-13.(Healy,39-41,52-55).
164 Ibid.,5 (Healy,46).
165 Augustine,CityofGod22.24,(Dombart, 612);Bonaventure, De reductione
artium 2
(Healy,38-41).
166
Bonaventure, Sermonesdedecem Sermo
praeceptis. 4, in Operaomnia,ed. A. C. Peltier
(Paris:L. Vives,1864),2:243:"Illa vero,quae suntmeraejucunditatis, suntpermissa,non
prohibita, quia propterparvitatem nostrampermittentur ab Ecclesia."Bonaventure'slist
ofthemechanical artsherediffers fromthatin De reductione
slightly artiuminthathe names
fabricatio
in place ofarmatura. Themechanical artsarealso brieflymentioned in Collationes
in Hexaemeron, 34., ed. Delorme,200.
167 See Alexander Schaefer,"The Positionand FunctionofMan in theCreatedWorld
accordingtoSaintBonaventure," Franciscan n.s. 20(1960):261-316,
Studies, and,especially,
326.
114 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through Century
theThirteenth
foldactivity,to praise,serveand finddelightin God.168Themechanical

arts servehumanitynot onlyby providingnecessaryphysicalconso-
lationsand benefitsbut in thelargerpurposeof demonstrating God's
"footprints" in theworld;they,likeotherkindsof knowledge,which
in theirown ways are "reduced"to theology,draw the mindtoward
the divine.
Bonaventure'streatment of themechanicalartsdiffers fromHugh's
in certainrespects,but,nevertheless, retainsboththepreciselistofarts
givenin theDidascalicon and thefundamental Augustinian premisethat
thepursuitoftechnology was a partofthefallensoul'sprogresstoward
God. More oftenlate thirteenth-century discussionsof themechanical
artsshow a stronger Aristotelian influence.AlbertusMagnus,forex-
ample, despite his overall dependence on Aristotelianand Arabic
schemesof knowledge,may have knownHugh's descriptions of the
sevenmechanicalarts.'69Althoughhe also uses therubrics and
factibilia
apotelesmataderivedfromtheAristotelian Albertus'sfavorite
tradition,
termfortechnological artsis artesmechanicae;otherechoesofHugh in-
clude thelabelingofthemechanicalartsas "adulterine"and, perhaps,
the frequentpairingofliberaland mechanicalartsas analogoussetsof
JohnDuns Scotus,on theotherhand,avoids theuse of
disciplines.170
thetermartesmechanicae altogether and listswool-working, wood-work-
ing, soldiering,navigation,agriculture, medicineand the art of con-
structionas the "practicalartswhichare concernedwithmaking."'171
Duns Scotusherecombinesa definition oftechnological artsultimately
derivedfromthe Aristotelian tradition of the productivearts,or arts
whichmade a product,witha specific listofartsclearlydescendedfrom
Hugh of St. Victor.172 Johnof Dacia also places theartesmechanicae in
an Aristotelian framework. He opens his discussionof the divisionof
the scienceswiththepremise,ascribedto Aristotle, thatall men have
168 artium
De reductione
Bonaventure, 11-14(Healy,52-55).
169 Albertus 7.22in Operaomnia,ed.
Magnus,Liberde apprehensione AugustusBorgnet
(Paris:L. Vives,1841),5:631listsand briefly definesthesevenmechanical artsbutdoes
notmentionHughofSt. Victor'sname;whilekeepingtoHugh'scategories, Albertus also
givesalternative namesin somecases,forexample,he refers sivevestitiva,"
to"lanificium
"navigatiovel mercatura," and "venatioseu cibativa."FordiscussionofAlbertus'clas-
sificationoftheartsand sciencesin theArabicpattern, see belowChapterV, pp. 136-9.
170 AlbertusMagnus,Commentary on Aristotle'sPhysics, Book.2, Tract.1,ch. 10-11,
in Operaomnia,3:112-115;Commentary on Aristotle's
Ethics,Book1, Tract.3, ch. 1-2, 8
in Operaomnia,7:29-33,40-41;Commentary on Aristotle's Book1, ch. 2 in Opera
Politics,
omnia,8:20-21;Commentary Metaphysics
on Aristotle's Book1, tract.1, ch. 6, 10,Book1,
tract.2, ch. 7, 9 in Operaomniaed. BernardGeyer(Cologne:Monasterium Westfalorum
in AedibusAschendorff, 1960),9, 15,24, 26.
171 Johannes Duns Scotus,QuaestionesintertiumlibrumSententiarumDist.34,qu. 1,Scho-
liumin Operaomnia,novaju. ed. Wadding(Paris:L. Vives,1894),15:494-495:"Habitus
etiampracticusacquisitusdividitur in eum,qui est circaagibile,et in eum qui est circa
factibile."The namesof thearts,sometimesabbreviated, are givenas "lana., nemus.,
miles,navigatio,rus.,medicina,arsfabrilis."
172 Aristotle 2.1 993band 11.7 1064a)distinguishes
(Metaphysics practicalarts,or arts
expressedin actionand productive arts,or artswhichmadesomeproductor object;see
above ChapterII, p. 35.
HughofSt. Victor
Artsin theTwelfth Centuries 115
been givena naturaldesireto removethemanyimperfections ofboth

body and soul underwhichtheysuffer.173 The mechanicalartswere
discoveredto satisfythesephysicalneeds and freemen to pursuethe
liberalarts.'74Afterbriefly contrastingmagic,whichis uselessand pro-
hibited,withtheusefuland necessaryliberaland mechanicalarts,John
names the mechanicalartsas theyare listedin the Didascalicon.l75 He
alterstheirdefinitions, however,to fitmorecloselyhis conceptoftheir
function. Lanificium, forexample,includesmethodsofrepelling coldand
inducingitsopposite,decoration and allbusinessinvolvingwool orflax;
armatura refers tothemeansbywhichinjuriestothebodyand accidental
death are avoided;medicine,he pointsout,belongsto themechanical
arts only insofaras it consistsof worksconcernedwiththe human
body.176RaymondLull, who uses Aristotelian terminology to explain
thefunction oftheartsas skills,callingthem"habitsmecanse liberalis,"
pairs the seven liberalartswiththe seven mechanicalarts,named as
iron-working, carpentry, textile-working, commerce,navi-
agriculture,
gationand cavalry. 177 Lullplacesan interestingemphasison feudalwar-
fareas a mechanicalartnot onlyby includingcavalrybut also by de-
scribing carpentry as theartwhichproducesthelanceusedbytheknight
and the trebuquet,as well as building,the plow and the rudderof a
ship.178
The mostsubstantial singletreatments ofthedivisionofthesciences
inthemiddleand latethirteenth century, VincentofBeauvais'sSpeculum
and RobertKilwardby's
,loctrinale De ortuscientiarum,
offera morethor-
ough and comprehensive synthesis oftheartesmechanicae
withthenew
learning.Vincentexplicates
s,cientific the contentand scope of the in-
(lividualartsin greaterdetailthanearlierauthors,as wellas expanding
upon the Augustinianand Victorinetradition whichtied knowledge,
includingthemechanicalarts,to themandategivento thehumanrace
to restoreitselfto its pre-lapsarian condition.Kilwardby, on the other
hand,outlinesa noveljustification ofHugh'smechanical artsas practical
Sciences,replacingthereligioussanctionfortechnology withone based
173 Johnof Dacia, Divisioscientiae in JohannisDaci opera,ed. AlfredOtto,Corpusphilo-

sophorum Danicorum MediiAevi,1 (Hauriae:Apud Librarium G. E. C. Gad, 1955),3.
174 Ibid.,20.
175
Ibid.,20-21,Thediscussionofmagic,18-20,is also derivedfromHughofSt.Victor,
(Didascalicon6.15 [Buttimer,132-133]).
176 Johnof Dacia, Divisioscientiae in Opera,ed. Otto,20-21. The definitions of thein-
d'ividualartsbeara certainresemblance tothosein thecommentary on Martianus Capella
attributed toBernardSilvestris,Commentary onthe"Aeneid," ed. JonesandJones, Appendix
C, 133. Cf. Raoul de Longchamps,Commentary on theAnticlaudianus, ed. Sulovsky,44,
vihichis also similar.
177 Raymond Lull,Arbredeciencia ed. ArmandLlinares(Barcelona:
5.5in Obresessencials,
EditorialSelecta,1957),629-630.Lull givesthenamesofthemechanicalartsas ferreria,
fusteria,sartoria, mercaderia,
agricolia, marineria, medicineand law are described
cavalleria;
aftertheliberalartsandpreceding philosophy, 632.See Ovitt,Restoration 133-
ofPerfection,
135,fora generaldiscussionofLull'sconception oftherelationships amongthesciences.
178 Lull,Arbre deciencia5.5b (ed. Llinares,629).
116 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
on theAristotelian and Arabicconceptofnaturalphilosophyand math-

ematicsas composedof a dual theoretical and practicalaspect.Almost
diametrically opposed in theirtreatments of technology as a branchof
knowledge,together thesetwoworkssum up muchofthecurrent de-
velopmentofmedievalthoughton themechanicalarts.
Whilecharacteristicofthirteenth-century thoughtin itspush toward
encyclopedicsynthesis, Vincent'sSpeculum doctrinaleis also verymuch
in the spiritoftheDidascalicon, bothin itsunderlying principlesand in
its attentionto concretedetail.ThatVincent'sconceptionoflearningis
imbuedwiththe Augustinianand Victorine ideal of knowledgeas di-
vinelyplannedrestoration is clearfromtheverybeginningofthework.
It startswithan accountof the Fall, drawnfromAugustine,Hugh of
St. Victorand RichardofSt. Victor;thenaturalgoods providedto man
by God; theevilsresulting fromtheFall;and theircorresponding rem-
edies in the artsand sciences."79 Like Hugh, Vincentregardsthe me-
chanicalartsas a fully-fledged categoryof knowledge.He quotes ex-
tensivelyfromtheDidascalicon on thenecessityforincludingmechanics
among the partsof philosophy.180Recapitulating the developmentof
Augustinianideas on thestatusoftechnology, Vincentbeginsthesec-
tionon theartesmechanicae by quotingtheprovocative and ambivalent
passage on theartsin Augustine'sCityofGodand immediately follows
itwithHugh ofSt. Victor'sanswerin theDidascalicon (1.9)whichshows
themechanicalartstobe theexpressionofhumandignity and power.181
Yet sincehe wishesto presenta completedigestofup-to-dateknowl-
edge, he also incorporates aspectsofAristotelian and Arabiclearning.
His discussionoftheclassification ofknowledge,forexample,includes
alternativeschemesbyMichaelScotand Aristotle whichalso emphasize
technologicalarts.In MichaelScot's classification, forexample,which
followstheArabicprototype, medicine,agriculture, navigationand al-
chemyare describedas partsofpracticalphysicsand business,carpen-
try,construction, shoemaking and similarartsarepartofpractical math-
ematics.182In Vincent's descriptionof Aristotle'sclassification,
philosophyis dividedintomechanica, whichrepelstheindigenceofthe
body, and the liberalarts,whichrepelthe indigenceof the soul, or,
179
VincentofBeauvais,Speculum quadruplexsivespeculum maius,vol.2, Speculum
doctrinale
(Graz:Akademische Druck-u. Verlagsanstalt, 1965),1.1-9. Thisis a photo-reproduction
ofthe1624editionbyDouai, cols. 1-10;on theSpeculum maius;see SergeLusignan,"Pr&
faceau Speculum Maiusde Vincentde Beauvais:refraction et diffraction,"
Cahiers
d'etudes
medievales4 (1979):95-110
and Lusignan,"Les artsmecaniquesdansle Speculum Doctrinale
de Vincentde Beauvais,"Cahiers d'etudesmedievales 7 (1982):33-48.
180 Vincent ofBeauvais,Speculum doctrinale
1.15(Douai, col. 15).
181
Ibid.,11.1(Douai,col. 993).Vincentalso quotesthesectionon theartsfromtheCity
ofGod22.24in Speculum doctrinale1.8 (Douai,col.8) in hisdescription ofthenaturalgoods
ofthesoul givento man.Whether deliberatelyor,moreprobably, becauseofa copyist's
or printer'serror,Augustine'sdivisionoftheartsinto"partnecessary,partpleasurable
(voluptariae)"has becomein theSpeculum doctrinale "partnecessary, partvoluntary(vol-
untariae)."
182
VincentofBeauvais,Speculum doctrinale
1.16(Douai, col. 16).
andtheMechanical
andThirteenth
Centuries 117
alternatively,into theoryor speculativephilosophyand practice,di-

vided intotheoperationsofthesoul (morals)and theoperationsofthe
body (mechanica).183
Vincentof Beauvais'smajorcontribution to themedievalconceptof
technologyis the fleshingout of the contentand scope of each of the
riaechanicalarts.The plan of the Speculumdoctrinale
followsthe Didas-
caliconand, except forthe substitution
of alchemyformedicine,also
borrowedfromtheArabictradition, Vincentuses Hugh's namesforthe
mechanicalarts.WhenVincenttreatseach artin detail,his varieduse
of sourcesamountsto a synthesis ofclassicaland medievallearningon
" Vincent'sdiscussionofarmatura,
the crafts. forexample,includesa
bnriefdescriptiontakenfromRichardof St. Victor'sLiberexceptionum,
excerptsfromIsidoreofSeville'sEtymologiae on navalwarfare, theparts
ofbuildings,and triumphs, and lengthyquotationsfromVitruvius's De
and Vegetius's De re militari.185The section on navigation
architectura
,imilarlycombinesIsidoreon shipswithCiceroon the relativeworth
ofretailand wholesaletradeand the discussionof agriculture ranges
fromRichardof St. Victor,to Ciceroand Augustineon the personal
delightsof gardeningand agriculture, to technicaladvice takenfrom
Palladius's De agricultura
and, finally,to Isidoreon farmingtools.186
Vincent'sinclusionofalchemyas thelastmechanicalartis a departure
fromhis earlierdependenceon theVictorine tradition.The description
ofalchemy,drawnfromtheimportant sourcesavailableinthethirteenth
century,coversmaterial,instruments and proceduresand pointsout
the usefulnessofalchemyformedicineand construction.187
The Speculum in manyways fleshesout the description
doctrinale of
themechanicalartsin theDidascalicon.
Monumental in scope,itexplores
in detailthe connectionsbetweenman's Fall and his need forknowl-
edge, the place of technology
amongthe partsof philosophyand the
availablelearningon each oftheartesmechanicae.IfVincent'sapproach
is concernedmorewithbooklearning thanactualpracticeof the arts,
morewithreligiouspurposethanphilosophical or scientific
rigor,these
183
Ibid., 1.18,(Douai, col. 17). Here Vincentgivesyetanotherderivation oftheterm
mechanica, whichhe assertsis fromtheGreekmaecha or servant.
184 For a moredetailedand quantitative assessmentof thesechapters,see Lusignan,
"Artsmecaniques,"37, 40, 44.
185
VincentofBeauvais,Speculum doctrinale
11.13-91,(Douai, cols. 1001-1043).
186
Ibid.,11.98-100(Douai,col.1048-1050) onnavigation; 11.102-104 (Douai,cols.1051-
1053on agriculture).
187 Ibid., 11.105-133(Douai, cols. 1053-1082);Vincentremovesmedicinefromtheme-
chanicalartsbecauseitconsistslessinmanualoperation thaninmentalspeculation, ibid.,
11.104(Douai, col. 1053),and, one suspectsto makeroomforalchemy.Vincent'scon-
nectionbetweenalchemy,medicineand construction, ibid.,11.105(Douai, cols. 1053-
1054),as wellas hisinclusionofalchemyas a mechanical artis emphasizedbyLusignan,
"Artsmecaniques,"44-46as demonstrating aninterestincontemporary practical
problems
lackingin theremainder ofVincent'sdiscussionofthemechanical arts.Forbibliography
on alchemyin the MiddleAges, see Claude Gagnon,"Recherchebibliographique sur
l'Alchimiemedievaleoccidentale," in La Science
de la nature:Theories
etpratiques, Cahiers
d'etudesmedievales,2 (Montreal: Bellarmin, 1974;Paris:J.Vrin,1974),155-199.
118 TheMechanical
Artsfrom through
Antiquity Century
theThirteenth
of the Didascalicon
qualitiesare also characteristic and of one strandof
medievalthoughton technology. A quite different view of crafts,yet
one stillwithintheVictorine tradition,is providedinRobertKilwardby's
De ortuscientiarum.
RobertKilwardby'sfull-scale treatiseon the divisionsofphilosophy
has beencalledtheculmination and completion oftheVictorine tradition
and "the mostambitiousand astuteconsideration"
of classification of
ofthesciencesin thethirteenth
the classification century.188 Its impor-
tanceforthehistoryofideas abouttechnology lies less in thenewness
of Kilwardby'sconceptionsthan in his successfulredefinition of the
Victorinenotionof the artesmechanicae, whichharmonizeswithAris-
totelianand Arabicconceptsof scientific knowledge.Writtenaround
1250,189theDe ortuscientiarum drawsuponAristotelian and ArabicNeo-
platonicsources,as wellas Latinworkswithan Augustinian ambiance,
in particularthe Didascalicon,and presentsa cohesive,philosphically
rigorousreworking ofcurrenttraditions on thenatureofcrafts as a part
ofknowledge.190
Kilwardbybeginshis treatment ofthemechanicalartsby systematiz-
ing the Victorinecategoriesunderwhichcraftsare subsumed.Writing
as he does at the end of a long line of revisionsof Hugh's original
scheme,Kilwardbymodifiesthelistofthemechanicalartsalongwhat
had becomeconventional linesbutinan unusuallyexplicit and thorough
manner.LikeGodfrey ofSt.Victorand others,he placesmechanicswith
ethicsas thepracticalsciencesofthebodyand soul respectively.191 In
keepingwithhis systematic approach,Kilwardby firstgivesan account
of the mechanicalartsaccordingto Hugh, thenidentifies the relevant
sectionsofIsidoreofSeville'sEtymologiae and followswithhis own im-
provements.192 First,as in manyotherrevisionsof Hugh, theateris
eliminated.Kilwardby,however,adds the explanationthat theater
oughttobe greatly detestedand repudiatedbyCatholics. 193 The playing
188
Ovitt,"The StatusoftheMechanicalArts,"101;Weisheipl,"TheNature,Scopeand
Classification of the Sciences,"in Sciencein theMiddleAges,ed. Lindberg,479. ForKil-
wardby'sideas on thenatureand classification ofmathematics, metaphysics, ethicsand
language,see D.E. Sharp,"The De ortuscientiarum ofRobertKilwardby," TheNewScho-
lasticism8 (1934):1-30and Weisheipl,"Classification of theSciences,"75-78. The only
substantialdiscussionof Kilwardby on themechanicalartsis Ovitt,"The Statusof the
MechanicalArts,"101-104,and Restoration ofPerfection,127-130.
189
On thedate,see Crombie,Robert Grossteste,138.
190 For Kilwardby's use ofArabicNeoplatonism, of the
see Weisheipl,"Classification
Sciences,"75; Sharp,"The De ortuscientiarum," 2, however,rejectsanyinfluence ofNeo-
Platonismon Kilwardby, butsuggeststhatKilwardby and Augus-
used bothAristotelian
tinianideas as theysuitedhis own view.
191 Kilwardby, De ortuscientiarum34 and 35, ed. AlbertG. Judy(Oxford:Clarendon
Press,1976),123-126.
192 Ibid., 39 and 40 (ed. Judy,129-133).Ovitt,"The Statusof the Mechanical Arts,"
101-102,overestimates the degreeof originality in Kilwardby'srevisionsof the listof
mechanical arts;mostofKilwardby's changeshad beenanticipated inthetwelfth century;
see above,pp. 103-4,105-6,107.
193 Kilwardby, De ortuscientiarum40.373,ed. Judy,131.
Artsin theTwelfth
andtheMechanical
Centuries 119
of instrumentsis permissible,but only because this falls under medi-

cine.194Second, again typically,Kilwardbypoints out thatthisomission
permitsarchitectureto be separated fromarms or defense.195Third,he
suggests that several of Hugh's names forthe categoriesof mechanical
arts are inappropriate.Thus what Hugh calls lanificiawould more prop-
erly be called artevestitivam (art of garments)or coopertivam(coverings)
because these termsare more general,and, similarly,navigationshould
be mercatura,agricultureterraecultus, huntingcibativa(food science) or
nutritiva(nutrition)or some name of this sort.196The jettisoningof the-
;ter also allows a closer approximationto the liberalartsthan Hugh had
suggested, fornow terraecultus, cibativaand medicine, which all pertain
t:o the inner body, can be associated with the triviumand vestitiva,ar-
n?atura,architectura and mercatura, which pertain to the exteriorof the
body, can be associated with the quadrivium.197
Kilwardby's pragmaticattitudecomes throughin the closing passage
of the chapter:
On thesubjectofsubtledivisionoftheseartsthrough theirimmediate [objects],

theirproperdefinitions,materialsand ends, I do not thinkone oughtto be
concernedat present,firstso as notto wanderuselesslyamongthosesubjects
whichmodernphilosophersconsiderof littleimportance; thenbecause their
materialsand ends ratherbecomeknownto operatorsby hand workthanto
philosopherswho considertruthalone whileunfamiliar withoperations,and
we are incompetentin these[materials, ends];finally,
becausemechanicalarts
could be distinguishedin [so] manyvariousways, and in [so] manydiverse
numbers.ForI see no othercompelling reasonwhyaboutso countlessan array
ofartswe shouldnumberthemprecisely as seven,save fora certainsuperficial
correspondence withthesevenliberalarts.198
Kilwardby's importance and originalityfor the historyof medieval

conceptions of technology,however, lie primarilyin the subsequent
section of his work in which he takes up, perhaps in deliberatecontrast
to the "modern philosophers" referredto in the passage quoted above,
the question of how the mechanical arts pertain to philosophy. Kil-
wardby had begun the De ortu scientiarum by distinguishingamong:
194 Ibid., 40.373 (ed. Judy,132).

195 Ibid., This and many of the otherchanges made by Kilwardbydescribed here seem
to reflectthe variationsmade by Godfreyof St. Victor;see above, p. 107.
196
Ibid., 40.374-377 (ed. Judy,132-133).
1 Ibid., 40.378 (ed. Judy,133).
198 Ibid., 40.378 (ed. Judy,133):
De istarumartiumsubtilidivisioneperimmediata etdefinitionibus
earumpropriis materiisqueac
finibusnonreputoad praesensesse sollicitandum,
tumne inutiliter
evagemur ad ea quae moderni
philosophiparumconsiderant, tumquia materiaeearumet finesmagismanuoperatoribus in-
notescerehabentquam philosophissolamveritatem et nos operationum
speculantibus expertes
sumus et in eisdeminexperti,tumquia mechanicaevariismodisdistingui possentet in variis
numeris.Nullamenimvideonecessitatem quarein taminnumerabilibusartibusponamuspraecise
septenarium nisiquandamcongruentiam apparentem ad septenariumartium liberalium.
120 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
knowledge or science necessaryto salvation (thatis, Sacred Scripture);

science which is superstitious,injuriousand to be avoided (magic); and
science which teaches truthsabout thingsor about honorable conduct,
which is catholic, useful and to be esteemed (philosophy).199Having
quietly abandoned the Augustinianideal thatall knowledge must serve
salvation, even while keeping intactHugh's principleof classification
of the mechanical arts, Kilwardbymust substitutea justificationof the
artesmechanicae as science based on a reworkingof Aristotelianand Ar-
abic ideas.
The essential difficulty forKilwardbyis that, according to Aristotle,
true science, includingphysics,must be concernedwith universals,but
ethics and mechanics, because they proceed from human acts and
works, are concerned with the singulars or contingencieswhich are
products ofhuman will.200As has been recentlyand insightfully pointed
out by George Ovitt, Kilwardby attacks this dichotomyfromseveral
directions.201 Physicsdoes not itselfalways argue fromnecessarytruths,
he remarks,and the diversityof opinions about naturalthingstestifies
to this.202More importantly,Kilwardbyargues thatalthough a distinc-
tion between operativeand contemplativesciences mustbe maintained,
nevertheless,the speculative sciences are practicaland the practicalsci-
ences speculative:
In as muchas we have said something separatelyconcerning the speculative

partofphilosophyand something aboutthepracticalpart,now itis important
to say somethingaboutthemin comparison witheach other.I ask therefore in
whatway theyare distinguished accordingto theirdegreeof speculativephi-
losophyand praxis,sincethosewhichare practicalare,indeed,speculative-
it is important
certainlythatone considerfirstby speculativevirtuewhatone
oughtto perform in practical
virtue-and,conversely, thespeculativesciences
are notwithoutpraxis.Does not,in fact,arithmetic teachhow to add numbers
themfromeachother,to multiply
to each otherand to subtract and divideand
drawout theirsquareroots,all ofwhichthingsare operations? Againdoes not
musicteachto play theluteand fluteand thingsof thissort?Againdoes not
geometry teachhow to measureeverydimension,through whichbothcarpen-
tersand stoneworkers work?Again,does notone knowthetimefornavigation
and plantingand thingsofthissortthrough astronomy? It seemstherefore that
everysinglesciencesaid to be speculativeis also practical.It seems,therefore,
thatthespeculativesciencesare practicaland thepracticalspeculative.203
199Ibid.,1.2(ed. Judy,9). Fora backgroundoftheproblem oftruthandtheorganization

of knowledgein thethirteenth century,see StevenP. Marrone,William ofAuvergne
and
Robert NewIdeasofTruthin theEarlyThirteenth
Grosseteste: Century Princeton
(Princeton:
University Press,1983),3-23.
200 Kilwardby, De ortuscientiarum41.379(ed. Judy,134).
201
Ovitt,"The Statusof theMechanicalArts,"102-103,and Restoration ofPerfection,
128-130.
202
Kilwardby, De ortuscientiarum41.389(ed. Judy,136-137).
203 Ibid.,42.393(ed. Judy, 138):
Centuries 121
Kilwardby is not contentto rest here but attemptsto establish more

preciselythe relationshipof the practicalsciences. On the one hand, he
arranges the sciences in a hierarchyofincreasinguniversalityand status.
Metaphysics is the highestscience because of the dignityof its subject,
followed by mathematics,because of its certainty,physics, ethics and,
finally,mechanics.204Mechanics and ethics,however, are relatedto each
otherthroughtheircommon characteras practicalor operativesciences,
and, although mechanics cannot be considered a subdivision of ethics,
corporeal good, aimed at by mechanics,should be ordered toward spir-
itual good and, therefore,mechanicscan aid one to lead a more virtuous
life more easily.205On the other hand, Kilwardby explores how the
practical sciences are connected directlyto the speculative sciences
through the relationshipof subalternationor subordination.Not only
do the theoreticalsciences also teach practicaloperations but the dif-
ferentmechanicalartsmake use ofvarious theoreticalsciences according
to theirparticularmaterialsor aims. The relationshipof subalternation
is furthergoverned by the speculativesciences' demonstrationof propter
quid or the "reason for somethingbeing as it is" and the mechanical
arts' explanation quia or "that somethingis."206
. . . so it seemsto me thatall themechanicalartsare subalternate to thespec-

ulativesciences,althoughoccasionally theconditionofsubalternation is found
morecompletely in some,less completely in others.Underphysics,indeed,are
medicineand alchemy,which[itselfl is notincongruously reducedtocommerce,
whichitselfis the scienceof wealth-getting. In the same way, wool-working,
themakingofarms,architecture, agriculture and foodscience,whichexamine
withrespectto theirobject,aremuchsupportedbyphysics,and physicsmakes
knownthepropter quidofmanythingsaboutwhichtheymakeknownthequia
sunt.Similarly, navigation,whichpertainsto commerce,and agriculture are
muchaidedbyastronomy becauseoftheirconcernwithseasonsand movements
of the heavens,and theymakeuse of manythingswhichastronomy and as-
trologymake knownthe propter quid.Similarly, the artof numbering, which
because of its computations is well reducedto commerce, is underarithmetic
Postquamaliquidde partephilosophiae speculativa et aliquidde partepracticaseorsumdiximus,

nuncoportetde earumad invicemcomparatione aliquiddicere.Quaeroigiturquomododistin-
guanturpenes speculationem et praxim,cumillaequae practicaesuntsintetiamspeculativae-
oportetenimpriusvirtute speculativa
contemplari quod virtute practicadebemusoperari-ete
conversospeculativaenon sinepraxisunt.Nonneenimarithmetica docetnumerosadderead
invicemet subtrahereab invicem, etdividereetradiceseorumextrahere,
multiplicare quae omnia
suntoperationes?Itemnonnemusicadocetcitharizare et caneretibiaet huiusmodi?Itemnonne
geometria docetmensurare omnemdimensionem undeet carpentarii et caementarii
peream op-
erantur?Itemnonneperastronomiam scitur
tempusnavigandi etseminandi ethuiusmodi?
Videtur
igiturquod unaquaequedictarum speculativarum sitetiampractica.Videturergoquod et spe-
culativaesintpracticaeet practicae
speculativae.
204
Ibid.,41.392(ed. Judy,137).
205
Ibid.,43.406(ed. Judy,142).
206 On thisdistinctioninAristotle
andmedievalthought,
see Crombie,
Robert
Grosseteste,
25-27, 52-57.
122 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
and theinstrumental artofharmony, whichcanbe reducedtomedicine, is under

themathematics ofproportions. Similarly,
architecture,construction,
and arms-
makingwithrespectto theirmethodofoperatingare undergeometry because
geometry makesknownthepropter quidofmanythingsaboutwhichtheymake
knownonlythequia. Similarly, I thinkthatwool-making is withrespectto its
methodunderarithmetic and geometry. It examinesindeed the numberand
textureofthreadsand themeasurement and formofthewarp,affirming in each
of thesethingsthatit is thisway or thatway,whilethecauses of thesesame
thingspertainto arithmetic or geometry.Again,medicineis aided notonlyby
physicsbut by astrology, and consequently, by astronomy, withoutwhichas-
trologyis notable tobe known.Similarly, in othermechanicalartseverywhere
you findthattheyare undersomespeculativescienceor sciences....
Kilwardbyhere reinforceshis earlierpoint about the interdependence

of the speculative and practicalsciences by exploringhow craftsprovide
empirical knowledge of physical conditions, the causes of which can
then be explained by the theoreticalsciences. Thus, although the me-
chanical arts are not themselvesconcerned with universals and cannot
supply fullycertainknowledge, they are, nevertheless,part of philos-
ophy throughtheirclose relationshipto such sciences, as physics and
mathematics.Moreover,as partof philosophy,the mechanicalartshave
their originin the human soul's natural desire to seek the good of the
body, and take theirvalue fromtheassistancetheyofferto human efforts
to live virtuouslyor to understand the physical world.208
Kilwardby's work in many ways reflectsthe unifyingand systema-
tizing tendencies of thirteenth-century thoughtin general. His view of
knowledge as both theoreticaland operative or practical,as well as the
specificlinkages he makes between medicine, agricultureand physics,
commerce and arithmetic,and constructionand geometry,shows the
stronginfluenceof Arabicideas, as we will see in the followingchapter.
Similarly,his view that philosophy as a whole teaches one to live well
207 Kilwardby,De ortuscientiarum

43.401 (ed. Judy,139-140):
Ut mihividetur,quod omnesmechanicaesubalternantur scientiisspeculativis,quamvisalicubi

inveniatur in eis pleniorratiosubalternationis,
in aliquibusminusplena.Sub physicaenimsunt
medicinaetalchimia, quae nonincongrue reduciturad mercaturam quae ditativaest.Eodemmodo
lanificiumet armatura etarchitectonicaetagriculturaetcibativa, rationeeorumquae considerant,
multumiuvantur a physica,et physicahabetdicerepropter quidmultorum de quibusistaedicunt
quia sunt.Similiter navigatio,quae ad mercaturam pertinet, et agriculturamultumiuvanturab
astronomia propter considerationemtemporum etmotuumastrorum etmultasupponunt quorum
astronomia vel astrologiahabetdicerepropter quid.Similiter ars numerativa, quae proptercom-
putationes bene reducitur ad mercaturam, sub arithmetica est,et arsharmonicae instrumentalis,
quae bene potestreducead medicinam, sub harmonica mathematica est.Similiter architectonica,
fabrilis
etarmatura quoad modumoperandisubgeometria sunt,quiaipsahabetdicerepropter quid
multorum de quibusipsae dicunttantumquia.Similiter lanificium quoad modum putoesse sub
arithmetica et geometria. Numerumenimet texturam filorum et mensuram telarumet formam
considerat dicensin omnibusquia sicestvel sic,cumeorundemcausaead arithmeticam vel geo-
metriam spectent. Itemmedicina nontantum a physicaiuvatur sedab astrologia,etperconsequens
ab astronomia, sinequa nequitsciriastrologia.Similiterin aliismechanicis ubiqueinveniesquod
ipsae sintsub aliquaspeculativa velaliquibus.
208 Ibid, 37.358 (ed. Judy,127).
Centuries 123
but has no directrelationto salvationis clearlyAristotelian

ratherthan
Augustinianin inspiration.At thesametime,Kilwardby's treatmentof
themechanicalartsas a distinct category and hisconsiderationbyname
of each of the mechanicalartsas namedby Hugh (withthe singleex-
ception,carefully oftheater)place Kilwardbysquarelywithin
justified,
the Victorinetradition.Kilwardby's concernto harmonizethesediffer-
ent strandsofthought,and his successin doingso, demonstrate both
his own originalityand thepowerand adaptability ofHugh ofSt. Vic-
tor'sconceptoftheartesmechanicae.
Conclusion
This surveyconfirms the continuing importance of Hugh of St. Vic-

tor'svisionofthemechanicalartsthroughthelasthalfofthethirteenth
centuryfromitsoriginin theearlytwelfth century.The artesmechanicae
clearlyhelpedtofilla wide-spread needtoencompasstechnology within
the sphereoflegitimate knowledge.Whereasin theancientworldand
the earlymedievalperiodcraftsappearedonlyperipherally, when at
all, in discussionsofthepartsofknowledge,fromthemid-twelfth cen-
turythe vast majorityof such discussionsgave an important place to
crafts,mostin termsderivedfromHugh of St. Victor.Even if,as has
been suggestedby GeorgeOvitt,medievalclassifications oflearningin
generalwere definedand informed by a "conventionof list-making,"
and entrenched hierarchicalprinciples,or,as suggestedby GuyAllard,
theywere influencedby a literary tradition,209the classification
of the
arts and sciencessurveyedhere was also an aspect of a genuinein-
tellectualresponseto contemporary technologicalgrowthand innova-
tion.Kilwardby'sinsistenceon thecloserelationship ofcraftsand theo-
reticalphysicsand mathematics, as well as his casual remarkthat
artisanswho workwiththeirhands knowmoreaboutthe mechanical
artsthanphilosophers,suggeststhatan empirical,scientific approach
was hardlyincompatible withthe conceptof the artesmechanicae. The
frequentrevisionof the artstellsus thatthe Victorinetraditionwas
neitherentirely "literary"and divorcedfromactualpracticenorcopied
by rote,but reflected changingideas aboutthe natureand contentof
knowledge,which,in turn,reflected, howeverdistantly, contemporary
socialconditions.The additionofmagic(thecommentary on Martianus
Capella, the "ordo artium"),the"defenses"ofclerics(thePhilosophia),
cavalry(RaymondLull) and alchemy(VincentofBeauvais)to thelistof
themechanicalartstellsus something abouttheinterests and attitudes
oftwelfth- and thirteenth-centurythinkers, as does thefrequent exclu-
sionoftheater(commentary on MartianusCapella,Ysagoge intheologiam,
the"ordoartium,"Godfrey ofSt. Victor,RadulfusArdens,Kilwardby).
The associationofmedicinewithalchemy(VincentofBeauvais)orwith
209 Ovitt, Restoration
ofPerfection,
136; Allard, "Les arts mecaniques," 20-21.
124 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
through Century
music and astrology(Kilwardby)may add to our knowledgeof how

medievalmedicalknowledgewas conceptualized. One can also notethe
severalinstancesin whichmedicineis detachedfromthe mechanical
artsand placedin anothercategory ofknowledge(VincentofBeauvais,
Raoul de Longchamps,RaymondLull).The impactoftechnological and
economicdevelopment canbe seenin theexpansionofHugh'scategory
of navigationto commerce(Godfreyof St. Victor,RaymondLull, Kil-
wardby)or to business(the Philosophia, RadulfusArdens)and in the
references toolsand animalpower(RadulfusArdens)and
to transport,
weapons (RaymondLull).Thereis also a persistent individualemphasis
on the moralpurposesofthemechanicalarts,expressed,forexample,
in GodfreyofSt. Victor'sremarkable defenseoftheintrinsic goodness
ofthemechanicalarts,including thepresentation
warfare, bytheanony-
mous authorofthePhilosophia ofbusinessmenas productivemembers
ofthebodypolitic,alongwithscholarsand clergymen, and Kilwardby's
reference to themechanicalartsas aids to thevirtuouslife.
The tradition oftheartesmechanicae, moreover,also helpsexplainan
important aspectof the processby whichtechnology was assimilated
intotheEuropeanworld-view. The intellectual
suspicionoftechnology
inherited bytheMiddleAgesfromtheclassicalworldwas in partbased
upon a radicaldistinction betweenscientia, or theoretical knowledge,
pursuedforits own sake and valued foritselfas truth,and crafts,by
theirverynaturedirectedtowarda usefulcorporealendand subordinate
to otherkinds of knowledgefortheirfinalends and purposes.This
difference was preserved,forexample,byThomasAquinas,who often
emphasizesthe theoretical, non-utilitariancharacter of naturalphilos-
ophy in such a as to
way sharply separate craftsand manualartsfrom
philosophyand renderthemservile.210 For Aquinas,as forAristotle,
the inferiorityof manuallaborand craftsmanship lies in partin their
orientation towardtheproductionof an artifact withoutknowledgeof
theuse towhichtheartifact is tobe put;thus,thenavigator, forexample,
who uses the completedship is superiorto the shipbuilderand the
carpenter.211 Consequently,despite his interestin the autonomous
value of the naturalworldand humanunderstanding of thatworld,
and, indeed,perhaps,because ofit,Aquinasshowsrelatively littlein-
terestin the mechanicalartsand, farmorethanmostof his contem-
poraries,labelsthemservileand degrading.212 The dichotomy couldbe
overcome,as it was by RobertKilwardbyand others,by stressingthe
interdependenceof practicaland theoreticalscience. This approach
whichbypassedthe specifically Christianemphasison theFall, as we
210 FrancisJ.Kovach, "Divine Artin SaintThomas Aquinas," in Artsliberauxetphilosophie

au MoyenAge,665.
211 Thomas Aquinas, Commentary on theMetaphysics
ofAristotle
1.26, trans.JohnP. Rowan
(Chicago: Henry Regnery,1969), 14.
212 See, for example, Aquinas, SummaTheologiae la2ae. 57,3.3 (ed. Blackfriars,23:48);
on theMetaphysics
Commentary 1.16and 3.59.
andtheMechanical
HIughofSt. Victor Artsin theTwelfth
andThirteenth
Centuries 125
shall see, becameimportant in thelatterpartof thethirteenth century

among Latinwritersinfluencedby Aristotleand his Arabiccommen-
tators.To integratefullythe mechanicalartsand naturalphilosophy,
however,stretched theperimeters ofcontemporary scientific
knowledge
and, ultimately, requiredthe completeoverthrowof Aristotelian sci-
ence.213A simplerand moreeasilyassimilatedway ofbridgingthegap
betweenspeculativephilosophyand technology was providedby the
AugustinianorVictorine viewofknowledge.In thisview,allknowledge
is conceivedof as finallysubordinate to, or "for,"the higherpurpose
ofthe soul's progresstowardGod. Althoughthisconceptionofknowl-
edge couldbe used, as itis byAugustinehimself, to diminishthevalue
oftechnology as irrelevantordestructive tospiritual
values,inthehands
of manytwelfth- and thirteenth-century philosophersand theologians
theidealofknowledgeas preparatory tosalvationservesinsteadtobring
technologyintothe foldof philosophyby subsumingbothunderthe
same function and, in effect,definingbothphilosophyand technology
as meanstoa higherendratherthanas endsinthemselves. Technology,
therefore, likeotherbranchesofknowledge,was seento servea precise
religiousand historicalfunction as an aid to recoveryfromthe effects
of originalsin. This principleis centralin the thoughtof Hugh of St.
Victor,Godfrey and RichardofSt.Victor,Bonaventure, VincentofBeau-
vais and others.Its unique strength as a deviceor rationaleforthein-
corporation oftechnology intophilosophy shouldnotbe underestimated
or dismissedas "unmodern."214 Far frombeingintrinsically hostileto
technology,the view thatknowledgeis in the serviceof religionwas
oftenexpressedby thinkers, suchas RogerBacon (1214-1292)and that
eloquent spokesmanformodernity, FrancisBacon (1561-1626),who
mostvalued technological progress.
RogerBacon,significantly, has been praisedas one ofthe mostfor-
ward-looking and "modern"ofmedievalthinkers, precisely becauseof
his interestin technology.215 Baconbased his classification of the arts
and sciencesand hisconception ofscienceon Arabicmodels;thisaspect
ofhis thoughtwillbe treatedbelowin ChapterFive.He also, however,
oftencouchedhis remarkson thenatureand purposeofknowledgein
termstakenfroman Augustinianframework. Thus Bacon arguesthat
all knowledgehas been givento man "by one God, to one world,for
one purpose"and naturalphilosophyand experimental science,no less
213 Paolo Rossi, Philosophy,

TechnologyandtheArtsintheEarlyModern Era,trans.Salvator
Attanasio and ed. Benjamin Nelson (New York,Evanston, and London: Harper and Row,
Harper Torchbooks, 1970), 14-61, 137-146.
214 Ovitt, "The Status of the Mechanical Arts," 103-104 suggests that Kilwardbywas
more "characteristically'modem"' because he began to rejectthe salvationaryfunctionof
science.
215 Allard, "Arts mecaniques," 28 findsBacon's interestin practicalscience "strangeand
new," in comparison with Hugh of St. Victor and most other medieval thinkersand,
according to A.G. Molland, "ScientificProgress," 571, Bacon, more than othermedieval
thinkers,was aware of and appreciated technicalprogress.
126 Artsfrom
through Century
than theology and canon law, are importantaids to faithand part of

the wisdom of God.216 Philosophical knowledge was revealed to the
saints and prophetsat the timeof Sacred Scriptureand thisknowledge,
now largely lost, must be recovered and increased.217The bulk of Ba-
con's work is, indeed, a plea forthis recoveryand a method of accom-
plishing it. Much of Bacon's personal interestis in the technological
devices he expects to recover,or rediscover-the burning glasses, in-
cendiary substances, medicines, flyingmachines, and otherwonderful
instruments-which will remedy the ills of the Church and Chris-
tians.218Although his method of experimentalscience depends upon
Arabic alchemical, optical and astrologicalscience, Bacon's view of the
purpose of knowledge and technology'srole must be included within
the Augustinian and Victorinetraditions.219
Any full considerationof Francis Bacon is clearlybeyond the scope
of this study,yet certainobvious affinitiesbetween Bacon's ideas about
technologyand Hugh of St. Victor'scan be brieflynoted. For Bacon, as
well as Hugh, technologicalknowledge is a remedy for human defi-
ciencies caused by the Fall and provides a means of returnto mankind's
original paradisical state:
Forman by theFall fellat thesametimefromhis stateofinnocency and from

his dominionovercreation.Bothoftheselosses,however,can evenin thislife
be in somepartrepaired;theformer byreligionand faith,thelatterbyartsand
sciences.Forcreationwas notbythecursemadealtogether and forevera rebel,
but in virtueof thatcharter"In thesweatof thyfaceshaltthoueat bread,"it
is now by variouslabours(notcertainly by disputationsor idle magicalcere-
monies,butbyvariouslabours)at lengthand in somemeasuresubduedto the
supplyingofman withbread;thatis, to theuses ofhumanlife."0
The essential idea developed by Hugh of St. Victorand henceforth

associated with the mechanical arts was that technologypossesses a
moral value. Although this value is not inherentto technology,it was
conferredupon it by God who provided mankind with the means to
recover,at least in part,his lost naturalcondition.The latentambiguity
216
RogerBacon,Opusmaius2.1,trans.RobertBelleBurke(New York:Russelland Rus-
sell,1962),2:36(ed. J.H.Bridges,Supplementary Volume,36),". . . quoniamab uno Deo
data est totasapientiaet uni mundo,et propterfinemunum."
217
BaconOpusmaius2.15 (Bridges,Supplementary Volume,67-68).
218 BaconOpusmaius6. Ex. 2-3 (Bridges, 2:204-222).
219
On thesourcesofBacon'sscience,see StewartCopingerEaston,RogerBaconandhis
Search fora Universal
Science: oftheLifeandWork
A Reconsideration ofRogerBaconintheLight
ofHis Own StatedPurposes (Oxford:Basil Blackwell,1952;rpt.New York:Russelland
Russell,1971),70, 177,and Jeremiah M. Hackett,"TheMeaningofExperimental Science
(Scientia in thePhilosophy
experimentalis) ofRogerBacon,"Ph.D. diss.:University ofTo-
ronto,1983.
"'- FrancisBacon,Novum Organum,Aphorism 42,inTheWorksofFrancisBacon,ed. James
Spedding(London:Longmansand Co., 1870;rpt.New York:GarettPress,1968),4:297-
298.
Artsin theTwelfth
andtheMechanical
Centuries 127
whethertechnologybelongedmoretrulyto man's pre-lapsarian con-

ditionor to his fallenconditionwas (and stillis) unresolved,22'
butthis
seems to have matteredlittleto the twelfth- and thirteenth-century
thinkerswho gave the mechanicalartsmoral,and hence,intellectuual
legitimacyas partofthehumansearchforperfection. Thisreassessment
is perhapsunderestimated in the twentiethcentury,whichonlyvery
recentlyhas begun again to questionthe assumptionof the inherent
goodness of technological progress.Yet in comparisonto the classical
philosophicaltradition, whichconsistently, if not monolithically,em-
phasizedtheneutrality or moraldangersoftechnology, itwas a stepof
major significance.
"' See, forexample,theopposingviewsofWilhelm E. Fudpucker,

"ThroughChristian
Theologyto Technological Christianity,"
in Theology
and Technology:
Essaysin Christian
Analysis andExegesis,
ed. CarlMitchamand JimGrote(Lanham,New Yorkand London:
University PressofAmerica,1984),56-57,whobelievesthatAdamin Paradisewas given
a divinecommandto "subdue" theearththroughtechnology and JacquesEllul,"Tech-
nique and theOpeningChaptersof Genesis,"inTheology andTechnology,
135,who con-
cludesthattechnology is uniquelypartofthefallenworldonly.
VOL. 80 PT. 1, 1990
ArtsandtheAristotelian
V. TheMechanical
Tradition
T of knowledgedid not
of craftsintoclassifications
nhe integration
occur solely withinthe religiousor "salvationary"frameworkde-
veloped by Hugh of St. Victorand his followers.A second tra-
dition,in which craftswere assigned a more purelysecular functionas
practicalparts of theoreticalscience, became importantamong many
writersinfluencedby the body of Aristotelianand Arabic thoughtin-
troduced into the West during the twelfthand thirteenthcenturies.'
This tradition,however, was farmore diversethan thatbegun by Hugh,
in partbecause the vast corpus of Aristotelianand Arabic works assim-
ilated into medieval philosophy during this period contained several
quite different strandsof thoughton the natureand value of technology
as a categoryof knowledge. In particular,Aristotle'sview of the rela-
tionshipbetween theoreticalscience and craftsoftendiverged consid-
erably fromthat implicitin Arabic classificationsof knowledge, many
of which were based on a synthesis of Aristotelianand Neoplatonic
principles.
Aristotle,like Augustine, lefta double-edged legacy forideas on the
values of crafts.On the one hand, Aristotlefrequentlyexpressed atti-
tudes and ideas which leftlittleroom fora positiveevaluation of manual
arts. For Aristotle,scientificknowledge, that is, metaphysics,mathe-
maticsand physics,is properlyspeculative and deals with the contem-
plationofunchangingtruth;science (scientia)thereforeis clearlydistinct
both fromthe productivearts,which deal with the makingof a product
accordingto rationalrules, and fromthe practicalarts,which deal with
actions.2Since science is concerned with universals,it is of more value
than art, which is concerned with the particularand contingent.Aris-
' FortheimpactofAristotle andtheArabicphilosophers see,especially,

Richard Lemay,
AbuMa'sharandLatinAristotelianism intheTwelfth Century:TheRecoveryofAristotle's
Natural
Philosophy
through ArabicAstrology,American UniversityofBeirut,Publications oftheFac-
ultyofArtsand Sciences,OrientalSeries,38 (Beirut: American UniversityofBeirut,1962)
and Femandvan Steenberghen, Aristotlein theWest:TheOrigins ofLatinAristotelianism,
trans.LeonardJohnston, 2nd ed. (Louvain:NauwelaertsPub. House, 1970).Forgeneral
background,see MauriceDe Wulf,Histoire de la philosophie
medievale(Louvain:Institut
Superieurde Philosophie, 1924).Formedievalsciencein thisperiod,including theimpact
ofthetranslating movement, see David C. Lindberg, ed., Science
in theMiddleAges(Chi-
cago: Universityof ChicagoPress,1978)and additionalbibliography in EdwardGrant,
Physical
ScienceintheMiddleAges(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1977),91-115.
On Aristotle's
divisionofthesciences,see JosephMarietan, Problemedela classification
dessciencesd'Aristote
a St. Thomas (Paris:FelixAlcan,1901),11-48and above,ChapterII,
pp. 34-36.
129
130 TheMechanicalArtsfromAntiquitythrough Century
theThirteenth
totle'semphasis on the theoreticalsciences as separate and autonomous

fields of inquiry,further,tends to minimize the connectionsbetween
these sciences and other kinds of knowledge. Aristotlealso oftende-
scribes the exercise of craftsas satisfyingmerely utilitarianends and
thereforeas degrading to the body and mind. Passages in the Politics,
Ethics,and Metaphysics, forexample, condemn manual labor as inferior
and contemptible.3These passages served for some medieval authors
as textsto reinforcea conceptionofcraftsas unworthy,servileor vulgar.
At the same time,although craftsplay only an inconspicuous part in
Aristotle'sclassificationof the arts and sciences, his discussion of art
and natureand his account of the divisions of knowledge containgreat
potentialforrelatingcraftsto each otherand to the highersciences. His
scatteredcomments on mechanics as a more physical part of mathe-
matics,on the theoreticaland practicalaspects of economics and on the
relationshipofsubalternateor subordinateartsto moregeneralor higher
arts,forexample, ifvague and unsystematic,could neverthelessbe de-
veloped into devices forintegratingcraftsinto philosophy.4Moreover,
the very comprehensivenessof Aristotle'sdivision of knowledge into
theoretical,practical and productive may have indirectlyencouraged
explorationof how craftscould be fittedinto this overall picture of
knowledge.
The medieval West in the twelfthand thirteencenturiesinheritedboth
oftheseimplicitapproaches to the value oftechnology,not onlythrough
the directreading of Aristotlehimselfbut also throughthe reading of
the works of Arabic philosophers and scientistswho had themselves
read Aristotlein the lightoftheirown intellectualinterests.Islam, unlike
early medieval Europe, had maintained continuous contact with the
entireAristoteliancorpus; Arabic thinkers,however, ofteninterpreted
Aristotleaccordingto a sophisticatedphilosophicaltraditionheavilycol-
ored with Neoplatonism.5 One result of this complex process was the
productionof elaborate, highly precise classificationsof the arts and
sciences which gave a major place to craftsand other arts related to
technology.
Arabicclassificationsof knowledge tend to modifyAristotle'soriginal
schemein characteristic ways.6 First,theseclassificationsoftenintroduce
3 On Aristotle's see above,ChapterII, pp. 28-29.

as degrading,
viewofcrafts
4 See above,ChapterII, pp. 34f.
5 and theArabs:TheAristotelian
See especially,F. E. Peters,Aristotle Tradition
in Islam
(New York:New YorkUniversity Press,1968),3-17.
6 On Arabicclassifications andtheArabs,79-87,105-
ofthesciences,see Peters,Aristotle
120; HarryAustryn Wolfson,"The Classification ofSciencesin MedievalJewishPhilos-
ophy,"inHebrew UnionCollegeJubilee
Volume Jewish
(1875-1925)(Philadelphia: Publication
SocietyPress,1926),263-315,whichincludesmuchinformation on theArabicclassifi-
cations;MajidFakhry, "The LiberalArtsin theMediaevalArabicTradition fromtheSev-
enthtotheTwelfth Centuries," inArtsliberauxetphilosophie
auMoyen Age;Actesduquatrieme
Congres International
dePhilosophie
Medievale(Montreal:Institut
d'EtudesMedievales,1969,
Paris:LibrairePhilosophique J.Vrin,1969),91-97,and SeyyedHosseinNasr,Science and
inIslam(Cambridge,
Civilization Mass.: HarvardUniversity Press,1968),60-64.Excerpts
Tradition
TheMechanicalArtsand theAristotelian 131
Neoplatonic elements and, in particular,emphasize the role of mathe-

matics.7 Second, Aristotle's separation of philosophy into theoretical
(speculative)and practical(knowledge expressed in action) is oftenrein-
terpretedto mean thatphilosophy as a whole has theoreticaland prac-
tical,or operative,branches. Mathematics,forexample, is oftendivided
into "rational" mathematicswhich leads to an understanding of the
speculative sciences and "sensible" mathematicswhich leads to an un-
derstandingof the "practical" arts or crafts.8Arts which involve the
manipulationof matter,such as carpentryor mechanics, therefore,be-
came in the Arabic scheme instances of the application of theoretical
sciences throughactivity,i.e., practicalsciences correspondingto spec-
ulative knowledge.
Withinthis frameworkArabic classifications,perhaps reflectingcon-
temporaryinterestin commerceand mechanical devices, typicallygive
considerableattentionto a varietyof artswe would now include under
technology.9Al-Farabi(d. 950), forexample, whose classificationof the
sciences served as a model formany laterArabic classificationsand was
also influentialin the Latin West,includes carpentry,stone-workingand
other craftsunder practical geometry,the science of weights (statics)
and the science of devices or instruments(scientiade ingeniis)as parts
of mathematics,and medicine, agriculture,navigation and alchemy
under physics.10Similarly,otherArabic thinkersincludingAmiri(992),
Nasir al-Din al-Tusi and Ibn Khaldun (fourteenthcentury)include crafts
withinthe divisions of the sciences, oftencategorizingmedicine, agri-
culture,carpentry,cooking and other "necessary" activitiesas derived
fromnaturalphilosophy.1"
fromsome of the moreimportant classificationsare translatedin FranzRosenthal,The

ClassicalHeritagein Islam,trans.Emileand JennyMarmorstein (Berkeley: Universityof
CaliforniaPress,1975),52-70.
7 Peters,Aristotle
andtheArabs,113,119-120.
8 Wolfson, "ClassificationofSciencesin MedievalJewishPhilosophy," 269-271.
9 Peters,Aristotleand theArabs,108;Wolfson,"Classification of Sciencesin Medieval
JewishPhilosophy," 280,298,303;Wolfsonalso showsthatmedievalJewish philosophers
also sometimesadoptedthispattern.
" Al-Farabiwrotetwo treatiseson the classification of the sciences,De scientiis,
ed.
ManuelAlonsoAlonso(Madrid:Escuelasde EstudiosArabesde Madridy Granada,1954).
ed. ClemensBaeumker, Alfarabi,UberdenUrsprung derWissenschaften, Beitragezur Ges-
chichteder Philosophiedes Mittelalters, 19.3 (Munster:Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuch-
handlung,1916).Foral-Farabi'splacementofcrafts, see De scientiis,
ed. Alonso,86-90,
108-12and De ortuscientiarum, ed. Baeumker, 20. Al-Farabi'sclassification
is diagrammed
in Nasr, ScienceandCivilization,
60-62. On al-Farabi'sdivisionofthesciences,see James
A. Weisheipl,"Classification of the Sciencesin MedievalThought,"MedievalStudies27
(1965):69-70 and MuhsinMahdi,"Science,Philosophy, and Religionin Alfarabi'sEnu-
meration oftheSciences,"in TheCultural Context ofMedievalLearning, ed. JohnE. Murdoch
and EdithDudleySylla,BostonStudiesinthePhilosophy ofScience,26 (Boston:D. Reidel,
1975),113-145,and on al-Farabi'sideas on mechanicalscience,see GeorgeOvitt,"The
Statusof theMechanicalArtsin MedievalClassifications ofLeaming,"Viator14 (1983):
97. On al-Farabi'sinfluence see Wolfson,"Classification ofSciencesin MedievalJewish
Philosophy,"264-265.
11See Rosenthal,ClassicalHeritage inIslam,63-70.ForNasiral-Dinal-Tusisee TheNa-
sireanEthics,trans.G. Wickens(London:GeorgeAllen,1962).
132 theThirteenth
TheMechanicalArtsfromAntiquitythrough Century
Medieval thinkersin turndrew upon various elementsofthiscomplex

Aristotelianand Arabictraditionaccordingto the textsavailable to them,
and to theirown interests,circumstancesand intellectualorientation.
Some, such as Vincent of Beauvais and RobertKilwardby,as we have
already seen, in various ways attemptedto integrateAristotelianand
Arabic views of craftswith Hugh of St. Victor's concept of the artes
mechanicae.Others, such as Thomas Aquinas, depended almost entirely
upon a directreading of Aristotle.Stillothers,includingDomingo Gun-
disalvo and Roger Bacon, were profoundlyinfluencedby Arabic views
of knowledge. The resultanttreatmentsof craftsin classificationsof the
arts and sciences, while stillin some sense recognizably"Aristotelian"
frequentlydifferedconsiderablyfromone another. An assessment of
twelfth- and thirteenth-century conceptsof the natureand value oftech-
nology must consider this diversity.
The TwelfthCentury
Domingo Gundisalvo's De divisionephilosophiae (c. 1150) has long been

recognized as one of the most importanttreatiseson the classification
ofthe sciences in the twelfthcentury.12 Althoughitlacks originalityand,
as its editor has shown, is largely composed of quotations fromboth
Arabicand Latin authors,includingal-Farabi,whose works on the clas-
sificationof the sciences Gundisalvo had translated,13it effectively in-
troducedthe Arabic patternof classificationto the Latin West.14Its sig-
nificancelies, in part,in Gundisalvo's adoption of al-Farabi'sconception
of craftsas practicalsciences.
The underlyingstructureof the De divisionephilosophiae is Neoplatonic
in that the sciences are arranged hierarchicallyin descending degrees
of concreteness,fromthe knowledge of God.15 Yet Gundisalvo also de-
12 Domingo Gundisalvo, De divisionephilosophiae, ed. Ludwig Baur, Beitrage zur Ge-

schichteder Philosophie des Mittelalters,4.2-3 (Munster: Druck und Verlag der Aschen-
dorffschenBuchhandlung, 1903). Gundisalvo's treatiseis singled out by Olaf Pedersen,
"Du quadriviuma la physique: Quelques apergus de l'evolution scientifiqueau Moyen
Age," in ArtesLiberalesvon derAntikenBildungzur Wissenschaft ed. Josef
des Mittelalters,
Koch, Studien und Texte zur Geistesgeschichtedes Mittelalters,no. 5 (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1959), 115; A. C. Crombie, RobertGrosseteste and theOriginsofExperimental Science,1100-
1700 (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1953), 36-40, and Franco Alessio, "La filosofiae la 'artes
mechanicae' nel secolo XII," StudiMedievali,3rd series,6 (1965): 129-153. There is a partial
translationofthe De divisionephilosophiae by Marshall Clagettand Edward Grantin Edward
Grant,ed., A SourceBookinMedievalScience(Cambridge,Mass.: Harvard UniversityPress,
1974), 59-76.
13 See Ludwig Baur, ed., De divisionephilosophiae, 314; foran analysis of Gundisalvo's
sources, see Baur's notes, 164-314.
14 For a discussion of the relationshipof the De divisione to Kilwardby's De
philosophiae
ortuscientiarum, see D. E. Sharp, "The De ortuscientiarum of RobertKilwardby,"TheNew
Scholasticism8 (1934): 2, 22 and Baur, ed. De divisionephilosophiae,268-275. See also below,
n. 67. For the probable influenceon Michael Scot, see below, n. 37.
'1 Weisheipl, "Classificationof the Sciences in Medieval Thought," 70-72, emphasizes
theNeoplatonic characterof the De divisionephilosophiae in contrastto Baur, ed. De divisione
philosophiae,314, who describes it as Aristotelian.
Tradition
'TheMechanicalArtsand theAristotelian 133
scribesphilosophy as divided into scientia,or understandingof what is,

and practicalknowledge, or understandingof what ought to be done
or executed.16Practicalphilosophy refersnot only to ethics,economics
and politics,as in the Aristoteliantradition,but also, followingal-Farabi,
to the practicaldisciplineswhich are part of mathematics.Under math-
ematics Gundisalvo includes not only the quadrivium,but perspective,
the science of weights and the science of devices (de ingeniis).17 This
latterscience teaches "ways of inventing"(modosexcogitandi) and com-
prises knowledge of the instrumentsand methods by which the other
sciences can be manifestedor put into effect.18 Gundisalvo's description
refersto the instrumentsused by stone masons which measure bodies,
instrumentsforlifting,musicalinstruments,weapons, mirrorsand other
optical devices, instrumentsused by carpentersand instruments"ac-
cordingto many arts."19Althoughthe science of devices, which, as the
most concrete,is placed last in the list of mathematicaldisciplines and
may be considered as subordinateto geometrywhich considers "pure
form,"all branchesofmathematicsaccordingto Gundisalvo have a prac-
tical or "instrumental"side.20 Under practicalarithmetic,forexample,
Gundisalvo lists the manipulation of numbers by adding and subtrac-
tion, the arithmeticused in business, the use of the abacus and mathe-
matical games, and under practical geometry,surveying,carpentry,
iron-working,masonryand the instrumentsused in these crafts.21 The
remainingbranches of mathematicsalso have theirappropriateinstru-
ments.22
Following al-Farabi,Gundisalvo gives the parts of natural science or
physicsas medicine,judgments,necromancy,images, agriculture,nav-
igation,mirrorsand alchemy.23A certainambiguityexistsabout whether
these sciences, too, are to be regarded as both theoreticaland practical.
Althougheach is defined as a speculative science in termsof how each
16 Gundisalvo, De divisionephilosophiae,
Prologue (ed. Baur, 12).
17 Ibid., 112-114, 121-124.
18
Ibid., 122: "Sciencie ergo ingeniorumdocent modos excogitandiet adinueniendi."
On Gundisalvo's concept of the "science of devices," see Ovitt,"Status of the Mechanical
Arts," 97-98, who finds it "lack[ing] in precision." For the impact of Arabic science on
medieval ideas of the quadrivium, see Guy Beaujouan, "The Transformation of the Quad-
rivium," in Renaissanceand Renewalin theTwelfthCentury,ed. Robert L. Benson, Giles
Constableand Carol D. Lanham (Cambridge,Mass.: Harvard UniversityPress, 1982),463-
487. Gundisalvo's descriptionfollows that of al-Farabi,De scientiis,ed. Alonso, 108-112,
veryclosely.
20
Gundisalvo, De divisionephilosophiae, ed. Baur, 112-124.
20 Weisheipl, "Classificationof the Sciences in Medieval Thought," 71.
21 Gundisalvo, De divisione philosophiae,ed. Baur, 103-112.
22
Ibid., 117, 120-121.
23
Al-Farabi,De ortuscientiarum (ed. Baeumker,20); Gundisalvo, De divisionephilosophiae
(ed. Baur, 20). For the occult sciences in Gundisalvo's work, see Lynn Thorndike,History
ofMagic and Experimental Science(New York: Columbia UniversityPress, 1923), 2: 78-81.
Al-Farabi'slistof the eightparts of naturalscience also appears in Daniel of Morley's Liber
de naturisinferiorum et superiorum,ed. Karl Sudhoffin Archivfar die Geschichte derNatur-
wissenschaften und Technik8 (1917): 34.
134 theThirteenth
TheMechanicalArtsfromAntiquitythrough Century
contributesto an understandingof naturalbodies, Gundisalvo describes

medicine,the firstof the natural sciences, as both theoreticaland prac-
tical.24Practicalmedicine is said to consist of both naturaland artificial
instruments.25 Having described medicine, however, Gundisalvo says
thathe will not speak about the other parts of physics because he has
not yet attained fullknowledge of them.26Recognizing that medicine,
which had traditionallybeen regarded as connected to both theoryand
practice,27may have been an exception,Gundisalvo's textnevertheless
gives the impressionthatthe remainingparts of physics also combined
a theoreticaland practicalaspect.
Gundisalvo also describes crafts,in this contextgiven the collective
name of thefabrilisor mechanicalarts ( fabrilisautemsivemechanice artes),
togetherwith the liberalarts as comprisingthe art of rulingthe family,
the second branch of civil life.28Here he expands considerablyon al-
Farabi, who discusses only the sciences of law and eloquence.29 The
mechanical arts provide assistance in the present lifeby supplying ne-
cessitiesand relievingpoverty;theyhave many kinds accordingto the
materialtheymake use of, whetherwood, wool, flax,leather,bone or
the various kinds of metal and stones.30
For Gundisalvo, unlike Hugh of St. Victor,therefore,the functionof
craftsor the mechanical arts is secular, to supply goods to the family
and appropriateinstrumentsto the sciences. The value of craftsderives
entirelyfromthe recognitionthat craftsprovide the means by which
different areas of human knowledge can be executed. Yet thisutilitarian
characterdoes not for Gundisalvo result in craftsbeing devalued; on
the contrary,these practicalarts seem to absorb the respectaccorded to
the theoreticalsciences which they sustain.
The ThirteenthCentury
Whereas Hugh of St. Victor's definitionof the artesmechanicaewas

alreadywell establishedby theend ofthe twelfthcentury,thealternative
Aristotelianand Arabicconceptionsof craftsas a categoryof knowledge
did notbegin to be widelyused untilthe thirteenth.As Greekand Arabic
scientificand philosophical textsbecame more available, however, clas-
sificationsof the sciences more frequentlyreflectedboth the new learn-
ing as a whole, and Aristotelianand Arabic views of crafts.
On the other hand, the assimilation of Aristotleand his Arabic in-
24 (ed. Baur, 20-23, 83-86).

Gundisalvo, De divisionephilosophiae
25 Ibid., 86.
26 Ibid., 89.
27 JohnM. Riddle, "Theory and Practicein Medieval Medicine," Viator5 (1974): 161-
184.
28 Gundisalvo, De divisionephilosophiae(ed. Baur, 139). For this aspect of Gundisalvo's
treatmentof crafts,see Alessio, "Filosofia e la 'artes mechanicae,"' 149-152.
ed. Alonso, 133-140.
29 Al-Farabi,De scientiis,
3 Gundisalvo, De divisionephilosophiae(ed. Baur, 139).
TheMechanicalArtsand theAristotelian
Tradition 135
terpretersfocused attention on the nature of scientificthought and

method; sometimes, if not always, such concerns included discussion
oftherelationshipbetween speculativescience and crafts.31 In the hands
ofRobertKilwardbyand RogerBacon, forexample, considerationof the
method and scope of the sciences, drawn froma combinationof Aris-
totelianand Arabic sources, became a locusforexplicatingthe utilityof
crafts in supplying informationand instrumentsto the theoretical
branches of knowledge. If in some respects foreshadowed in the pre-
vious centuryby Gundisalvo, the views of Kilwardbyand Bacon on the
value of technologywere not only more originalbut drew upon a more
varied and complex body of ideas.
A second result of the increased impact of Aristotlewas greaterat-
tentionto craftsas a basic part of civil life. The mechanical arts, often
paired withthe trivium, and, sometimes,law, were considered the basis
forthe maintenance of the community.Michael Scot wrote a division
ofthe sciences (c. 1230) which places craftswithcivilscience as the parts
of practicalphilosophy.32Jeanof Antioch's introductionto his transla-
tion of Cicero's Rhetoric(1282)33and the slightlylater encyclopedia of
BrunettoLatini, the Tresor,includes the mechanical arts, togetherwith
the arts of speech, as a division of politics.34
This developing secular view of crafts,however, was sometimescon-
fused by a latenttension between Aristotle'scommentson crafts,avail-
able directlyin the Aristoteliancorpus, and the secondar-yAfabic tra-
dition, exemplified by Gundisalvo, which had grown up around
Aristotle'soriginalclassification.In particular,Aristotle'snegativechar-
acterizationof craftsas servile contrastedwith the more positive eval-
uation of craftsfound in the Arabic tradition.
This conflictis especiallyclearin Michael Scot's treatiseon the division
of the sciences, probablywrittenaround 1230 but known today only as
excerptedin Vincentof Beauvais's Speculumdoctrinale.35 Scot offerstwo
31
The importanceof Aristotle,especially his PosteriorAnalytics,forthirteenth-century
discussions of scientificmethod has been shown by Crombie, RobertGrosseteste, 35-36,
52-60; that such discussions did not always consider the mechanical arts perse is shown
by Grossetestehimself,whose concernwas with experimentalscience ratherthan crafts.
32 Michael Scot, Divisiophilosophiae, extantin fragmentsin VincentofBeauvais's Speculum
doctrinale,ed. Douai (1624) and photo-reproduced (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Ver-
lagsanstalt,1965), 1.16, col. 16. Bauer, ed. De divisionephilosophiae,
398-400, has collected
these fragments.
33 Jean of Antioch, Noticesur la Rhetorique de Cicron traduitepar MaitreJeand'Antioche,
ms.590 de Mus&eConde,ed. Leopold Delisle (Paris: LibrairieC. Klincksieck,1899), 14. Jean
places mechanical science, verbal science or grammar,logic and rhetoric,with law as the
parts of the civil science or politics.
3 BrunettoLatini, Li livresdou Tresor,ed. Francis J. Carmody (Berkeley:Universityof
CaliforniaPress, 1948), 21. The mechanicalarts,or all works of the hands, are placed with
the triviumas the parts of politics,"la plus haute science."
35 On Michael Scot, see Charles Haskins, "Michael Scot and FrederickII," Isis 4 (1921):
250-275 and Studiesin theHistoryofMediaevalScience(Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press, 1924), and Lynn Thorndike,MichaelScot (London: Thomas Nelson, 1965).
136 TheMechanicalArtsfromAntiquitythroughtheThirteenth
Century
briefdivisions of the sciences. In the first,36 Scot ascribes to Aristotle

the principlethat philosophy is divided into theory,which deals with
all natural things, and practice,which deals with things having their
originin human will and works, including laws, institutions,armies,
wars, and "all artificialthings." Practicalphilosophythenis divided into
civil science, which includes the sciences of language, morals and the
other sciences which pertain to civil and respectable men, and vulgar
arts, forexample, shoemaking, building and other arts which pertain
to common or unworthymen.
Scot's second division of practicalphilosophy,however, derivesfrom
the Arabic tradition,perhaps by way of Gundisalvo, and carriesnone
of the negativeattitudesof the first.37 Here Scot separates practicalphi-
losophy into threeparts correspondingto the threeparts of theoretical
philosophy.The first,which is related to naturalscience, includes med-
icine, agriculture,alchemy, necromancy,judgments, mirrors,naviga-
tionand "many otherthings."The second has a resemblanceto doctrinal
science or mathematicsand includes business, carpentry,construction,
stone-working,shoemaking and "many others of this sort which look
to mechanics and are as it were its practice."38
The association of Aristotlewith a view of the mechanical arts as
servilewas made explicitin othertextsas well. Vincentof Beauvais, for
example, also includes in his Speculumdoctrinale a classificationwhich
he attributesto Aristotlein which philosophyis divided intomechanical
and liberal; mechanical philosophy acquired its name because it was
used in antiquityby servants.39Elsewhere, John of Dacia cites the
Metaphysics to explain why the mechanical arts are servile with respect
to the liberalarts,just as the body is servile with respect to the soul.40
The constraintsof Aristotle'sview of crafts,as well as a range of
possible responses, are illustratedby the treatmentof the mechanical
artsin the commentariesof AlbertusMagnus (1206-1280) and his pupil,
Thomas Aquinas (1224-1274), on Aristotle'sworks. While both Albertus
and Aquinas adopted a purely Aristotelianorganization of the scien-
cies,41and consequentlypaid littleattentionto the Arabic Neoplatonic
36
Vincentof Beauvais, Speculumdoctrinale 1.16 (ed. Douai, col. 16).
37 Du Wulf,Histoirede la philosophie medieval,1.313 suggests the connectionwith Gun-
disalvo.
38 Vincentof Beauvais, Speculum doctrinale1.16 (ed. Douai, col. 16): "et aliae huiusmodi
multae, que spectantad Mechanicam, et sunt quasi practicaillius."
39 Ibid., 1.16 (ed. Douai, col. 17). Vincentalso excerptedal-Farabi;these fragments are
collectedin Alonso, 143-162.
40 Johnof Dacia, Divisio scientiaein Johannis Daci opera,ed. AlfredOtto, Corpusphiloso-
phorumDanicorumMedii Aevi, 1 (Hauriae: Apud LibrariumG. E. C. Gad, 1955), 3, 20.
41 On the classificationof the sciences in AlbertusMagnus and Thomas Aquinas, see,
especially,Marietan,Classification dessciencesd'Aristoted St. Thomas,156-194 and Weisheipl,
"Classificationof the Sciences in Medieval Thought," 81-89. For the contentof Albertus
Magnus's thoughton the differentareas of knowledge (with the exception of the me-
chanical arts), see the collected essays in JamesWeisheipl, ed., AlbertusMagnus and the
TheMechanicalArtsand theAristotelian
Tradition 137
traditionof craftsas practicalsciences, Albertusmaintaineda noticeably

more positive attitudethan did Aquinas.
JamesWeisheipl describes the "authenticallyAristotelian"outlook of
Albertusand Aquinas on the classificationof the sciences as character-
ized by the subordinationof mathematicsto naturalphilosophyand the
presentationof each science as autonomous in its own sphere.42In con-
trastto the Neoplatonic view, mathematicsneitherprovides the prin-
ciples of scientificdemonstrationnor serves as a linkbetween the theo-
reticalsciences and practicalarts. Unlike Gundisalvo, and, as we shall
see, RobertKilwardbyand Roger Bacon, therefore,Albertusand Aqui-
nas do not attemptto connect craftsto higherbranches of knowledge
but regard them as a separate and distinctgroup of arts.
The basic divisions of philosophy forAlbertusare those of Aristotle:
the theoreticalsciences, the practicalarts,and artsconcernedwithmak-
ing. Albertus's treatmentof craftsas a part of philosophy, however, is
farfromsystematicand his views are expressed in scatteredcomments
ratherthan in any unified discussion. Even his terminologyis eclectic.
Althoughhe most oftenrefersto the artesmechanicae, he also uses the
termartesfactivae,derived fromAristotle'sproductive arts, and apote-
lesmata,derived froma later Greek tradition.43Although a treatiseat-
tributedto Albertusby his editors, B. Geyer and A. Borgnet,repeats
Hugh of St. Victor'slistand descriptionsof the seven mechanicalarts,44
the genuine works implythatthe mechanical arts consist of a large and
unorganized group of arts, for which the examples of bread-making,
wool-working,the militaryart, architectureand "other things of this
sort" are given.45In another context,Albertusrefersto the mechanical
Sciences:Commemorative Essays, 1980 (Toronto: PontificalInstituteof Mediaeval Studies,

1980).
42 Weisheipl, "Classificationof the Sciences," 41. On Albertusand mathematicssee A.
G. Molland, "Mathematicsin the Thought of Albertus," in Albertusand theSciences,468-
469.
43 Albertus,forexample, uses the termartesmechanicae in his commentaryon the Meta-
physics1.1.6, 1.1.10, in Opera omnia,ed. Bernard Geyer (Cologne: MonasteriumWestfa-
lorumin Aedibus Aschendorff,1960), 16: 9, 15; however, the same work uses apotelesmata
and ars factivumas synonyms;see 1.1.9, 1.2.1, 1.2.9 and 2.8 (ed. Geyer, 13, 17, 26, 100).
Similarlyin his SuperEthica1.2, and 1.8, ed. WilhelmusKubel in Opera(ed. Geyer, 14: 8,
9.43) he referstoartesapotelesmata,artesfactivaeand artesmechanicae. For additionalexamples
of Albertus'suse of the termartesmechanicae, see Peter Sternagel,Die ArtesMechanicaeim
Mittelalter:Begriffs-und Bedeutungsgeschichte bis zum Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts (Kallmung
iuberRegensburg: Lassleben, 1966), 103-111. The origins of the termsapotelesmata and
factivaas applied to craftsare made in the commentaryon Aristotle'sEthicsby Eustratius
of Nicaea (fl. c. 1100) which was translatedby RobertGrosseteste;the relevantsections
are given in RobertKilwardby,De ortuscientiarum, ed. AlbertG. Judy(Oxford:Clarendon
Press, 1976), 144, notes 1 and 3.
4 AlbertusMagnus, Liberde apprehensione 7.22, in Opera omnia,ed. Augustus Borgnet
(Paris: L. Vives, 1841), 5: 631. On the question of the authenticityof the Liberde apprehen-
sione,see Pearl Kibre, "The Boethian De institutione arithmeticaand the Quadrivium in the
ThirteenthCentury UniversityMilieu at Paris," in Studiesin Medieval Science:Alchemy,
Astrology, Mathematics and Medicine(London: The Hambledon Press, 1984), 79.
45 AlbertusMagnus, commentaryon the Metaphysics 1.1.10 (ed. Geyer, 16: 15).
Century
arts in terms reminiscentof Gundisalvo as the "sciences of devices"

(scientiaede ingeniis)which are subalternateto geometry.46
Perhaps because of the fragmentedcharacterof his views, Albertus's
concept of the mechanical arts has not attractedmuch attention.47His
Aristotelianism,however, gives coherence to his viewpoint. The me-
chanical arts,forAlbertus,are those concernedwith making,which we
performnot for theirown sake but for the sake of some utility.48Al-
bertus'sidentificationof the classical distinctionbetween artswhich we
performforsome useful product and those (like singing and dancing)
which we performforthe sake of themselves,with the distinctionbe-
tween the mechanical and the liberal arts, sometimes leads him to the
curious position that animals possess more of the liberal arts than the
mechanical.49Albertus attemptsto refinethe philosophical contentof
his definitionby applyingAristotle'sconcepts of formand matterto the
processes used by the mechanicalarts. Thus, he divides the mechanical
arts into threekinds according to theirrelationshipto theirmaterial.50
The firsttype considers mattersimply and draws materialinto a com-
pleted form,as in ship-buildingor as the builder of a house considers
stones and wood fromwhich he brings out the formof a house. The
second type uses an already completed object, as the soldier uses a
sword forthe common utilityof all in the community;thiskind includes
economics and the militaryart. And the third type is in the middle
between these, such as wool-workingwhich both makes use of wool
and produces textilesforthe use of all.
This emphasis on utility,however, does not forAlbertus,as forAr-
istotleand, as we shall see, forAquinas, mean thatthe mechanical arts
are inherentlyinferioror servile. When Albertusexplicatesa passage at
the beginningof the Metaphysics in which Aristotleargues that the in-
ventorsof the arts of recreationwere naturallymore admired than the
inventorsof useful artsbecause theirartsdid not aim at utility(981b13),
he emphasizes, as far as possible without distortingthe passage, the
importanceof admiringthe mechanical arts; these, like the liberalarts,
4 AlbertusMagnus, commentaryon the Posterior Analytics1.2.17, in Opera(ed. Borgnet

2: 67).
4 Weisheipl, "Classificationof the Sciences in Medieval Thought," does not consider
Albertus's view of the mechanical arts; Marietan, Classificationdes sciencesd'Aristoted St.
Thomas,158-160, considers them only verybriefly.Sternagel,ArtesMechanicae,103-111,
provides referencesto most of the relevanttexts.Ovitt, "Status of the Mechanical Arts,"
however, does not consider Albertus at all and Guy Allard, "Les arts mecaniques aux
yeux de l'ideologie medievale," in Les arts mncaniques au Moyen Age, Cahiers d'etudes
medievales, 7 (Montreal: Bellarmin;Paris: J. Vrin, 1982), 17, refersto Albertusonly very
briefly.
4 Albertus Magnus, commentaryon the Metaphysics 1.1.6 and 2.8 (ed. Geyer, 16: 9,
100); De anima2.2.2 (ed. Clemens Stroickin Opera [ed. Geyer,7: 85]); SuperEthica,1.1 (ed.
Kubel in Opera,14: 6).
49 AlbertusMagnus, De animalibus 8.6.2, ed. Hermann Stadler,Beitragezur Geschichte
der Philosophie des Mittelalters,15 (Munster: AschendorffscheVerlagsbuchhandlung,
1916), 671-673; commentaryon the Metaphysics1.1.6 (ed. Geyer, 16: 9).
5 AlbertusMagnus, commentaryon the Physics2.1.11 (ed. Borgnet,3: 114-115).
Tradition
TheMechanicalArtsand theAristotelian 139
are directedtowardprovidingthenecessaryand usefulthingsofpolitical

life.51Albertusalso remarksin his commentaryon Aristotle'sEthicsthat
because theyconsider the reasons behind the productionofworks, "the
mechanical arts ought not to be excluded by the philosopher," as, for
example, Vitruviusreported on architecture,Palladius on agriculture,
Vegetius on the militaryart,Razi on surgeryand otherphilosopherson
other arts.52
Albertus'sinterestin observingcontemporarytechnologicalmethods
and practices is well known; his accounts of iron-smelting,and agri-
culturaltechniques such as the building of drainage ditches and cross-
plowing to avoid erosion, are accurate and detailed.53Littleof this per-
sonal interestcarriesover intohis discussions ofcraftsas a partofknowl-
edge, which remainsomewhat dryand abstract.Nevertheless,Albertus
uses Aristotlecreativelyin this area as he does in others.
Aquinas, on the otherhand, persistentlydisplays a pejorativeattitude
toward the mechanical arts. He resists,forexample, recognizingcrafts
as the practicalpart of any division of speculative philosophy, instead
arguing that according to the Ethicsonly moral philosophy is appro-
priatelycalled "practical" and, further,that while medicine, alchemy,
agriculture,etc. may be subalternateto physics, they are not parts of
physics since "physics in itselfand all its parts is speculative."54Even
in his discussion of the scientiaemediae,or the sciences which apply
mathematicalprinciplesto natural things,where Aquinas mightbe ex-
pected to considerthe importanceof crafts,he mentionsonly astrology,
music, perspective,and, in one instance, statics.55
51 AlbertusMagnus, commentaryon the Metaphysics 1.1.10 (ed. Geyer, 16: 15). See also
in the commentaryon the Metaphysics1.2.9 (ed. Geyer, 16: 26):
Licetigituraliae quaedamsintmagisnecessariaead vitaeregimen,sicutpraecipuesuntarchitec-

tonicaeet civiliset medicina,nullatameninteromnesest dignior
quam ista.... Illaequae sunt
operatricesapotelesmatum, quibusvitaehumanaeconservatur communicatio, suntmaximene-
cessariae,
quia sineillisautvitahominisnonestautomninomalaetlaboriosaestetideosapientiae
intenderenonpotest.
52
AlbertusMagnus, commentaryon the Ethics1.3.2 (ed. Borgnet,7: 32): ". . . et ita ars
quae rationesoperum considerat,habet sapientiae rationem:propterquod artes mechan-
icae a Philosopho non sunt refutandae."
53 Nadine F. George, "Albertus Magnus and Chemical Technology in a Time of Tran-
sition,"in AlbertusMagnusand theSciences,ed. Weisheipl,235-261; forAlbertus'scomments

on contemporaryagriculturaltechniques, see Clarence J. Glacken, Traceson theRhodian
Shore:Natureand Culturein WesternThoughtfromAncientTimesto theEnd oftheEighteenth
Century(Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1967), 314-316, 346 and on metallurgy,
J.M. Riddle and J.A. Mulholland, "AlbertusMagnus on Stones and Minerals," in Albertus
Magnusand theSciences,ed. Weisheipl, 221-227.
Thomas Aquinas, The Divisionand Methodsof the Sciences:QuestionsV and VI of his
Commentary on the'De Trinitate'ofBoethius,trans.Armand Maurer, 3rd. rev. ed. (Toronto:
PontificalInstituteof Mediaeval Studies, 1963), 14-15; SanctiThomaede Aquino Expositio
superlibrumBoethiiDe Trinitate, ed. Bruno Decker (Leiden: E. J.Brill,1955), Qu. 5, art. 1,
reply 4 and 5, 171: "Et sic relinquiturquod physica secundum se et secumdum omnes
partes suas est speculativa quamvis aliquae scientiae operativae subalternenturei."
5 Carlos A. Ribeiro do Nascimento, "La statut epistemologique des 'sciences inter-
140 TheMechanicalArtsfromAntiquitythrough Century
theThirteenth
The mechanical arts not only stand apart fromotherkinds of knowl-

edge but are markedlyinferiorbecause of theircorporeal nature.56Al-
though these arts, more closely than the liberal arts or the sciences,
conformto Aristotle'sdefinitionof art as "reason's habit of makingex-
ternal things properly," and correspond precisely to the productive
arts,57theyare necessarilyunworthy:"those arts which are ordered to
some utilitythroughperformingan actionare called mechanical,or ser-
vile."58 More consistentlythan any of his contemporaries,Aquinas
points to the utilitariancharacterof craftsas a sign of their servility.
Following Aristotle,his concern with the independent value of specu-
lative science, which is sought only "foritself,"leads him to ignore the
possible relevance of the mechanical arts.
Even Aquinas, however,was not entirelyuntouchedby contemporary
interpretations of the role of the mechanical arts. His examples of med-
icine, alchemy,agricultureand similarsciences as subalternateto phys-
ics recall the Arabic patternof classification.In his commentaryon Ar-
istotle's PosteriorAnalytics,moreover, he acknowledges that those
"subordinate sciences, as the mechanical arts, which employ measure-
ments," may apply a demonstrationfromgeometry.59 Laterin the same
work he mentions that mechanical engineering,i.e. the art of making
machines, is subordinate to stereometry,or the science of measuring
bodies.60 In this limited context,at least, he recognizes a connection
between craftsand mathematics.Finally,although Aquinas appears to
owe littleto Hugh of St. Victorbeyond the adoption of the termartes
mechanicae, he does at least once appear to echo Hugh and implya pos-
itiverole fortechnologywhen he remarksthatman "can equip himself
withweapons and coveringand the othernecessitiesoflifein an infinite
varietyof ways.... And indeed it is far more suitable for a rational
mediaires'selonS. Thomasd'Aquin,"inLa science dela nature:

Theoriesetpratiques,
Cahiers
d'etudesmedievales, 2 (Montreal:Bellarmin; Paris:J.Vrin,1974),43-46.Although Aquinas
does refertoartesmechanicae, quaeutuntur mensuris (see belown. 57), thesearenotcalled
scientiaemediae.See also JeanGagne,"Du quadrivium aux scientiae
mediae," in Artslibe'raux
au MoyenAge,975-986.
et philosophie
Allard,"Artsmecaniques,"19,23 emphasizesthispoint.
5 FrancisJ.Kovach,"DivineArtinSaintThomasAquinas,"inArtslibe'raux etphilosophie
au MoyenAge,663-669.Also usefulforthedefinition ofthemechanicalartsin Aquinas
is PierreConwayand BenedictAshley,"The LiberalArtsin ThomasAquinas,"Thomist
22 (1959):460-532.Stemagel,ArtesMechanicae, 103-111,providesadditionalreferences.
Ovitt,"StatusoftheMechanicalArts,"does notdiscussAquinas.
58 ThomasAquinas,In I Metaphysicam 3 ad c, in Operaomnia,Leonineedition(Rome:
Ex Typographia Polyglotta,1882),46: "illaevero,quae ordinantur ad aliquamutilitatem
per actionemhabendam,dicuntur mechanicae, siveserviles."Thisworkhas been trans-
lated: Commentary on theMetaphysics ofAristotle, trans.JohnP. Rowan(Chicago:Henry
RegneryCompany,1961).
ThomasAquinas,In I Posteriora Analytica, lect.17,in Operaomnia,LeonineEdition,
1: 207: "quod demonstratio geometriae proceditad scientiasinferiores, sicutsuntartes
mechanicae,quad utuntur mensuris."Thisworkis translated: Commentary onthePosterior
Analytics trans.F. R. Larcher(Albany,N.Y.: MagiBooks,1970).
ofAristotle,
' ThomasAquinas,In I Posteriora Analytica, lect;25,in Opera,Leonineedition,1: 237:
Commentary, trans.Larcher,79-80.
TheMechanical Tradition
ArtsandtheAristotelian 141
nature,which is capable of endless ideas, to have in thisway the ability

to equip itselfwith an endless catalogue of tools."61
The intellectualcurrentswhich fed into the formationof thirteenth-
centuryviews of the definitionand status of the mechanicalarts,there-
fore,produced not one pictureof technologyas a categoryofknowledge
but a varietyof attitudesand positions. The problem of formulatinga
unified picture fromthese diverse elements, which included not only
the Aristotelian"making" arts and the Arabic conception of craftsas
practicalscience but also, as we have seen in the previous chapter,the
continuedimportanceof Hugh of St. Victor'sdefinitionof the mechan-
ical arts,was a formidableone.
RobertKilwardby'sDe ortuscientiarum was one attemptto synthesize
the various views of the mechanical arts circulatingin the thirteenth
century.Kilwardby,whose classificationof the sciences is discussed in
detail in Chapter IV,62follows Hugh of St. Victor's seven-folddivision
oftheartesmechanicae and retainsHugh's definitionofthemas a separate
and independentgroup of arts;fromthisperspectiveKilwardbybelongs
firmlyin the Victorinetradition.Kilwardby's organization of the sci-
ences, however, shows the stronginfluenceof Latin Neoplatonism and,
as George Ovittpoints out, of the Aristotelianconcept of scientificdem-
onstrationaccordingto the propter quid and quia.63 These elementsbring
Kilwardby also into the Arabic traditionon crafts.In particular,Kil-
wardby's placementof the mechanicalartswith the verbal and practical
arts as the human sciences whose purpose is to aid in livingwell, and
his emphasis on the reciprocalrelationshipof theoreticaland practical
science stronglysuggest the influenceof Arabic patternsof classifica-
tion.' Kilwardbyis known to have read Gundisalvo's De divisionephi-
losophiaeand, although he rejectsmuch of Gundisalvo's organizationof
the sciences,65he may well have been influencedby Gundisalvo's de-
scriptionof craftsas practicalsciences. In this context,Kilwardby'sin-
sistencethat "the theoreticalsciences are practicaland the practicalsci-
ences theoretical,"66and his account of the seven mechanicalartsas the
operativeor practicalside of physics, arithmetic,geometryand astron-
omy, appear to reflect,at least indirectly,the impact of Arabic concep-
61 ThomasAquinas,Summa la.91, 3.2. ed. and trans.EdmundHill,in Summa

Theologiae
theologiae, ed. Blackfriars
(NewYork:McGraw-Hill; London:EyreandSpottiswoode, 1961),
28: ". . . quibuspotestpararesibiarmaettegumenta etaliavitaenecessariainfinitis
modis
... et hoc etiammagiscompetebat rationali naturae,quae estinfinitarumconceptionum,
ut haberetfacultatem infinita
instrumenta sibiparandi."
62
See above,ChapterIV, pp. 118-123.
63 Weisheipl, "Classification
oftheSciences,"75-78;Ovitt,"StatusoftheMechanical
Arts,"102-104.
4
Kilwardby, De ortuscientiarum
1.1,34.346,36.352,41.379-409(ed. Judy,9, 122,124-
125,133-143).See above,ChapterIV, pp. 120-122.
5 Sharp,"The De ortuscientiarium," 2.
6 Kilwardby, De ortuscientiarum
42.393(ed. Judy,138):"Videturergoquod et specu-
lativaesintpracticaeet practicaespeculativae."
Century
tions of crafts.67While Ovitt rightfullyemphasizes Kilwardby's origi-

nality,therefore,the De ortuscientiarum is the product not only of the
twelfth-century Victorinetraditionbut also of a long-standingArabic
tradition.68
The Arabic influenceis farclearerin the work of Roger Bacon (1214-
1292). Bacon's enthusiasm fortechnologicalmarvels such as flyingma-
chines, submarines and self-propelledvehicles and his interestin "ex-
perimentalscience" are well known.69Far less attentionhas been paid,
however, to the way in which Bacon integratedcraftsand technological
arts into his classificationof knowledge and, consequently,to how he
conceived theirfunctionas part of philosophy.70
Bacon does not seem to have been especiallyinterestedin the division
of knowledge perse and, as faras is known, did not writea work spe-
cificallyon the classificationofthe artsand sciencies.71Two ofhis works,
however,the Communium naturalium and the Communiamathematica, are
prefacedby outlines of the parts of natural science and mathematics.72
Bacon begins the Communium naturaliumby dividingknowledge into
grammaror the study of languages and logic, mathematics,naturalsci-
67 For discussion ofthesepassagesin theDe ortuscientiarum, see above. According to

Weisheipl,"Classification oftheSciences,"78: "Underlying his [Kilwardby's]discussion
of the speculativesciencesis theconviction thatthescienceofnumerical proportionsis
thekeyto understanding all theothersciences.... Thistypically neo-Platonicconviction
was undoubtedly due ratherto theinfluence oftheArabicsources."
' Ovitt,"StatusoftheMechanicalArts,"102-104.Ovittalso somewhatover-empha-
sizes Kilwardby's originalitywithrespectto theVictorine tradition, see above,Chapter
IV, pp. 118-119.
69 See Thorndike, History ofMagicandExperimental 2: 616-691and StewartCop-
Science,
inger,RogerBaconandhisSearch fora Universal Science(New York:Russelland Russell,
1971).Thereis an important Ph.D. thesisbyJeremiah M. Hackett,"The MeaningofEx-
perimental Science(Scientia inthePhilosophy
experimentalis) ofRogerBacon,"Ph.D. diss.,
University ofToronto,1983.ForBacon'sexpression ofthepowersoftechnology, see Roger
Bacon,Opusmaius6. Exemplum 3, The'Opusmaius'ofRoger Bacon,ed. JohnHenryBridges
(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1897;rpt.Frankfurt: Minerva,1964),2: 217;EpistolaFratris
Rogerii
Baconisde Secretis operibusartisetnaturaeetdenullitatemagicae4, in Fr.RogeriiBaconOpera
quaedam hactenus ed. J.S. Brewer,
inedita, RerumBritannicarum MediiAeviScriptores, 11
(London:Longman,Green,Longmanand Roberts,1859),532-533.On Bacon'sideas of
scientificprogress,see A. G. Molland,"MedievalIdeas ofScientific Progress,"Journalof
theHistory ofIdeas39 (1976):567-571.
70 Stemagel,Artes Mechanicae, does notconsiderBaconand Ovitt,"Statusof theMe-
chanicalArts,"99, refersto himonlyverybriefly. Weisheipl,"Classification oftheSci-
ences," 79-81, considersBacon,but not his treatment of technology. An exceptionis
Allard,"Artsmecaniques,"29,who considersBacon'sideas on technology "strangeand
new" because of the highvalue he givesto theusefulsciences.Hackett,"Meaningof
Experimental Science,"comparesBacon'slistof thescienceswithKilwardby's, see Dis-
sertationAbstracts August,1984,45.02:545-A.
International,
71 Fora listofBacon'sworks, see theappendixinA. G. Little,Roger BaconEssays(Oxford:
ClarendonPress,1914).
7 RogerBacon,Communium naturalium 1, in Operahactenus inedita RogeriBaconi,ed.
RobertSteele(Oxford: ClarendonPress,1922),fasc2:5-9,andCommunia mathematica
Fratris
Rogeriin Opera(ed. Steele,fasc16:38-55).Theintroduction to theCommunia mathematica,
vii,pointsout thatbothworksin theirpresentformwereput together by an unknown
"assembler"fromseveralmanuscripts.
TheMechanical
Tradition 143
ence or physics and metaphysics,to which is attached morals.73Since

mathematics,according to Bacon, "perfectsand regulates" the natural
sciences,74the parts of physics have a stronglymathematicalcharacter:
theyare perspective,astronomy(judicial and operative), the science of
weights, alchemy, agriculture,medicine and experimentalscience.75
Bacon defines the subject area of each science, referringeach to the
appropriate texts by Aristotle,Avicenna, Averroes and others.76Ex-
perimentalscience, he says, instructsthe other sciences in the produc-
tion of instrumentsand works.77
The more elaborate division of the sciences in the Communiamathe-
maticahelps clarifythe relationshipbetween mathematics,natural sci-
ence and instruments.Here Bacon considersthe theoreticaland practical
parts of geometryand arithmetic.Practicalgeometryis concerned with
instrumentsand various useful works.78Its firstpart is that science of
ruling familiesand states which is called agriculture,followed by the
sciences of measurementwhich are necessary in the building of cities,
houses, towers, etc. The fourthpart consists of the constructionof ca-
nals, aqueducts, bridges, ships, etc.; the fifthincludes the construction
of marvelousinstruments,includingflyingmachines, self-propelledve-
hicles and liftingdevices. The sixth division includes the building of
weapons. This is followed by a second division of practicalgeometry
which includes the instrumentsused by all the sciences, including as-
trology,music, perspective, science of weights, experimentalscience,
medicine and alchemy.79Practicalarithmeticthen includes the use of
the abacus and astronomicaltables, calendars, weights and measures,
the measurementofdistancesand dimensions,mathematicalgames and
the orderingof all kinds of business by correcting,selling,contracting,
leasing, barter,exchange, adjustments,spending and saving.80
The formatof Bacon's account clearly recalls the Arabic pattern of
classification,as exemplifiedby al-Farabi and Gundisalvo, in which
craftsand othertechnologicalarts are defined as practicalmathematics
which supply devices or instrumentsto the other sciencies. In Bacon,
this capacity of the practical sciences to provide the means by which
man can exertpower over the natural world (or over his fellow man)
overshadows what the theoreticalsciences can provide by themselves;
the aim of science, indeed, is to performworks for the advantage of
73 Bacon, Communium naturalium1 (ed. Steele, 1). This division is comparable to thatin
the Operamaiusexcept that optics and experimentalscience are included under physics.
7 On Bacon's view of the role of mathematics,see Weisheipl, "Classificationof the
Sciences," 79-80, and N. W. Fisher and S. Unguru, "ExperimentalScience and Mathe-
maticsin Roger Bacon's Thought," Traditio27 (1971): 353-378.
7 Bacon, Communium naturalium1 (ed. Steele, 5).
76 Ibid., (ed. Steele, 5-9).
77 Ibid., (ed. Steele, 9).

78
Bacon, Communia mathematica,1.3 (ed. Steele, 42-44).
144 TheMechanicalArtsfromAntiquitythrough
theThirteenth
Century
individuals or the community.A passage in the Opus maiusbringsBa-

con's understandingof the relationshipbetween science and technology
into sharperfocus:
All thingsof suchwonderful utilityin the statebelongchieflyto this[experi-

mental]science.Forthissciencehas thesame relationto theothersciencesas
thescienceofnavigation to thecarpenter's artand themilitary
artto thatofthe
engineer.For thisscienceteacheshow wonderful instrumentsmaybe made,
and uses themwhen made, and also considersall secretthingsowingto the
advantagestheymaypossess forthe stateand forindividuals;and it directs
othersciencesas itshandmaids,and therefore thewholepowerof speculative
scienceis attributed
especiallyto thisscience.8'
Thus Bacon begins to bringtogetherthe isolated elementsimplicitin

the Arabic classificationsof craftsas part of civil science and as the
operative side of mathematicsinto an organic vision of technologyas
applied science in the service of man's earthlylife.
Bacon's relationshipto contemporarytraditionson the place of crafts
in classificationsof knowledge is not completelyclear. He once refers
to the "mechanical arts [which] are wool-making,arms (armatura),nav-
igation,hunting,agricultureand medicine" and thereforeknew the defi-
nitionof the mechanical arts according to Hugh of St. Victoror one of
his followers.82However, although Bacon oftencouches his discussion
of the sciences in Augustinian termsreminiscentof Hugh's concept of
the mechanical arts, he was farmore concerned with the secular value
of technology.The only other instance I have been able to identifyin
which Bacon uses the term artesmechanicaeis uncharacteristically pe-
jorative. Citing Aristotle'sMetaphysics,Bacon identifiesthe mechanical
arts with Aristotle'smanual worker who works without knowing the
reason forwhat he does; the artof building,thus, is merelymechanical
geometryand is not part of philosophy.83
The degree of Bacon's originalitywith respect to his Arabic sources
is uncertainwithout a full examination of how craftswere treated in
Arabicclassificationsof the sciences, unfortunatelybeyond the scope of
the present study. Withinthe contextof Latin writers,however, Bacon
expressed the view thattechnologyprovided the instrumentsby which
81Bacon, The Opus Majus ofRogerBacon,trans. RobertBelle Burke (New York: Russell
and Russell, 1962), 2: 633 (ed. Bridges 2: 221):
Tamenomniahujusmodiutilitatis mirificae
in republicapertinentprincipaliter
ad hancscientiam.
Nam haec se habetad alias,sicutnavigatoria ad carpentariam, et sicutars militaris
ad fabrilem;
haecenimpraecipit ut fiantinstrumenta mirabilia,
et factisutitur,et etiamcogitatomniasecreta
propterutilitates
reipublicaeet personarum; et imperataliisscientiis,sicutancillissuis,et ideo
totasapientiaespeculativae
potestasistiscientiaespecialiter
attribuitur.
Cf. Opusminus in Opera,ed. Brewer,2: 321,324,328.

82 Bacon, Sumuledialectices
in Opera,ed. Steele, 15: 193.
83 Bacon,Compendium
philosophiae
4 in Opera,ed. Brewer1: 420.
TheMechanical
Tradition 145
human beings both understand, and exert power over, nature more
explicitlyand forcefully than any of his contemporaries.As Guy Allard
has suggested, Bacon came close to reversingthe usual hierarchyof the
speculative and useful in medieval thought.84Yet, this concept of the
vialueof technology,which Allard describes as "strange and new," ap-
pears to be part of a broader tradition.Even if less universalized and
explicit,as in al-Farabiand Gundisalvo, or expressed in different
terms,
as in Kilwardby,comparable ideas flourishedamong Bacon's contem-
poraries. Perhaps it mighteven be said thatBacon, usually regarded as
a maverick,was, in this respect at least, more representativethan that
,irbiterof medieval thought,Thomas Aquinas.
84 Allard, "Arts mecaniques," 29. See also Allard's comparison of Albertus,Aquinas

and Bacon in "Reactions de troispenseurs du XIIIe siecle vis-a-visde l'Alchimie,"in Science
de la nature,97-106.
VOL. 80 PT. 1, 1990
VI. Conclusion
y the end of the thirteenth

century,medievalthinkershad de-
veloped several definitionsof craft and craftsmanshipwhich
could be integratedinto prevailingsystemsof thought,whether
Augustinian or Aristotelianin tenor. The mechanical arts were given
moraland intellectualsanctioneitherby placing themwithinthe context
of man's effortsto restorehimselfto his pre-lapsariancondition,as in
the Victorinetradition,or by definingthemas applied science, as in the
Arabic tradition.By the close of the thirteenthcentury,the mechanical
arts had come to be regarded as a necessary and oftenhighlyvalued
categoryof knowledge.
This new understanding of the mechanical arts represented a sub-
stantialand significantchange fromthe classical evaluation of craftand
craftsmanship.Classical philosophy had been profoundlyambivalent
about technology.While craftswere sometimesimplicitlyacknowledged
as a part of human knowledge and achievement,theywere also often
regardedas non-rationaland thereforeas antitheticalto mankind'shigh-
est and truestends. For many twelfth-and thirteenth-century thinkers,
however, the mechanical arts,if not the highestformof learning,were
clearlyan essentialkind ofknowledge which shared in the ultimateaims
of naturalphilosophy or theology.
The interestofmedieval thinkersin integratingcraftsintophilosophy,
moreover,was more persistentand thoughtfulthanhas been previously
recognized. Scholarlytreatmentof medieval ideas about technologyhas
tended to single out certainfiguresas "exceptions" to what has been
perceived as a general devaluation of technologyby medieval intellec-
tuals. Lynn White, for example, has pointed to Hugh of St. Victor,
George Ovitt to RobertKilwardbyand Raymond Lull, and Guy Allard
to Roger Bacon as standing apart fromtheir contemporariesin their
attitudestoward the mechanical arts. In fact,ifwe look more closely at
medieval classificationsof the arts and sciences, it appears thateach of
these thinkers depended upon and synthesized an earlier body of
thoughtwhich gave his ideas substance and weight. Withoutminimiz-
ing the importanceand originalityofHugh, Kilwardby,and Bacon, they
can most usefullybe seen not as isolated figuresbut as representative
of a broad interestin articulatingthe value of technologyas a category
of knowledge.
Medieval thinkers,therefore,reworkedthe classical heritageof ideas
about craftsand craftsmanshipand explored technology'spositiveplace
in the relationshipofhuman beings to God and naturewithinthe frame-
147
148 TheMechanical
Artsfrom
Antiquity
through
theThirteenth
Century
work available to them. To what extent,then, did those twelfth-and

thirteenth-century ideas anticipateor influencemodernattitudestoward
technology?The question is an importantone, both in itselfand because
the search forthe originsof present-dayWesternassumptionsand tech-
nological practiceshas been a pervasive, if not always explicit,context
formuch of the discussion about technologyin the Middle Ages.
First,the medieval writersdiscussed here established that craftsand
craftsmanshiphad a normal place among the recognized arts and sci-
ences. Although the precise lines of transmissionbetween thirteenth-
century,Renaissance, and early modern classificationsof the sciences
have yet to be established, it is clear that afterthe thirteenthcentury
the mechanical arts (as we have seen, a term still currentin the early
modern period) or theirequivalent under the seventeenth-century ne-
ologism "technology," were assumed in Western thoughtto be an in-
tegralpart of the taxonomyof knowledge.
Second, the historyof definitionsof the mechanical arts sheds some
lighton broaderissues raised by Lynn White,George Ovitt,and others.
Classificationsof the sciences, forexample, offerlittleevidence in sup-
port of Lynn White's thesis that Latin Christianity"caused" the West
to become technologicallyadvanced. Certainly,some aspects of Chris-
tian theology supplied importantjustificationsfor the pursuit of the
mechanical arts formany of these writers,in particularthe Victorines.
Yet for many others new ideas about the nature and aims of natural
science derived fromIslamic Arabic thoughtwere more important.On
theotherhand, contraryto White's assertionthatmedieval philosophers
were blinded by classical prejudice against technology,these treatises
show that twelfth-and thirteenth-century intellectualsnot only shared
in the general interestin technologyof the period but activelysought
to revise classical ideas in orderto accommodate technologywithinthe
sphere of legitimateknowledge.
The historyof the mechanical arts also offersa parallel and often
complementaryperspective to the development of monastic attitudes
toward labor outlined by George Ovitt. Unlike monastic writings,me-
dieval definitionsof the artesmechanicae were developed by theologians
or theologically-trained scientistswithinthe contextof the philosopher's
task to categorize or systematizeknowledge. The settingwas the uni-
versityor school, not the artist'sworkshop or the monastery.Theircon-
cerns, therefore,were somewhat differentfromthose of the monastic
writerswithwhich Ovittlargelydeals. The question ofthe social, moral,
and religiousvalue of labor perse is largelyincidentalto these thinkers;
theirinterestis ratherin justifyingthe inventionof machines,tools, and
techniques as a rationaland intellectualenterprise.
Given this differentorientation,the thoughtof monastic writerson
the place of manual labor and universitywriterson the place of the
mechanicalarts diverges somewhat. Both sometimesshare in a certain
snobbishattitudetoward workersthemselves.Yet, ifas Ovittsuggests,
Conclusion 149
by the thirteenthcenturythe Church was rejectingan earliercommit-

mentto communal labor and divorcingthe work of the hands fromthe
religiouslife,medieval writerson the mechanical arts seem to be in the
process of creatinga distinctionbetween purely physical labor and the
intellectualwork of the inventor,engineer, or mechanician. Whereas
monasticwritersmay have rejected the opus manuumand therebysec-
ularized it, writerson the mechanicalartscontinuedto justifythese arts
on both religiousand secular grounds, not as work of the hands but as
intellectualwork.
This philosophical orientationexplains the admittedlyabstractquality
of medieval discussions of the mechanical arts, which had recourse to
intellectualtraditionand book-learningrather than hands-on experi-
ence. There is littleof the immediacythatone finds,forexample, in the
writingsof Palissy or JuanLuis Vives in the sixteenthcentury.Nor did
twelfth-and thirteenth-century thinkershave a clearlyworked out view
of science as founded on mechanicalprinciplesand primarilyconcerned
to manipulate the natural world for the practicalbenefitof mankind,
such as we see in the scientificvision of the sixteenthand seventeenth
centuries.In thissense, twelfth-and thirteenth-century thinkersdid not
"value" the mechanical arts in the way the modern world values tech-
nology.
But this is as much to say that the medieval world is not the modern
world and thatmedieval thoughtis not modernthought.Europe in 1300
was just beginning to enter into the complex social and economic
changes which marked the gradual shiftfromfeudalism to capitalism
and would sustain the development of a distinctivelymodern world-
view. It would take a ScientificRevolution to overthrowAristotelian
science and provide a new ontology underpinningmechanical philos-
ophy. It would take otherrevolutions,both politicaland intellectual,to
establish the materialworld as more importantthan the spiritualone.
Medieval writerson the mechanical arts did not entirelyovercome the
ambivalence toward technologyinheritedfromantiquityand they did
not invent an entirelynew way of looking at technology. They did,
however, attemptin various ways to fashion a coherent and positive
view of technologyfromthe diversebody of thoughtdeveloped by their
contemporariesand predecessors. In doing this,theymade an important
contributionto the development of Western culturalattitudestoward
technology.
VOL. 80 PT. 1, 1990
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Index
Agriculture,35, 51, 79-80, lOOn1lO,139 Armament(armatura):definitionsof, 86,

in Augustine, 44, 48-50, 52, 54, 64, 90, 105, 107
98 associated with geometry,122
invention of, 78 as mechanical art, 60, 83, 85, 86, 107,
as liberal or semi-liberalart,29, 42-44, 109n152,115, 117, 144
45, 46-50, 64, 65 associated with physics, 122. See also
as mechanical art, 60, 72, 83, 103, 104, Architecture;Carpentry
107, 110, 115, 117, 121 Aristotle,Aristotelianism,7, 21, 25, 50,
associated with physics, 116, 121, 131, 64, 76, 93, 94, 99, 112, 114, 116, 120
133, 136, 140, 141, 143 on art,35-36, 93
in Plato, 33, 41 on banausic arts,28-29
as productive art, 33, 114 and crafts,34-36, 51, 129-130, 135-141,
Albertus Magnus: 82, 101, 111, 136, 137- 144
139 divisions of knowledge in, 32-33
Alchemy, 10, 117, 123, 143 as interpretedby Arabic writers,130-
associated with mathematics,116 131, 135-136
as mechanical art, 117 on mechanics, 41, 68n48
associated with physics, 121, 131, 133, Arnold of Bonneval, abbot, 78, 108
136, 139, 140 astrology,10, 46, 59, 61, 62, 65, 69, 72,
Alcuin, 62, 68 122, 143
Aldhelm of Malmesbury,poet, 62, 66 and astronomy,68n50
Alessio, Franco, 6, 11, 18-19, 20, 96-7, as liberal art, 62n20, 64
100, 103 and medicine, 121
Alexander Neckham, 77-78 and music, 124
Allard, Guy, 6, 10-11, 19, 20, 123, 145, as scientia
media,139
147 Audax, grammarian,64, 65
Ambrose, St., 39, 40 Augustine, St., 63, 108
Apotelesmatic arts,37, 114, 137 on agriculture,44, 49, 64, 90, 117
Architecture,24 ambivalence toward crafts,26, 53-55
in Augustine, 52, 98 conception of knowledge and crafts,
as branch of mathematics,60-61 54-55, 125-126
compared to nest-building,25 craftsand classificationsof knowledge
excluded fromliberal arts,29, 58 in, 33, 39, 40, 45, 48-50, 51, 52-3, 54
included under "armament," 86 influenceon Bonaventure,112-3
as liberal art, 29, 44, 45, 50, 64 influenceon Hugh of St. Victor,18, 81,
as mechanical art, 70, 103, 110, 137 88-90, 96-99, 102
as mechanics, 41 and Vincentof Beauvais, 116
associated with physics, 121
in Plato, 33n45, 40-41
as practicalscience (construction),116, Bacon, Francis,34, 125, 126
117n187, 122, 131, 133, 136, 143 Bacon, Roger, 18, 19, 20, 42, 82, 137, 147
as productive art, 37, 38, 47-48 and Arabic tradition,132, 135
as semi-liberalart, 46, 50, 64 and Augustinian tradition,104, 125-126
separated from"armament," 103, 119. and crafts,142-145
See also Armament;Carpentry technologicalimaginationof, 77
165
166 Index
Banausic arts, 27-32, 40, 42, 45, 46, 50, in churchsculpture,78

51, 71. See also Illiberalarts and civil life,134, 135
Basil, St., 39, 40 and dignityof man, 92, 93-96
Beaujouan, Guy, 6, 9-10, 11, 16 inventionof, 78-79
Bernard of Clairvaux, 12, 77, 100 as liberalarts,42-50, 59, 60-70
Bernard Silvestris,supposed author of and mathematics,40-42
commentaryon the Aeneid,102, 104, in Plato, 26, 27-28, 30-31, 33-35, 40-
106 41, 44, 48
Bischoff,Bernard,59, 62 as servile,84-85, 130, 135, 136, 138, 140
Bloch, Marc, 2, 3, 57 and science, 6, 9-10, 66, 115-116, 120-
Boethius, 39, 40 123, 134, 143-145. See also Mechanical
Bonaventure, St., 82, 101, 104, 111, 112- arts; Technology;and names of
114, 125 individual crafts
Bread-making,137. See also Cookery Crombie, A. C., 6, 9-10, 16, 19, 20
BrunettoLatini, 135
Business: as mechanical art, 103, 107, 110,
119, 124 de Gandillac, Maurice, 6, 8-9, 11
as practicalmathematics,116, 136, 143. Dfaz y Diaz, Manuel, 59, 64
See also Commerce; Navigation Dignityof man, and crafts,92, 93-96
Dionysius Thrax,37, 43
Domingo Gundisalvo (Dominicus
Carolingian Renaissance, 58, 62 Gundissalinus), 18, 40, 81, 82, 110,
Carpentry,47, 65, lOOnIlO 111, 135, 136, 137, 143, 145
included under armament,86 craftsand classificationof knowledge,
associated with mathematics,80, 116, 132-134
131, 133 and Kilwardby,141
as mechanical art, 115 Duhem, Pierre,4, 9, 19
associated with mechanics, 41, 64, 136
as productiveart, 37, 38, 39, 114
as semi-liberalart,46. See also Economics, 35, 61, 69
Architecture;Armament Edelstein, Ludwig, 23, 31
Cassiodorus, 43, 44, 60-61, 67-68 Ermenrichof Ellwagen, student of
Cavalry: as mechanical art, 115, 123 Rhabanus Maurus, 62
Celsus, 44, 63, 64 Ethics,61, 84, 120
Chalcidius, 76, 92 paired with mechanical arts in Godfrey
Chenu, M.-D., 6, 8, 11, 77 of St. Victor,107-108
on religionand technology,11 in RobertKilwardby,118, 121
Cicero, 18, 63, 64, 117 Experimentalscience, 143
on agriculture,44, 64 See also Roger Bacon
on liberal and illiberalarts, 29
praise of crafts,53, 94, 97
Clemens the Grammarian,62 Fabric-making:in Hugh of St. Victor,60,
Commerce (navigatio),35, 41, lOOnllO 83, 85
condemned in Middle Ages, 13 inventionof, 78
descriptionof, in Hugh of St. Victor,86 as mechanical art, 110, 115, 119
as mechanical art, 60, 83, 86, 115, 121, See also Weaving
122, 124. See also Business; Navigation Wool-making
Construction,107, 117, 117, 122, 136, 143 al-Farabi,40, 131, 143, 145
as masonry, 133. See also Architecture; and Gundisalvo, 132, 133
Armament;Carpentry Fine arts,24, 54
Cookery, 95; in CityofGod; compared to See also Painting;Sculpture
medicine, in Plato, 30-31, 32 Fulgentius,45, 64
as food-scienceassociated with physics,
121
included under hunting,86 Galen, 29, 45, 46, 50, 63, 94, 95
invention of, 78 Genesis: historyof technologyin, 78
derived fromnatural philosophy, 131 and mechanical arts in Godfreyof St.
Crafts:in the Arabic tradition,130-131 Victor,107
in Aristotle,28-29, 33, 34-36, 41, 124, and mechanical arts in Hugh of St.
129-131, 137-139 Victor,90, 92-93
as banausic arts,27-32 and technologyin Nemesius, 95
Index 167
Geometry:in early Middle Ages, 61, 64, in Aristotle,35, 111, 114, 120, 129-130
69 classificationsof, in twelfthand
as illiberal,in Seneca, 30 thirteenthcenturies,80, 81-82, 84,
mechanical arts associated with, 122 102, 103, 116, 137
in Plotinus, 47. See also Mathematics and craftsin antiquity,25-27, 32
Gille, Bertrand,6, 9-10 and salvation,in Augustine, 48-50, 52-
Godfreyof St. Victor,107-109, 123, 124, 55, 97-98, 102, 111, 112, 120, 125-126
125 divisions of, in Hellenisticauthors, 37-
Gregoryof Nyssa, St., 95, 96, 98 38
Gymnastics,48, 65 divisions of, in Plotinus, 46-48
as semi-liberalart,42, 46, 50 division of, in Rupertof Deutz, 78-79
as comparable to medicine, 46n113 practicalcharacterof, in early Middle
Ages, 66
as remedyforFall, 89-90, 98, 104-106,
Hero of Alexandria, 41 115, 125..126-127. See also Crafts;
Herrad of Landsberg, 78 Mathematics;Mechanical arts;
Honorius Augustodunensis, 61, 69-70, Technology;names of individual
78, 80 authors
Hugh of St. Victor,129, 132, 134, 137, 140
influenceof, 99-100, 101-102, 104, 105,
110, 111-112, 116, 123-127, 141, 144 Law, 33n45, 44, 115n177,134
importancein historyof attitudes as liberalart,46, 62n20, 65
toward technology,7n25, 17, 18, 83, as part of civil life,135n33, 136
99, 147 Le Goff,Jacques,5, 6, 12-13, 16, 17, 20,
and mechanical arts, 20, 60, 70, 72-73, 58
81, 82, 83-99 Lefebvredes Noettes, Richard,2, 3, 57
Hunting: in Augustine, 54, 98 Liberal arts,24, 73, 105, 115
in Innocent III, lOOnllO in antiquity,28, 54
as mechanical art, 60, 83, 86 broadened definitionof, in early Middle
in Plato, 33 Ages, 61, 69, 80-81
as practicalart, 37, 104, 107, 109, 110, and craftsin antiquity,63-65, 42-50, 51
144. See also Cookery compared to mechanical arts, 116, 119,
138, 140
in earlyMiddle Ages, 59-60, 66, 71-72
Illiberal arts, 28, 30, 42, 63, 71. See also medicine and architectureexcluded
Banausic arts from,29, 158. See also Illiberalarts
Iron-working,133
Isidore of Seville, 42 63, 65, 68, 71, 117,
118 Magic, 10, 32, 40, 105, 113, 115, 120, 123
influence on Hugh of St. Victor,88 as mechanical art, 103
interestin tools, 66 Manual labor, 5-7, 11, 12-16, 17
on medicine, 61 attitudestoward, in Middle Ages, 58,
on parts of philosophy, 59, 61 77-78, 79-80, 148-149
Greek attitudestoward, 15, 23, 28, 29
Mathematics,83
Jean of Antioch, 135 in Aquinas, 137, 139, 140
Jerome,St., 45, 63, 68 in Arabic classificationsof the sciences,
John of Dacia, 111, 114-115, 136 130-131
JohnDuns Scotus, 111, 114 in Aristotle,129
Johnof Salisbury, 106 and crafts,in antiquity,41-42, 43
John the Scot, 70-72, 81, 95 and crafts,in Gundisalvo, 132-133
and crafts,in Plato, 40-41
and crafts,in Roger Bacon, 142-144
Kilwardby, Robert,42, 82, 101, 111-112, and crafts,in the thirteenthcentury,
124, 132, 135, 137, 145 136, 137, 139, 140
importancein historyof attitudes practicalconception of, in early Middle
toward technology,10, 20, 147 Ages, 66, 68-69. See also Geometry;
and mechanical arts, 115-116, 118-123, Mechanics; Quadrivium
141-142 Marrou, H. L., 45, 63
Knowledge: in Arabic thought,130-131, Martianus Capella, 29, 58, 70, 72, 103
134 Martinof Laon, 63, 71
168 Index
Maximus Victorinus,45, 46, 50, 51, 63, 64 as practicalart using instruments,37,

Mechanica,103, 116-117 114, 138
in Isidore of Seville, 67n47 separated fromarchitecture,110. See
as magic, 67n47 alsoArmatura
changing meanings of, 67-70. See also Mitcham,Carl, 7, 15, 31
Mechanics; Mechanical arts Monks, monasticism,11-12, 15, 16
Mechanical arts, 17-21, 81-82, 101, 123- enthusiasmfortechnology,79-80
125, 132, 134, 138, 140, 147-149
as "adulterate," 84-85, 88, 91, 100, 105,
108 Navigation: in Augustine, 49, 50, 52, 54,
distinguishedfrombanausic arts,27n17 98
in Hugh of St. Victor,83-87, 88-94, 96- as liberal or semi-liberalart,42, 45, 50,
99 51
origin of term,60, 70-72 as mechanical art, 103, 104, 107, 110,
in the twelfthcentury,102-110 115, 117, 119, 120, 121, 144
in the thirteenthcentury,110-123 as part of physics, 116, 131, 133, 136
termrarelyused by Roger Bacon, 18, in Plato, 33n45, 41
144. See also Crafts;Knowledge; as productiveart, 114. See also Business;
Technology; and names of individual Commerce
arts and authors Necromancy,133, 136
Mechanics: as branch of mathematics,41- Nemesius of Emessa, 95, 96, 98
42, 43, 51, 60-61, 64, 130 Neoplatonism, 111n158,118n190,137,
definitionof, in Isidore of Seville, 65, 68 141, 142n67
as liberal art, 61 and Arabic view of crafts,130
as part of philosophy, in earlyMiddle and hierarchicalarrangementof arts,
Ages, 59, 61-63 52, 54, 132
as practicalscience, 121-122, 131, 136 Nicholas of Paris, 111
as semi-liberalart, 46, 50. See also
Mechanica
Medicine, 25, 36, 51, 66, 123-124 "Ordo artium,"103, 107, 123
in Augustine, 49-50, 52, 54, 98 Ovitt,George, Jr.,5, 10, 16, 19-20, 58,
invention of, 78 118n192,120, 123, 141, 142, 147, 148
as liberal art, 29, 42-45, 48, 50, 61, 63-
65, 69, 80, 81, 115n177
as liberal art, in Plato, 30, 33, 41, 48 Painting,24, 54
as mechanical art, in twelfthcentury, as mechanical art, 103
60, 72n70, 73, 83, 102, 103, 107, 109, as part of mechanics,41, 64
110 as productiveart,33, 38n63
as mechanical art, in thirteenthcentury, as semi-liberalart,42, 45, 50
115, 117, 119 Pappus, 41, 42, 64
as "mixed" art, 37, 46 Pedersen, Olaf, 6, 8, 10, 11, 16, 19
omittedfromliberalarts, 29-30, 58 Peter Comestor, 78
as part of philosophy, in earlyMiddle Philosophia,the (compendium of
Ages, 59, 60-61, 62-63, 69, 72 philosophy), 105-106, 124
as physics, or natural philosophy, 69, Philostratus,45-46, 50
116, 121-122, 131, 133-134, 139, 140, Physics,83, 84, 85, 120, 121, 129
143 in Aquinas, 139
as practicalscience, 114. See also as branch of mathematics,64
Surgery and crafts,121-122, 131, 133, 141, 143
Metal-working,37, 42, lOOnllO defined as medicine, 61
as banausic art, 42 in earlyMiddle Ages, 61n15, 66, 69
included under armament,86 Plato, 21, 32, 38, 44, 48, 50, 94, 96, 99
invention of, 78 on art,25
as part of mechanics, 41, 64 on crafts,26, 40-41
as productiveart,37, 39 and productivearts,33-34
Michael Scot, 110, 116, 135-136 Pliny,94, 96
Militaryarts, 44, 47, 96, 143 Plotinus,38, 44, 45, 46-48, 50, 51
in Augustine, 52, 54, 98 on agriculture,64
included under armatura,86 on medicine, 63
as mechanical art, 85, 108, 137, 138 influenceon Augustine, 49
in Plato, 33n45, 41 Posidonius, 33, 95
Inzdex 169
Pottery,103 general attitudestoward, in antiquity,

Primitivism,31 23-27, 31-32, 37, 55
Proclus, 41, 42, 64 general attitudestoward, in Middle
[Productivearts, 32-40, 51, 71, 114, 129, Ages, 5-21, 77-80, 147-149
137. See also Crafts;and names of and salvation,54-55, 89-90, 104, 114,
individual arts 115-118, 125-127. See also Crafts;
Mechanical arts; and names of
individual arts and crafts
Quadrivium,40, 42, 60, 69, 80 Theatrics:in CityofGod, 98
compared to mechanical arts, 83, 119 as mechanical art, 60, 83, 86, 88, 105-
in early Middle Ages, 59, 60-61, 62 106
in Gundisalvo, 133. See also omittedfromlist of mechanical arts,
Mathematics;Mechanica;Trivium 103, 107, 118, 123
,Quintilian,38, 40 Theophilus, Benedictinemonk, 12, 17, 77
Thomas Aquinas, 7, 79, 124, 132, 136-137,
138, 145
Radulfus Ardens, 109-110, 123, 124 on craftsand human reason, 140-141
Raoul de Longchamps, 103, 104, 107, 124 perjorativeattitudetoward crafts,139-
Raymond Lull, 111, 115, 123, 124, 147 140
Remigius of Auxerre,72 Thorndike,Lynn, 4, 9, 10
Rhabanus Maurus, 59, 63, 68 trivium,42, 60, 69
Richard of St. Victor,106-7, 116, 117, 125 compared to mechanical arts, 83, 119,
Rupert of Deutz, 12, 77, 78-79, 81 135.SeealsoQuadrivium
Twelfth-CenturyRenaissance, 6, 75-76
technologyin, 76-77
Science of devices, 131, 133, 138
Science of mirrors,133, 136
Scientiae 139
mediae, Varro, 64, 64
ScientificRevolution, 2, 149 victuria(nourishment);as mechanical art,
Sculpture, 24, 54 110. See also Cookery; Hunting
as apotelesmatic art, 37 Vincentof Beauvais, 82, 101, 111, 112,
in CityofGod,98 115, 123, 124, 125, 132, 135
as productiveart, 33 on mechanical arts, 116-118, 136
as semi-liberalart, 45, 46, 50 Vitruvius,45, 64, 139
Seneca, 26, 29, 30
Shoemaking, 37, 103, 116, 136
Slavery, 15n61, 31
Sophists, 33, 54 Weaving, lOOnllO
Statics (science of weights), 131, 133, 139, compared to web-makingby spiders, 25
143 in Plato, 33-34
as productiveart,39. See also Fabric-
Sternagel, Peter, 18, 19, 59, 62, 64, 100
Stock, Brian, 6, 8n27, 12, 77 making;Wool-working
Suffragatoria Weisheipl, James,59, 137
(supports), as mechanical art,
110 White, Lynn, jr., 5, 7, 10, 20, 147
on Christianityand medieval
Surgery:as mechanical art, 103, 139. See
also Medicine technology,6, 12, 13-17, 58, 148
on technologicaldevelopment in the
Middle Ages, 2, 3, 57
Technology: ambivalence toward, in Wool-working:as mechanical art, 110,
137, 144
antiquity,24-26, 54-55, 97-98, 129-
130 as part of mathematics,122
ambivalence toward, in Middle Ages, as productiveart, 114, 138
100-101, 124, 135 and wool-workers,107, 109. See also
as applied science, 115-116, 120-123, Fabric-making;Weaving
134, 143-145
awareness of, in Hugh of St. Victor,
87-88 Xenophon, 27, 43, 64
development of in Middle Ages, 2-5,
57, 66-68, 72, 76-77
and dignityof man, 93-99 in theologiam,
Ysagoge 103,104,123

Paradise Restored. The Mechanical Arts From Antiquity Through The Thirteenth Century

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The Mechanical Arts from Antiquity through the Thirteenth Century

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American Philosophical Society

VOLUME 80, Part 1, 1990

THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY

Independence Square, Philadelphia

Libraryof Congress Catalog

valuedas a formofpenance,attitudes towardtheproductsofsuchlabor,

2 Richard Lefebvredes Noettes, La forcemotrice animalea traversles ages (Paris: Berger-

surroundedby machines.5Not onlyweretheconditionsofagricultural

5 See, forexample,E. M. Carus-Wilson, "An IndustrialRevolution in theThirteenth

thesocialhistoryofmedievaltechnology is one ofthemorelivelyareas

" See the argumentfora socialhistoryof technology in Dresbeck,"Techne, Laboret

an hereticalnotiontheidea ofmeresurvivalin a hostileworldas they

integratedtechnology intotheirpictureof medievalscientific and the-

Nor have philosophersoftechnology fullyassimilatedthisresearch.

3 For an overviewofphilosophical theoriesabouttheoriginsofmoderntechnology,

lectuallyindifferent to technological development.Althoughphiloso-

27 For discussionoftheissuesinvolved, see below,pp. 15-16.To myknowledge,the

31 Mauricede Gandillac, "Placeetsignification

was notentirely devoidofa theoreticalbasis,and,conversely, thatsome

Beaujouan) is itselfa reflectionof theimportance whichmedievalatti-

3 Guy Allard,"Les artsmecaniquesaux yeuxde l'ideologiemedievale,"in Les arts

them,and otherhistorians suchas ClarenceGlackenand LynnWhite,

4 ClarenceGlacken,Traces on theRhodian Shore:NatureandCulture in Western Thought

labor,originally a "merelylatentand undevelopedpossibility in Chris-

4 Le Goff,"Tradesand Professions," 110-112.

titude toward nature. In a series of articlespublished between 1940 and

have long been aware of a basic contrastof tonality

5 White'sfirstarticleon medievaltechnology, "Technology andInvention intheMiddle

riod help not onlyto makehistorically the accomplishment

White'sconcernis focusedon medievalWesternmonasticism,

56 Ibid.,201 (Medieval Religion,253).

and technology withinLatinChristianity.62White'spositionthat"[tech-

A less obviouscorollaryof White'semphasison religionis his dis-

tablishing theextentto whichmedievalthinkers articulatedexplicitjus-

stood not,as Crombieand Pedersensaw it,as a chapterin thehistory

8 Ibid.,17-24.AllardgivesHughofSt. Victor, whois citedbyAlessioand LynnWhite

which placed the mechanicalartson the lowestrungof knowledge.

goingbackto antiquity at leastas faras thetimeofPlatoand Aristotle.

' Hugh of St. Victor'sDidascalicon

craftsmanship and technicalinvention.2 One area whichhas tendedto

2 LudwigEdelstein, TheIdeaofClassical Antiquity(Baltimore: JohnsHopkins,1967)and

is in manyrespectsa uniquemeetingplace betweenmindand matter;

andPhilosophyofTechnology,ed. GeorgeBugliarello andDean B. Doner(Urbana:University

been pointedout by G. R. E. Lloyd,BrunoSnell and others'0the in-

'5 Seneca, Ad Luciliumepistulaemorales90.13, Loeb Classical Library(London: Heine-

Praeterenimartesbenevivendiet ad inmortalem perveniendifelicitatem,

Althoughnot absolutelycontradictory, thesevariousconceptionsof

17 See, forexample,E. J.Dijksterhuis,

whenhe explainsthatthebanausicarts(f3avavo-LKaL), "as theyarecalled,

A taskand also an artora sciencemustbe deemedvulgar[,f3cvavo-ov]

Aristotleexpressesclearlythe connectionoftenmade in antiquitybe-

mann, 1932), 638-639:

,avavcrov E'spyov eTvas 84

because they"are concernedwithmortalsubjectsand theirskilllies in

. . . cookeryputs on themaskof medicineand pretendsto knowwhatfoods

The twin chargesof irrationality and panderingbroughtby Plato

O~/O7T44I17 ITO'SKEV, Ka.& 7Tpoo-7oTLrcLTaSV fla-rtiaTc v

attitudeswas thetendencyto identify withvirtue,as in Pla-

Unlikethe designationof artsas liberaland banausic,otherancient

ofhumanknowledgeintothefundamental categories ofthinking, doing