1972 - Development Studies

This Journal is published in French under the title
Revue internationale des sciences sociales. Selections from it are also being brought
out regularly in Arabic and occasionally in Spanish and Portuguese
Topics
of recent issues:
Use of computers, documentation and the social sciences (vol. X X H I , n o . 2)
Regional variations in nation-building (vol. XXIII, no. 3)
Dimensions of the racial situation (vol. X X I I I , no. 4)
of forthcoming issues:
Youth and social change
T h e right to privacy
Professional performance in social science
3 CWBS Vff
international
social science
Journal
volume X X I V 1972
unesco, pans
international Vol. XXIV, No. 1, 1972
social science
journal Published quarterly by Unesco
Development studies
Editorial 7
Syed Hussein Alatas The captive mind in development studies 9

Rudolf Rezsoházy The concept of social time: its role in
development 26
Ignacy Sachs The logic of development 37
Disciplinary contributions
D . E . Apter and S. S. Mushi Political science 44
Georges Balandier Sociology 69
Cyril S. Belshaw Anthropology 80
Henri Collomb Social psychology in Africa: the psychia-
trist's point of view 95
Alfred Sauvy Demography 111
Victor Volsky Economic geography 132
Continuing debate
Ali A . Mazrui Educational techniques and problems of
identity in plural societies 149
Professional and documentary services
N e w periodicals 169
Approaching international conferences 176
Announcements 184
World index of social science institutions 186
Documents and publications of the United
Nations and Specialized Agencies 187
Books received 202
Editor: Peter Lengyel
Opinions expressed in signed articles are those of

the authors and d o not necessarily reflect the views
of Unesco.
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Journal can be obtained from the Editor.
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addressed to : T h e Editor, International Social Science
Journal, Unesco, Place de Fontenoy, 75 Paris-7e.
Printed by Imprimerie Chaix-Desfosses, Paris

© Unesco 1972 Printed in France SHC.71/I.100/A
Development
studies
Editorial
Since 1954, when two successive issues on the subject appeared (Vol. V I ,
N o . 2, Factors of Economic Progress, and Vol. VI, N o . 3, Economic Motivations
and Stimulations in Underdeveloped Countries) regular attention has been
paid in this Journal to developmental problems. M a n y issues, the principal
theme of which is not directly on the question, naturally also contain articles
dealing with this major problem. O f the more recent and immediately relevant
issues, however, the following m a y be listed: Vol. X I , N o . 3, 1959, The Study
and Practice of Planning; Vol. X I V , N o . 4, 1962, Economics of Education;
Vol. X V , N o . 4, 1963, Sociology of Development in Latin America; Vol. X V I ,
N o . 2, 1964, Leadership and Economic Growth; Vol. X V I , N o . 3,1964, Social
Aspects of African Resource Development; Vol. XVIII, N o . 3, 1966, Science
and Technology as Development Factors; Vol. X X , N o . 3, 1968, Motivational
Patterns for Modernization; and Vol. X X I , N o . 2, 1969, Approaches to Rural
Problems. This number, therefore, continues the regular preoccupation with
the examination of developmental problems but is thefirstto examine criti-
cally the actual study of these matters and the particular contributions of
different disciplines.
T w o books of readings have also appeared. Thefirst,Social Change
and Economic Development (Unesco, 1963; $4; £1; 13.50 F ) , with an intro-
duction by Jean Meynaud, contains the complete texts of nineteen articles
drawn from Vol. IE, N o . 4, 1951; Vol. IV, N o . 2, 1952; Vol. V , N o . 4, 1953;
Vol. VI, N o . 2, 1954; and Vol. V I , N o . 3, 1954. The second, Approaches to
the Science of Socio-economic Development (Unesco, 1971; $7.50; £2.25;
30 F) edited by Peter Lengyel was published recently. It is an integrated
attempt to set out the main components of the intellectual discussion on
the subject as conducted by twenty-one social scientists, drawing on articles
from this Journal, books and documents put out by Unesco, material from
other sources and original contributions.
7
Syed Hussein Alatas The captive mind
in development studies
Some neglected problems and the
need for a n autonomous social science
tradition in Asia
In The Annals of The American Academy of Political and Social Science,

November 1966, appeared an article entitled 'The Professor Abroad'. T h e
author, Edward W . Weidner, himself a professor of political science, is an
experienced and well-qualified person to speak about the effect and function
of the American professors abroad. S o m e of his observations are of interest
to us. Discussing the problems of exchange arrangements he noted the follow-
ing: (a) the American professor prefers his o w n American teaching methods;
(b) the American professor takes with him his o w n lecture, laboratory and
seminar notes, relying o n them without a great deal of modification ; (c) m a n y
of the course contents of American universities are not relevant to developing
areas; (d) propositions considered to have the force of universal laws are
often not applicable to the host country's social system; (e) from the view-
point of less developed countries, research by American and other foreign
scholars has not been very satisfactory.
After reviewing the changes that have taken place in the last ten years,
Weidner m a d e the following observation.
There is much that is new in the less-developed countries that alters the conditions
of American professors going abroad. The most important element of newness
is that in terms of university educational elites, a number of countries in a number
of disciplines and professions are no longer 'less developed' whatever the state of
their economies. Adaption to this fact is an immediate imperative for professors
and fund-providers from the United States.1
T h o u g h Weidner's discussion was centred around American scholars, his

observations apply to Asian scholars too. There is only a small minority
a m o n g Asian social scientists w h o feel the need to develop an autonomous
and creative social science tradition relevant to Asia as well as to the general
development of the social sciences. T h e great majority of them are merely
extending the use of the social sciences current in Europe and the United
1. E . W . Weidner, 'The Professor Abroad', The Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science (Philadelphia), Vol. 368, November 1966, p. 70.
9
Int. Soc. Sei. / . , Vol. XXTV, N o . 1, 1972
Syed Hussein Alatas
States without the necessary adaptation which the very scientific process
itself, if present, would tend to call forth. There is here not only a cultural
lag in the domain of intellectual consciousness, but also an indication that
in the world of learning, Asian scholars are still under intellectual domination.
T h e pattern and effects of this domination can be easily traced; an under-
standing of it is highly relevant to development planning, for in some instances
it has serious political implications. Whole nations have been subjected to
ill-conceived planning with serious consequences.1
In discussing development goals and their attainment, it is necessary
for us to discuss also from time to time the problem of the planners, both
the experts and the government leaders. Here I would like to focus attention
on the experts for there is not a single item in any development plan which
is free from the influence of the expert. W e need a sociology of social scientists
in Asia. W e have to subject their scientific thought and activity to an analysis
of the kind developed by the sociology of knowledge. W e m a y start here
with the fact that the trend of thought amongst Asian social scientists can,
in reality be interpreted in terms of what economists call the demonstration
effect. Duesenberry, w h o first used the term with reference to consumer
behaviour, understood it as the increase of expenditure at the expense of
saving for what are believed to be high-quality goods, for the purpose of
maintaining self-esteem independent of the objective utility of the goods
acquired. T h e frequency and strength of the impulse to acquire superior
goods depend on the frequency of contact with such goods. Each contact
is a demonstration of the superiority of such goods, and a threat to the conti-
nuation of the current consumption pattern.2
The demonstration effect is actually part of a more general tendency
called 'diffusion' by psychologists and social anthropologists. T h e demons-
tration effect constitutes a part of this process. While economists have been
concerned with the tangible part of this process (the acquisition of goods),
sociologists and social anthropologists have also been concerned with the
acquisition of traits and attitudes. Furthermore, sociologists and social anthro-
pologists have analysed the process at a more sophisticated level. Since the
theme of this inquiry is the demonstration effect in the social science thinking
of Asian scholars and planners, w e shall substitute 'social science knowledge
and technique' for the term 'goods'. T h e main drive in the assimilation of
social science knowledge from the West is the belief in its utility and superio-
rity. The assimilation of this knowledge and technique exhibits parallel traits
to those of the demonstration effect. They are (a) frequency of contact;
(b) weakening or breakdown of previous knowledge or habit; (c) prestige
1. A s an instance, the application of the concept of capital-output ratio in planning the econo-
mic development of Malaysia, as suggested by m a n y Western economists, has led to false
conclusions and the neglect of certain regions, thereby increasing regional economic imba-
lance. See Azhari Zahri, Aspect of Malaysia's Rural Development: The Planners' Approach Re-
examined (Research Paper, Department of Malay Studies, University of Singapore); and his
Indonesia: Public Control and Economic Planning, Singapore, Malaysia Publishing House, 1969.
2. James S. Duesenberry, Income, Saving and the Theory of Consumer Behaviour, p. 26-7,
Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1949.
10
T h e captive mind in development studies
attaching to the n e w knowledge; and (d) that it is not necessarily rational

and utilitarian.
There are m a n y other parallel traits which can be fruitfully discussed.
Suffice it to say that the spread of social science knowledge in Asian countries,
because it takes the form of an uncritical demonstration effect, introduces
m a n y defects and shortcomings. This situation should be corrected as soon
as possible. For methodological purposes I shall concentrate o n the Western
experts since it is they w h o are the source of the demonstration effect: it is
what they sell that is being bought.
T h e literature on development planning in Asia and other developing
areas by a great number of Western scholars and those subjected to their
demonstration effect are often misleading because of the unreality of the
basic assumptions, misplaced abstraction, ignorance or misinterpretation of
data, and an erroneous conception of problems and their significance. Apart
from a n enormous amount of descriptive and statistical information and
statements, m a n y of which m a y be taken as platitudes, there is not sufficient
depth and utility in the result as a whole. S o m e Asian and Western scholars
have recognized the situation and stressed the need for an autonomous social
science tradition in Asia and other developing regions.1
T h e biggest problem at the m o m e n t is that m o r e and m o r e Asian scholars
of the demonstration effect type are being produced and diffused. A n American
scholar discussing Myrdal's view offered the following observation.
Theoretical reconstruction pre-supposes a combination of competence and

lack of conventionality which are difficult to come by for students of economics
from underdeveloped countries, w h o earn their Ph.Ds. at one of the graduate schools
in a developed country. By the time he returns to his o w n country he has usually
completely accepted the prevailing conventional wisdom which he proceeds to trans-
mit to succeeding generations of students. Like most social processes the transmis-
sion of ideas and theories is subject to a kind of inertia or cumulative causation which
tends to make the process of teaching and learning move in the same direction as
the original impulse. The inevitable gap between theoretical structure and the
world of experience m a y thus be widened until the stage is set for the intellectual
discovery that traditional concepts and theories have lost their relevance. T o some
extent the current disenchantment with the rate of economic development in many
countries is the result of the inadequacy of theoretical frameworks to diagnose the
nature of the problem and to prescribe appropriate course of action.2
A n uncritical imitation pervades almost the whole of scientific intellectual

activity. All its major constituents such as problem-setting, analysis, abstraction,
generalization, conceptualization, description, explanation and interpretation,
1. See, among others: Gunnar Myrdal, Economic Theory and Underdeveloped Regions, p. 98-104,
London, Duckworth, 1959; C . Furtado, Development and Underdevelopment, p. v, Berkeley,
Calif., University of California Press, 1967; and Ralph Pieris, 'The Implantation of Sociology
in Asia', International Social Science Journal, Vol. X X I , N o . 3, 1969. Other articles in this
issue are also relevant.
2. K . William K a p p , 'Economic Development in A N e w Perspective: Existential Minima and
Substantive Rationality', Kyklos, Vol. 18, 1965, p. 49.
11
Syed Hussein Alatas
have been affected by this process. A habit pattern has been formed: to break
it, it is urgent that w e expose the weaknesses of the thought pattern which
is being imitated. T h e next step should be to expose the conditions that lead
to uncritical imitation and the perpetuation of the resultant habit pattern.
T h e corpus of social science, scientific knowledge and intellectual activity
concerning developing areas m a y be grouped, for our present purpose, under
the following headings: abstraction, generalization, conceptualization, prob-
lem-setting, explanation and the understanding and mastery of data. W e
m a y exclude methodology and descriptive analysis for the problems in this
area are more easily resolved. It does not require an intellectual exertion
of the kind w e are proposing here in order to expose, for instance, the short-
comings of a sampling method in a census exercise. O n c e this is established
it can be readily admitted. It is easier for an economist to recognize that his
data is incomplete than that his economic thinking is uncritically imitative.
T o m y mind the most prevalent defect is the habit of discoursing in
general and abstract propositions which are either misleading or redundant
because they are already k n o w n . These propositions are used to argue or
refute, a theory, model or a plan. A s an example of such a redundant general
proposition, take Tinbergen's suggestion:
Meanwhile if the differences between developed and underdeveloped countries

are to be properly understood, it is well worth bearing in mind that the phenomenon
of development requires more explanation than that of underdevelopment. Both
in nature and in h u m a n history, an existence on the borderline between life and
death is more normal than a prosperous existence of the type commonly met with
to-day in the developed countries of the world. Although the great prosperity of
these countries is directly due to their possessing both knowledge and a great quan-
tity of capital goods, these are in turn the result of other factors which broadly
speaking can be divided into those which determine the environment in which m a n
is actively employed, and purely h u m a n factors. It is, of course, obvious that cer-
tain human qualities are needed if a modern developed society is to function pro-
perly. N o w societies of this kind are distinguished by processes of production using
durable capital goods and employing large numbers of people together. For this
reason, among the qualities that are required of quite a high proportion of the popu-
lation of a developed society are an interest in material well-being, an interest in
techniques and in innovation, an ability to look ahead and a willingness to take
risks, perseverance, and an ability to collaborate with other people and to observe
certain rules.1
T h e first question that arises here is the nature of the audience. F o r w h o m

did Tinbergen write his book? If the book is directed to scholars, passages
such as the one quoted are redundant. If the b o o k is directed to students,
it would be best to say so. The big problem is that the bulk of scholarly lite-
rature on the subject of underdevelopment and planning, apart from essential
descriptive and statistical accounts, is of redundant nature. T h e interest in
1. Jan Tinbergen, Development Planning, p. 26, London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1967.
12
The captive mind in development studies
material well-being, in techniques and innovation, the ability to look ahead,

the willingness to take risks, to show perseverence, the ability to collaborate
with other people and to observe certain rules, have long been k n o w n and
recognized as prerequisites to development. T o submit such propositions to
scholars is a redundant effort. Furthermore the generality of the statements
and the level of abstraction are such that they do not constitute a meaningful
basis for concrete analysis. It is like discussing the k n o w n principles of health
at a time when what is needed is concrete empirical case studies in all their
complexity.
Perhaps w e m a y select a better example of such an approach, this time
furnishing us with more of the various shortcomings in m a n y of the areas
w e mention: problem-setting, conceptualization, explanation and interpre-
tation. In his comparative study of the growth patterns of developed and
developing countries, Kuznets suggests the following points.
The present levels of per capita product in the developing countries are m u c h
lower than were those in the developed countries in their pre-industrial
phase.
The supply of agricultural land per capita is m u c h lower in most developing
countries today than in most developed countries n o w , let alone in their
pre-industrial phase. Comparison of the supply of agricultural land
per agricultural worker would yield similar findings.
The lower per capita (and per worker) income in the developing countries
—relative to that in the pre-industrial phase of the developed countries
at present—is probably due largely to the lower productivity of the
agricultural sector.
Inequality in the distribution of gross income in the developing countries
today is as wide as, if not wider than, it was in the n o w developed coun-
tries in the pre-industrial phase.
Social and political concomitants of the low-income structure of the
developing countries today appear to constitute more formidable obstacles
to economic growth than they did in the pre-industrial phase of the
n o w developed countries.
Most developing countries have attained political independence only recently,
after decades of colonial status or political submission to the advanced
countries. This was not true of the currently developed countries in their
pre-industrial phase; industrialization followed a long period of political
independence.
The populations in developing countries today are inheritors of civilizations
quite distinct from and independent of European civilization. Yet
it is European civilization which, over centuries of geographical, political
and intellectual expansion, has provided the matrix of modern economic
growth. All developed countries at present, with the exception of Japan,
are either old members of European civilization, its offshoots overseas,
or its territorial extensions toward the East.1
1. S. Kuznets, Economic Growth and Structure, p. 177-83, London, Heinemann, 1966.
13
Syed Hussein Alatas
T o begin with, thefirstfivepropositions are highly speculative in the sense

that they have not been empirically verified in a reliable manner and belong
to a level of generality useless for a meaningful analysis. Unlike the c o m p a -
rative study attempted by Gerschenkron, based on definite historical cases,
utilizing numerous historical data, and offering conclusions derived directly
from these data, Kuznets' comparative study is not very helpful. It does not
reveal the interplay of variables in the process of development. The general
summary conclusions are useful only to the uninitiated. A t the present level
of knowledge concerning the process of development a discussion such as
the one presented by Kuznets, if directed to scholars, seems elementary.1
W e are here not judging Kuznets' scholarly and useful contributions as a
whole but merely making use of this particular one as an illustration. T h e
problem is, there are too m a n y discussions of this kind that influence planners
and students of underdevelopment. The general propositions contained in
such discussions float around in increasing quantity. They d o not add to
knowledge and they are too broad to be useful. In m a n y instances they are
just summarized statements of k n o w n data and observations.2 In yet other
cases we are offered general suggestions of what should be done. However,
in the study of Western society, the picture is entirely different. Social science
discourse is not alarmingly invaded by general statements without concrete
and analytic content, originating from foreign scholarship, whether at a micro
or a macro level, general statements are cut d o w n to the m i n i m u m . A broad
subject such as the origin of capitalism was not discussed without reference
to concrete data. T h e entire discussion of modernization, the Industrial
Revolution and economic development of the West has been conducted at
a high level of sophistication with continuous reference to concrete historical
and sociological data.3
Another issue is h o w far findings and conclusions o n developing areas
are influenced by cultural and methodological factors intruding upon the
author's judgement. T h e best example is Everett E . Hagen's view on the
introduction of modern technology to developing areas. H e stresses the
generally k n o w n principle that certain cultural elements cannot be assimilated
in isolation. W h a t interests us is his example.
In Burma and India, and no doubt elsewhere in South East Asia and probably in
most of Africa, the digging spade is almost unknown. Digging is done with a broad-
1. His discussion was directed to an American audience at a conference of the University of

Texas in 1958. There was an earlier attempt at comparison by Kuznets, reprinted in A . N .
Agarwala and S. P. Singh (eds.), The Economics of Underdevelopment, B o m b a y , Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1961.
2. Kuznets' earlier work cited in footnote 1, page 13, is an interesting analysis. Though the
area covered is wide, the level of analysis is not such that we are left only with general
statements. His theme is a comparison between the pre-industrial phases of developed and
developing countries.
3. The over-all treatment of Asian development using broad general concepts with little data
reference constitutes only one type of work on the region. There is also the descriptive and
informative type, useful for m a n y reasons. W e are not embarking upon a survey of such
literature. The reference to it is only in connexion with the present theme.
14
bladed hoe. Though it is done with dexterity, it remains an awkward process in many
circumstances. Surely, it would seem, the simple substitution of the spade would
greatly increase productivity. But the ordinary digging spade cannot be used with
sandals or bare feet, and it turns out that if the spade is constructed with a broad
strip across the top, upon which the bare feet can press, then dirt sticks to this strip
and the spade will not release its load. In Turkey and Iran, and perhaps elsewhere
in the Middle East, though not in Arabia, the problem has been solved by a real act
of creativity; a rod an inch or more in diameter, on which the bare feet can press
with comfort, is thrust through the spade handle several inches above the blade, or a
transverse strip which serves the same purpose is fastened on either side
of the handle. The device is not new; the innovation was an ancient one. Even this
arrangement must be something awkward in some circumstances. Barring some
further act of creativity, even so simple a tool as a spade cannot be imported in a
low-income society with full efficiency until the level of living has risen sufficiently
that it includes the wearing of shoes.1
This reveals a rather elementary blunder. H a g e n did not understand the

function of the South-East Asian hoe in its context. Here the changkol (hoe in
M a l a y ) is a m u c h m o r e efficient tool than the spade. In the terrace cultivation
of rice o n mountain slopes, where one must sometimes scrape the descending
banks of a terrace d o w n w a r d s , the changkol and not the spade is the efficient
tool. T h e manipulative potential of the changkol is m u c h higher than that of
the spade. W i t h it one can dig a hole a n d at the s a m e time scrape the sides
with m u c h greater ease. It is efficient for digging as well as trimming. It is
suitable for the delicate construction required in padi cultivation. Furthermore
it can dig m u c h faster than a spade. T h u s H a g e n h a d ignored the anthropolo-
gical principle that the function of a tool is to be judged by reference to
its context. There are innumerable other instances of erroneous judgement on
Asian matters born from an ignorance or inadequate familiarity with concrete
data. W e are not here questioning the scientific ethics of the observer but
only his inadequate preparation, of which he m a y not be aware. I shall furnish
another instance, this time from a well-known cultural anthropologist, Melville
J. Herskovits, arising out of a flaw in methodology probably coupled with
insufficient data.
Herskovits' interest in the relation between the time concept of industrial
and non-industrial societies is expressed in the following terms.
The difference between industrial and non-industrial societies has been phrased as a
difference between groups w h o use 'clock' time and those w h o live by 'natural' or
astrological time. It has also been expressed as the difference between time conceived
as falling into carefully measuied units, often of very small dimensions—seconds,
minutes and hours, as well as days, weeks, and years—and of seasonal time, where
the limits of the units are blurred and imprecise, as they follow the uneven round
dictated, for example, by the responses of agricultural peoples to the time of planting,
cultivating, reaping and then the period when one awaits the turn of the year to begin
the cycle again. The tendency to exactitude in measuring time m a y thus be regarded
I. E. E. Hagen, On the Theory of Social Change, p. 31-2, H o m e w o o d , III., Dorsey Press, 1962.
15
Syed Hussein Alatas
as an integral part of the technological complex. It derives its importance from the
fact that the activities laid down in accordance with it, whether these be mechanical
or behavioural, have made it essential that there be specific schedules maintained in
all phases of life—a meeting with a friend, a church service, as well as a production
line—if the daily round is to move smoothly.1
That punctuality is an integral part of the technological complex is a generally

accepted proposition. Herskovits also suggested the following.
. . . technological change is to be thought of as a process of adjustment between two

time systems, one exact and demanding, the other imprecise and relaxed. . . . There
are fewfieldworkers among indigenous African peoples enculturated to the Euro-
american time complex, w h o have not fumed as they waited for an informant or an
interpreter to come at an agreed time. O n e soon learns to expect a ceremony not to
begin at the hour named. More often than not, there will be a wait of long duration
until everything has been made ready, or on occasions, theritewill be well under
way at the time appointed for its commencements. Eventually theritedoes begin, but
experience teaches that it is best to come prepared to sit pleasantly chatting until this
happens, profiting from whatever opportunities there m a y be to observe preliminaries.
The student in thefieldalso learns that his devotion to accuracy in timing is as incom-
prehensible to the people with w h o m he is working, and as irritating, as their disregard
of his conventions are to him. 2
H e further suggested that attitudes and behaviour rooted in the indigenous

tradition should be understood as part of the entire setting. So far there is
no disagreement. However, there are significant shortcomings in his appraisal.
H e discussed the entire indigenous traditions of Africa as though they were
one single tradition, ignoring important differentiating elements. Furthermore
he does not have adequate mastery of data. It is not generally true that indi-
genous traditions are altogether devoid of the m o d e r n time concept. Taking
the Sudanese, w h o m Herskovits cited as an instance of not being punctual in
keeping appointments, w e can discover that in other aspects of his life he is
scrupulously punctual. H e will be punctual to the minute w h e n breaking
his fast, when performing the Friday prayer, the daily prayer at d a w n and
at sunset. H e is not entirely devoid of the sense of punctuality.
His religion, Islam, appreciates the value of time. The K o r a n contains a
chapter heading, 'The Time'. 3 T h e value of time measurement w a s acknow-
ledged long before the clock was used. Amongst the Moslems there is a branch
of knowledge called Ilmul hisab, the science of counting and measurement.
T h e appreciation of time measurement linked with religion is not a special
1. M . J. Herskovits, 'Economic Change and Cultural Dynamics', in: R . Braibanti and J. J. Spen-
gler (eds.), Tradition, Values and Socio-economic Development, p. 128, Durham, N . C . , Duke
University Press, 1961.
2. op. cit., p. 128-9.
3. M u h a m m a d Ali, 'Al-Asr (The Time)', The Holy Quran, Chap. 103, p. 1206, Lahore, 1963
(English translation with Arabic text): 'By the time! Surely m a n is at a loss, except those
who believe and do good, and exhort one another to Truth, and exhort one another to
patience. '
16
attribute of Moslems. All over the world from the immemorial past people
have appreciated time measurement and punctuality.1 W h a t has changed is
the locus of punctuality.2 O w i n g to the highly increased density of events in
the modern world requiring punctuality, a change of habit is required for
those w h o have not been used to it. This should not be confused with a change
in values, or a change in the conception of time. W e should also not generalize
for all non-industrial societies.
The problems of malanalysis based on general propositions without
proper linkage with concrete data, of faulty generalization, of inadequate
mastery of data, of selecting the wrong issues, of redundant repetition of
accepted propositions, can be considered within a wider context: the bigger
problem of acculturation between the developing area and the Western world.
Economists and sociologists have noted the phenomenon of derived indus-
trialization and derived development. T h e characteristic feature of derived
development is that the innovations supporting the process are produced else-
where. 3 It is oriented towards consumption of commodities produced elsewhere
or imitated locally. Through the operation of the demonstration effect o n
the intellectual plane amongst both scholars and planners w e also have a
form of derived development: the consumption-oriented process based on
innovations from abroad. Ideas o n planning and development are derived
from abroad. T h e demonstration effect results in an intense frequency of
exposure to novel goods which tends to diminish inhibition. Soon a demand is
created. The massive bombardment of developing regions by an ever-growing
volume of imported literature on development constitutes a major problem
owing to the absence of critical and selective assimilation. T h e need to be
selective and critical had been suggested by some scholars but is in practice
hardly noticeable. Fallacies and shortcomings have been recognized in theory
but hardly carried over into practice.*
This state of affairs is brought about by one aspect of the demonstra-
tion effect long recognized by sociologists. A s John Bates Clark wrote in
1886:
Wants, when developed, admit of three distinct conditions, according to the possi-
bility of gratifying them. The desire for what is decidedly beyond the possibility of
attainment is not, in a healthy nature, either constant or active. The peasant passes
1. China öfters very interesting examples. The Hsiang-yin or incense seal is an ingenious device
to measure time. The various objects used for time measurement indicate the value of measu-
rement upheld by Chinese society. See: Silvio A . Bendini, 'The Scent to Time', Transactions
of the American Philosophical Society, N e w Series, Vol. 53, Part 5, 1963; and J. T . Shotwell,
'Time and Historical Perspective', Time and its Mysteries, Series III, N e w York, N . Y . ,
N e w York University Press, 1949.
2. Punctuality is held as a religious value amongst Moslems though not always observed.
The adjustment required is the extension of its application rather than to punctuality as such.
There are m a n y references to punctuality which go back to the Prophet M o h a m m a d .
3. See Henry C . Wallich, 'Some Notes Towards a Theory of Derived Development", in: A . N .
Agarwala and S. P. Singh (eds.), op. cit.
4. For an interesting treatment of this problem see Douglas Rimmer, 'The Abstraction from
Politics: Critique of Economic Theory and Design with Reference to West Africa', The
Journal of Development Studies (London), Vol. 5, N o . 3, April 1969.
17
Syed Hussein Alatas
the palace with indifference, and experiences, at most, a desultory transient wish to be
its occupant. Such a wish is a day-dream; it stimulates to no effort, and its non-
fulfilment occasions little discontent. In passing a dwelling slightly better than his
o w n the laborer m a y experience a desire of a different and more effective character.
The desire for that which is attainable by effort is active, and stimulates to exertion
in pursuit of the object. Failure in such a quest occasions lively disappointment.
W h e n the object has been attained, the want of it ceases, and the active desires extend
themselves to a remoter object.1
For the imitation to be effective the desired object must be considered as

being within reach. Only then will it stimulate effort. In terms of the d e m o n s -
tration effect o n the intellectual plane, this means that the object of imitation
be what can readily be imitated. It will not be the impressive intellectual palace
but the hut around the corner. The nature of the object imitated as well as
the imitator condition the outcome. Hence in terms of development ideas and
planning w e have the persistent trend to imitate what is readily available in
increasing quantity. A s long as the imitated object remains inadequate in
scope and quality, so will the imitation.
Paul Streeten suggests certain sources of the social determination of
thought: (a) Western economics has a high prestige value; (b) employment
prospects for economists depend u p o n their rating by standards created by
Western economics ; (c) the legitimate separation of attitudes and institutions
by Western economics has been uncritically transferred to the developing
area; (d) it is easier to utilize facts which are accessible to investigation and
quantification; (e) economic quantities are believed to be more objective than
non-economic parameters; and (f) the intellectual escape mechanism finds
strong support from the moral and political ones.2 W e m a y extend the list
further to include the lack of motivation amongst governments in developing
areas to promote social science creativity, the absence of a strong group of
intellectual critics, a n d the relatively lower status given to scholarship as
compared to the developed countries.
Streeten, Myrdal and a number of other scholars, both Western and
Asian, have perceived the seriousness of the problem. W h a t I should like to
discuss here is the effect it has o n development. O n e serious distortion is
the direction of thinking away from pertinent problems. I shall furnish here a
concrete instance from Singapore and Malaysia also applicable to m a n y other
countries. Western bath tubs are increasingly used in modernflatsand houses.
O f the possible alternatives the bath tub is the least efficient and the most
wasteful for bathing except for a few w h o have the leisure and m o n e y to use
the tub, Western style. In Europe, the bulk of the population d o not take
a bath every day. O w i n g to the cold or temperate climate, the need for taking
1. John Bates Clark, The Philosophy of Wealth, p. 49, Boston, Mass., Ginn, 1887 (reprinted
A . M . Kelley Publishers, N e w York, 1967).
2. P. Streeten, The Use and Abuse of Models in Development Planning, in : K . Martin and J. K n a p p
(eds.), The Teaching of Development Economics, p. 65-8, London, Frank Cass, 1967. T h e
six points raised have often been discussed in private circles by some scholars I know. It is
important to focus attention on them publicly.
18
a daily bath is not pressing. A daily wash is sufficient. T h e tub is an appro-

priate means for a weekly bath of half an hour or more. In Amsterdam, for
instance, a lot of people still use the public baths; most modernflats(middle-
and lower-class dwellings) have only showers. Hence, even in Europe itself,
the bath tub is not considered most economic or practical for daily bathing
or even for a weekly wash for the amount of water and heating required are
not as economical as for the shower.
This phenomenon has a distinct significance for our society. It is a dis-
placement of our system of h o m e bathing. Those without bathrooms at
h o m e use the river, the pool, or the public tap. In the West, however, the
modern bath tub is an outgrowth of a tradition. In South-East Asia, w e wash
by pouring water over our bodies with a small bucket or bowl. In some houses
the bath tub is used as a pond instead of an immersion tub. In other houses
it is used as afloorfor the shower. Thus the bath tub has not been functionally
integrated in an efficient manner. There is, however, another alternative which
has been obscured by the spread of the bath tub. This is a round or rectangu-
lar tub m a d e from the same material, fitted in the same way, raised from the
ground a few feet, with a radius of one to two feet, and a similar depth.
The purpose is to provide a small pond m a d e of bath tub material, easy
to drain and to clean, at the same time allowing for the traditional system of
washing by pouring water over the body. This kind of tub will certainly find
a ready market. If Singapore or Malaysia were to develop its manufacture,
the export potential is great. W h y has this not been seized upon? Because of
public unawareness of the utility and need for such a tub to replace the bath
tub. W e r e w e to introduce the use of this tub w e m a y call this modernization,
though the idea and design is traditional, while the material and improvements
are rational and scientific. It is superior to the traditional cement pond attached
to the wall because it prevents soaking the walls, is easier to clean, can also be
used for washing clothes, and the drainage is m o r e efficient. It does not require
us to adopt the Western system of bathing by immersing oneself in the tub.
The fact that manufacturing and d e m a n d for the modernized version of
such a traditional tubfittedto the wall is not exploited, w e shall call the
potential-elimination effect. It is a consequence of the demonstration effect.
The potential-elimination effect operates for a wide range of goods. There
m a y be a thousand and one industries in Asia which have not c o m e into being
because of it. Its intensity is partly influenced by the innovating capacity of
Asian entrepreneurs. The potential-elimination effect is amenable to quantitative
analysis, both micro and macro. It is a phenomenon which can best be studied
in an interdisciplinary manner combining economics, sociology, anthropology,
social psychology and history. Economists of underdevelopment and planning
experts should insist on having such data before they draw u p a blueprint.
They should promote the realization of what has been eliminated by the
demonstration effect. W e m a y call this process the potential-realization effect.
This is a sufficient illustration of the need and feasibility of raising relevant
new problems in the economics of underdevelopment and planning for devel-
opment. The reason why m a n y such problems have not been brought to the
19
Syed Hussein Alatas
surface is the hold of the demonstration effect over an influential segment of

the Asian academic community, which has exerted the resultant potential-
elimination effect. In the areas of problem selection, problem solving and
problem analysis, the demonstration effect exerts a strong influence. T h e best
example is the attention given to the demonstration effect itself, which has
been studied in isolation from the two accompanying effects, whereas they
all form a meaningful, functional whole. W h e n Duesenberry directed attention
to the demonstration effect, he had in mind its operation in a Western capi-
talist society, where the success and ascendancy of certain goods does not lead
to a situation of dependence on an external politico-economic region, does not
lead to unfavourable terms of trade, does not bring 'enclave' or 'show-window'
industrialization, and does not accentuate the need for foreign investment.
The context of analysis w a s entirely different. In our context, however, w e
should take note of the demonstration effect without isolating it from the t w o
other effects significant for developing areas.
W h a t is needed for the study of developing areas is not merely to point
out the inadequacies of current models and analyses uncritically derived from
Western scholars and social science. W h a t w e need are alternative models,
methodologies and concepts to modify, supplement, or substitute those already
available. This could and should be done by Asian scholars for strictly scien-
tific reasons. I must apologize here for frequently using the terms 'Western'
and 'Asian'. I a m not using them in any prejudiced ethnic sense, but purely
in a nominal sense, to identify each group because there is a need to m a k e
the distinction. Neither a m I suggesting the greater objectivity or profundity
of one as against the other in the study of Asian problems. The reason w h y
I assign to Asian scholars the task of reconstructing social science thinking
in Asia is because they are in the best position to fulfil the essential scientific
requirements. Given adequate academic training and intellectual background,
since Asian scholars live in the region and are able to grow with their subjects
in symbiosis, they are in the best position to develop a specialization which
requires immediate and continuous contact with local data. Foreign scholar-
ship cannot substitute for resident scholarship. Without a base in resident
scholarship foreign scholarship is unable to contribute fruitfully. It is the
absence of a dominant resident scholarship free of the intellectual d e m o n s -
tration effect that has partly contributed to the irrelevant and redundant
findings of foreign scholarship.
The relation of these problems to the goals and execution of planning
is clear. T o prevent the goals and models of planning from being merely
the result of the demonstration effect at a sophisticated level, w e should
reorientate our thinking to planning based o n a 'planning revolution'. Success-
fully to accomplish the planning revolution Asian scholars should embark
upon the following programmes:
T o eliminate or restrict the intellectual demonstration effect so that it does not
constitute a serious impediment.
T o divert the demonstration effect into a process of selective and independent
assimilation.
20
T o attain a higher standard of scientific and intellectual consciousness by

measuring Asian attainments with comparable disciplines in developed
countries.
T o sustain interest in comparative studies as part of the individual scholar's
preparation.1
T o interest government and public leaders in the development of a genuine
and autonomous social science tradition in Asia.
T o enlist the support of sympathetic foreign scholars.
T o mount a fierce public attack of fallacious planning and the abuses of
social science thought and methodology by selecting concrete local
targets.
T o awaken the consciousness of the social scientists in Asia to their o w n
intellectual servitude.
T o discuss all these matters o n campuses and in professional journals.
Limitation of space prevents m e from discussing further aspects of the
problem. The demonstration effect on the mind of the scholar induces him to
imitate even the idea of narrow specialization and mutual exclusion of
interdisciplinary findings. Often insights and valuable criticisms are not given
attention because they do not come from scholars in the same field. A work
like S. Andreski's, Parasitism and Subversion, extremely relevant to the
study of developing societies, is often ignored by economists. So is
R a y m o n d Aaron's, The Industrial Society.2 His study of development theory
is a useful supplement to the economics of underdevelopment. His stress on
the qualitative nature of the concept of underdevelopment, his warning
against using undifferentiated concepts of development and underdevelopment
and his insistence that the ultimate cause of development is the application
of the scientific mentality to production, are welcome pointers to further
areas of inquiry. The well-known and indisputable quantitative characteristics
of both development and underdevelopment should be considered as being
the results of causes which are basic in the explanation of the phenomena.
The different types of development and underdevelopment should be classified
into genus and species.
1. Economists and planners in particular countries tend on the whole to ignore the experiences
of other regions. For instance it would be quite useful for those interested in Malaysia to
have some comparative interest in Italy, with reference to the difference in development
between the north and the south. In Malaysia the difference lies between the west and east
coast of Malaya. Structural and sociological factors found on the Italian scene are relevant
comparative data. See S / B . Clough and Carlo Livi, 'Economic Growth in Italy : | A n Analysis of
the Uneven Development of North and South', in: B . E . Supple (ed.), The Experience of
Economic Growth, N e w York, N . Y . , R a n d o m House, 1963.
Similarly a great many interesting Dutch works on Indonesia have been ignored though
some are available in English. Questions regarding the validity of Western economic concepts
have been raised since 1910, by J. H . Boeke, and the debate around the subject has continued
for a long time: see Indonesian Economics, The Hague, van Hoeve, 1961, under the editorial
chairmanship of W . F. Wertheim. Dutch scholars had anticipated m a n y of the current prob-
lems around the transfer of economic analysis to developing areas. Their approach combines
the factorgenic and actorgenic orientations. For an explanation of these two concepts see
below.
2. R a y m o n d Aaron, The industrial Society, London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1967.
21
Syed Hussein Alatas
Simultaneously w e should seriously devote increasing attention to the

roles of entrepreneurs and political groups in developing societies. All analyses
of h u m a n behaviour and achievements can be grouped into two broad catego-
ries, the factorgenic and the actorgenic. By factorgenic I m e a n all those matters
which are the results of h u m a n action, external to m a n and able to survive
longer than an individual or a group. B y actorgenic I m e a n all those matters
which are found within the individual or the group. T h o u g h in real life there
is a strong interaction and interdependence between factorgenic and actorgenic
phenomena, at an initial level of comprehension it is fruitful to m a k e a concep-
tual distinction. Mozart's special talent to compose, his deep interest in music,
his dedication to it, his ability to organize his life with the central purpose
of inventing music, are actorgenic data. They disappear with his death. His
music, its performances, the demand for it, the multiplied effects of his produc-
tion, the social and economic settings of his time, no matter h o w long their
projection, can be considered as factorgenic data. They are external to Mozart
and d o not disappear with his death.
The concepts actorgenic and factorgenic should not be confused with
h u m a n and n o n - h u m a n or individual and social. Population growth, for
instance, is a h u m a n phenomenon, together with its effects. Demographers
study it as an anonymous process. O n the other hand a study of the motivations
of concrete groups acting and influencing the process, is actorgenic. The term
actorgenic refers only to a definite aspect of h u m a n action where the nature
of the group, its motivation, its attitudes, its expectation are brought into
focus. It is not based on anonymity. Definite groups such as the Italian m e r -
chants during the Renaissance, the Latin American ruling class, the English
entrepreneurs, are sociologically identified, as is the nature of their economic
activity. Actorgenic groups are definite historical and identified groups.
Tinbergen, whose interest is inclined to be factorgenic, seems to feel the need
for actorgenic analysis. H e points to the considerable gaps in our knowledge
of h u m a n characteristics required for development. 1 A book which is predomi-
nantly factorgenic is Ragnar Nurkse's Problems of Capital Formation in Under-
developed Countries. The same can be said of The Economics of Underdeveloped
Countries, by P . T . Bauer and B . S. Y a m e y . W e shall not here explore the
reasons w h y such a trend has developed. Suffice it to say that an exaggerated
emphasis on factorgenic data cannot offer profound explanations. It is one
sided and not very helpful for planning. A n example of a factorgenic propo-
sition is the following (written by Nurske in 1952).
The use of publicfinancefor capital formation in underdeveloped countries is not an

academic and unrealistic notion. There exist important examples of it. Once more,
look at Japan. In the initial period of development, especially in the 1870s and 1880s,
the state dominated the scene in providing capital for public works and industrial
expansion.2
1. See Jan Tinbergen, op. cit., p. 213.

2. Ragnar Nurske, Problems of Capital Formation in Underdeveloped Countries, p. 148, Oxford,
Blackwell, 1962.
22
In Asia there were by then attempts by the State to use some public finance
for capital formation. In some instances it bred corruption and capital loss.
H o w can one suggest the policy without linking it with the type of people
w h o will implement it?
Economists of underdevelopment and development planners have been,
on the whole, factorgenic in orientation. W h e n they discuss problems the
picture which emerges is that of anonymous forces bringing about or obstruc-
ting certain changes. They discuss the absence or presence of natural resources,
the size of the market, the terms of trade, institutional impediments, labour
productivity per capita income, and a host of other data relevant to descriptive
and introductory explanations. Here and there w e have occasional references
to actorgenic data. The prevailing and dominant trend is, however, factorgenic.
In addition it is mainly contemporary and ahistorical. T h e kind of studies
produced by Weber, Sombart and Schmoller, which include concrete empirical
discussions of socio-economic groups centred around actorgenic data, are
extremely scarce as far as developing areas concerned.
M y point is best m a d e by reading their works. In his study of the histo-
rical development of the entreprise, Schmoller includes the persons and groups
that play a role in it. O f the four major categories of causes one is the
following:
The spirit of an age and of a people determines how a society will use material cir-
cumstances; healthy or unhealthy forms of organization can be the outcome of
similar material conditions. Everything depends upon the moral and mental energies
available. Only great and energetic periods and persons create epochal achievements.
Newly created forms reflect the degree and orientation of egoism and of community
spirit; they are also dependent on the feelings of groups and individuals and on
dominant conceptions and ideas.1
A lot of the significant actorgenic data such as the personality traits of the
R o m a n aristocrats, the groups that became their slaves, and m u c h other
information is utilized to explain the birth of large-scale enterprise.
The actorgenic orientation is significant because our major problems
are to m y mind best understood in terms of actorgenic analysis. If w e desire
to break the chain of circular explanation involving the continuous repetition
of k n o w n data and problems, w e have to enter a wider area of discourse. T o
m y mind the root problems of the developing areas are the entrepreneurs and the
power holders. N o matter what problem w e start with, the chain of causal
analysis will end with them. In the hierarchy and variety of causes these two
groups constitute the most basic. They decisively condition a country's reac-
tion to all its major problems. If they are corrupt, the entire economy is affected.
The decisions they m a k e can affect the entire economy. If the country has not
enough capital despite its natural wealth it is they w h o do not m a k e accumula-
tion possible. If institutional impediments become serious it is they w h o d o
1. Gustav Schmoller, 'The Historical Development of Enterprise', in: F . C . Lane and J. C .

Riemersma (eds.), Enterprise and Secular Change, p. 7, Homewood, 111., R . D . Irwin, 1953.
23
Syed Hussein Alatas
notfightthem or are too weak to resist. Current economic analysis that cites
the lack of capital and goes n o further, restricts itself by excluding other
highly relevant causes. W h e n Schumpeter discussed the role of entrepreneurs
he had in mind those with a positive contribution to m a k e . In Asia there are
entrepreneurs w h o inhibited themselves or align themselves u p with inefficient
and corrupt governments. M a n y of them are not in the least concerned about
the over-all development of the country. T h e most urgent task n o w is to
study the nature and function of Asian entrepreneurs and governments, toge-
ther with other economic groups. Citing factorgenic data repeatedly will not
help us solve basic problems. It is not enough to explain h o w and w h y develop-
ment plans fail but w h o makes them fail and h o w actorgenic factors operate
in the group which causes the plan to fail.
Andreski discussed actorgenic problems, one being the parasitism of
the ruling class. N u m e r o u s interesting features are cited, including the influence
of cold-climate dress on health and efficiency. Disdain for certain types of
labour is also connected with the analysis of underdevelopment. It partly
explains the paucity of contributions to science and philosophy. Andreski's
book helps us to understand Asian development problems better than hun-
dreds of factorgenic works. I see the Asian situation reflected in every
paragraph. H e questions the validity of m a n y current explanations of under-
development by showing the reverse aspects of m a n y suggested solutions. U n -
productive use of existing funds is as great a handicap as poor resources. A n
important actorgenic factor influencing unfavourable terms of trade is that
m o n e y falls into the hands of people w h o are likely to spend it abroad. It is
such concrete and detailed analysis which is nevertheless contextual and global
that makes his b o o k highly instructive.1
In conclusion w e m a y stress here that though the significance of factorgenic
data and explanations is beyond doubt, they must be supplemented and
linked with actorgenic data and explanations. Myrdal's Asian Drama offers
a combination of the two approaches. W e are here not concerned with normal
errors in a research work but with errors of approach. His inclusion of actor-
genic data corrects the bias of approach. In discussing the effects of the plan-
tation system on the South-East Asian economy, he includes the attitudes
of the European planters.
A further aspect of the plantation system that strongly bolstered the enclave structure
but that has not been given adequate recognition in the literature was the fact of
segregation and discrimination. H a d the European owners, managers, or skilled
workers of the large estates come in close contact with the natives, a diffusion of
skills would almost surely have taken place and a much larger group of indigenous
personnel would have acquired the requisite abilities. More and more of the demands
for higher skills could then have been satisfied locally. But the fact of European
ownership and control in primitive regions meant a wide separation between the
European upper caste and the masses of unskilled workers that the plantations came
to utilize. This was less a matter of 'race' or even racial prejudice, at least at the
1. See S. Andreski, Parasitism and Subversion, London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1966.
24
T h e captive m i n d in development studies
start, than a very real difference in modes and levels of living, and more generally,
cultural characteristics. Given the lack of rapport and limited direct contact, even on
the job, the raising of native 'industrial' capabilities faced a major social obstacle.1
W e should reconsider the validity of the kind of abstraction and genera-

lization current a m o n g development economists and planners. They should
revise their approach and concentrate more on empirical case studies using a
set of variables different from those currently in vogue. Discussions on the
goals and prospect of development planning would then become m o r e fruitful
and respectable.2 It will help us to m a k e planning more meaningful and desi-
rable. The social sciences are valid and vital means of planning but they have
to be freed from the relatively ethnocentric offshoots which have grown around
them. They have to be disentangled from the distorting influence of the cultural
groups involved in scholarship so that a more profound and objective result
can be attained.
Syed Hussein A latas ¡s head of the Department of

Malay Studies at the University of Singapore. Amongst
his recent publications is an article 'Religion and
Modernisation in South East Asia', Archives
Européennes de Sociologie (1970).
1. Gunnar Myrdal, Asian Drama, Vol. 1, p. 450, Pelican Books.

2. A recent article by M . June Flanders, 'Agriculture versus Industry in Development Policy:
The Planners' Dilemma Re-examined', The Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 5, N o . 3,
April 1969, assumes an extreme factorgenic position. It is deductive, a-historical, abstract
and unrelated to concrete groups of actors.
25
Rudolf Rezsoházy The concept of social time :
its role in development
F r o m the m o m e n t that sociological studies were extended to cover not only

the structures and functioning of societies but also the w a y in which they
change, the problem of time, considered as both the frame of reference and the
indicator of change, arose automatically. Those w h o have applied themselves
to this question soon realized that time as the sociologist sees it is not a physi-
cal, philosophical or psychological concept, but a social emergent.1
Each society, with its corresponding culture, works out a certain concep-
tion of time which is accepted as natural by the majority of its members and
used as a criterion for regulating their activities. Thus each society has patterns
of behaviour adapted to the concept of time which it inculcates in its members
through the process of socialization. Within each society, significant groups
such as social classes, town and country dwellers, or different generations,
m a y diverge considerably in the w a y they conceptualize time and behave in
relation to it, and in their manner of using it.
The concept of social time m a y be divided into five dimensions, each of
which comprises a separate and specific aspect.
Timing, i.e. the w a y in which activities are arranged in relation to each
other, the way in which social agents w h o have to w o r k together or in relays
establish contact, and the way in which the various time-sequences which m a r k
the pulsation of social lifefitin with each other. For example, h o w , in relation
to time is a meeting brought about between the members of a rural community
w h o wish to get in the harvest together, or h o w does a contractor set about
delivering a particular raw material for a fixed date?
The handling of time, i.e. the w a y in which individuals and groups space
out their activities, arrange their actions in series, and when faced with one or
1. The following selection indicates landmarks in the wide range of literature on the subject:
Pitirim A . Sorokin and Robert K . Merton, 'Social Time: A Methodological and Functional
Analysis, The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. XLII, N o . 5, March 1937; Edward T . Hall,
The Silent Language, N e w York, Doubleday & C o . Inc., 1959; Georges Gurvitch, La Multi-
plicité des Temps Sociaux, Paris, Centre de Documentation Universitaire, 1961 (mimeo.),
and, by the same author, Déterminismes Sociaux et Liberté Humaine, 2nd ed., p. 246 ff,
Paris, P U F , 1963 ; Wilbert E . Moore, Man, Time and Society, N e w York, John Wiley,
1963 ; Pierre Bourdieu, 'La Société Traditionnelle, Attitude à l'Égard du Temps et Conduite
Économique', Sociologie du Travail, January-March 1963.
26
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XXIV, N o . 1, 1972
The concept of social time: its role in development
more immediate tasks, break them d o w n into a succession of steps to be

taken. Here the point of view is the most short-term possible, as for instance
in the case of a garage-hand with an engine to repair, w h o has to follow a
particular pattern in his sequence of operations.
Forecasting, i.e. the ability to imagine occurrences in the future, to set
oneself more distant objectives and to model one's activity on future events
which are either desired or inevitable. Here w e are concerned with the m e d i u m -
or long-term future, for example in the case of a firm which estimates trends
in the market as a criterion for drawing u p a five-year plan of expansion.
Historical time, i.e. the vision of the trend of outstanding events in h u m a n
history. Does history go in cycles of peaks and declines? Is it a retrogression
from a lost golden age? O r is it on the contrary a progression, that is, does
it, despite vicissitudes and detours,finallylead to a better world?
Time as a value, i.e. the w a y in which people evaluate and use the time
available to them, be it an entire life, a year, a month, a week or a day. Time
m a y be organized and mastered in varying degrees according to the value
attributed to it, and the value of time is expressed by the activities or pastimes
given social preference. For example, one society will say that time is m o n e y ,
whereas another will say it is recreation and a third, contemplation.
But it does not entirely dispose of the problem to consider social time and
its various dimensions as a social emergent. In so far as people are the producers
{and not only the perpetuators) of their society, acting out their o w n history,
their conception of time and the strategies they adopt in order to master it,
become an important part of their k n o w - h o w , are a m o n g the factors that
are essential for introducing innovations and help to stimulate change; for
example :
T h e bringing together of social agents at the right time in connexion with
their manifold activities, that is, accuracy in the synchronization of time-
sequences becomes a factor for development and a prerequisite for the
acceptable functioning of any society, which has reached a certain degree
of complexity.
A rational arrangement of the work involved in accomplishing everyday
tasks, especially in the production process, is closely linked to efficiency
and consequently to growth.
Forecasting concerns any individual or collective project which implies crea-
tion, strategy and advance. People start work today o n what they wish
to see achieved tomorrow. A n d in order to build tomorrow one must
calculate the effect of one's actions and other people's reactions to them.
The more clear-sightedly forecasting covers long-term perspectives, the
easier it is to select objectives and the greater their chance of being attained.
O f the different visions of history, only a widely shared idea of progress is
productive of voluntary change. It stimulates active vocations which are
inimical to stagnation; and it is central to development, in the sense that
development is brought about by those w h o believe that time works for
them, for w h o m time m e a n s ascent, and whose actions inject a dynamic
force which cannot be contained.
27
Rudolf Rezsoházy
With regard, to the system of values, if development is to take place, time

must be assessed in terms of economics. It is the economic value of time, its
scarcity, that makes m a n want to save it and make the most of it in order,
in the long run, to do more, achieve more and earn more.
It would be artificial to separate the two aspects of social time—time as the
product of, and as an element in, change. They are bound together in a conti-
nual dialectical exchange. F r o m history, m a n derives experiences which accu-
mulate and become structured, in particular his attitudes and behaviour in
regard to time. Under certain circumstances however, he reacts against his
o w n limitations and creates fresh situations. This creative activity compels
him to modify or review his ideas, knowledge and methods of action, including
his conception of time and his attitudes towards its various dimensions. If
his goal is development, it is not enough for him to do away with the
structures from the past in which he is imprisoned, he must also forge the
mental, economic and political tools which open the w a y to the future.
In a recently published book 1 I have dealt precisely with the question of h o w

the various factors in the development process, chiefly of an economic and
cultural nature, actually fit into development (this being the major form taken
today by social change). However, in order to avoid a maze of theoretical
generalizations, I have confined m y study to the relationship between growth
and one cultural factor, social time. W h a t are the changes in temporal con-
ceptions and behaviour which precede economic development and help to
set it in motion? H o w are they induced? A n d what are the temporal changes
which are brought about during, and as a result of, economic development?
It was impossible for m e to answer these questions withoutfirstinvesti-
gating the relationships between the different dimensions of the concept of
social time and the different elements in the progress of growth, taking as a
framework the most significant social relations—such as the professional
activity of manual, farm and office workers, as well as of management ; the
family, economic, cultural and religious associations, public services, leisure
activities, etc.—at the present time in countries at different stages of develop-
ment, and in the past, over the history of a single society.
I employed the comparative method as a research expedient for studying
contemporary societies. M y reasoning was as follows. W h e n considering the
past and the present, a theoretical line of development can be constructed;
at the two extremities w e find what m a y be called 'traditional society' and
'industrial society', and the term 'transitional society' is used to describe a
community which is passing from one to the other. With the theoretical
chronological order thus established, it becomes impossible to conduct analyses
in terms of causality, since the succession of events makes it possible to deter-
mine anteriority, and, by a conventional comparison, to say whether the
relationship is necessary or accidental.
1. Rudolf Rezsoházy, Temps Social et Développement. Le Rôle des Facteurs Socio-culturels dans
la Croissance, Brussels, La Renaissance du Livre, 1970.
28
This is nevertheless an expedient, due to the fact that the different societies
which I place in evolutionary line are in fact contemporary. A n d there is
no guarantee that a Peruvian village, once it has reached the other pole of
evolution, will resemble a modern agricultural centre in northern Europe.
This research expedient therefore had to be handled with extreme care,
and only under certain conditions. For instance, the stages of evolution had
to be clearly conceptualized and identified; it had to be borne in mind that the
stages were theoretical constructions and did not really exist as such; all
industrial societies comprise traditional elements, just as traditional societies
m a y contain elements which will set them in motion.
Further, the proposed evolutionary line in no w a y implies that all societies
necessarily end u p as a particular type of industrial society. O n the contrary,
I believe that countries embarking o n this process each experience it indivi-
dually, and that they differ in their evolution, if only from the cultural point
of view. N o r does the proposed evolutionary line imply that the route to be
followed is a standard one; if there are stages, they are in no predetermined
order. Lastly, the suggested line does not imply either that there is a terminus
to development; on the contrary, development is infinite, and after today's
so-called consumer society, a n e w civilization will probably emerge. Like
all societies, industrial society, too, opens on to a future.
A n d so m y research expedient is n o more than a purely relative instrument
of measurement. It serves as a bench-mark for reality, indicating its trajectory
and its detours in relation to an ideal type. In the search for causes, it suggests
tti3 approximate margin of error in the solutions adopted. T h e following
example illustrates what I mean.
Starting with the theoretical evolutionary line 'traditional society -*• transi-
tional society -> industrial society', w e place on this line community A at the
first stage, community B at the second stage, and community C at the third
stage; at the same time, exhaustive information has been collected from the
three communities on their social concepts of time and development. W e note
the existence of an element a of the social concept of time in community A ,
and the existence of the same element a, linked to the existence of an element b
of development in communities B and C . T o argue that a is the cause of b
involves a margin of error which is defined by the degree of probability for
community A that it will not evolve towards the social forms obtaining in B
and C , and for communities B and C , that they will not have passed through
stage A of development.
There still remains the danger of falling into what Wilbert M o o r e calls
'comparative statics'. S o m e writers limit the study of development to the
enumeration of successive stages and a comparison between the characteristics
of each stage. But the study of a phenomenon the primary feature of which is
change, achieves its purpose only w h e n it has determined the mainsprings of
movement, located the actors, discovered the projects, measured the forces,
weighed the pressures exerted within and without the system, described the
coalitions which bind together and the conflicts which separate, analysed the
links between events, explained the mechanism of advance and retreat, and
29
Rudolf Rezsoházy
reviewed the network and the workings of the system as it operates as

a whole.
This need to understand and explain change led m e to the 'historical
method', which consisted in discovering, within one single society, the specific
manner in which the elements constituting the social concepts of both time
and growth appeared, developed and grouped themselves together in constel-
lations.
Having thus embarked on both a comparative and an historical approach,
m y colleagues and I chose four avenues for the collection of data relevant to
our study:
W e took as a basis collateral studies, some of them monographs, on anthro-
pological or sociological subjects, which yielded an ample crop of infor-
mation on topics falling within the area with which w e were concerned.
W e collected a considerable number of written documents of all kinds, as
a source of involuntary, and therefore unimpeachable, evidence on the
conception of time, and behaviour in relation to it, to be found in particular
sectors of social life.
O n a number of visits to Latin America and Africa I myself conducted extreme-
ly detailed observations for which I had m a d e preparations beforehand;
in the same way, two of m y colleagues applied themselves to observing
certain communities and themes, notably in Peru and the Ivory Coast.
W e organized a comparative survey covering Peru and Belgium, taking as
our two headquarters, first, the built-up area Lima-Callao and the village
of Quilmaná, south of Lima, near the Pacific coast, and second, the
built-up area of Brussels and the village of Nodebais, in the Walloon
part of the province of Brabant.
The survey comprised a set of questions bearing on the identification of those
interviewed and the indicators of development in their environment; a ques-
tionnaire which expressed in operational terms the propositions of our theore-
tical model ; and a 'time-budget statement', that is, a record of the activities
of those interviewed during the twenty-four hours of the day preceding the
survey.
In both villages all inhabitants between 18 and 65 years old were inter-
rogated. In the two capital towns, use was m a d e of a probabilistic sample
which had been stratified at two levels, covering both sexes between the ages
of 18 and 65. In each case, 1,000 people were interrogated. A s will be seen,
the result was not a representative sample from each of the two countries as
a whole, but a study of four sites representing four different worlds, at different
stages of development.
The information obtained, codified and recorded on punched cards, was
analysed in m a n y different ways by computer.
M y object in choosing this system of procuring information was not only
to gain insight into the various aspects of reality, but also to surround each
of the statements in m y working hypotheses with a set of proofs either corro-
borating or invalidating them.
30
T h e concept of social time: its role in development
It appeared to m e that the information that w e ourselves had elicited by

means of the survey might be cross-checked against the data in the unsolicited
documents; that the subjective, qualitative behaviour revealed by the ques-
tionnaires might be verified by the objective, quantitative facts supplied by
the time-budgets; that m y o w n observations might be corrected by the research
findings in monographs by other authors; and that the surveys giving a static
view of the situation might be supplemented by the contents of the historical
documents. 1
A synthesis of the data compiled, arrayed against the factual background

of history, makes it possible to formulate a theory of social time. In this
article I shall do no more than summarize it briefly.
Thefirsteffort which a society makes to conceptualize and master time
has no relation to development. It takes place as soon as people are capable
of elaborating simple ideas about themselves and their society. In most cases
the institution which calls for such an effort is religion, as attested by the
civilizations of Africa, Babylon, Egypt, China, Judea, Greece and even
Rome.
Time as harnessed by the priesthood then meets the needs of other
institutions such as subsistence activities (hunting, fishing, agriculture),
navigation, medicine, science and the co-ordination of everyday activities. T o
begin with, it is recorded in accordance with natural rhythms : the movements
of the stars give rise to the day, the lunar m o n t h , the seasons and the year.
Social convention then creates other units such as weeks, hours, minutes and
seconds. Developments in the definition of these units take place at different
times; the first to be determined are those needed by society for religious
worship and the periodical activities of economic life, and later on, those
which, like the second or its fractions, require sophisticated measuring
instruments.
With regard to development, it was the changes that occurred during the
Middle Ages in Europe which proved to be decisive. Mediaeval time was no
longer wasted time. It was not yet ' m o n e y ' but it was valuable, and valuable in
relation to G o d . During thefirststage, religion mastered time by defining the
calendar, instituting holy days, dividing u p the day and ringing out the hours.
During the second stage, religious time became civil time: towns began to
live a complex existence on their o w n ; the manifold obligations of life in a
town, swarming with activities like a beehive, m a d e it necessary for time to be
measured accurately and continuously ; the civil authority, the town council,
assumed responsibility for the organization of daily activities, market days,
the payment of taxes, and assemblies of citizens; the mechanical clock was
invented, recording hours of uniform length; chiming clocks adorned cam-
paniles and belfries. Finally, with the emergence of the needs, aspirations and
1. M y methodological approach is developed and illustrated more fully in the collective work
shortly to be published: The Use of Time: A Gross-National Comparative Survey of Daily
Activities of Urban and Suburban Populations in Twelve Countries, Paris and The Hague,
Unesco and Mouton.
31
Rudolf Rezsoházy
challenges leading to development, the concept of time became an indispen-

sable element in the strategy adopted by the builders of the modern world.
W e m a y situate the start of development in Europe at the time when the
various factors essential to the birth of industrial society coincided in a given
place. This is purely a theoretical time, easier to determine logically than
historically, since the coincidence was natural and unforced, and took place
unobserved by contemporary society.
The factors involved arose more or less independently of one another, and
in any case, in accordance with no preconceived plan. They included the
awakening and progress of science from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
onwards; technical inventions or innovations, on a modest scale during the
Middle Ages, but increasingly adventurous thereafter; the creation of nation-
states, and improvements in the machinery of government; the discovery of
the world and the opening-up of markets; the rapid growth of trade from the
sixteenth century onwards and the expansion of monetary resources; the
creation of new commercial andfinancialtechniques; the rise of the bour-
geoisie; changes in the system of values; individualism, the growing profit-
motive, belief in progress, rationalism, the mathematical outlook; the accu-
mulation of capital; the building of roads and canals, the growth of towns;
the progress of education; and the pressure of population from the mid-
eighteenth century onwards. Each represents a succession of developments
which, originally more or less independent, became increasingly associated
until finally they formed a single cohesive constellation, thus stimulating
development.
The social concept of time evolved within this over-all movement. Origi-
nally linked to religion, it gradually played its part in changing people's
outlook, and accompanied other trends such as the advance towards rationa-
lism, the achievements of science and the mastery of mathematical c o m p u -
tation. Those w h o were in the forefront of change required precision in the
concept of time. T o determine his position on the high seas, the navigator had
to k n o w his longitude, calculated from the difference between the time at a
reference meridian and local time. T h e success of the operation presupposed
the accurate 'time-keeping' of the reference time. The scientist bent on deci-
phering the laws of astronomy and physics could m a k e progress only by using
sophisticated instruments for his observations. H e w a s dependent on the
development of two techniques, that of optical instruments and that of instru-
ments for measuring time. Contractors,financiersand organizers all discovered
in turn that their plans were conditional on the time factor, and insisted on
advance planning, precision in timing, the calculation of time and recognition
of its value.
The following theoretical pattern might be used to indicate the changes which
occurred.
At the root of any process of change there is always a stimulus, either
endogenous or exogenous to the system, which m a y assume the most diverse
forms, such as a challenge, a new need, an aspiration or a constraint. This
32
stimulus is in itself neutral, and has to be absorbed or interpreted by a group

or class of people. The conditions for absorption and interpretation (or non-
perception) depend alike on the social and the mental structures of the group
solicited. In other words they depend, o n the one hand, on objective situations,
pressures undergone, the interests of the group concerned and its relations
with other groups in the society; and o n the other hand, on the perceptiveness,
values, desires and ambitions which influence the w a y in which the group
becomes aware of the stimulus, as well as the correct formulation of the
problem created.
Hence the stimulus that is to result in social action by a group is met by
a wall composed of the determining influences in the social organization and
its cultural configuration, which m a y either block it, or pass it o n while
interpreting and modifying it.
Let us call creators the group or class which receives the stimulus, formu-
lates the problem and prepares for innovating action. W e have seen that in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries these creators were navigator-conque-
rors, scientists and merchant venturers. A n y study of change presupposes as
afirststep an examination of the stimulus, its nature and intensity, the socio-
cultural stage reached by the society, and the origins, status, prestige, number
and k n o w - h o w of the creators.
Once w e k n o w these basic data, w e can turn our attention to the system of
action elaborated by the creators. It m a y be a very simple one, m a d e u p of a
combination of more or less spontaneous reactions in which reflection plays
a very minor part. It remains limited to the dialectical exchange of stimulus-
reaction. Elaborated at a higher level, the system of action takes shape around
a plan, and comprises one or more objectives, a strategy and tactics involving
the devising of ways and means. The plan stems from a choice or succession of
choices which are themselves conditional o n advance-planning, the psycho-
logical range within which the actors are free to discover possible methods of
action and objective possibilities (aid or expectations from third parties, etc.).
In addition to the constituents of the system of action, the study should
concentrate on their form, content and nature, as well as the determination
with which the actors pursue their objectives. The connexions between the
constituents of the system are also of great importance, in particular the level
of aspiration and the opportunities available. If they are too wide apart the
result is disappointment and bitterness, or forced recourse to desperate or
violent methods.
Those creators w h o succeed in bringing their intentions and projects to
the threshold of historical significance, that is, w h o begin to put their plans
into effect and enter thefieldof vision of other groups, surround themselves
with imitators, partisans, partners, envious rivals, opponents and enemies.
There thus grows up around the original system of action a network of follow-
ers, alliances and conflicts. A study of the system includes the identification
of the followers, allies and opponents, and an attempt to find the reasons for
their attitudes and discover what are their particular systems of action, with
the objectives, strategies and tactics adopted. The conflict which m a y arise is
33
Rudolf Rezsoházy
understandable if one takes into account, for example, the image which each
actor has of the others, the form taken by the confrontation, the methods
employed and the degree of determination, endurance and strength displayed
m a y by the antagonists.
The results of the process which begins at the threshold of historical
significance are manifold. The innovating action m a y be entirely disapproved;
it m a y be approved in a reinterpreted or modified form, a compromise m a y
be reached, the objectives m a y be totally altered, or one or more of the actors
m a y give u p from exhaustion, etc.
The process of change taken as a whole is regulated by a threefold dia-
lectical exchange : that between the constituent parts of each system of action ;
that between the systems themselves, which governs the relationship between
the actors ; and a temporal exchange in which the situation at each successive
instant during the process is the result of all the preceding situations and
affects all subsequent ones, while the group of social sectors influenced either
widens or retracts.
Let us consider the place occupied by the social concept of time in this theore-
tical pattern.
The concept intervenes at two different stages in the process of change,
each time under different conditions.
It m a y intervene at the time when the actor receives the stimulus, in the
guise of an element in the mental structure or cultural order. The w a y in which
it intervenes is negative. The social concept of time is part of the wall blocking
the passage of the stimulus and censuring the message. A solicitation to
act m a y not be accepted, because the concept of time is an obstacle to its being
understood. For example, an invitation to work more m a y be declined because
the actor prefers to use his time as leisure rather than work, or because he
cannot imagine for what purpose he could use the fruit of his future work.
The social concept of time m a y intervene when the system of action is
constituted. Here the conditions under which the intervention takes place are
dynamic. The forms of intervention correspond to ourfivemajor aspects of the
concept of time: time as a value is part of the actor's whole system of values,
and plays its part in the choice of the purpose of the action and the rational
devising of ways and means; time conceived as progress, or the spirit of
progress, also contributes towards the choice of the aims of the action, acting
as a vocation and a driving force, the will-power which propels; forecasting
intervenes in strategy, as an element of the plan; and the best possible spacing
out of time plays a decisive part in implementation and in the everyday condi-
tions of a behavioural model which is essential to the success of any project
whose execution depends on the solution in detail of problems involving the
synchronization and organization of sequences.
Let us consider h o w a concept of time which is necessary to the success
of a plan gains acceptance. The mechanism by which it is introduced starts
to operate in thefieldof values. In thefirstplace, the actor must discover that
time has value because it is indispensable to the achievement of his proposed
34
aims. It is a necessary instrument in the system of action he constructs ; and

he w h o wills the end wills the means.
Such then was the situation in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. T h e
navigator-conqueror bent on reaching his destination safely created a demand
for improved measuring instruments. T h e scientist, aiming at calculating the
speed at which stars rotate, or that of falling bodies, and expressing it in a
law, had to k n o w the time-factor and record it accurately. T h e commercial
and merchant-venturer classes, intent o n expanding their activities, had to
begin by modifying their conception of time to adapt it to the end sought;
in other words, they had to evaluate time, save it, plan in advance, observe
a time-schedule and adopt a rational sequence for the acts to be performed.
These creators thus discovered that time was of value to them, and they
expressed their value in an equation, such as time is safe navigation; time is
the possibility of formulating a law; time is money.
The discovery comes more easily (a) the greater the stimulus; (b) the
wider the range of opportunities ; (c) the more attractive the objective ; (d) the
greater the degree of the development of the accompanying mental attitudes;
and (e) the greater the psychological mobility.
Starting with the creators, new forms of behaviour, outlooks and values
are propagated throughout society by w a y of imitation, pressure, social
approbation or acculturation. T h e spread takes place asynchronously, the
n e w concept of time is acquiredfirstby the ruling classes, then by those ruled;
by the towns before the countryside; and by certain sectors before others.
Asynchronism also applies as regards the structure of the individual
personality. Conformity begins from the outside, with people adopting new
attitudes and forms of behaviour on the surface. They are n o longer left behind,
but they still d o not organize their o w n time. It is in the last stage that confor-
mity penetrates to the inside, and the innovation acquires the status of a value.
The process settles d o w n and becomes widespread, and the forms of behaviour
which were looked on as an innovation n o w become institutionalized and are
transmitted normally throughout the society.
It is m y belief that the theoretical model I have described, although devised

in the light of the evolution of societies which have already become industria-
lized, is also valid today for the developing countries.
The conditions of development are of course radically different in the
last third of the twentieth century from what they were at the beginning of
the nineteenth century. T h e countries seeking development today are not
pioneers; they can benefit by the historical experience of others, but at the
same time it is more difficult for them to get off to a start because of the rela-
tionships of dependence and domination linking them to the great industrial
powers. Western Europe and North America took 350 years to change over
from time wasted economically and imprecise time to time properly used
and precision ; today, the under-equipped countries can advance more rapidly
by taking advantage of all existing inventions. O n the other hand, while it
35
Rudolf Rezsoházy
was possible in the nineteenth century to progress without a disastrous diver-

gence between productivity and consumer demand, today, as a result of the
upsurge of hopes for prosperity throughout the world, the difference between
demands and production possibilities is very great and creates an atmosphere
of conflict, if not a revolutionary atmosphere, before development even begins.
Development has thrown the industrial and the under-equipped societies
seriously out of step. People are n o w aware of this, and the developing coun-
tries are increasingly determined to m a k e u p for lost time. Instead of procee-
ding as Europe did, they can, if they so desire, m a k e development a deliberate
and planned operation. Nevertheless, whatever the variations in individual
circumstances, it appears that the problem of the social concept of time
applies to the strategies to be elaborated in the same terms as in the past:
without a change in the value attributed to time, without forecasting, accuracy
and control over time, there is n o possibility of development.
[Translated from French]
Rudolf Rezsoházy is professor at the University of

Louvain in Belgium. Apart from numerous articles
he has published Origine et Formation d u Catholicisme
Social en Belgique 1842-1909 (1958), T e m p s Social et
Développement: le Rôle des Facteurs Socio-culturels
dans la Croissance (1970), and Théorie et Critique des
Faits Sociaux (1971).
36
Ignacy Sachs The logic of development
Future historians of the social sciences m a y be excusably surprised at the

crude and cramping simplicity of the theories of development current after
the Second World W a r . W e ought really to say the theory, for the under-
lying logic was the same on either side of the barricade. Narrow economism
m a d e people think that the rapid growth of productive forces would, once
firmly established, set in motion the whole development process which would
expand more or less spontaneously to take in all branches of h u m a n activity.
A n undoubtedly necessary1 precondition of development w a s at the same
time regarded—proceeding from an interpretation of history based on a
grossly simplified mechanistic materialism shared by the orthodox Marxists
and their staunchest adversaries (like Rostow)—as somehow being a sufficient
precondition; and in order for them to fulfil this sufficient and necessary
precondition, the course of action suggested to the developing countries
was the mimetic repetition of a historical model. The m o m e n t of ideological
choice, the parting of the ways, occurred w h e n the actual model had to be
chosen, some proposing that the developing countries retrace the entire
road travelled by the industrialized capitalist countries since the industrial
revolution, and others proclaiming the universal virtues of the Soviet model. 2
The models proposed by both sides were thus ultimately based on the same
belief in a unilinear, mechanistic and repetitive development of history, both
of them reducing the historical process to a mere sociological mechanism,
and both requiring the voluntaristic choice of one such mechanism, exalted
to the status of a universal law.
The adoption, on both sides of the barricade, of models to be imitated
and the rejection of any serious effort at understanding, any creative attempt
to find n e w solutions could only lead, in practical terms, to failures which
rankled somewhat and had to be admitted. Around 1955 the crisis came into
1. This needs emphasizing in the light of the unfortunate confusions at present caused by the
environment issue. For the developing countries, pursuit of a better quality of life would be
utterly meaningless without rapid growth.
2. This criticism is aimed at the orthodox version of Marxism which became official doctrine
for a time and which was in fact a perversion of Marx's conception of history.
37
Int. Sec. Sei. J., Vol. X X T V , N o . 1, 1972
Ignacy Sachs
the open, forcing both sides into 'agonizing reappraisals' (whether w e think
of the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union,
the stir caused in the West by the Bandung Conference or, later, the emanci-
pation of the African countries). The very term 'Third World', coined at
that time, in a way reflects that confusion. It is deliberately ambiguous, lending
itself to a double interpretation—in terms of international politics (the non-
aligned Third World) and in ideological terms (the Third World in search of
a third path between capitalism and socialism). Neither interpretation is
strictly accurate, but in so far as emphasis (sometimes excessive) was thence-
forth laid on the specific character of the Third World, or more precisely
of the different countries of the Third World, development research was on
a more realistic course. W e have for nearly twenty years been witnessing a
threefold effort in the social sciences to transcend, first, the Europocentric
limitations which consisted in taking a particular historical phenomenon
experienced in Europe and the set of tools devised for its study, blowing
them u p to universal scale and making absolutes of them ; second, an unduly
narrow conceptualization of development, reducedfirstto economic growth
then extended to take in social and cultural factors, finally to arrive at the
concepts of way of Ufe and quality of life or, quite simply of a blueprint for
society; and third, the traditional barriers between the jealously guarded
territories of the various academic disciplines—interdisciplinarity is in the
air though it is more often preached than practised.
W h a t , then, is the present situation? Certain pessimists and malcontents
persist in seeing nothing but failures and deny that any progress has been
m a d e in development theory in the last twenty years. I wish to counter with
a more balanced view. In a recent work 1 I attempted to retrace the history
of the difficult emancipation of this theory, emphasizing the increasingly
decisive and often unappreciated contribution of research workers in the
Third World. In so far as it treats development as a historical process, it is
able in its present state to elucidate the norms which should guide action,
not by supplying reach-me-down formulae (there will never be any 'ready-
mades' in this domain) but by fostering a certain w a y of thinking and by
helping to raise pertinent questions which are by no means self-evident and
would probably never be asked without the aid of the theory.
In other words, I believe in the heuristic virtues of the theory of development

but I d o not think that it can lead to a development technology applicable
as such. This technology has to be invented as and w h e n required, taking
into account the specific historical characteristics of the global social process.
These are two very difficult conditions to fulfil.
H o w can one proceed so as not to lose sight of everything that is specific
to a particular experience and not to relapse into the empiricism of the descrip-
tive case study? A n d h o w should one set about breaking d o w n the whole
into its component elements, a whole which is more than the s u m of the
1. La Découverte du Tiers Monde, Paris, 1971.
38
The logic of development
phenomena (or processes) revealed in the schematic pictures supplied by the

various single disciplines?
T o say that the theory of development has no immediate applications
is not to underestimate the importance of theoretical work. O n the contrary,
all those actively engaged in development ought constantly to rethink this
theory, on the basis of and in relation to their o w n work, constantly to measure
it against practical reality, a n d so enrich it. T h e really important thing is
to break away from the mechanistic paradigm lifted from the physical sciences
and leading, a m o n g other things, to an excessive concentration of attention
on the volume of savings and investment. N o t that I wish to deny the impor-
tance of increased efforts in this direction in the countries of the Third World;
but it is just as important to k n o w what the savings will be invested in, by
w h o m , w h o the beneficiaries will be and h o w , in short, what the social effect-
iveness of the investment will be. These questions take us well beyond the
usual considerations of savings rates and capital-output ratios with which
rough growth equations can be constructed. The latter are in great favour
with policy-makers because of their conceptual simplicity and above all
because of the fact that they put an 'objective' face on what are in fact very
m u c h political decisions concerning the distribution of the burdens (and
benefits) of growth. Analogies from the history of science are sometimes
misleading but it is worth remembering the difficulties experienced in the
eighteenth century by biology in breaking free from the mechanistic paradigm,
as so well described by François Jacob. 1
In the light of the foregoing considerations, the pioneering work of
Michel Kalecki on the integration of political parameters into a formalized
theory of growth sets a worthy example; but the great Polish economist
would have been thefirstto admit that it is impossible, at least for the present,
to quantify those parameters.2
Will w e be able to do so one day? Personally I a m tempted to say no. The
preferable solution would be to institutionalize the dialogue between rulers and
ruled around openly declared political decisions, whereas the mechanistic para-
digm, even if enlarged, still pushes in the opposite direction which w e have
already notad, towards the erection of a façade of objectivity and the c a m o u -
flaging of the political factor. There can be n o long-term development without
a will to development, harnessed to produce a coherent blueprint for society
which presupposes choices both of objectives and of means, constantly reap-
praised in the light of results obtained and of fresh knowledge. The develop-
ment process predicates an adaptive institutional procedure in which discussion
of the alternatives will loom large. Bemused by the mechanistic paradigm,
w e have been led astray by our emphasis on the possible contribution of
planning techniques, focusing on the problem of optimum allocation of
supposedly k n o w n resources in order to achieve predetermined objectives.
1. F . Jacob, La Logique du Vivant, Paris, 1970.

2. M . Kalecki, Théorie de la Croissance en Économie Socialiste, Paris, 1970. See also the chapter
on economics in, Main Trends of Research in the Social and Human Sciences, Part I : Social
Sciences, Paris and The Hague, Unesco and M o u t o n , 1970.
39
Ignacy Sachs
W e have thus tried to eliminate (or at least reduce to a m i n i m u m ) the uncer-

tainty hanging over the future. But the price paid is considerably too high:
creative social thinking is pushed into the background once it has been used
to formulate a plan, the very coherence of which becomes an obstacle to
innovation. T h e acceleration of history which w e are witnessing and the pace
of scientific and technical progress tend, on the contrary, to promote the
maintenance of the chosen alternatives1 to the status of a principle of planning.
All those w h o have had anything to do with planning k n o w that a plan, once
established, is there to stay, that it hampers discussion on the range of possi-
bilities and that while dangling rosy futures before us it in fact masks a conser-
vative outlook. This antinomy accounts for m a n y practical failures.
People have all too often taken this as grounds for a general condemnation
of planning, advocating instead a return, pure and simple, to the spontaneistic
model of development. I think that most of the criticisms of development
planning are exaggerated2 as regards practical achievements. Rather than
abandon planning and revert to the illusions about the merits of market
mechanisms and from there to the myth of the invisible hand, w e must overhaul
planning completely, while taking care not to lapse into the voluntarism pure
and simple practised by a certain form of futurology, which virtually leaves
the political factor—in point of fact essential—out of the reckoning, and fails
to realize that certain necessary developments considerably diminish the range
of likely possibilities in relation to the permutations of possibilities considered
outside the matrix of history.3 Furthermore, since variant thinking (this w a s
Kalecki's lapidary definition of planning) can only be judiciously exercised
on a relatively small number of alternatives, the proper course is to construct
a limited number of scenarios for the future and discuss them with the people
concerned, i.e. participatory planning. A reference scenario extrapolating
current trends should be used to locate critical points and the crises
threatening society if it does not s u m m o n u p the necessary forces to
modify those trends. Other scenarios could be constructed o n the basis
of alternative hypotheses o n h o w to deactivate the crises. T h e scenario
method seems worth while from two points of view: it appeals to the public's
imagination and thus lends itself to broad discussion, and at the same time
it steers clear of the ceteris paribus reef, on which m a n y a social science vessel
has foundered (and of which more later).
1. See in this connexion the report of the United States Academy of Sciences, Technology:
Processes of Assessment and Choice, Washington, D . C . , 1969; and the conceptualization of
adaptive planning advanced by R . L . Ackoff, A Concept of Corporate Planning, N e w York,
N . Y . , 1970.
2. For a realistic, sober assessment of planning in the Third World, see the articles by
C . Bobrowski, 'Dix A n s de Planification dans les Pays Sous-développés' and C . Furtado
'Planification et Réforme des Structures en Amérique Latine', Archives Européennes de
Sociologie, Vol. X I , N o . 1, 1970.
3. Georg Picht is right in stating that: 'The tragedy of our times is that while playing around
senselessly with "possibilities", w e constantly neglect what is indispensable' (Réflexions au
Bord du Gouffre, p. 28, Paris, 1970).
40
The above method of creating an operational approach to ¡development

entails certain research priorities in the social sciences. W e shall mention
three.
1. O n e has already been discussed by implication. It is the institutionali-
zation of the planning process conceived as a future-oriented, participatory
{democratic would be the word if it were not so overworked) decision-making
mechanism. 1
2. T h e second concerns ways of working the political factor into the
explanatory model. A t present, two equally dogmatic trends predominate.
Thefirstof these relegates the political factor to an accessory role without
really integrating it into the explanation effort, without venturing to explore
the numerous interrelationships between the variables chosen for the purpose
of explanation and the workings of the political system, and without making
any serious attempt to use the parameters of political behaviour, which in
most cases receive only lip service and are merely tacked on to the explanatory
model.
The other trend, on the contrary, starts off by reducing the entire problem
to an ideological choice and, having postulated such a choice, stops at that,
pleased with its exaggerated, pseudo-radical reductionism (revolution or
nothing) with its naïve belief that the revolutionary premise is a sufficient
precondition for development and hence that the political factor alone deter-
mines the entire process. Needless to say, this attitude has no connexion
with the extremely subtle analysis of interrelationships between base and
superstructure, put forward by M a r x . Its only merit is to serve as a reminder
in each case that the range of likely possibilities includes revolution (which
m a n y social science research workers too often seem to forget) and that in
certain cases it m a y even prove to be a necessary precondition for development
to begin.
T o what extent are w e bunkered by habits of thought in this particularly
delicate domain? H o w far does the social conditioning of the social sciences
go? Far m o r e sophisticated answers must be sought to these questions than
those with which the partisans of pseudo-radical reductionism are willing to
accept; at the same time it must be recalled that they lie at the very heart
of the debate and that consequently it is childish to try to side-step them or
relegate them to the role of an unimportant epistemológica! exercise.
3. The question of working in the political factor is part of a broader
question already mentioned—that of the conditions which must be fulfilled
if an interdisciplinary approach is to m e a n more than paying lip service to
the principle and putting together the schematic views of the individual disci-
plines, which can lead nowhere.
A n important preliminary is to prepare the ground by accustoming
specialists in different disciplines to talk to each other. T h e social sciences
1. See H . Ozbekhan: 'Toward a General Theory of Planning' in: Erich Jantsch (ed.), Perspec-
tives of Planning, Paris, O E C D , 1969. See also E . Malinvaud, ' A Planning Approach to the
Public G o o d Problem', The Swedish Journal of Economics, Vol. 73, N o . 1, 1971.
41
Ignacy Sachs
nowadays are an immense Tower of Babel, the multiplicity of private languages

and the passion for verbal pseudo-creativity going hand in hand with intole-
rance of the next m a n ' s jargon.
W e should not m a k e the mistake, however, of reducing everything to a
question of communication. T h e solution does not consist in finding a lingua
franca for the social sciences or in training interdisciplinary specialists with
no thorough knowledge of even one discipline. T h e only effective w a y of
achieving interdisciplinarity is to be ready and willing for a dialogue with
the other disciplines whilst making an effort to analyse one's o w n discipline
in order to understand both its distinguishing features and its limitations.
The single-discipline view necessarily gives a distorted image of the over-all
social reality, which is not a bad thing in itself provided that the nature of
the distortion is appreciated. Those well versed in history and anthropology
and with the feeling for social time and space which they give usually manage
to tunnel communicating passages between the single-discipline model and
the far richer social reality, and learn h o w to handle, as parameters of the
single-discipline model, the strategic variables of other single-discipline models.
This should lead to the progressive enrichment and dovetailing of the models.
M a y w e thus hope one day to see the disappearance of that highly conve-
nient but blighting formula, ceteris paribus! asks the economist. W h a t is
neededfirstis a study in depth of the actual forms assumed by economic
rationality in different socio-cultural contexts.1 This is a key question for devel-
opment practice. I consider that the whole postulate of rationality underlies
philosophical anthropology, in the sense that m e n must be expected in every
case to choose that alternative which seems best to them; but it does not by
any means follow that there exists some suprahistorical economic rationality
of universal applicability, and indeed the criteria for assessing alternatives
will vary from one socio-cultural context to another. W h e n does a peasant
used to subsistence farming change his attitude towards the market economy?
At what point does his behaviour change? W h a t combination of new condi-
tions and variables has to occur before this change takes place? W h a t is the
impact of actual experience, of the attitude of neighbours, and of political
persuasion? These are all questions that the economist will be unable to answer
unless he resolves to discard the simplistic explanatory models to which he
is accustomed and whose clod-hopping crudeness he takes pleasure in conceal-
ing behind a smoke-screen of ever more sophisticated econometric techniques.
Interdisciplinarity therefore predicates a different training for social scientists.

The need for a thorough reform of the teaching of the subject cannot be
overemphasized. Since this is outside the scope of the present article, I shall
merely outline a few topics which provide food for thought.
The specialist, while still being highly trained in one particular discipline,
should nevertheless be trained in a variety of subjects and should acquire the
1. See in this connexion the important work by Maurice Godelier, Rationalité et Irrationalité
en Économie, Paris 1967.
42
knack of globalizing, of switching back and forwards between the reality,

which is complex but one and indivisible, and the single-discipline model.
Let there be no mistake about it, the interdisciplinary approach does not
m e a n adding together the data gathered by different specialists. A complete
history is more than the s u m of its parts and any development specialist
should have something of the historian in him: he should prepare himself
for prospective studies by extracting from the historical raw material the
experiential logic of development or even by trying his hand at historical fiction.
H e is not being invited to scrutinize the past or the contemporary experience
of other countries to find models to imitate. Rather, history submits for the
attention of policy-makers and social science research workers anti-models,
in relation to which it is often convenient to define one's position.
History is conducive to a diachronic view of processes. Anthropology,
on the other hand, accustoms us to a synchronic vision of social structures
which is both attentive to detail and globalizing. These two disciplines should
therefore constitute the c o m m o n basic syllabus of any social science course.
At the same time, young research workers must be initiated as early as possible
into the art of rethinking theory and advancing its frontiers on the basis of
practical situations, hence the suggestion that interdisciplinary teams of
students be formed to deal with local development problems in a given valley
or locality, as a form of on-the-job training for the social sciences. Univer-
sities should be receptive to experience gained in everyday practice if they
seriously hope to fulfil their role in training agents of development w h o alone
in the long run can enrich the theory of development. Radical educational
reform thus emerges as a prerequisite for enhancing the part played by the
social sciences in solving the problems of the Third World.
Ignacy Sachs, an economist of Polish origin who studied

in Brazil, India and Poland and was Director of the Research
Centre on Underdeveloped Economies in Warsaw has
been teaching at the École Pratique des Hautes
Études in Paris since 1968. He has been consultant to
international organizations on several occasions and
is the co-author of the chapter on economics in M a i n
Trends of Research in the Social and H u m a n Sciences,
Vol. I: Social Sciences (1970). His other publications
include Patterns of the Public Sector in Underdeveloped
Economies (1964), Foreign Trade and Economic
Development (1965) and L a Découverte d u Tiers-monde
(1971).
43
Disciplinary contributions
D . E . Apter Political science
S. S. Mushi
Introduction
The 1960s can properly be called a 'development decade'. Never in history
has so m u c h attention been paid to the problem of planned social change.
In the United States alone, the Kennedy administration saw developmental
aid as the logical extension of external programmatic support to parts of the
world other than Europe. In the non-socialist world, according to the Pearson
report, Partners in Development, income flows increased from $8,000 million
in 1961 to $12,800 million in 1968, by which time more than 100,000 experts
from overseas were working in developing countries. In some cases, success
has been marked and growth rates have exceeded those of donor countries.
Yet in most, each increment of gain was likely to be offset by unanticipated
difficulties. The income flows, although increasing in real terms during the
decade, declined in proportion of net national product in the donor countries.
The foreign experts often became transformed into enclave communities
which used u p resources for themselves. Although the result m a y appear
statistically as a part of national development, it has had, in substance, little
or no effect on the people themselves. Other real difficulties, such as tight
money, overextended debt payments, population growth, rapid urbanization,
and, above all, an over-all deterioration of ordinary social relations as wealth
grows, are some of the costs of development, h u m a n and social.
Moreover, these social costs manifest themselves in political terms,
régime instability being perhaps only the most overt form. Equally important
is the 'rigidification' of the bureaucracy, most pronounced perhaps in Latin
America, but increasingly a problem in Africa and Asia, the decline of social
commitment so that corruption increases and it is every m a n for himself,
the declining standards of performance so that what begins as adaptation
ends as 'decay' as Huntington calls it. W h a t has come to an end with the
1960s is not development itself but the innocence about it. A n d what is true
of programmes, schemes, plans, etc., is equally true of the theories of develop-
ment whether they deal with the politics of development, i.e. growth and
change and its consequences, or political development, i.e. the growth of
public specialized decision-making agencies and participation.
44
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XXTV, N o . 1, 1972
Political science
Despite the cascade of books and articles and the varieties of technical
approaches associated with them, what remains astonishing is h o w little n e w
w e have learned, although w e k n o w a great deal more about particular places.
T o put the matter another way, if w e asked what n e w theoretical knowledge
has been added to the study of development since M a r x , Weber, Durkheim
and Michels by more contemporary political theorists, the answer is 'shock-
ingly little'. M o r e people k n o w about such theorists than might have been
true of those in political studies thirty years ago, but this is because an
earlier generation was concerned, not with societal change, but the effects of
specialized instrumentalities of rule in a predominantly Western setting where
such instruments obtained. The revival of the 'greats' coincides with the
developmental concern, i.e. the social changes associated with development and
the political effects of these, and the consequences of particular governmental
types for further development and the maintenance of order or stability.
Hence, what passes for profound in our studies is m u c h more likely to be a
rediscovery of a past insight in a fresh setting than something genuinely n e w .
Such insight m a y be very rewarding, but the actual conditions of devel-
opment, the unforeseen consequences of managed social change, the growing
dependence of modernizing societies on industrial ones (and consequently
their greater vulnerability) all require a better set of theories and 'harder'
styles of research. W e want to k n o w w h y it is that so m a n y efforts at develop-
ment by governments become self-defeating. W e must narrow the gap between
theory and practice. So remote from reality have our theories been that failures
in practice rarely become the problématique for theory which, on the whole,
operates in a manner quite detached from applied problems. T h e best result
is like Hirschman's, which is above all shrewd, despite the air of happy change
about it relying in the last analysis on the free creation of achievement and
entrepreneurship. Others, which are also realistic, are more lugubrious, like
Baran's, which show h o w impoverishment and capitalist imperialism go hand
in hand.
Between them is a range of theorists w h o , using structural or institutional
methods, address themselves to broad issues which it is the remote purpose
of development projects to resolve, but in the aggregate and over time. Little
theory is useful for the short run except those relating to organizational
concerns.
O n e reason for the gap between developmental theory and practice is
that practice involves too m a n y variables which in theory are entirely unre-
lated to the ostensible objects. The truth is that most programmes of overseas
development are designed for political objectives. S o m e of these have to do
with international competition for influence. Former colonial powers use
their more intimate knowledge and associations to sustain relations based on
expertise rather than large expenditures. The United States does just the
opposite. It uses relatively large expenditures and prefers grandiose programmes.
T h e Soviet Union and other socialist countries are still cautious, seeking to
locate critical openings in developmental structure. Meanwhile, the modern-
izing societies themselves struggle as best they can to utilize the results of
45
(
D . E. Apter and S. S. Mushi
this n e w scramble and control the process as m u c h as possible. W h a t they

soon find is that each programme carries hidden snares. Each offer of resources
also uses u p local m a n p o w e r and facilities. Each successful programme carries
hidden dysfunctions.
N o r are the designated political objectives clear. In the United States
alone, it would be difficult to communicate to an outsider h o w m a n y pro-
grammes launched with bold words and high-sounding phrases are, in fact,
a result of intense inter-agency conflict, the personal rivalry of individuals,
and strategies devised to placate Congress or Congressional marauders.
Actual programmes which emerge from the obstacle race of the American
political scene are more than likely better designed for domestic survival
than to work effectively in thefield.There have been great successes, to be sure,
but as often as not they are a by-product rather than a deliberate consequence
of the original policy. Is this an exaggeration? Hardly—those w h o were
fairly close to political leaders of modernizing societies during the 1960s
experienced hope, then desperation as Americans, Germans, English, Italians
or Japanese m a d e their rounds like so m a n y pretentious peddlers with wares
to sell which were rarely designed for the market which so desperately needed
them.
T h e theorists on the whole took no notice of these features. O n the con-
trary, they almost all began with two assumptions : that a spirit of rationality
prevailed on the part of the donor, but that non-rationality prevailed o n the
part of the recipient. For example, political theorists concerned with the poli-
tics of development saw the failure of programmes in terms of non-germane or
dysfunctional cultural characteristics; Latin Americans were blamed for
being too Spanish or too Catholic and lacking the entrepreneurial rationality
of Weber's Calvinists; Africans perpetuated tribalism and traditionalism;
Asians preferred complicated and tortuous religious and social customs
elaborated and embroidered over the years; anthropologists blamed the
family system; psychologists claimed that the problem came from a lack of
achievement motivation; and so on.
With hindsight, it is not that these matters were not important or relevant
during the 1960s but that the irrationalities of the donor were neglected.
In a very real sense, the recipients were only too willing to be rational. All
had a nucleus of political leaders and élites trained in industrial countries.
In m a n y cases, there were also sufficiently well-developed civil services so that
a reasonable set of programmes could have produced a reasonable set of
results.
The need to explain failure is n o w bringing the theorists and practitioners
together in one sense. The theorists had set out to find the causes of under-
development. The practitioners set out to change that condition. In doing the
first, the assumption was that the modernizing society was subject to particular
forms of cultural determinism. In doing the second, the assumption was that
the people were unable to capitalize on programmes offered because of lack
of talent, skill, and internal coherence. N o w the assumption produced by the
theorists is used by the practitioners to explain w h y their programmes failed.
46
Political science
The gap between theory and practice has thus been closed, not in a positive
or useful way, but as an elaborate defence of failure, with the populations of
modernizing societies left facing the consequences. Even where they are more
positive in their purposes, theories of development are best designed to iden-
tify independent variables which cannot be empirically tested. At the same
time, most development practice takes place for the wrong reasons and intro-
duces empirical conditions not germane to modernizing societies. It is not
surprising that a m o o d of despondency has engulfed everyone connected
with the process, theorist and practitioner alike.
This is not to say that there have been no gains. O f course there have.
But the development effort has been so contradictory, so ambiguous in purpose,
and so half-hearted and, for reasons cited above, with so little co-ordination
a m o n g donor countries, that the results are far less impressive than they
should have been. T o turn around and point to the deficiencies of the popula-
tions of modernizing societies, implicit in the 'objective' analysis of their
conditions, political, social and economic, would seem a poor way of conduct-
ing social science.
It is perhaps appropriate at this point for the social sciences to begin
taking stock of their achievements vis-à-vis the problem of development.
Certain vital questions must be answered. First, to what extent do the existing
bodies of knowledge enable us to understand the ubiquitous problem of
development in its various facets? Second, what theories or models in the
literature can be utilized in practice? Third, w h y has the gap between knowledge
of the developmental problems, processes and variables and the application
of such knowledge persisted? H o w can the gap be closed? There are no simple
answers to such questions. Yet it is impossible to assess the role of the social
sciences in development without being quite clear about what constitutes
'development', and whether our various conceptual formulations have enabled
us both to understand the nature of the problem and meaningfully to parti-
cipate in the global efforts to tackle it. W e shall come back to this later.
Development can—and should—be viewed as a problem area that cuts
across all social science disciplines. With a few exceptions, investigations
of, and theorizing on, this problem have been undertaken within the limits of
the different disciplines; and the variables emphasized have often been those
immediately relevant to the discipline represented by a given researcher or
theorist. Thus economists have focused o n the 'factors of production', and
their relation with increased productivity and real income; sociologists and
social anthropologists have explored structural and organizational variables;
cultural anthropologists have focused on cultural variables, with emphasis o n
cultural integration; geographers and demographers have looked into the
population and 'environmental' variables; social psychologists have concen-
trated o n motivational and attitudinal variables with regard to individual and
group behaviour, especially in connexion with need for achievement; and
political scientists—while focusing on the mechanisms of power, control and
leadership—have borrowed from all the other disciplines in treating the
problem of change and development.
47
D . E . Apter and S. S. Mushi
Although the choice and emphasis of the variables of development have

understandably reflected disciplinary bias, there have always been overlaps,
demonstrating the interdependence of the variables, and the fact that the
methods and tools of a single discipline are not sufficient fully to understand
and tackle the problem of development. This realization has recently led to a
growing interest in an interdisciplinary approach, evidenced by: (a) the
increasing number of conferences on development attended by representatives
of all social science disciplines; (b) the increasing number of symposia attempt-
ing to put together the different variables identified by the various disciplines;
and (c) the financial support given to social scientists of all backgrounds by
various bodies to participate in conferences or to do research or to publish
work related to development in its various aspects. Thus the problem
of development occupies a central place in contemporary social science
theory.1
Political science has had to modify its narrow traditional focus on 'institu-
tional' mechanisms of order and control to take into account the contributions
of the other disciplines, especially with regard to the problems of social change
and development. With the increasingly universal approval of planned change,
polity can n o longer be viewed as a mere instrument for maintaining 'static
order', but rather as the instrument for orderly change and development.
Thus, political science must examine the psychological variables in so far as
they relate to questions of power, leadership, and the behaviour of individual
personalities; social and cultural norms in so far as they relate to State
institutions and collective behaviour; structural and organizational variables
in so far as they relate to allocation of material goods and power as well as
orderly development. Hence, the role of political science in development is
closely linked to that of the other social sciences. Before w e examine the three
conceptual approaches to the problem of development—structural, n o r m a -
tive and behavioural—we shallfirstexamine briefly the questions w e raised
earlier: W h a t constitutes development? H o w can the social sciences contri-
bute to its attainment? W h a t have w e so far achieved? T o shed some light on
these questions, w e intend to discuss the notion of development as (a) a uni-
versal problem; (b) a problem to be defined; and (c) a problem of choice.
DEVELOPMENT AS A UNIVERSAL PROBLEM
Despite the lack of a standard definition, social scientists are agreed that
development is n o w a problem of universal concern. This universal conception
of development is based on a number of factors. First, there is the assumption
1. See: Art Gallaber Jr., 'Developmental Change and the Social Sciences', in Art Gallaher
Jr. (ed.), Perspectives in Developmental Change, p. 11, Lexington, K y . t University of K e n -
tucky Press, 1968. A m o n g the bodies taking keen interest in the problem of development,
and which have given social scientistsfinancialbacking, are Unesco, the International Social
Science Council, the Social Science Research Council, private foundations, universities,
professional societies and governments.
48
Political science
that every nation in modern times does, and must, aspire to develop; i.e.
development is a notion with positive valuation the world over. This assump-
tion is not without some validity, for development has been the main preoccu-
pation of all the countries in the Third World in the past several decades, and
the post-war decolonization of the peoples of Africa and Asia has been accom-
panied by a general struggle for development which is viewed as (a) a logical
'follow-up'; (b) the means to preserve national sovereignty; and (c) the only
way by which the ruling eûtes could justify and legitimize their power.
Second, improved technology and communication has created and pro-
pagated what Wilbert M o o r e has called 'the rise of the national spirit',1 as
opposed to the traditional notions of 'progress' as an inevitable evolution
guided by Providence and the focus of historical necessity. This rational spirit
has led to a universal view of development as consisting mainly of directed,
planned and purposeful change, and hence the demand for theories of change
and development which are both explanatory and predictive. Again, improved
communication has m a d e individual States more aware of their relative depri-
vation, for each State n o w feels it is a m e m b e r of an international community,
and uses the advanced members of the global community as a yardstick to
measure its o w n situation.2
Third, pressure for development has become universal, not merely because
of the 'demonstration effect' brought about by communication and contacts
with colonial powers, but also because of the emergence of the United Nations
with its various development Agencies. This universality of pressure is in part
responsible for the increasing awareness of the 'dichotomized' world, consis-
ting of 'haves' and 'have-nots', or rich and poor, 'developed' and 'under-
veloped', 'modern' and 'non-modern'. 3 Increased international commerce,
even where it has resulted in improving the material conditions of the poorer
nations, has increased this feeling of relative deprivation, and has had the
effect of creating a need to 'catch u p ' developmentally.4 Hence, it is not
surprising that m a n y theories of development and modernization have tended
to view developmental efforts as efforts 'to catch u p with' the advanced coun-
tries. W e shall return to this point later.
Fourth, the increased awareness of each country's relative wealth or
poverty has tended to m a k e development a moral or ethical issue. Represen-
tatives of the 'poor' nations have used the United Nations and its various
1. Wilbert E . Moore, 'Measurement of Organizational and Institutional Implications of

Changes in Productive Technology' Social, Economic, and Technological Change, p. 229-59,
Paris, International Social Science Council, 1958.
2. For a detailed analysis of the relationship between the developmental aspirations of individual
States and the international system, see J. P . Nettle and Roland Robertson, International
Systems and the Modernization of Societies, N e w York, N . Y . , Basic Books Inc., 1968, esp.
Part III, 'Modernization and International Systems'.
3. J. P . Nettle, 'Strategies in the Study of Political Development', International Systems and
the Modernization of Societies, op. cit., p. 15.
4. See: Asa Briggs, Technology and Economic Development: Objectives and Methods, N e w York,
N . Y . , The Free Press of Glencoe, 1963; and William H . Parker, 'Economic Development
in Historical Perspectives', Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. X , N o . 1,
July 1961.
49
D . E . Apter and S. S . Mushi
Agencies as a forum for agitation to a share in the fruits of the modern world;
and the richer nations have been presented with a moral dilemma—the extent
to which they are prepared to give aid 'without strings'.1 Hence, the problem
of development has become a global affair rather than one for each State in
isolation. A s Joan Robinson puts it: 'Never before has educated public
opinion in every country been so conscious of the rest of the world. Never
before was it worthwhile to think about poverty as a world problem; it is
only n o w that it seems possible, by the application of science to health, birth
control and production, to relieve the whole h u m a n race from its miseries.'2
DEVELOPMENT AS A PROBLEM TO BE DEFINED
Only economists seem to have found some criteria by which to define develop-
ment in the strict economic sense. There has been controversy as to whether
economists are concerned with development as a social process encompassing
the society as a whole or merely with 'economic growth'. 3 In so far as economic
development is defined as 'growth of real income', characterized b y better
utilization of the factors of production, the idea of development must be
distinguished from that of economic growth. For if development were to be
measured solely on the basis of per capita growth, w e would create more
definitional problems than w e solve. For instance, according to the net national
per capita incomefiguresfor 1952-54, a country like Japan, with an annual
net income per capita of U.S.$190 would appear to be 220 per cent less devel-
oped than Puerto Rico, with its net per capita income of U.S.$430; whereas
Italy and Cuba, both at U.S.$130, would appear to have attained the same
level of development.4
If we can define and measure economic development in terms of 'growth',
by what criteria can w e define and measure political, administrative, cultural
and social development? The lack of proper definition—conceptual and ope-
rational—has led to a great deal of confusion in the theories of political,
administrative, cultural and social development; and this confusion has
reduced the practical utility of such theories. This confusion is mainly due
to the lack of a uniform conception of the notion of development—whether
economic, political, administrative, social, or cultural.6 S o m e political scien-
tists have argued that the economic notion of growth can be used for all
forms of development. They employ the nuclear economic model of inputs
and outputs in determining the degree of political development. For instance,
1. Art Gallaher Jr., op. cit., p. 3.

2. Joan Robinson, Economic Philosophy, p. 127, Chicago, Aldine Publishing C o m p a n y , 1962.
3. See, for instance, the arguments raised by Helio Jaguribe in his Economic and Political Deve-
lopment: A Theoretical Approach and a Brazilian Case Study, Cambridge, Mass, Harvard
University Press, 1968, esp. Part I.
4. ibid., p. 3-5.
5. For a discussion of the confusion in the concept of social development, see Herbert Blumer,
'The Idea of Social Development', Studies in Comparative International Development, Vol. 2,
N o . 1, 1966.
50
Political science
S. N . Eisenstadt, w h o compares economic and political development, defines

political development as 'a continuous process of growth' and adds: 'Within
the political sphere, the equivalent of such self-sustained growth is the ability
to absorb varieties and changing types of political demands and organization.
It also includes the skill to deal with n e w and changing types of problems
which the system produces or which it must absorb from outside sources.1
Eisenstadt w a s a m o n g the early theorists of political development to adopt
this input-output approach, which has recently become m o r e popular with
political development theorists, especially those using statistical and m a t h e m a -
tical methods.
Another political scientist, Leonard Binder, considers legitimization of
power to be a crucial measure of political development:
Our notion of political development is similar to the economists, but it is stated in

terms of the political system. A developed system is more efficient, in the sense that
power relationships are more often translated into legitimations and less frequently
left outside the political sphere. . . developed systems tend to be more efficient in
that the probability of ajprolonged discrepancy between power and legitimacy is less
likely. . . more issues become political more easily.2
In a similar vein, Alfred Diamant defines political development as follows:
. . . a process by which a political system acquires an increased capacity to sustain

successfully and continuously new types of goals and demands and the creation of
new types of organization. For this process to continue over time, a differentiated
and centralized polity must come into being which must be able to c o m m a n d resources
from, and power over, wide spheres and regions of the society.3
These definitions leave the question w e posed earlier completely unanswered.

In thefirstplace, they d o not say precisely what constitutes political develop-
ment. Second, w e are not told w h o determines this development—since, very
often, political 'outputs' depend on the perceptions of those in the system.
In this sense, political development would refer to 'attitudes' and not to a
quality intrinsic in the political act.
A major source of confusion in the various conceptualizations of 'dev-
elopment' is the assumption that, in the real world, development—as a total
social process—can be 'departmentalized' to correspond to the convenient
division of disciplines. Hence, in an attempt to measure the 'capabilities' of
the 'political system', A l m o n d and Powell posit the presence of 'real' boundary
between the political sub-system and the other sub-systems of the total societal
1. S. N . Eisenstadt, 'Bureaucracy and Political Development*, in: Joseph LaPalombara (ed.),

Bureaucracy and Political Development, p. 96, Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press,
1963.
2. Leonard Binder, Iran: Political Development in a Changing Society, p. 47, Berkeley, Calif.,
University of California Press, 1962.
3. Alfred Diamant, 'Bureaucracy in Developmental Movement Regimes: A Bureaucratic
Model for Developing Societies', Comparative Administration Group, p. 5, Bloomington,
Ind., 1964 (Occasional paper).
51
system. Outputs and inputs pass through this boundary. 1 If such a conceptual
boundary helps the analyst to identify the variables of order, change and
development, it certainly does not help the practical politician or public bureau-
crat w h o sees no real boundary between politics (or power) and the other
elements—social, economic and cultural. T h e current tendency is to talk of
political development as distinct from economic and cultural development,
or administrative development as distinct from all other societal development.
For instance, reporting on the Middle East, Leonard Binder has this to say:
For a transition to democracy to take place, it m a y be suggested... that economic
development must precede administrative development. . . . Economic development
increases the wherewithal to requisite demands; through political development
demands are increased; and administrative development helps to provide more
efficiently for those demands while the bureaucratic hierarchy is limited and is direc-
ted by the participant public.... According to Middle Eastern theories of democracy,
it is possible to reverse the order of these developments, for both economic and
political development can be brought about by the administrative apparatus. . . . 2
This kind of theorizing is bound to be misleading if it is not constantly r e m e m -

bered that these different forms or levels of development have n o clear boundary
in real life. T h e problem with such rigid conceptual boundaries is that it m a y
lead to reification, as Riggs has quite correctly observed:
There w o u l d . . . be no reason to avoid speaking of economic development and poli-
tical development as independent types of action were it not that such statements
cause us to reify and treat as concrete realities what are, indeed, only products of our
analytical imaginations. A more precise, but cumbersome, expression might be to say
that 'development' has taken place in a society and that this pattern of change affects
the economic aspects of the society in one way, its political aspects in another, and
its administrative aspects in a third way. 3
This brings us back to the question of whether it is possible—or desirable—to

formulate a definition and index of development which cover the total societal
'progress', and to talk of the degree of development in the various sub-systems
of the society in terms of 'leads' and 'lags'. Glenn Paige has posed a related
question : 'Are political systems to be conceived of as largely determined by
socio-economic characteristics of the societies in which they are found? O r
are they to be conceived as capable of largely autonomous variation which
can result in profound economic, social, and cultural change?' Paige suggests
that such a question cannot '. . . even be considered a meaningful one unless
some of the confusion generated by the necessary social science distinction
between relationships a m o n g analytical aspects of concrete social objects'
themselves is dispersed. In the former, the idea of 'causation' m a y be inappro-
priate; in the latter, failure to recognize it m a y be 'paralysing'. Paige, like
1. Gabriel A . Almond and G . B . Powell, Jr., Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach,

Boston, Mass., Little, Brown & Co., 1966.
2. Leonard Binder, op. cit, p. S7-8.
3. Fred W . Riggs, 'Political Aspects of Developmental Change', in: Art Gallaher Jr. (ed.),
op. cit., p. 137-8.
52
Political science
Riggs, is quite correct to suggest that there is a tendency in the social sciences
to create a monstrous confusion between definitional and analytical devices
and what exists in reality, and to conclude:
Without doubt, the idea that for any concrete social object (one or more human
beings) there can be an infinity of analytical aspects was a vital contribution to the
development of social science Since such analytical concepts were merely creations
of the brain designed to call attention to certain aspects of what was in reality human
behavior 'in the whole', it followed that it was illogical to conceive of concept A
'causing' concept B . Thus it became 'nonsense' to speak of changes in the political
aspect of society causing changes in the economic aspects of society, or vice versa.1
While it is true that such phenomena as politics, culture, etc., are concepts
rather than concrete realities with an autonomous existence, w e cannot push
Paige's arguments too far, for this would frustrate the very attempt to define
development—itself a mere concept signifying a desired 'progressive' change.
O n the other hand, w e should not assume that development can be understood
in terms of boundaries between sub-systems of the larger system. It seems
that it would be best to approach the problem in terms of concrete processes
of development as social scientists, and not as political scientists, sociologists,
anthropologists or economists. Obviously, however, as a practitioner of
an academic discipline, one m a y — a n d should—still be primarily interested
in the variables which are immediately related to one's discipline.2
Social science theorizing on the problems of change and development
is not only increasing every day, but also claiming to be m o r e scientific.
With the availability of high-speed computers in the advanced countries, it
is n o w possible to integrate theory and empirical data. Social scientists can
d e m a n d that every theory must prove its scientific worth by proposing testable
operationally defined hypotheses.3 Yet there are very few 'scientific' theories
of development ; in fact, it can be said that theory—good theory—has lagged
behind the tremendous facilities for data processing n o w at our disposal.*
There are two main reasons for this paradoxical situation. First, the general
enthusiasm to generate scientific theories has in m a n y cases led to a search
for testable hypotheses irrespective of whether they are worth testing, or
whether they contribute significantly to our understanding of the problem.
H a r w o o d Childs is probably correct w h e n he asserts, in connexion with psy-
chological variables, that: 'It m a y often be the case that those factors most
easily concretized and quantified are the least significant.'5 Second, the con-
cept of development is a 'value concept', and as such it has induced theories
1. Glenn D . Paige, 'The Rediscovery of Polities', in: John D . Montgomery and William J.
Sifflin (eds.), Administration and Change, Approaches to Development: Politics, N e w York,
N . Y . , McGraw-Hill, 1966.
2. cf. Fred W . Riggs, op. cit., p. 139.
3. See: Percy S. Cohen, Modern Social Theory, p. 2-6, N e w York, Basic Books Inc., 1968.
4. See: David E . Apter and Charles Andrain, Comparative Government: Developing New
Nations, p. 89-90, Berkeley, Calif., University of California, Institute of International Studies
(reprint N o . 326).
5. Harwood L . Childs, Public Opinion: Nature, Formation and Sole, p. 119, Princeton, N.J.
D . van Nostrand C o . Inc., 1965.
53
which are not only value-laden but also ideologically biased. This second
point is related to thefirst,if a 'value-free' theory is considered likely to be
m o r e scientific. T h e importance and urgency of a truly objective and scientific
developmental theory has been stated by Marion Pearsall :
Iffindingsand general principles from the basic sciences and humanities are to be
used in the conduct of practical affairs, either directly or through the medium of
intervening applied arts and sciences, it seems appropriate to inquire into the objec-
tives and methods of these disciplines. H o w good (that is, how valid, reliable, and
well-tested) are their basic premises and principles? O n what kinds of evidence do
their generalizations and theories rest? For what, if any, practical purposes are they
suited? Are thefindingsin usable form or must they somehow be translated before
applying them to specific situations and cases? A n d if translation is necessary, h o w can
it best be done? 1
W e asserted that s o m e of the current development theories have had limited

utility because they are too value-oriented and ideological. W e should add
that others have been inapplicable because too narrowly based o n the expe-
riences of particular countries in particular historical contexts. This should
be examined a little further.
For convenience, w e can talk of two types of theory: (a) those based o n
Western tradition and experience; and (b) those based o n socialist tradition
and experience. Each of these categories has as m a n y variants as there are
theorists; but that is not our problem: our immediate question is what
each category has been able to contribute to the developing world thus far,
in terms of concrete, utilizable knowledge.
Theories based on the Western experiences have tended to emphasize
(a) economic decentralization; (b) decentralization of powers; (c) social
pluralism; and (d) democratization, as the m i n i m u m prerequisite to develop-
ment and modernization.2 In some cases, it is not even possible to tell whether
these are 'prerequisites' or 'concomitants'. Certainly, if they are examined in
the light of Western historical development, they will obviously be seen as
concomitants rather than prerequisites. Yet it can be argued that concomitants
become fresh prerequisites and determine the course and rate of further
development. Such theories have had little appeal to the developing nations
mainly because—apart from making incorrect historical assumptions with
regard to developmental sequences—they appear to be inspired by the ethno-
centricity and value-orientations of the theorists. Further, m a n y leaders of
the n e w nations are suspicious of such theories because they do not 'take into
account' the different cultural and historical background of their countries.
Developmental theories based o n socialist experiences have emphasized,
a m o n g other things: (a) collectivization; (b) centralized planning; (c) national
1. Marion Pearsall, Foreword to Gallaher, op. cit., p. vii.

2. A large body of literature exists in sociology and political science which propounds a concept
of 'democratic priorities' of economic and political development. See, for instance: S. M .
Lipset, Political Man: The Social Basis of Politics, N e w York, N . Y . , Doubleday, 1960,
esp. Chapter II.
54
Political science
mobilization; and (d) single-party systems, guided by an active ideology.

These theories constitute the Marxian and n e o - M a n d a n approaches.1 Reaction
to these approaches has been mixed in the developing countries. First, most
of them have rejected classical Marxism as a developmental model; even
those which have socialist ideologies have chosen to take a non-Marxist
(also non-Leninist where non-revolutionary) road to socialism.2 Hence, the
rise of such concepts as 'African socialism', 'Asian socialism', 'developmental
nationalism' in Latin America, etc.3 Second, most of those which have opted
for socialist development have also found it necessary to collectivize, mobilize
the various social forces, establish single-party systems and launch 'compre-
hensive' plans. Frequently, however, these arrangements have little or nothing
to d o with imitation of any particular model; nor are they based on any
particular social science theory, but rather o n pragmatic observations of day-
to-day problems.
Hence, theories which have posited essential universal prerequisites of
development in terms of Western or socialist experiences, as well as those
which posit certain 'scientific' stages of development 4 through which every
country must pass, have been discredited in m a n y countries of the Third
World. It is not possible at this point to decide which theory or set of theories
has been most effective where it has been adopted in the developing countries;
for experiences and lessons learnt since the late 1950s have neither validated
nor invalidated these theories. For instance, while some revolutionary m o b i -
lization approaches have encountered economic problems and apparent
failure (e.g. Sukarno's Indonesia, N k r u m a h ' s G h a n a , etc.) and the systems
have reverted to the liberal economic tradition, others which adopted the
Western liberal model all along have not m a d e dramatic strides either.5 Gunnar
Myrdal has clearly shown the relationship between classical and neoclassical
theories of development and the bias of the Western view of developing
countries. His exploration of the causes of failure in Asia leaves us with little
hope that present bodies of theory provide a satisfactory solution to the
crucial problem of the Third World. 6
W e cannot solve the conceptual and practical problems by merely conce-
ding that no particular prescription or model can have universal applicability.
Indeed, this is what some theorists—of both Western and socialist persuasions
1. Most African leaders w h o have adopted socialist ideologies have tried to show that the
development of their countries cannot follow the Marxist dialectic; and that m u c h will
depend on the prevailing international situation.
2. President Nyerere of Tanzania, for instance, has argued eloquently that African socialism
will have to follow a road quite different from that followed by European and other socialists.
See his Freedom and Socialism, p. 1-33, Dar es Salaam, Oxford University Press, 1968. Presi-
dents Sekou Touré of Guinea and Sedar Senghor of Senegal have argued in the same vein.
3. For a further discussion of this reaction, see: J. P . Nettle, op. cit., p. 15-17.
4. For stages of economic development, see W . W . Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth,
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1960. For stages of political development, see
A . F . K . Organski, The Stages of Political Development, N e w York, N . Y . , Alfred A . Knopf,
1967.
5. J. P . Nettle, op. cit., p. 17.
6. Gunnar Myrdal, Asian Drama: An Enquiry into the Poverty of Nations, N e w York, N . Y . ,
esp. Vol. I, p. 5-217.
55
D . E . Apter and S. S. M u s h i
—are beginning to admit. T h e Western-oriented theorists are starting to admit

that one must take account of local cultures and backgrounds; socialist-
oriented theorists are acknowledging that there can be 'different roads to
socialism'. Given this acknowledgement, h o w can development be defined?
H o w are its preconditions to be located? W o u l d a return to crude (theory-free)
empiricism be the solution? Again, seeing that industrialization will not be
achieved for a long time in m a n y developing nations, some theorists n o w
regard it as a separate issue. This seems logical, since to include industriali-
zation in the definition of development would limit the scope of the concept;
but such a modification would also require modifications in the indices of
development which often include industrialization and urbanization, a m o n g
other indicators.1
O n e attempt to get around this problem is by ranking the components
of development, modernization and industrialization in an ascending (or
descending) order of generality. Development—which is the most general—is
equivalent to the expansion of choice which itself'results from the proliferation
and integration of functional roles in a community' ; modernization, which
is a special case of development, 'implies three conditions—a social system
that can constantly innovate without falling apart (and that includes a m o n g
its essential beliefs the acceptability of change); differentiated,flexiblesocial
structures ; and a social framework to provide the skills and knowledge neces-
sary for living in a technologically advanced world.' Finally, industrialization
—a special aspect of modernization—is defined as 'the period in a society
in which the strategic functional roles are related to manufacturing'; and,
while it 'is possible to attempt the modernization of a given country without
m u c h industry . . . it is not possible to industrialize without modernization'.2
Thus, it is possible to define development without necessarily tying it to the
other notions and concepts of modernization (or 'Westernization'), industria-
lization, urbanization, etc. In other words, while these other phenomena
m a y be—and often are—associated with what w e have c o m e to consider
•modern life', and particular forms of development, they should not be used
to define development per se.
DEVELOPMENT AS A PROBLEM OF CHOICE
M o d e r n theory cannot ignore the problem of choices; for that is the m a i n

way for it to distinguish itself from the development theories of the eighteenth
1. Robert E . W a r d lists, a m o n g others, the following characteristics of modernization : (a)

high levels of inanimate sources of energy; (b) tool technology, mechanization and industria-
lization; (c) specialization and professionalization of labour; (d) high level of gross and per
capita national product of goods and services; (e) urbanization; (f) differentiation, achieve-
ment orientation and mobility in social organization; and (g) literacy, mass education
and mass media circulation. See his Political Modernization and Political Culture in Japan',
in: Claude E . Welch, Jr. (ed.), Political Modernization: A Reader in Comparative Change,
p. 88-9, Belmont, Calif., Wadsworth Publishing C o m p a n y Inc., 1967.
2. David E . Apter, The Politics of Modernization, p. 67, Chicago, 111., University of Chicago
Press, 1963. M u c h of Chapter II is devoted to this problem.
56
Political science
and nineteenth centuries which posited mechanical evolution accompanied

by inevitable 'progress'. Both the notions of mechanical evolution and the
inevitability of progress have been discredited. It is n o w realized that m a n
can—and does to a great extent—shape his o w n future ; and that the develop-
ment of his society rests largely on his efforts and rational choices. T h e rise
of the 'rational spirit' w e referred to earlier has resulted in what w e can call
'self-conscious choice' which characterizes modern society. Because societies
are n o w able to choose both direction and means of change, theories that can
explain h o w m e n choose (or ought to choose) are not only important but
urgently needed at this point. For development requires that people 'see life
as alternatives, preferences and choices'.1 W e r e it not for this, the social
sciences would be of little m o r e than aesthetic relevance to development;
but because of this, social scientists can contribute not only in terms of models
and theories, but also in giving enlightened advice and participating in the
formulation and implementation of developmental programmes.
The problem of choice should receive central consideration in planning
—partly because of the constraints set by the scarcity of resources, and partly
because all projects cannot be implemented at the same time, since sequential
order makes a difference. Hence, the problem of choice is not only concerned
with 'what' but also—and equally important—with 'when' to implement the
projects chosen. T h e importance of the time factor lies in the central role
of priority—determination in planning; the question of priority being more
crucial when a plan has a low-energy base, as is the case in m a n y countries
of the Third World. 2 There has been a tendency in the past to assume that
planning is the exclusive sphere of economists; and m a n y developing countries
did not seek the advice of other specialists in plan formulation and implemen-
tation. This was a mistake, for in most cases economic development planning
is viewed as a means of simultaneously achieving socio-political ends. A s
Reginald Green has observed:
Governments are rarely, if ever, interested in economic policy as an end. Economic

policy and projects are seen as means to attaining socio-political objectives; for
example, the rate of growth in the standard of living of groups to which politicians
belong, or from which they derive their support, is of more intrinsic concern to them
than the rate of growth of national product.3
This does not m e a n that politicians and public bureaucrats are uninterested
in effective economic policies and programmes. It merely illustrates the delicate
balance between economic goals and the fact that non-economists are impor-
tant in planning and advising on various developmental problems at various
stages. The role of non-economists is n o w acknowledged in m a n y countries,
1. ibid., p. 10.
2. For a discussion of the problems of choice in planning for development in a low-energy
society, see J. K . Nyerere, To Plan is to Choose, Dar es Salaam, Ministry of Information,
1969.
3. Reginald H . Green, 'Four African Development Plans: G h a n a , Kenya, Nigeria, and Tanza-
nia', The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 3, N o . 2, 1965, p. 251.
57
and their advice is being solicited.1 T h e economists' role is still the most
obvious, for economic growth is considered the central problem in the devel-
opmental processes and because it is easily quantifiable and therefore more
easily appreciated. Wilbert M o o r e has observed that the other social scientists
were invited to give advice because the economists' assumptions were found
unsatisfactory for 'with respect to questions of values and goals of economic
growth 'the economists were on the whole optimistic or untroubled. Starting
from the kind of hedonistic psychological assumptions that underlay classical
theories of economic behaviour, they saw no reason to view h u m a n nature
differently in other settings. Impediments to growth were more likely to be
identified as lying in archaic social structure than in any absence of acquisi-
tiveness. If attitudinal barriers were identified at all, it was in the shortage
of entrepreneurial innovators but not in the social values generally'.2 In other
words, economists tended to take for granted the existence of the 'rational'
economic m a n in every society.
W e said earlier that development must be viewed more widely than in
the traditional sense of economic growth. A United Nations report3 empha-
sized this, and suggested that it should include improvement in the socio-
cultural conditions of life as well, such as the development of h u m a n resources
through education, health and welfare. This focuses the problem of choice
more sharply. Given that most developing nations are low-energy societies,
h o w m u c h will they allocate to h u m a n resources and h o w m u c h to the natural
resources? Orthodox economism m a y recommend the development of natural
resources through technology, industrialization, land reform and higher
productivity as thefirstpriority. Yet, in some cases, the development of h u m a n
resources m a y be a prerequisite to development in the other spheres ; for w e
cannot expect to get achievement motivation and entrepreneurship from an
unhealthy, underfed and ill-informed population. Choices and priorities
must be m a d e in accordance with the demands of each situation, and social
scientists of all disciplines can play an important role in this : priorities refer
to such questions as whether agriculture should precede industry or vice versa;
as to when 'services' should be expanded; whether to expand technical or
liberal education, etc. In choosing a m o n g the available alternatives, the
questions of consequences or social costs must be borne in mind for the
'widely instrumental value of economic growth gives it a strategic value for
the start of a sequential chain of social consequences'.4
Another problem of choice concerns strategies : what role does the govern-
ment, private individuals and firms play? Or, as Alpert phrases it: 'Is devel-
opment to be conducted mainly on the initiative of private individuals seeking
1. See Wilbert E . Moore, 'Industrialization and Social Change' in: Bert Hoselitz and Wilbert
E . Moore (eds.), Industrialization and Society, p. 299-359, Paris, Unesco, 1964.
2. Wilbert E . Moore, 'Social Aspects of Economic Development', in: Robert E . S. Faris
(ed.), Handbook of Modern Sociology, p. 890, Chicago, 111., Rand-McNally and C o .
3. United Nations, Secretary-General, The United Nations Development Decade Proposals for
Action (United Nations report N o . E/3613, M a y 1962).
4. Wilbert E. Moore, 'Social Aspects of Economic Development', op. cit., p. 882-911.
58
Political science
to maximize private profit, or under the direction and control of government,

with the major, if not exclusive, objective of strengthening of the military and
economic power of the state?'1 Whatever their ideological orientation, most
governments in the developing countries are the real promoters of economic
growth. They do m u c h m o r e than is customary for governments in advanced
countries, and certainly m u c h more than governments did in Western countries
at similar stages of their development.2 S o m e countries which emerged from
colonial rule one or two decades ago use economic planning as a tool for
national integration—to avoid micro-nationalisms which are detrimental
to over-all national development. In certain areas, regionalism has produced
what Galbraith has called 'insular poverty',3 and in others micro-nationalisms
of small local groups have given rise to what Gunnar Myrdal calls 'circular
causation', poverty perpetuating itself.4
O n e of the important areas which require the close collaboration of all
social scientists is education. The correlation between education and develop-
ment has been demonstrated by Harbison and Myers in their attempt to
classify seventy-five nations into four levels of h u m a n resource development,
namely, developing, partially developed, semi-advanced and advanced.
Within these groupings, they found a high degree of correlation between seven
educational indicators and economic development. 5 Hence education can be
considered as an investment in future capacity rather than as a w a y of enabling
people simply to enjoy life more. Yet the educational system and curricula
must be carefully tailored to ensure that (a) the social implications of education
are well understood; (b) a particular type of education relates to the cultural
and ecological situation of a particular society; (c) the possible psychological
and motivational impact it will have is k n o w n . 6
The role that social scientists ought to play to generate development-
oriented education is not yet clear. For one thing, there is little agreement as
to what constitutes 'proper' education, or education for social change. Second,
there have been instances where the academic conception of 'proper education'
has seriously conflicted with the ideas of the politicians and bureaucrats in
the field. W h e r e 'advisers' have been foreigners, conflict has often revolved
around whether education should be based on certain qualitative standards
(often referred to as 'international standards') which have proved successful
elsewhere, or whether it should be based primarily on local traditions, or on
some combination of the two, In some cases, such questions have arisen
because certain foreign advisers (including those serving under United Nations
1. Paul Alpert, 'Economic Development', Scientific American, Vol. C C I X , N o . 3, 1963, p. 52-61.

2. Edward S. Mason, 'The Planning of Development', Scientific American, Vol. C C I X , N o . 3,
1963, p. 235-44.
3. J. K . Galbraith, The Affluent Society, p. 325-7, Boston, Mass., Houghton Mifflin, 1958.
4. Gunnar Myrdal, Rich Lands and Poor: The Road to World Prosperity, p. 11-22, N e w York, N . Y . ,
Harper & R o w , 1957.
5. Frederick Harbison and Charles A . Myers, Education, Manpower, and Economic Growth,
N e w York, N . Y . , McGraw-Hill, 1964.
6. See Solon T . Kimball, 'Education and Developmental Change', in Art Gallaher Jr. (ed.),
Perspectives in Developmental Change, op. cit., p. 73-5.
59
D . E . Apter and S. S . Mushi
auspices) have tended to assume that they are building—or ought to build—
upon a tabula rasa, which would m e a n the wholesale importation of an edu-
cational system. Thus Wilson, reporting the case of Africa, says :
There was, indeed, a naïve belief that Africa had no education, and there was no
understanding of the fact that education is itself part of the total organization of
any society, whether or not that society has anything which might be recognized as
a school.1
Similar assumptions on the part of foreign advisers have been reported in

connexion with Asia and Latin America by such writers as Donald A d a m s ,
Charles Wagley, Solon Kimball and Gilberto Freyre.2 It means that social
scientists, being called upon to advise the governments of the developing
nations, have to take a more 'positive' attitude if their advice is to be translated
into policy. They should be familiar with the backgrounds of these countries ;
be willing to heed and seek feedback from the local people; and, above all,
acknowledge the simple fact that the people they are advising are as proud
of their culture and traditions and as committed to their independence (in
some cases, only recently w o n ) as they themselves are to their o w n .
Three conceptual approaches
In the present section, we attempt to explore in a more analytical way s o m e

recent trends in developmental studies.
O u r analysis will focus o n three conceptual approaches; normative,
structural and behavioural. All three can be seen as revolving around, and
involving, the problem of choice w e discussed above. The normative approach
focuses on the values, beliefs, norms and traditional inertia, which together
give rise to a particular ideological orientation and influence the choices which
ought to be m a d e . The structural approach, o n the other hand, examines the
patterns of social action and interpersonal relationships. Social structure,
too, places limitations upon the choices that can be m a d e by individuals and
groups. Finally, the behavioural approach—a fairly recent one—examines
the reasons and motives behind the choices actually m a d e by individuals and
small groups ; it examines personality variables and dynamics of group beha-
viour. Political science owes almost all the social sciences for contributions
to these approaches. W e shall examine each of them briefly.
1. John Wilson, Education and Changing West African Culture, p. 17, N e w York, N . Y . , Colum-
bia University, Teachers College, Bureau of Publications, 1963.
2. See Donald A d a m s , 'The Monkey and the Fish', in Grove Hambridge (ed.), Dynamics
of Development: An International Reader, p. 361-8, N e w York, N . Y . , Praeger Publishers,
1964. A d a m s discusses Korean culture and its relations to modern education, and the role
of adviser in this 'sensitive and difficult' setting. For Latin American experiences, see Charles
Wagley, An Introduction to Brazil, N e w York, N . Y . , Columbia University Press, 1963. Solon
T . Kimball, 'Primary Education in Brazil', Comparative Education Review, vol. IV, N o 1,
1960, p. 49-54; and Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and Slaves: A Study in the Development
of Brazilian Civilization, N e w York, N . Y . , Alfred Knopf, 1964.
60
Political science
THE NORMATIVE APPROACH
T h e normative approach to the investigation of economic and socio-political

phenomena is an old tradition in thefieldof comparative politics. It is central
in the studies of Plato and Aristotle in so far as they were concerned with the
'good life', the evolution of a 'moral community' and 'self-sufficiency' as the
ultimate goal of the State. Aristotle viewed the polis as the fulfilment of the
'whole nature of m a n ' , and it was natural in that sense of the word, which
means the final and perfect condition of ultimate development—'not the
terminus a quo, but the terminus ad quern'.1 Students of political philosophy—
or the history of political ideas—have been interested in such normative
questions, searching for the 'best' form of government by which the 'best'
community would be m a d e possible.2
W h e n it comes to investigations of the principles and strategies of develop-
ment, the normative approach has often been more value-laden and ideo-
logically biased than the other two approaches. Partisans of the Western
liberal tradition will argue that the most efficient form of economic organiza-
tion is that which adds the aim of liberty—the legitimizing principle—to that
of development. Partisans of the socialist tradition argue that the most efficient
means of development would be achieved by adopting the Marxist idea that
the individual can only optimize his potential through the actions of the
collectivity. These represent differing views of the ideals of equity and legi-
timacy. The normative approach has not been very fruitful in comparative
studies and investigations of the prerequisites to development, precisely because
it has led to the formulation of models based on certain moral principles and
value-judgements which have little relevance to the countries under investiga-
tion. Normative theorists, more than others, tend to universalize the ideals
of their o w n society.3
The normative approach makes the implicit assumption that, unlike the
physical sciences, political science and the other social sciences are moral
sciences in so far as they are primarily concerned with individual persons and
the collectivity to which they belong. It thus focuses on the values which define
the equity and legitimacy principles, the norms which establish rights and
obligations, and customs which are the backbone of a civilization.4 In the
United States, Talcott Parsons represents a school of thought which has come
to be k n o w n as the 'value-consensus' school—a variant of the normative
school—emphasizing the role of values and norms in the maintenance of
social order.5 T h e sociology of knowledge school is also a variant of the nor-
mative approach—even M a x W e b e r , w h o has been identified with 'value-
1. See Ernest Barker (ed.), The Politics of Aristotle, p. 7-8, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1962.
2. See Apter and Audrain, op. cit., p. 92.
3. For a further discussion of this point, see David E . Apter, The Politics of Modernization,
p. 12-16, Chicago, 111., University of Chicago Press, 1965.
4. Neil Smelser, Theory of Collective Behaviour, p. 25-7, N e w York, N . Y . , The Free Press, 1963.
5. See Talcott Parsons, The Social System, Glencoe, 111., T h e Free Press of Glencoe, 1951.
See also Percy Cohen, Modern Social Theory, op. cit., esp. Chapters 1 and 2.
61
free' sociology, has been shown to have been 'passionately involved in the
events of his day'. 1
T h e normative approach demands that the analyst search deeply to
discover the inner meaning of the events and behaviour observed, m u c h in the
same way the psychoanalyst does in the case of individual neuroses. Obvious-
ly, this demands that the observer clearly understand the relationship between
his o w n values and those of the actor he is observing, the argument being
that 'the observer cannot perceive the meaning of values to others until he
identifies the significance of these values to himself'.2 This raises the question
of subjective versus objective interpretation of events by the external observer.
Analytically, he sees development as essentially involving the eradication of
traditional values and behavioural patterns by cultural diffusion or encultu-
ration. In this sense, Japan—which has retained some of its traditional charac-
teristics—would be considered a special case.3
T h e normative approach treats the whole society as the unit of analysis.
Closely linked with modern neo-Marxists as well as the holist school of struc-
tural functionalism, it diagnoses the meaning and functional significance of
social action in terms of 'what values they serve', or what 'social needs' they
seek to gratify. Such anthropologists as Malinowski, Levi-Strauss, M a x
G l u c k m a n and Radcliffe-Brown, were able to take the holist approach mainly
because they studied small-scale societies. Today, political scientists focus on
the nation-State as the unit of analysis. S o m e take values as the independent
variable, while others take them as the dependent variable. Barrington M o o r e ,
w h o does not subscribe strictly to the normative approach, insists that values
are only intervening variables.4 Debate about what variables are independent,
dependent or intervening is, of course, a senseless quarrel—unless both the
time and the situation are identified. Ideology and nationalist sentiments are
seen, by some normative analysts, as the major dynamic force behind change
and development in m a n y countries of the Third World today. T h e various
manifestations of socialist ideologies are considered to be development strat-
egies, aimed at forming a synthesis between foreign and indigenous values.5
Apter and Andrain have observed that the normative approach is based
on several assumptions which stem from its basic metaphysical orientation.
1. Reinhard Bendix, Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait, p. 266, Garden City, N . Y . , Double-
day-Anchor Books, 1962.
2. Apter and Andrain, op. cit., p. 93. See also Claude Levi-Strauss, Structural Anthropology,
p. 373, N e w York, N . Y . , Basic Books Inc., 1963.
3. In the case of Africa, it has been shown by Apter and Ali Mazrui that traditional values
can be adapted to fit modern situations. See David E . Apter, The Political Kingdom in
Uganda, Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1961 ; and Ali A . Mazrui, Borrowed
Theory and Original Practice in African Polities', in: Herbert T . Spiro (ed.), Patterns of
African Development, p. 91-124, Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice-Hall Inc., 1967.
4. See Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, p. 484-7, Boston,
Mass., The Beacon Press, 1966.
5. See, for instance, Leonard Binder, Revolution in the Middle East, N e w York, N . Y . , Wiley
1964; and Religion and Politics in Pakistan, Berkeley, Calif., University of California Press,
1961. See also Seymour M . Lipset, The First Nation, N e w York, N . Y . , Basic Books Inc.,
1963; and Clifford Geertz, 'Ideology as a Cultural System', in David E . Apter (ed.), Ideology
and Discontent, p. 47-76, N e w York, N . Y . , The Free Press, 1964.
62
Political science
Thefirst,and most fundamental, is that 'a major source of change in a society

stems from the conflict between opposing values and between groups articu-
lating contradictory ideas. Thus, change and modernization occur dialectically.
Every value gives rise to an opposite value. S o m e sort of synthesis emerges
from the contradiction between opposites'. The second assumption is that
m a n is a cultural being, and his subjective experiences are the key to social
events. The third assumption is that a sense of shared values is a sine qua
non both of democracy and modernization ; and thus value conflicts are seen
as a barrier to development and the achievement of democratic institutions.1
THE S T R U C T U R A L A P P R O A C H
By far the most elaborately articulated, the structural approach analyses the
limits within which particular choices take place. All forms of systems analysis
that refer to unit change are subsumed in this category.2 Pioneered by social
and cultural anthropologists, the structural approach concentrated on formal
organizations and institutions, remaining essentially descriptive rather than
analytical until after the Second World W a r . Even at this descriptive level,
the structural approach had certain advantages over the normative approach.
In so far as its methods were essentially comparative, it was found to be useful
for comparisons where the normative approach failed. It could be used for
comparative purposes partly because it avoided the problem of dealing with
the unique, and partly because it posited certain functional prerequisites and
equivalents. Hence, it would not be necessary to claim that a multiparty
system was necessary for democracy if it could be shown that democratic
behaviour obtained under some single-party systems. Attention is to be
devoted to roles and functions of concrete structures.
This early anthropological structural approach was later adopted—and
modified—by such political scientists as Fred Riggs in comparative adminis-
tration, Gabriel A l m o n d and Samuel Huntington in political development,
David Apter, Marion Levy and others, in modernization. Unlike the anthro-
pologists, these adopted a more abstract method of conceptualizing change
and development, focusing m o r e on analytic than o n concrete structures,
and then turning round to study the concrete structures in the light of the
analytic structures. Five variants of the structural approach can n o w be
distinguished. First, there are the pre-war 'institutionalists' w h o mainly
studied the legal and administrative institutions in Africa, Asia and Latin
America. They did not concern themselves with the problems of change and
development. Treating concrete rather than analytic structures, their methods
remained strictly descriptive.
1. Apter and Andrain, op. cit., p. 96-7.

2. For a distinction between concrete and analytic structure, see Marion J. Levy, Jr., The Struc-
ture of Society, p . 88-9, Princeton, N . J . , Princeton University Press, 1952; and Moderniza-
tion and the Structure of Societies, p. 20-6, Princeton, N . J . , Princeton University Press, 1966.
63
Second, there are the 'neo-institutionalists' a m o n g w h o m Huntington

is one. Focusing m o r e on analytic than on concrete structures, they examined
flexible establishments—parties, bureaucracies and. the military—and tried
to predict under what structural conditions development would occur or fail
to occur.1 The third variant is the 'group' approach. The group is the locus
of analysis—but according to A l m o n d ' s definition, the 'group' m a y include
even the individual. T h e focus is o n the dynamic characteristics of the group,
such as decision-making, and the role of the group in legislative and bureau-
cratic functions.2
Fourth, there is the 'structural-functionalist' approach. This is repre-
sented by the works of Marion Levy, Talcott Parsons, S. N . Eisenstadt, David
Apter and Gabriel A l m o n d (already cited), making m o r e complex assumptions
than the three approaches w e discussed above. In this approach, society is
assumed to consist of interrelated and interdependent parts. Each part per-
forms certain functions to sustain society. Because of the internal balance of
the parts, change is m o r e likely if it is exogenous to the system or sub-system,
although internal structural differentiation defines development. Applied to
the study of the developing nations, structural-functionalism is concerned with
such questions as (a) the prerequisites to modernization; (b) the essentials of
sustained growth; and (c) the socio-cultural conditions likely to result in
systems breakdown.
T h efifthvariant of the structural approach is the 'group' approach which
focuses on the economic interests of the various groups in the developing
polity: questions of social stratification, problems of allocation, etc., are
within its purview. Alternatively k n o w n as 'interest group' approach, 3 or in
a different form, the neo-Marxist approach, it investigates sectoral relationships,
as well as the general problems related to social differentiation.4 Conflict
between antagonistic groups is considered responsible for development,
itself involving changing patterns of social stratification, mobility and allo-
cation.5
Concentrating o n macro-units and the various sub-systems within society,
structural analysts address themselves to the questions of systemic main-
tenance in the process of modernization; structural relationships between
tradition and modernity; adaptation to new roles and creation of innovation;
unbalanced sectoral growth and the problem of redressing the balance. Such
analyses include case studies of African, Asian and Latin American countries.
1. See, for instance, Samuel P. Huntington, 'Political Development and Political Decay',
World Politics, Vol. 17, April 1965, p. 378-414.
2. See Gabriel Almond, 'Introduction: A Functional Approach to Comparative Politics' in:
Gabriel Almond and James S. Coleman (eds.), The Politics of Developing Areas, p. 33-4,
Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1960; and Almond and Powell, op.cit., p. 74-9.
3. See John Kantsky, Political Change in Underdeveloped Countries, p. 3-119, N e w York,
Wiley, 1962.
4. See, for instance, Michael G . Smith, 'Pre-Industrial Stratification Systems', in: Neil J.
Smelser and Seymour M . Lipset (eds.), Social Structure and Mobility in Economic Develop-
ment, p. 141-76, Chicago, 111., Aldine Publishing Company, 1966.
5. See Irving Louis Horowitz, Three Worlds of Development, p. 195-224, N e w York, N . Y . ,
Oxford University Press, 1966, esp. the chapters on 'Mending and Smashing'.
64
Political science
T h e various structural approaches are based on different assumptions, inclu-

ding the following: (a) that institutions similar to those in the Western countries
will result in economic development (pre-war institutionalists); (b) that the
non-mobilizational systems with strong legal and governmental institutions
would develop faster than those based o n mass mobilization (neo-institu-
tionalists); (c) that political development means a balance between structural
differentiation and structural integration,1 or structural differentiation and
co-ordination,2 (structural-functionalists and group approaches); (d) that
development in the Third World has been retarded by the reactionary bour-
geoisie which has both economic and political power—its interests and luxu-
rious Ufe being foreign-oriented, indigenous industrialization is retarded3
(neo-Marxists).
THE BEHAVIOURAL APPROACH
O f the three approaches, the behavioural approach is the most recent in

developmental literature. Itfindsits origins in psychological and group beha-
viour studies. N o w fully integrated into political science, anthropological,
sociological and economic analyses, the behavioural approach has great
potential for improving social science methodology; for it has brought into
these disciplines the quantitative techniques developed in psychology, which—
apart from those of economics—are more advanced than the crude beginnings
in the other social sciences.4
There are a number of problems involved in utilizing the immense findings
of various psychological studies. In thefirstplace, most of thesefindingsare
still very scattered and, as D o o b has observed, ' T o distill guiding principles
of a psychological nature from the voluminous literature on social change
requires almost foolhardy courage'. Yet it must be done, and the various
hypotheses tested and retested if they are to be of any practical use. D o o b has
attempted to 'condense and improve' twenty-seven hypotheses from socio-
psychological literature; they still remain to be tested.6 Second, some of the
most interesting findings d o not appear to be directly applicable to real (or
1. For this view, see S. N . Eisenstadt, Modernization: Protest and Change, Englewood Cliffs,
N.J., Prentice-Hall Inc., 1966.
2. For the concept of co-ordination and 'diffraction', see Fred Riggs, Thailand: the Moderni-
zation of a Bureaucratic Policy, p. 376-86, Honolulu, East-West Center Press, 1966. See
also his other writings on administration in the developing countries, op. cit.
3. See, for instance, Merle Kling, 'Towards a Theory of Power and Political Instability in
Latin America', in: John H . Kantsky, op. cit., p. 123-39; and Robert Fitch and Mary Oppen-
heimer, Ghana: End of an Illusion, N e w York, Monthly Review Press, 1966.
4. For a summary of modern psychological theories, see Melvin H . Marx and William A .
Hillix, Systems and Theories in Psychology, N e w York, N . Y . , McGraw-Hill, 1963 and
Morton Deutsch and Robert M . Krauss, Theories in Social Psychology, N e w York, N . Y . ,
Basic Books, Inc., 1965.
5. See Leonard W . D o o b , 'Psychological Aspects of Planned Developmental Change', in:
Art Gallaher Jr. (ed.), Perspectives in Developmental Change, op. cit., p. 45-67; and his
Becoming More Civilized: A Psychological Exploration, p. 324-6, N e w Haven, Conn., Yale
65
'natural') life situations, having been based mainly on carefully controlled

laboratory experiments. For instance, most attitude tests which have yielded
interesting results have been conducted under laboratory conditions,1 a n d
the Gestalt field approach—represented by writers like Kurt Lewin—has
merely given us some interesting insights into group norms and reference
groups, and h o w they relate to individual behaviour. Third, those psycho-
logical theories emphasizing childhood learning as the source of future inno-
vativeness2 and achievement motivation,3 raise more questions than they answer :
(a) H o w do w e expect adults in the developing nations to be resocialized and
prepared for n e w developmental roles? (b) Under what conditions d o attitudes
learnt in childhood change or persist? (c) W h a t are the possibilities for plan-
ning development 'psychologically', etc.? Psychologists have not agreed o n
the answers to these questions.
Despite the fact that there are still m a n y questions to be answered, beha-
viouralism has not only revolutionized social science methodology, but also—
and perhaps m o r e significantly—social science thinking on problems of change
and order. B y examining micro-units—the behaviour of individual persona-
lities and small groups—it has been able to raise questions and debates which
'institutionalism' has tended to either take for granted or ignore as inconse-
quential. The behavioural approach has been concerned with four main
aspects of individual and group behaviour. First, it inquires into the learning
and socialization processes. Social psychologists, anthropologists, political
scientists and sociologists have co-operated in this exploration. Second, it
investigates the sources of h u m a n motivation and entrepreneurial spirit.
This investigation is important for both economic development and
leadership potential.4 Third, behaviouralism examines the conditions under
which perceptions, cognitions and affect are likely to change: W h a t type of
communication is required? W h a t symbols are to be manoeuvred by the
leaders and reference groups to effect attitude change? Such questions are
especially appropriate for the countries caught u p in a transition from one
set of values to another. Finally, the behavioural approach analyses attitudes
of individuals and groups towards work, authority, given sets of values,5 etc.
Recently, there has been a growing interest in studies of the role of charismatic
1. For a survey of various experiments on attitude organization and change; cognitive, affective
and behavioural components of attitude, see Milton J. Rosenberg et al., Attitude Organization
and Change, N e w Haven, C o n n . , Yale University Press, 1960.
2. Everett Hagen has overemphasized the importance of childhood socialization almost to the
exclusion of the possibility that adult resocialization m a y give rise to development-oriented
attitudes. See his On the Theory of Social Change, H o m e w o o d , 111., The Dorsey Press, 1967.
3. See especially David C . McClelland, The Achieving Society, N e w York, N . Y . , The Free
Press, 1961. H e stresses the importance of achievement-oriented stories and reading material
for the young. Robert LeVine has attempted to link social structure and mobility systems
with achievement motivation. See his Nigerian case study, Dreams and Deeds, Chicago,
111., The University of Chicago Press, 1966.
4. See Lucian W . Pye, Politics, Personality and Nation Building, N e w Haven, Conn., Yale
5. For example, see Robert D . Hess, 'The Socialization of Attitudes toward Political Authority',
International Social Science Journal, Vol. 15, N o . 4, 1963, p. 542-59.
66
Political science
leadership in the developing world, and the conditions giving rise to such
innovative leadership.1
A n important advantage of the behavioural approach is that it has been
able to incorporate methodologically both normative and structural variables.
Thus, 'whereas the stiuctural approach does not usually deal with the indi-
vidual personality, the behavioural approach rarely ignores the aspects of
social structure which tend to shape, and be shaped by, the individual.'2 The
assumptions that behaviouralists m a k e with regard to the personal and group
prerequisite to development should be noted. First, Alex Inkeles, a m o n g
others, suggests that development begins with m a n ; 3 this is in line with our
earlier observation that 'modernization of attitudes' preceded other forms of
modernization in the developmental history of the Western World. Second,
behaviouralism asserts that development in the n e w nations will depend on
the quality of emergent leadership. This re-emphasizes the critical role that
'proper' education will play in these countries, Third, behaviouralists suggest
that development will depend upon the degree of self-confidence and 'future-
orientation' the people of these lands will acquire in the coming decade or
so. This, of course, calls for resocialization and re-education. Finally, it has
been suggested, that h o w soon transition to modernity is achieved will depend
on whether present plans are capable of inducing a high degree of achievement
motivation and 'other-directedness.'4
Conclusion
W h a t is suggested by the three dimensions—-normative, structural and beha-
vioural—is a general theory of choice or development. Seen from a political
point of view, norms establish purpose, meaning, priority and, in the end,
legitimacy. In this sense, politics is, above all, normative with governmental
warrants to rule based on h o w they act according to shared norms. Second,
the structural aspects of choice deal with h o w roles are allocated, and, as
Lasswell put it, ' w h o gets what, when, and h o w ' . The arrangements of such
roles in classes, tribes and other more or less durable groupings represents
the organizational basis of society by means of which individual and group
work and conflict are sustained. This, from the standpoint of political conse-
quences, includes the changing and emergent stratification patterns of indus-
trial societies and the impact on developing ones, a subjectfirstdiscussed by
M a r x and, since his time, one of the key concerns in an elaborate literature
which today tends more and more towards quantitative analysis. Finally,
1. See David E . Apter, Ghana in Transition, N e w York, N . Y . , Atheneum, 1963.

2. David E . Apter and Charles Andrain, op. cit., p. 112.
3. Alex Inkeles, 'The Modernization of M a n ' , in: Myron Weiner (ed.), Modernization: The
Dynamics of Growth, p. 138-50, N e w York, N . Y . , Basic Books Inc., 1966.
4. See Lucían Pye, op. cit.; Robert Scott, 'Mexico: The Established Revolution', in: Lucían
Pye and Sydney Verba (eds)., Political Culture and Political Development, op. cit., p. 330-95.
See also Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society, p. 43-75, N e w York, N . Y . , The
Free Press, 1958; and David C . McClelland, The Achieving Society, op. cit., esp., p. 159-335.
67
on the behavioural side, the analysis of political socialization implies a better

knowledge of the determinants of motivation, not to speak of questions about
the relations between culture and personality which so far remain unanswered.
For example, individual adaptation to virtually any cultural norms are so
ingenious and complex that the cultural determinism implied by the work
of H a g e n and others can be refuted.
Moreover, w h e n development is defined as the expansion of choice and
modernization, the development of roles germane to choice, then the n o r m a -
tive, structural and behavioural interplay between the different societies
becomes the important object of direct observation. So far, the analysis of
such relations has been limited mainly to those studying the general pheno-
m e n o n of imperialism or neo-colonialism, But, in truth, the relationships
between roles and people in modernizing and industrial societies are extremely
intricate and, quite often, more shattering than even a conventional Marxian
might imply.
Integrating normative, structural, and behavioural theories in the context
of development requires us to examine modernizing societies within the
international system, dynamic, often punitive, highly complex, but nevertheless
necessary to understand. Organized research in this direction can reveal
to us those gaps between theory and practice which need to be narrowed. The
policy implications are clear. The relations between modernizing and indus-
trial societies need to be m a d e more proximate to the needs, strengths, and
weaknesses of both. The relations of choice, normative, structural, and beha-
vioural are at work both in the immediacy of a single development project
and in aggregates over time. It is their dynamic interplay, and the theories
which explain it, which will enable us to go beyond the conventional develop-
mental theories of political science and to a 'next stage' where we learn what
not to d o by examining what has already been done. 1
David Apter is professor of comparative political and

social development at Yale University, and has held many
other academic appointments in Argentina, Ghana,
Poland, the United Kingdom, the United States
and Zaire. Amongst his recent books are Choice
and the Politics of Allocation (1971), Anarchism
Today (ed. with James Joli, 1971), S o m e Conceptual
Approaches to the Study of Modernizing Nations (1968)
and The Politics of Modernization (1965, 1966 and
1969) which has also been translated into Japanese,
French and Spanish.
S. S. Mushi was Assistant Dean of Law at the
University of Dar es Salaam and is now lecturer in
politics at the same university. His essay on 'African
Traditional Culture and the Problems of Rural Modernization'
is appearing in the new quarterly T h e African Review.
1. For a fuller analysis of these matters, see David E . Apter, Choice and the Politics of Allocation,
N e w Haven, Conn., Yale University Press, 1971.
68
Georges Balandier Sociology
Attention began to be paid to the problems of development at the end of

the Second World W a r . T h e reason for this was threefold and cumulative
in its effect: the general revolt against their status by colonial dependencies;
the calling in question of economic inferiority; the confrontation with the
radical changes that were then affecting all societies. N e w trends were thus
forced by circumstances upon the social sciences, and the ¡term 'development'
defined n e w branches of study in thefieldsof economics, sociology and poli-
tics. 'Development' referred to a broad set of notions and patterns of society:
the expression 'Third World'1—closely modelled on 'Third Estate'—em-
phasized the political significance of its claims and activities; the terms
'developing' country or country 'in process of development' were a neutral
or pessimistic w a y of expressing the constraint imposed by the obstacles
encountered during this process.
Development and sociology
'Developmentalist' research quickly produced an abundant crop of literature.

A rough bibliographical list, compiled during the 1950s and unpublished,
contains over 10,000 titles of publications directly relating to the economic
systems and the societies of the Third W o r l d ; and a recent work by J. Freyssinet
on the 'notion of underdevelopment', refers to more than 500 studies necessary
(or useful) for this definition alone.2 Specialist reports can be counted by
thousands. Information thus seems to be ample, and to be based more and
more on first-hand studies and evaluations of projects completed or in
progress. In fact, it makes it possible, in the first place, to estimate the
difficulties.
1. It was after the publication, in 1956, of a work for which I was responsible that this expression
became generally adopted and its use spread to the English-speaking countries; cf. Le Tiers-
Monde, Sous-développement et Développement, 1st ed., Paris, Presses Universitaires de France,
1956.
2. J. Freyssinet, Le Concept de Sous-développement, Paris, M o u t o n , 1966.
69
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XXTV, N o . 1, 1972
Georges Balandier
These difficulties are primarily due to the nature of the circumstances—

referred to at the very beginning of the 'Pearson Report': 'The widening gap
between the developed and developing countries has become a central issue
of our time'. 1 In 1968, the Secretary-General of the United Nations observed
that the average annual growth rate for the period 1960-65 had been 4.5 per
cent in the case offifty-fourcountries representing 87 per cent of the popu-
lation of the Third World, whereas the m i n i m u m objective had been fixed at
5 per cent.2 T h e disparity is brought out more dramatically by some political
scientists and sociologists w h o draw attention to the entry into the post-indus-
trial or 'technetronic' age of the so-called advanced societies at the m o m e n t
w h e n the others, in process of development, have just reached or are about
to reach the industrial age. Z . Brzezinski, comparing the areas of poverty
which he calls 'world ghettos' with urban ghettos, concludes: 'It is extremely
difficult to predict what the economic and political evolution of the developing
countries will be. . . . But the general forecast is not optimistic.'3 Projections
of a futurological kind are scarcely more reassuring; in 1965, the per capita
output in the advanced countries was more than twelve times that of the devel-
oping countries, and the prospective estimate indicates that towards the
year 2000 the difference 'will be' eighteen times more. 4
The challenge is at the same time practical (therefore political) and
scientific in character. In this latter respect uncertainties persist, despite the
research and studies carried out during the pastfifteenyears, more particu-
larly in the sphere of the social sciences. T h e societies in process of develop-
ment, that are n o w becoming modernized, represent the great majority of
societies and possess the largest population. They thus require the establishment
of a new form of knowledge, owing to their diversity, their situation which
has come to be called 'transitional', and their immediate problems. But there
is another difficulty, arising from the fact that the social sciences were built
up on the basis of a limited experience—that of what are k n o w n as the Western
countries—and in relation to a privileged type of society: the industrial society
originating in Europe. In these circumstances, concepts and theories, research
methods and techniques have often proved unsuitable for application to the
case of the societies of the Third World. The latter constitutes the real 'testing-
ground' for the general validity of the social sciences ; it has caused the reversal
of certain scientific views (the discredit, for instance, of 'fixist' interpretations
of the social phenomenon) and has prompted the search for a higher level
of generalization.
Consequently, the sociology of development, although it is a n e w disci-
pline, is already the subject of critical onslaughts. A . G . Frank, for example,
reproaches it with becoming 'more and more underdeveloped', like the socie-
ties to which it is meant to be applied. H e accuses it of being less and less
1. L . B . Pearson (ed.), Partners in Development, N e w York, Praeger, 1969.

2. United Nations, 'Towards a World Strategy of Development'. Report presented by the
Secretary-General at the Conference on Trade and Development, N e w York, 1968.
3. Z . Brzezinski, Between Two Ages, 1970.
4. H . Kahn and A . Wiener, The Year 2000, 1967.
70
Sociology
suitable to those societies 'for empirical, theoretical and political reasons'.1

T h e criticism is over-severe, but it is not without foundation. It is also m a d e
by specialists belonging to countries of the Third World w h o stress the difference
between the subjects (Western societies/non-Western societies) and the u n -
suitability of the scientific approaches. A . Abdel-Malek attempts to define the
'future of social theory', and therefore to m a k e a critical appraisal of its present
situation, on the basis of the following assertion: 'The universality of the
conceptual machinery of the social sciences is called in question, and the
twofold finding of unsuitability and difference must be recognized as an esta-
blished fact, or a constraining intrusion o n the part of the real world'. 2 It
is partly to meet this diflBculty that some authors have sought to differentiate
between applied anthropology and the sociology of development. R . Bastide
compares one with the other as being two logics of precisely opposite ¡character.
In his view, the former 'will tend to emphasize the importance of cultural
factors and outlook, which mustfirstbe changed so that changes m a y follow
in the social structures'; the latter 'will lay stress, o n the other hand, o n the
economic changes which should give rise to changes in the social structure
and, through them, to changes in outlook'. O n e is intrinsically more jqualita-
tive, the other more quantitative and associated with a voluntaristic conception
of development.
R . Bastide goes beyond a mere comparison of the two disciplines by
proposing a list of tasks which are of importance to the sociology of develop-
ment: (a) defining the criteria of underdevelopment, which m a y be of an
economic, a demographic or a social character ; (b) determining the internal and
structural obstacles to economic development; (c) defining the criteria of
social development, in other words, the effects produced by economic changes
upon structures; (d) compiling information o n the social agents (individual
and collective) in regard to their needs, their aspirations, their future pros-
pects and their capacity for action within the context of the society as a
whole; (e) formulating a strategy of development; (f) studying the problems
involved in the planning of development and in its supervision; (g) ascer-
taining to what extent development is conditioned by international rela-
tions. T h e programme covers a widefieldand its practical implications are
clear.3
It enables us to advance afinalseries of observations. Before considering
any specific action o n the part of the sociology of development, it is necessary
to state precisely the conditions and requirements that will determine its
scientific efficacy. There are four of them. A n y study bearing o n the societies
of the Third World calls for : (a) investigation of the structural characteristics
that distinguish this group of societies—and for which the term 'traditional
society' adopted by anthropologists and by sociologists under the influence
1. A . G . Frank, 'Sociology of Development and Underdevelopment of Sociology', Catalyst

(University of Buffalo), Vol. 3, 1967, p. 20-73.
2. A . Abdel-Malek, 'L'Avenir de la Théorie Sociale', Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie,
Vol. L , 1971, p. 23-40.
3. R . Bastide, Anthropologie Appliquée, Paris, Payot, 1971.
71
Georges Balandier
of M a x Weber does not provide an adequate definition;1 (b) identification

of the dynamics, the forces, which operate within those structures and are
potentially capable of bringing about changes in them; (c) detection and iden-
tification of the processes at work making for change in social and cultural
patterns; (d) lastly, determination of the external relations which affect the
gradual growth of societies in process of development and modernization,
and especially relations of dependence (including technological depen-
dence), due to which those societies d o not have full control over their i m m e -
diate future. In fact, the sociology of development shows itself to be a sociology
in process of formation ; nor could it be otherwise, having regard to the number
and variety of societies to be considered, and the obligation to study them
chiefly from the point of view of their structural changes. These societies
present us with patterns which are constantly in the process of formation
and crystallization; thereby accentuating the constraints of various kinds
which m a k e it impossible for us any longer to evade the obligation to build
u p a new sociology—a sociology that will be at once dynamic and genera-
tive.2
Approaches
The aim of thefirstapproach was chiefly to detect, to identify; it was sought

to determine the criteria peculiar to the societies of the Third W o r l d ; to
define the indicators that would m a k e it possible to measure states of under-
development. These states are determined in thefirstplace, by their outward
signs: demographic, economic, social and cultural, to which are often added
those relating, in a more general way, to structures and behaviour patterns.
This amounts, then, to a criteriology. But this method of cumulated criteria
appears to be inadequate and of doubtful validity. It is confined to the adding
together of heterogeneous criteria: statistical data (rates of population growth,
per capita income, etc.); structural characteristics (disarticulated structures,
structural dualism, etc.), and aspects considered to be c o m m o n and specific.
T h e result of this approach is a somewhat static image—that of a certain
particular state of the societies of the Third World—whereas the p h e n o m e n o n
of development requires a dynamic study and a knowledge of the processes
whereby the transition from one social formation to another can be assured.
The use of cumulated criteria makes it easier to detect underdevelopment
and describe its symptoms than to explain it; this method m a y contribute
towards a knowledge of the forms of underdevelopment, but it provides
very little information with regard to its mechanism. It has rightly been said
1. The work by E . Hagen, centred on the definition of a state of society (and a type of outlook
and personality) known as traditional, provides implicit evidence of this inadequacy: cf.
E . E . Hagen, On the Theory of Social Change, London, Tavistock Publications, 1964.
2. cf. G . Balandier, 'Dynamiques "du Dedans" et "du Dehors" ', Sens et Puissance, les Dyna-
miques Sociales, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1971.
72
Sociology
that criteriology is no more than a 'morphology', whereas what the study

of developing countries requires, more than any other study, is a 'physiology'.
The second approach relates to a typology based on differences. T h e
better to master sociological interpretation, a number of authors have reduced
the variety of societies acceding to development to one single type, presented
as a model of the 'traditional' or 'pre-development' society. This model is
constructed o n the basis of difference, of contrast to the model of modern
society which refers to the industrialized and technologically advanced socie-
ties as a whole; and so the 'traditional society'finallyemerges as simply the
inverted image of the 'modern society'. A n d this inversion is usually expressed
at three levels: the cultural (particularism/universalism), the psycho-social
(conformity/enterprise and efficiency), and the socio-economic (diffused
functionality/functional specialization). T h e contrast remains schematic,
therefore very distorting and of little validity.
M o r e recently, attempts have been m a d e to present a less-simplified
image of the traditional society. This applies to the w o r k in which E . H a g e n
puts forward his theory of 'social change', backed u p by case studies. While
observing, on the one hand, that societies governed by traditionalism are
highly diversified and, on the other, that several aspects of every society are
characterized by traditionalism, he nevertheless seeks for a definition of the
traditional society. H e notes five major characteristics or specific features:
(a) ways of behaviour continue with little change from generation to genera-
tion; (b) behaviour is governed by custom, not law; (c) the social system
presents a hierarchical (authoritarian) dominant which affects fundamental
social relationships; (d) the individual's position in the society is normally
inherited rather than achieved; (e) economic productivity is low.
After listing these constraints, E . H a g e n explains that the order of the
traditional society can only be upset by the action of highly powerful disrup-
tive forces; which is tantamount to recognizing that changes operating in
the direction of modernization or modernity are 'revolutionary' in character.
T h e reason for resistance to change is found in the conjunction of a Welt-
anschauung (implying domination by the environment and supernatural
powers), social structures of 'authoritarian type', and a 'personality structure'
which is itself authoritarian/dependent in character. There is a homologous
connexion between these three structural orders and they help to maintain
the domination/conformity relation; they combine to resist the forces of
protest and change. This touched-up image of the traditional society pin-
points some aspects that are characteristic of societies in their pre-development
state, but it remains very schematized.1
The third approach is the one which presents the problems inherent
in development in terms of processes or stages in a single (or several) evolu-
tionary series, which m a y be called neo-evolutionistic. O n e of the best k n o w n
attempts of this kind is that m a d e by W . W . Rostow: the general interpretation
is expressed in the language of economics, but it incorporates specifically
1. E . E . Hagen, op. cit.
73
Georges Balandier
sociological data.1 It distinguishes five stages through which every society

must pass in an inevitable order : thefirststage corresponds to the state of the
'traditional society', and growth is represented by the distance covered,
starting from that zero state; the last stage is that of high 'mass-consumption'.
T h efirstthree stages in the historical sequence are: tradition, transition and
take-off; subsequently, the system having become auto-dynamic evolves
towards the stages of maturity and high consumption. This contribution,
which rightly envisages the question of transitions, holds nevertheless to a
unilinear evolutionism that condemns the developing societies to repeat the
processes which have ensured the progress of certain of today's 'advanced'
societies, Rostow's theory disregards the possibility of the emergence of
hitherto u n k n o w n societies and economic systems. In some m o r e specifically
sociological research, on the contrary, the difference is pointed out. For ins-
tance, S. N . Eisenstadt observes that the process of modernization is liable
to breakdowns, it m a y produce diversified structures, and m a y operate o n
very different lines according to periods in history.2 In the case of those socie-
ties that are n o w in process of development and modernization, the change
is taking place, as it were, in a manner contrary to that which ensured the
growth of the industrial nations of thefirstgeneration. Rapid urbanization,
n e w aspirations and needs, modern political and administrative machinery,
international obligations—all these factors together impose their constraints
and bring their effects to bear before the economic and cultural structures
of the developing country have become consolidated, and before their o w n
dynamism can be brought autonomously into play. The outcome is a moder-
nization which is incompletely disseminated, which remains fragmented, and
is subject to breakdowns. T h e comparison established between forms of
development, according to the period during which development takes place,
would seem to be profitable ; it opens up n e w opportunities for the sociology
of development.
The past few years have seen the publication of a succession of studies
on modernization, and this has given rise in various disciplines to an increase
in 'dynamist' and comparative analyses, at the expense of functionalist or
structuro-functionalist analyses. The latter, as C . Black observes, have an
inherent bias in favour of equilibrium, and he goes on to say: 'The analysis
of a society in equilibrium must of necessity lead to limited results, because
societies are never in equilibrium. They are constantly in the process of change,
and it is the most characteristic feature of the modern era that change has
been more rapid and thoroughgoing than in any other period of history.'3
At the time w h e n this observation was m a d e , Marion J. Levy Jr. was reorga-
nizing his theory (and the Parsonian heritage) by means of a comparison
1. W . W . Rosto w , Stages of Economic Growth, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1960.

2. S. N . Eisenstadt, Modernization: 'Protest and Change', Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice
Hall, 1967.
3. C . E . Black, The Dynamics of Modernization: A Study in Comparative History, N e w York,
N . Y . , Harper & R o w , 1966.
74
Sociology
between 'relatively modernized societies' and 'non-modernized societies'.1 The

central topic of the study is, of course, a comparison of the problems entailed
by modernization problems with those entailed by stability.
Research carried out along the lines of nonconformist anthropology
leads to consideration of the dialectic of tradition and modernity. This is
reflected in the recent works of various authors, such as D . Apter, G . Geertz
and W . Wertheim. In a study dealing with 'political development' in India,
the Rudolphs, in their turn, draw attention to the need for breaking the
dichotomy between tradition and modernity. They state: 'If tradition and
modernity are seen as continuous rather than separated by an abyss, if they
are dialectically rather than dichotomously related . . . then those sectors
of traditional society that contain or express potentialities for change from
dominant norms and structures become critical for understanding the nature
and processes of modernization.'2
The above considerations m a k e it necessary for us to consider a last
approach—the one I have attempted to define as fitted to a dynamic and
generative sociology. It is in the developing societies that problems relating
to the coexistence of social formations of different ages, to the transition from
one structural system to another, crop up most vividly and in a practical way.
They confront us with patterns which are constantly in the process of formation
and crystallization; and in that process, they all reveal the importance of the
two levels at which, respectively, the powers of various kinds operate (political
level, in the wide sense) and values are engendered (cultural level, in the
wide sense). T h e problems at present confronting the developing societies
shed light on those of the more 'advanced' societies, and vice versa. In both
cases, the society, through the dialectic of continuity and discontinuities,
takes cognizance of itself as a continuing creation—as existing in the present
and projected in the future.3
Applications
T h e sociology of development came into being at the very time w h e n socio-

logists were being prompted to intervene practically in certain projects (or
programmes) concerning the countries of the Third World. Owing to the
urgency of the problems, it was not possible to wait for the theories of econo-
mic and social development (and their methodologies) to be formulated;
the policy for development, which should have derived from a body of accurate
information and an innovatory theoretical processing, was based on an empi-
ricism imposed by circumstances ; in a sense, application preceded the formation
1. Marion J. Levy Jr., Modernization and the Structure of Societies: A Setting for International
Affairs, Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press, 1966, 2 vol.
2. L . I. Rudolph and S. H . Rudolph, The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in
India, Chicago, 111., University of Chicago Press, 1967.
3. cf. G . Balandier, op. cit., 'Dynamiques "du Dedans" et "du Dehors" ', and 'Conclusion:
Sociétés Pluridimensionnelles'.
75
Georges Balandier
of the n e w discipline. This explains w h y , to begin with, sociologists conducted

their investigations in the light of their knowledge of the advanced industrial
societies.
There are, however, difficulties of another kind. It has become a c o m m o n -
place to say that the problems of the countries of the Third World are not
their o w n alone. Between the societies situated on the different rungs of the
ladder of material progress, relations have been established which have given
rise to some of these problems. Underdevelopment has a relational aspect,
viewed sometimes from a unilateral standpoint under the cover of neo-colo-
nialism and imperialism, which cannot be denied or underestimated. In this
case, external relationships, and the dynamics which they condition, tend to
dominate internal dynamics. The economists were thefirst—withinthe compass
of their discipline—to attempt to formulate the theory of these relations, w h e n
considering international economy and the role of trans-national business
firms. According to the degree of critical evaluation, they defined the devel-
oping economies as 'dual' economies, 'reflective' economies, economies
subject to the effects of domination or to the consequences of unequal ex-
changes, 1 'formations of peripheral capitalism',2 and so on. In this last con-
nexion, the relations between the 'centre' and the 'periphery' have been seen
as bringing about 'an aggravation of the structural characteristics of under-
development pari passu with growth'. 2 T h e macro-sociological analysis of these
relations, and of their practical and political implications, is m u c h less exhaus-
tive, although attention was drawn to its importance as early as the 1950s.*
Only recently, J. P . Nettle and R . Robertson have reminded us of this need
and m a d e afirstcontribution by putting forward a theory of the international
system: 'Recent discussions of evolution, industrialization, development,
modernization and so on have involved so m u c h implicit (rarely explicit)
reference to relations between national societies that it has become absolutely
necessary for the sociologist to include international relations within his
purview—as a normal part of his referential apparatus.'4 In this crucial domain,
theoretical work must continue, but in awareness that the practical tasks to
be carried out by the sociologist are on a less 'planetary' level.
If it is admitted that any development (as distinct from growth) is'revo-
lutionary' rather than 'evolutionary' in character, it must also be recognized
that it implies at least three 'revolutions—a technico-economic one, a poli-
tical one, and a cultural one. 5 The sociology of development has a practical
part to play at these three levels, by contributing to the building up of a b o d y
1. See esp.: A . Emmanuel, L'Échange Inégal: Essais sur les Antagonismes dans les Rapports
Économiques Internationaux, Paris, Maspero, 1969.
2. S. A m i n , L'Accumulation à l'Échelle Mondiale: Critique de la Théorie du Sous-développement,
Paris, Anthropos, 1970.
3. For example, G . Balandier, op. cit., chapter entitled: Sous-développement et Mise en Rapport
des Sociétés 'Différentes', revised version of text published in 1956.
4. J. P . Nettle and R . Robertson, International Systems and the Modernization of Societies,
London, Faber & Faber, 1968.
5. This is the subject of the work by P. Borel : Les 3 Révolutions du Développement, Paris, Editions
Ouvrières, 1968.
76
Sociology
of information, the determination of social conditions and effects, and the

evaluation of integrated plans and their results.
Thefirstof these levels lays stress o n the mathematical character of this
specialized branch of sociology, while at the same time revealing the limits
of the approach. This is particularly so when specialists study various pro-
grammes in 'simulation' with the object of drawing from them the appropriate
inferences, or w h e n they construct different 'scenarios' corresponding to
possible futures, thereby offering governments the means of making their
choice with a fuller knowledge of the facts. But any voluntaristic policy appears
defenceless in face of the resistance of the masses, and the study of these
opposing (or differently oriented) forces comes within the province of a more
qualitative research. T h e quantitative approach also tends to prevail in sur-
veys conducted for the purpose of working out a strategy of development;
these bear on productivity and wages, the dynamics of needs and incomes,
adaptation to change and level of training, the reactions of public opinion to
technological and/or economic innovations, etc. In thesefieldstoo, however,
a more qualitative analysis is necessary—not only for estimating the internal
obstacles to the carrying into effect of projects, but also for determining the
part played by cultural conditioning and the demands of the collective outlook
In some more particular sectors, specialists in the sociology of develop-
ment have achieved, often in co-operation with anthropologists, results of
immediate practical significance: for example, in the case of correlations
between economic development (and industrialization) and changes in popu-
lation structures and distribution; the structure and organization of primary
social groups (family and kinship); the relations between the sexes and age
groups or generations, etc. Models of change have been constructed o n the
basis of investigations of the monograph or survey type.
T o the extent that the Third World is becoming a battle-ground for
refractory peasantries, it is in the villages that the problems find their most
vivid expression, that they can be discerned in all their intensity. Sociologists
and anthropologists have therefore given their attention to the dynamics of
village communities, 1 the agrarian question, adaptation to n e w techniques,
the reorganization of agricultural activities and especially forms of co-
operation,2 and so on. 3 The study of rural unemployment, concealed or apparent,
together with the study of methods of 'mobilizing' the peasantry, have led
to an examination of the problem of ' h u m a n resources investments'. Such
investments are seen as a means of converting a negative situation (population
growth and rural unemployment) into a positive one (formation of capital
1. Numerous studies carried out in the most varied types of societies, including those under a
socialist régime: e.g. J. Myrdal, Report from a Chinese Village, N e w York, Pantheon Books
1964 and 1965; N e w York, N e w American Library, 1966; London, Penguin Books, 1967.
2. For example works by H . Desroche and his Collège Coopératif; works by A . Meister; Revue
des Études Coopératives, etc.
3. See the excellent analysis (and bibliography) of recent works on peasant societies and the
changes they are undergoing, in: J. M . Halpern and J. Brode, 'Peasant Society: Economic
Changes and Revolutionary Transformation', in: B . J. Siegel and A . R . Beals (eds.), Biennial
Review of Anthropology, Stanford, Calif., Stanford University Press, 1967.
77
Georges Balandier
and constitution of a dynamic of development). Recent surveys have shown

that it is important to avoid two particularly dangerous attitudes: on the
one hand, over-simplification of the problem due to an inadequate appreciation
of the difficulties and an insufficiently critical evaluation of the means ; and on
the other, underestimation of the possibilities offered by this m o d e of invest-
ment which is often accompanied by overestimation of the possibilities offered
by industrialization.1 Concurrently with this research, mention should be m a d e
of research on the concepts and the handling of 'Time', from which w e can
see the extent to which these are determined by culture and that any develop-
ment policy calls for the adoption of a n e w attitude towards 'Time'.
There are also numerous studies on industrialization and urbanization,
their pre-conditions and their effects.2 S o m e of these studies are of a general
character; they deal with the factors in and agents of modernization bound
u p with industry and the urban environment, the role of the various agents
according to the stages of development, strategies for the utilization of h u m a n
resources, etc.3 Others are more specific in character ; they are concerned with
the economic élites—the choices before them and their relationship to the
State, the entrepreneurial élites, the n e w social stratifications and the redis-
tribution of political forces, etc.4 Lastly, w e should mention—for they bear o n
decisive sectors and call for separate analyses—the studies conducted on the
subjects of education and development, 5 politics and development. With regard
to the latter, a great deal of documentation exists, in the form of general
studies proposing a theoretical interpretation of 'political development'
(processes, forms, functions of the modern State and of the bureaucracy),
and of special studies (examples of 'national constructions'). S o m e of them,
situated on the borderline between anthropology and political sociology,
examine the relations between tradition and modernity, the difficulties of
adjustment of the village authority to the system of administration instituted
by the rulers of the n e w States.8
In short, the exigencies of development—not of mere growth—raise
a question of prime importance : h o w can a positive change in the social and
economic system be brought about at the least 'cost'? S o m e sociological
studies provide a body of information and elements for the answer to this
1. E . Raynaud, Investissements Humains: Illusions et Réalités, Paris, Mouton & C o . , 1969.

2. A m o n g several new bibliographies, see esp. that of J. Brode, The Process of Modernization,
an Annotated Bibliography of Socio-economic Development, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard
3. See: B . F . Hoselitz and W . Moore, Industrialization and Society, Paris, Unesco, Mouton &
C o . , 1963; C . Kerr et al., Industrialism and Industrial Man, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard
University Press, 1961; F . H . Harbison and C . A . Myers, Education, Manpower and Eco-
nomic Growth, N e w York, N . Y . , McGraw-Hill, 1964.
4. For instance, the works of F . H . Cardoso, esp. Sociologie du Développement en Amérique
Latine, Paris, Anthropos, 1969.
5. In thisfield,an abundant documentation is proposed by the studies and projects sponsored
by Unesco; for the methodology of research, see inter alia: R . Castel and J. C . Passeron,
Education, Développement et Démocratie, Paris, Mouton, 1967.
6. For example, G . Balandier, Anthropologie Politique, 2nd ed., Paris, P U F , 1969; G . Althaber,
Oppression et Libération dans l'Imaginaire, Paris, Maspéro, 1969.
78
Sociology
question. They are beginning to contribute to a better knowledge of the prob-

lems involved in 'transition'; of social movements expressive of a demand
for changed social relations or of disappointment in face of a change (or a
revolution) which has miscarried; of the effects of social disorganization
resulting from economic development. Behind these great problems lies the
fundamental debate existing within every society—bearing o n 'sense' (the
means whereby it determines and maintains its identity) and o n 'power'
(the means whereby it achieves and exploits its material successes).1 The coun-
tries of the Third World demand the instruments of material power (of growth
in production) while at the same time striving to maintain a collective
personality—a sense of action undertaken in c o m m o n — w h i c h will remain
peculiar to themselves.
Georges Balandier is professor at the Sorbonne and director

of studies at the École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris.
He was recently visiting professor at Duke University and
is president of the Association Internationale des
Sociologues de Langue Française. Amongst his books
may be noted Sociologie Actuelle de l'Afrique Noire
(3rd ed., 1971), Afrique A m b i g u ë (latest ed., 1969),
Anthropologie Politique (2rd ed., 1969) and Sens et
Puissance, les Dynamiques Sociales (1971).
G . Balandier, Sens et Puissance, les Dynamiques Sociales, op. cit.
79
Cyril S. Beishaw Anthropology
This article is written exclusively from the point of view of a social and cultural
anthropologist. Nevertheless, this should not be taken to imply that archaeo-
logy or physical anthropology lack relevance for the questions being con-
sidered. For example, there are circumstances in which archaeological
investigation is crucial to the growth of a cultural heritage, on the one hand
contributing to national pride and confidence, and on the other stimulating
artistic forms of expression. Thus it m a y add to the stock of ideas and the range
of satisfactions which are part of the development objective. Again, physical
anthropology, w h e n linked explicitly to the behavioural sciences, can show
the bearing of medical, nutritional, demographic and anatomical factors
upon such diverse topics as the actions of a labour force or the culture of
poverty.
The scope of cultural and social anthropology
Anthropology is the discipline primarily concerned with the intensive, holistic

and comparative analysis of culture, including the movement of culture over
time, and the influence of cultures u p o n each other. Volumes have been written
defining culture, but a short-hand statement would be that culture consists
of all those material things and non-material ideas which m a n has produced
and which he continues to value. Central to the analysis of culture is the
identification of symbol, since without symbolization there can be n o recog-
nition, identification, communication, or valuation. Valuation is a most
important element in the analysis of cultural processes, since it is central to
choice and decision-making, which in turn are the essential elements of social
action. Thus the study of symbols, values, communication, and choice are
crucial to the questions that lie before us.
Anthropologists also study social relations, Unking u p with the work of
other social scientists. Perhaps the keys to the anthropological orientation here
are that social relations are (a) placed in a cultural context, that is related
to values, communication, and choice; (b) studied from a cross-cultural
perspective; (c) studied with the objective of cross-cultural comparison;
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Anthropology
and (d) analysed in a cross-disciplinary manner. B y the last point, I m e a n

that anthropologists traditionally draw theoretical perspectives from their
neighbouring social sciences, and hence apply the theories of, for example,
psychology, economics, g a m e theory, ecology, political science, sociology,
to their materials. N o t all anthropologists place equal weight on all theories
and perspectives, but it is taken as a matter of course that such varieties of
approach are legitimate, that there will be cross-fertilization and rivalry
between them. In its approach to society, therefore, anthropology as a whole
tends towards the synthesis of knowledge. It should be noted, however, that
I d o not claim, and no anthropologist can claim, that by this fact anthropology
subsumes the other disciplines.
In studying social relations, two broad perspectives currently stand out.
O n e is structural, that is with an emphasis upon normative regularities or
systems which are characteristic of given cultural groups. This approach tends
towards typological classifications and the identification of continuous work-
ing systems, from which behaviour and prediction can be derived in somewhat
conservative terms. T h e other begins with individual decision-making in an
environmental context, and derives norms, structures, and social organization
from such decisions and their interactions. S o m e anthropologists argue that
this approach, though not yet firmly established, offers greater potential for
the study of change, for systems analysis, and for mathematical and computer
treatment, as well as being closer to the realities of action.
The above points must be stated, at perhaps greater length than for other
disciplines, since there is a curious view in the general public, and a m o n g some
colleagues, that anthropology is an antiquarian subject, concerned with the
primitive and archaic. If this were so, then anthropology's role in development
would be rather like that of archaeology, except that our fossils would be living.
O r anthropologists would be limited to bringing archaic, lost tribes into the
modern world.
The point must be stressed that the characteristics I have mentioned above
are general ones. They are not limited to particular classes of society. It is
true that in the past s o m e anthropologists (the majority in some countries)
have concentrated on problems of cultural origin and evolution: but this
has not been a majority occupation for anthropologists for half a century.
It is m u c h more true that anthropologists have sought out other cultures, and
that most of these have been primitive. This, however, has not been an end in
itself. It has been part of an unconscious research strategy, making it m a n d a -
tory for anthropologists to cross cultural boundaries, to start from scratch
in the analysis rather than being moulded by a literature, and it has enabled
them to handle issues in what appeared to be, at least at first sight, simple
forms.
Anthropologists tend to avoid the term 'primitive', and think rather in
some such term as 'non-literate', which has a functionally operational defi-
nition. It should be noted that until recently, by far the majority of the world's
cultures were non-literate, another reason for anthropological concentra-
tion.
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Cyril S. Beishaw
But it should also be noted that anthropologists are giving specific atten-
tion, o n a large scale, to the study of peasant societies, to urban studies (parti-
cularly in Africa, Asia and Latin America), to market phenomena. They are
bringing the perspectives I have Usted above to the study of kinship in Western
society, to multiracial interaction whether it be in Africa, Belgium or the
United States, to the study of the culture of poverty. In addition, anthropo-
logists are applying some of the lessons they have learned in the analysis of
peasant and non-literate economies to the investigation of entrepreneurial
and market behaviour in the capitalist firm, and to the choices of migrant
individuals and groups. These are but a few examples of the predominant
interest of modern anthropology in non-archaic conditions.
Anthropology and the approach

to development
In considering the anthropological approach to development, three terms and

two spheres of scholarly activity must be distinguished. The terms are 'growth',
'performance' and 'development'. The spheres of activity are anthropological
contributions to the macro-analysis of social processes, and the implications
of empiricalfieldstudies for development theory and interpretations.
Usually the words 'growth', 'performance' and 'development' are pre-
ceded by the word 'economic'. This implies that the indicators used to judge
movement, or used in comparison, are derived from data about the formal
system which provides for the exchange of goods and services, as recognized
by economic statisticians. W h e r e it is desirable to recognize that there are
other elements in growth, performance, and development, the adjective
'socio-economic' tends to be used. T h e ambiguities and misconceptions
which flow from this distinction are extremely important to the future contri-
bution of anthropological analysis. Only a few of them can be summarized
here:
It is analytically unsatisfactory to apply the term 'social' to a 'social service'
or 'social welfare' sector, since such sectors m a y be treated either from
the point of view of economic analysis, or an anthropological socio-
cultural analysis. Similarly the so-called 'economic' sector can be treated
in terms of cultural components and social relations.
For similar reasons, movements in the economy of such organizations as
households, subsistence production, religious groups, voluntary organi-
zations; and non-measured elements in socio-economic processes,
such as the ideological influence of business executives upon each other,
are frequently ignored, or fail to be integrated into an analysis. In some
contexts this is unimportant, but in others it m a y m a k e all the difference
between a successful or unsuccessful prediction about the significance or
outcome of a developmental measure.
A n anthropologist must use the broad approach to data and analysis. H e must
recognize that religion can be thought of in the context of applying scarce
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Anthropology
resources to competing ends, and that a production decision by a board of

management m a y be influenced by cultural judgements and external rela-
tionships.
'Growth' implies a change in the volume of goods and services produced,
of purchasing power, or similar general and usually value-neutral indicators.
While the indicators are value-neutral in themselves, they are not value-
neutral vis-à-vis the society to which they are applied. 'Performance' implies
the degree to which events, actions, processes, maximize the satisfactions, or,
if you like, the objectives of the people in the society in question. Growth is
not synonymous with an increase in performance. It is quite feasible to have
tremendous growth according to all the current indicators, yet to argue that
performance decreased. The destruction of valued institutions, the channelling
of effort by authoritarian measures, are cases in point. O r a simple society
just m a y not wish to grow or develop. Growth and development would thus
represent a loss of performance.
'Development' represents an increase in the capacities of a society to
organize for its o w n objectives, and to carry out its programmes more effec-
tively. The essential element here is organization. W h e n , anthropologically
speaking, one society is developed and another undeveloped, the former is,
by comparison with the latter, able to m a k e m u c h more complicated decisions,
and to do more complicated things. This has nothing to d o with the direct
presence or absence of physical resources. N e w Guinea has vast resources,
but little complexity and sophistication of organization: Japan, H o n g K o n g ,
Switzerland use the complexity and sophistication of their organization to
control and use resources which, initially, are not within their boundaries.
The former is relatively undeveloped, the latter are relatively developed.
N o r has 'development' per se anything to do with satisfaction. It is
widely assumed in the literature that an improvement in development (and/or
growth) implies an improvement in satisfaction, or welfare. The fact is that
some forms of development under some circumstances improve performance:
other forms of development d o not. Anthropologists are perhaps in a better
position than any other social scientists to understand this, but their under-
standing has not yet been matched to an explicit and clear statement, in general
terms, of the differences in satisfaction that correlate with various types and
circumstances of development. This is a major challenge to anthropology:
until it is taken u p , anthropological reservations about some forms of de-
velopment will be interpreted as, and indeed m a y be, sentimental or politically
biased rather than scientifically objective. O n the other hand, other social
scientists, and, even more, political decision-makers, are just as naïve in a
more dangerous form, when they imply that development (and/or growth)
inherently means increased performance. (As an aside, it might be noted that
a n e w element in protest movements is essentially anti-developmental, and
pro-simplicity.)
Anthropologists find themselves uncomfortable in the movement back
and forth between microfieldstudies and the macro interpretations that are
increasingly necessary. M o r e than any other social scientist, except perhaps
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Cyril S. Beishaw
historians, they are aware of the gap between general theory and broad inter-
pretation on the one hand, and empirical, down-to-earth interpretation on
the other. Almost every general statement turns out to be simplistic w h e n the
real fate of h u m a n communities is in the balance. A great part of the applied
role offieldstudies has in fact been to show that theoretical of common-sense
prescriptions just d o not work like that, and that what appears to be most
sensible and normal in a regional or national office is thought of as most
insensible and abnormal by the people whose fate is being influenced. Yet
to leave matters there is insufficient. A n y broad theory, and any practical
policy, is and must be an approximation. A major task of anthropology is
to c o m e to terms with such approximations, and the best w a y to d o this is
to attempt to formulate alternate or modified general theories and policies,
a task that anthropology has tended to ignore. A concomitant is that the
often irritatingfieldcriticisms of anthropologists should be taken construc-
tively, and collated and used in the modification of the theories and policies
of others. This indeed might be a good time for a stock-taking of that kind,
i.e. a consideration of the theories of other social sciences, and of general
developmental policies, in the light of anthropologicalfieldreports.
With these considerations in mind, let us for a m o m e n t examine certain
development propositions which would receive general currency today.
1. It is certain that development implies change involving new objectives,
ideas, methods, forms of relationship. It can sometimes happen that
such change m a y take place as part of a regrouping of social forces
which m a y have the effect of reducing the growth in national income for
a short or long period as a means of providing a foundation for self-
sustained growth. This poses serious problems in judging development
effects, particularly as between a short- and long-term view. It also poses
problems in the judgement as to whether a particular form of de-
velopment is desirable or undesirable in the eyes of the population,
particularly in relation to its political philosophy.
2. While stress is placed on the ability of particular countries to guide their
o w n destiny, and generate their o w n growth and development, this is
becoming less and less realistic. Note two points. Nationalism m a y be
a most useful driving force to overcome the effects of cultural segmenta-
tion, and to ensure that goals are in accord with the world-view of a
country. But (a) nationalism m a y also provoke regional hostility and
stamp out local initiatives; and (b) nationalism m a y prevent the movement
of ideas across national boundaries. Further, it m a y be the case that
international, para-national and supra-national organizations (economic,
cultural and political) are at the point of having a determining effect o n
the abilities of national governments to m a k e decisions. Thus both the
internal and the external relations of governments need to be studied
for their effects o n development.
3. That the structure of developed countries m a y affect the position of
developing countries needs great stress. O n e need only point to such
factors as : (a) the attitudes of people from developed countries creating
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Anthropology
reactions in developing countries, both during personal visits and as c o m -

municated in the media; (b) the fragmented structure of government
organization in developed countries has imposed a fragmented structure
on international organization and on the administration of aid in
developing countries; (c) philosophies related to the value of work and
the nature of organization m a y not mesh the development needs of
particular countries.
4. There is a considerable danger of ethnocentrism as Western scholars
and advisers make assumptions about the nature of society in developing
countries and talk of the way in which parts of that society must change
prior to a development take-off. For example one hoary fallacy of long
standing, still heard today despite tremendous contrary evidence, is that
the destruction of extended kinship systems and of complex ceremonial
is a prerequisite to development. This is true only if the development
model being reached for is that of Western society in its detail: but as
other cultures (e.g. Japan, Taiwan) develop w e k n o w that m u c h more
variation is possible than w e thought before. This is not just a philosophical
issue. Government measures directed towards such destructions m a y
indeed hold up development if they have been poorly judged.
5. W e d o not yet k n o w about the conditions under which speedy develop-
ment can take place with minimal counter-effects and with an optimal
effect upon the creation of solid and enduring foundations for permanent
development. It is probably not sound to categorize crash programmes
of rapid change as 'development' and slow processes of movement as
'non-development'. They are simply two different speeds of change.
Furthermore, while m a n y crash programmes or revolutionary movements
m a y be both desirable and necessary, they can under some circumstances
set back the time-table very seriously. See paragraph 1, above.
6. The anthropologist is very deeply aware that self-consciousness, aware-
ness, co-ordination and planned analysis aie optimally desirable, and
should hasten and m a k e more certain the foundations of development—
provided those w h o are directing matters k n o w what they are doing.
The holistic bias in anthropological field studies leads inevitably to this
conclusion, and it w a s this kind of philosophy which led to the original
notions of community development (in its substantive rather than its
group dynamic form).
But there are some very serious qualifications to this proposition. First, the
anthropologist, because he endeavours to work from the point of view of the
people he studies, becomes more aware than most outsiders of the fact that
almost all plans and projects are imposed, even where the philosophy is one
of consultation. This raises questions of justice and of technical effectiveness.
Second, it is almost impossible, given current techniques in use, to provide
over-all planning, and smaller-scale project designing, which is 100 per cent
effective within, and only within, the terms of the designers. The primary
reason for this is that social science analysis (other than economics) is not
included in the planning technique, or is not appropriately adapted to that
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Cyril S. Beishaw
technique. But even if it were there would inherently be a large measure of

discrepancy. Thus, the effects of a plan or a project, particularly in terms of
spin-off effects in related areas, are largely unpredicted, unexpected, unana-
lysed and unnoticed. S o m e observers believe that these unplanned effects
are often the major reasons for the success of a project, and that most de-
velopment, historically and currently, even where planning is sophisticated, is
of this order.
If this were to be true, the function of planning might be more modest,
and at the same time more subtle. It would be to find crucial points in the
socio-economic system which could be influenced for m a x i m u m derived and
multiplying effects. There is a great deal in the anthropological materials
which bears upon such linkages, but at the m o m e n t this has resulted in little
by way of clear theoretical conclusion couched in terms useful to the develop-
ment planner.
Educational policy
The quantity of work directed by anthropologists to the study of formal educa-

tion is relatively small, although it has a long history. M u c h of it has been
carried out in contexts in which alien or national educational philosophies
and systems have been applied to cultural groups which d o not share the
philosophy or have sympathy with or understanding of the system. The i m m e -
diate problems have therefore been of ethics and of educational content as
it affects the ability of a child to learn effectively those matters which help
him take his place in changing society, yet with a respect for the values which
he derives from his o w n culture.
F r o m this point of view, the severe contradictions and ethical problems
involved in educational action can hardly be resolved by reference to a general
a priori theory, but only through a very intimate analysis of the total context
in which the school system finds itself. It could be argued, for example, that
some of the most rapid and enduring changes in personal skills and viewpoints
have occurred where children have been removed from the family at an early
age, and hence from contact with their basic culture, and subjected to intensive
education elsewhere. But this must be in terms of the destruction of the pre-
existing culture, since it either means the removal of all its future carriers,
or the removal of those judged to be the most alert and responsive to teaching.
A n d it creates severe stresses and counter-frustrations if the children in effect
return to their basic cultural environment following this shock treatment.
Hence such processes have been thoroughly discredited, and the problems
that remain are ones of relatively modest and constrained influence aiming
at a congruence with and a bridging of cultures, and thus dependent on the
goodwill and understanding of parents, and the training of teachers to under-
stand and recognize the challenge of cross-cultural education.
This latter point is crucial, and gives great cause for worry a m o n g anthro-
pologists. W e are aware that m a n y anthropological materials are in use in
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Anthropology
the training of teachers for such purposes, but that they are often misused
to over-simplify or to reinforce prejudices, and that m a n y systems of teacher
training fail to communicate the most basic information about processes
which relate to the function and operation of the school within a societal
context. M u c h is m a d e of the role of the school to create change, which some-
times gives a messianic or reforming role to teachers for which they are not
given a mandate by local political and familial authority, and which they are
not trained to understand. Often teachers overcome this deficiency by personal
sensitivity, dedication, modesty and example: but others run head-on into
cultural resistance, and become discouraged and defeated.
Anthropological knowledge can be and has been used to influence the
curriculum to m a k e it more meaningful and relevant for developmental transi-
tion. This work has been thin on the ground, patchy in its applications, and
uncertain in its results. A critical and positive appraisal is urgently required.
A second contribution which anthropology has m a d e is a result of
field studies which have cast light on the general processes of socialization,
the ways in which values tend to be formed, and the influence of institutions
such as age-grade initiation o n the formation of loyalties. There is some
impact of these studies upon teacher training. But a wider implication has
not, to the same extent, m a d e its more general impact. While m a n y of the
detailed studies have little relevance for development, the underlying problem
has. It is that formal education is not the only, and m a y not even be the main,
influence on the creation of points of view, incentives, drives and orientations
to action. Because the formal educational system is somewhat amenable to
government influence, it tends perhaps to be overestimated in the total context
of formative influences. While social theories pay adequate attention to other
factors, development planning practices ignore them, or regard them as nuis-
ances to be overcome through action within the formal system. If too heavy
a burden is placed on the formal educational system, there is danger that it
will c o m e to be treated as an enemy, or will in practice cease to have effective-
ness.
Education is both a goal and a means. A standard, a quality, and a direc-
tion of education will in any society be judged against an ideal, the judgement
constituting one component in the society's estimation of its o w n perfor-
mance. A change m a y improve or distort that performance. Furthermore,
education creates and channels incentives, personal objectives, and occupa-
tional skills, and m a y be articulated with the total socio-economic system in
an instrumental or anti-instrumental way. The bearing of education upon devel-
opment must be decided through a juxtaposition of all these considerations.
Here the contribution of anthropology is, potentially, to link education
to the cultural goals of the society, and perhaps to draw attention to some
skills and incentive orientations which might be overlooked by disciplines
less concerned with cross-cultural values.
There are two further points at which anthropology might join with
sister disciplines. The ability of a society to m o v e ahead in a developmental
context, and yet to retain and improve its satisfactions, depends in some
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Cyril S. Beishaw
degree upon the manner in which it can secure the solution to n e w problems
which arise, in its o w n terms. T h e presence of problem-solving skills, in a
form in which m e m b e r s of the population can tackle new questions in n e w
contexts creatively, is thus crucial. Anthropology can sometimes reveal w e a k -
nesses in the educational orientation, such as dependence upon knowledge
linked with the solution of old problems, rote learning instead of question
forming, and the solution of problems in an ethnocentric manner inappro-
priate to the society in question (especially by outside advisers).
Further, anthropologists, a m o n g others, are aware of the lack of social
science skills in m a n y of the developing countries, lack of support for indige-
nous social science research, and the lack of awareness by governments
of the need for social science education and support. This is perhaps less
true for some disciplines than for others, but it is certainly true for anthropo-
logy. If w e are considering the degree to which the educational system is
structured to provide required skills, the social sciences should be included,
to the relevant degree, a m o n g those skills: but, as with others, their mere
existence is only part of the question.
The other part is the degree to which the institutions of the society can
absorb and use them.
Scientific a n d technological policies
Quite frequently, governmental and scientific establishments pose the follow-

ing type of question: given the need for scientific and technological advance,
and given the formation of a suitable policy, h o w can social scientists help
to render the policy palatable, and h o w can they soften its effects o n the p o p u -
lation? Put in this kind of way, the question alienates social scientists, w h o
note, further, that the definition of what is socially relevant tends under such
circumstances to be made by scientists, or technicians, with the occasional
help of economists. Resulting tensions have certainly occurred in developed
countries. In developing countries they m a y be discounted by the obvious
need and priority for scientific and technological development: nevertheless
they are muted perhaps only by the condition that social scientists are seldom
in a position to speak up.
For the primary matter for concern, which is increasingly coming to
be recognized, is of a different order. It includes such questions as : given the
social and cultural objectives of the society, what science and technology
policies meet them best? H o w can the inquiries of social scientists reveal
these objectives, and make it possible for science and technology to fit them?
H o w can the social sciences analyse the comparative effects of alternative
policies, to reveal the ones with the most suitable mix? In other words, given
m a n , h o w can science and technology help him, not given science and techno-
logy, h o w can m a n be m a d e to fit?
Anthropology is better equipped n o w than at any other time to contribute
to such questions and answers, both in theoretical perspective and in field
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Anthropology
detail. There is n o w a considerable accumulation offieldstudies delineating

the effects of technological change, and providing information about h o w
choices are m a d e when innovations appear. There are a few studies of the
w a y in which world view, philosophical systems and cultural preoccupations
affect the work of technicians and scientists, and the choices m a d e about
policy. T h e strong current interest in cultural and biological ecology puts
anthropology in a position to consider m o r e effectively the social implications
of environmental change brought about by scientific and technological appli-
cations (pollution, river-basin development, growth of cities). The use of
mathematical models in economic anthropology and studies of decision-
making is bringing the analysis of social institutions closer to the point at
which they can be analysed in terms which link more readily with other social
sciences, e.g. with cost-benefit analysis.
Anthropology can also consider the total social and cultural framework in
which scientific and technical policy operates: its congruence with social
values; its link with status and reward; its degree of penetration through the
stratification system; the manner in which institutions require or reject ex-
periment and innovation; and the implication of such matters for development
and satisfaction.
Communication
If communication is thought of in the sense of mass media, anthropology at

present has very little to say about it except in common-sense terms. It is true
that the M c L u h a n school of thought borrowed heavily from anthropological
relativism in order to demonstrate the existence and likelihood of non-linear
cultures. Most anthropologists would argue, however, that such judgements
are based o n an as yet undemonstrated relationship between the linguistic
and symbolic apparatus of a culture, and behaviour. At the best the extrapo-
lations to contemporary society, and notions such as world tribalism, represent
rather crude analogies and elaborations of half-truths.
Other, more controlled, studies of the mass media, are not normally in
the anthropological domain, although it is likely that some contact will develop
in the future.
O n the other hand, anthropologists tend to be somewhat critical and
sceptical of an over-concentration of attention to the mass media in c o m m u -
nications studies, and this has perhaps prevented them from applying some
of their potential knowledge, e.g. through the analysis of the use of symbols
in television programmes, of audience impact in multi-cultural or stratified
societies, at least in any concerted manner.
In another sense, communication is at the centre of anthropological
studies. Communication, despite the slogan 'the m e d i u m is the message',
cannot take place without symbols, that is recognized stimuli or signals which
are interpreted with meaning. Symbols, meaning, ideas, are at the very heart
of culture, and the analysis of culture is what anthropology is largely about.
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Cyril S. Beishaw
There is a vast corpus of studies which present hypotheses about the ways in
which symbol systems relate to action and reaction. Strangely enough, struc-
tural and cultural anthropology, in this sense, is often thought of as an academic
philosophical exercise with few applications to the real world, and it must be
admitted that most anthropologists concerned with such matters have not
m a d e the transition to think of applications. The nearest w e get to it is the
rather vague consideration of cultural themes and values which s o m e h o w
underlie action orientations, and hence which govern predispositions to
development—a highly debatable and not particularly rigorous set of pro-
positions. In this wholefield,anthropology is far behind psychology: yet the
anthropological materials, in a multi-cultural world, are, in m y view, poten-
tially more powerful, with considerable implications for their use, for good or
ill, by the media manipulators.
A further potential contribution, again lying at the theoretical core of
anthropology, m a y be termed transactional, or social exchange, analysis.
Social relations, it is postulated, consist of transactions between persons
w h o exchange words, ideas, affects, power, material things and symbols.
Such transactions are the raw material out of which w e abstract roles, social
structure, social networks and organization. Transactions are, of course,
acts of communication, and are essential to the anthropological understanding
of communication.
The relevance of these notions for development are very direct, although,
since the theoretical analysis is in its infancy, the refinement of applications
leaves m u c h to be desired. The importance of the approach can be indicated
by two examples : (a) The movement of any idea or practice and the diffusion
of its acceptance is dependent upon a wide range of factors. But one of these
consists of the network of transactional relationships, and the body of obli-
gation, power and self-interest which affect decisions in the course of the
transactions. A n y development programme which is based o n a false analysis
of the network will be reduced in effectiveness, (b) It can be argued that the
capacity of a culture to produce innovations, other things being equal, will
be a function of the size and complexity of the pool of ideas. It can further
be argued that the size of this pool consists not only of, as it were, the n u m b e r
of different ideas, but also of the velocity of their circulation. (This is somewhat
on the analogy of the quantity theory of m o n e y . ) If this is so, then c o m m u n i -
cation must be a crucial variable in a society's capacity to innovate.
Cultural policy
Like other matters considered here, cultural policy m a y be considered to be
a means contributing to development, a goal of development and performance,
and a factor which development programmes must take into account. It w a s
once the case that most anthropological field studies concerned themselves
with tribal or sub-cultural values in a context isolated from the main de-
velopmental trends of the national political entity of which the sub-cultures
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Anthropology
were a part: indeed it used to be said that even here the anthropologist's in-
depth knowledge was of a village rather than a culture.
These points have never been wholly true. Studies of cultural change and
applied anthropology have almost always been in the context of wider consi-
derations. Further, the methods and interests of contemporary anthropologists
are n o w such that they combine their traditional participant observation
techniques with sampling and statistical analysis, to handle larger cultural
areas and to relate these to national and multi-cultural trends. Techniques and
perspectives are in some respects blending with those of sociology.
It is, however, still true that most anthropology involves an intimacy of
involvement with the culture being studied which is not as typical of other
disciplines. Anthropologists tend to identify with the people with w h o m they
work. Such identification has some obvious risks, of losing broader perspec-
tives, of losing sight of the fact that the anthropologist is still in some sense an
outsider, of playing a role as spokesman for the culture. O n the other hand,
in m a n y instances the issues and analyses presented will simply not be m a d e
unless the anthropologist makes them. It is in the very nature of anthropology
that the materials be obtained at the grass-roots level, and that development
be viewed primarily from that perspective. Since development is meant to be
at the service of m a n , one would hope that such a perspective would be recog-
nized and valued, even where it might lead to a modification of enthusiastic
national goals.
The success or failure of anthropology here will be a response not only to
the competence of anthropologists, but to the ambience of the national system
within which their studies take place. Clearly, the task and success of anthro-
pology will be m u c h greater if national policy is based upon tolerance of
cultural variation, and a determination to link national development to the
interests of the sub-cultures which make u p the nation, and the creation of a
national social system based upon a respect for interaction between members
of such sub-cultures.
Yet it is true that the analytical techniques and interests of anthropology
have seldom been clearly focused on the problem of the instrumental results of
different kinds of compromise and interactions between sub-cultures and the
national organizations, a problem which can have major importance for
developmental policy in m a n y countries. This is not for lack of knowledge
or technique, but rather because of such matters as a lack of anthropological
manpower, and a failure by both anthropologists and governments to grasp
the implications. Again, a few examples will have to suffice. Anthropologists
have done some work, and could carry out m u c h more, on such problems as :
(a) the adaptation of national and commercial institutions to regional cultural
differences; (b) the implications of cultural and linguistic variation for the
effective operations of a national civil service ; (c) increasing the visibility and
understanding of cultural achievements as a contribution to a growth in
regional and national pride and identity; (d) the identification of significant
sub-cultural differences in order to sensitize developmental policy and render
it more effective ; (e) analysis of the significance of frictions in communication
91
Cyril S. Beishaw
between sub-cultures, as a factor inhibiting the operation of a social

system.
T h e analysis of culture has m a n y broader facets of basic significance to
the theory and practice of development, particularly if development is to
be related to performance. Culture, to the anthropologist, consists of ideas,
artefacts and symbols. Artefacts have long been recognized as an important
element, as capital, in the resource stock which provides the tools and the
mainspring for economic movement, and hence development. T o the anthro-
pologist, ideas and symbols are equally important: they are part of m a n ' s
heritage, the cultural stock which must be drawn upon if action is to take
place. While their mere use does not cause depreciation, they contain their
o w n systematic dynamism, as old ideas give w a y to new. T h e interrelation
of elements in the cultural stock is an important area of investigation for
anthropology, although so far there has been little attempt to connect ideas
to their instrumental functions and implications, a connexion which must
be m a d e more systematically if the significance for development is to b e
followed through.
T h e w a y in which a cultural system operates has been traced from several
distinct viewpoints. Culture is so complex, and by its very nature so difficult
to measure, that most interpretations have a strong subjective, even philo-
sophical, flavour. This is likely always to be the case, although occasionally
corrected by more neutral scientific attempts. For example, culture cannot be
s u m m e d , it can only be described. Thus, w e could construct a behavioural
profile of culture, which consists of a list of those things which people in a
culture actually express through behaviour. Such a profile would be somewhat
similar to a level of living index, although including m u c h broader values.
W e can also construct a potential profile of culture, which consists of a listing
of the goals and aspirations of a people, given certain conventions of analysis.
T h e interaction over time between elements in the two profiles gives relatively
controlled indications of connexions within the cultural system: the rela-
tionship between the behavioural and the potential profiles gives an indication
of the state of performance of the culture: and the degree of complexity
exhibited in the profiles, together with the instrumental effectiveness of its
elements, provides indications of the state of development.
The promotion of development action
T o s u m up, anthropology can enter effectively into the analysis of development

strategy and projects whenever the following conditions apply: (a) w h e n there
is a question of identifying values which are to be satisfied; (b) w h e n a project
implies that people will be making decisions and choices in the light of cultural
values, and cultural, social and economic resources ; (c) when questions arise
about the interaction of individuals within a social structure or social organi-
zation, and the ramifications of social networks for the passage of concepts,
ideas, materials, goods and actions; (d) when it is necessary to analyse whether
92
Anthropology
a strategy or project will have dynamic, ramifying effects upon the social
system; (e) when it is necessary to analyse the valuational and cultural c o m p o -
nents in the skill-resources available for development.
Other points could be added. Thesefiveare, however, sufficient to d e m o n -
strate that any project or strategy of development involves analysis which the
anthropologist regards as hisfieldof interest. Put another way, development
involves change, and change involves adjustments in values, ideas, and the
socio-institutional system, all of which are the subject matter of anthropology.
While anthropological techniques m a y be used to obtain data, anthropo-
logy is essentially an analytical discipline. Its greatest use will be in the analysis
of the most appropriate, or optimal, development strategy: in analysing the
consequences of alternative projects; in setting out the most effective manner of
creating particular projects; and in assessing the results and ramifications of
projects. In making such assessments, anthropology will tend to stress the
significance of the values and goals of the persons directly affected by the
projects.
Nevertheless, none of the above matters are the preserve of anthropology
exclusively. W e c o m e back to the fundamental issue. N o h u m a n event can be
completely understood by any single social science. Yet it is surely impractical
to have teams representative of each of the social sciences bearing in upon
«ach development project.
Recommendations
I have summarized some of the contributions of anthropology, and in most

instances have m a d e the point that, on the particular topic at issue, anthro-
pological knowledge has been dispersed, requires more specific concentration
upon applied purposes, is in a form which requires a reorientation if it is to
be most effective, or needs m u c h more work before firm conclusions can be
stated with confidence. It would be relatively simple to recommend twenty
or thirty topics upon which scholars could be called to concentrate, or which
could be the subject of working conferences. But such action would, I suspect,
not meet the basic problems. These, as I see them, are as follows:
There is a shortage of resident indigenous anthropologists in most of the
developing countries, and their status is not adequately recognized by
comparison with other academic disciplines, or in relation to government
action and policy. This leads to an undue dependence upon foreign
anthropologists (usually more interested in academic rather than applied
problems), a limit on the growth of the very complex fundamental k n o w -
ledge that is needed, and a failure to integrate the resident anthropologists
adequately into development planning procedures. Hence a recommenda-
tion would be that action be undertaken to improve the supply of anthro-
pologists in developing countries, to improve their status and conditions
of work, and to ensure the recognition of their contribution in universities
and government service.
93
Cyril S. Beishaw
For similar reasons, a second recommendation would be that anthropologists,

in developed countries be called upon, through such scholarly organiza-
tions as the International Anthropological and Ethnological Union,,
the Pacific Science Association, and the Congress of Americanists, to
orient their work in developing countries in such a w a y that it provide
m a x i m u m support for the growth of the science in the countries concerned.
There is some reason to believe that social scientists are less concerned
with this objective than with the objective of completing their o w n projects
with minimal concern for the discipline locally.
The point of view that development is a matter of interdisciplinary concern
is of major importance. This leads directly to the notion that there might
be a profession of development advisers, concerned with advising govern-
ments, ministries and agencies, in a completely interdisciplinary manner.
The training of such a profession becomes of crucial importance. At the
m o m e n t it is hampered by the complexity of each discipline, and the
unwillingness, in university circles, to train in an interdisciplinary w a y .
W e are all aware of the argument that an economist cannot apply econo-
mics unless he knows most if not all economics : hence he must have a
completed P h . D . in the subject. The same philosophy applies in anthro-
pology. Yet patently it is not necessary to k n o w all economics for most
developmental project purposes, or to k n o w all anthropology.
Hence an appropriate recommendation might be to enlist social scientists
in the effort of devising an interdisciplinary curriculum for the training of
development analysis advisers. T h e objective of such a curriculum would be
to create a corpus of socio-economic advisers, rather than technical project
administrators. If such a curriculum were devised successfully, pilot degree or
training programmes could then be initiated.
Cyril Belshaw is professor of anthropology and head of

department at the University of British Columbia in
Vancouver. He has been very active in the promotion of
Oceanic studies. Amongst his books may be mentioned
Under the Ivi Tree: Society and Economic Growth in
Rural Fiji (1964) and Conditions of Social Performance
(1970). He has previously contributed an article on social
structure and cultural values as related to economic
growth to this Journal, Vol. XVI, No. 2, 1964.
94
Henri Collomb Social psychology
in Africa: the psychiatrist's
point of view
W e have been asked to write an article on the part played by social psychology
in development. Ideally and from a theoretical point of view, this article would
first have defined development, which is a complex transformation process of
varying speed, sometimes spontaneous and sometimes planned, active at
different levels and encompassing within its aims both a better life and greater
individual freedom.
Secondly, a definition would have been given of the field covered by
social psychology, its strategy and methods. T h efieldin question is an ill-
defined one at the junction of ethnology, sociology and psychology, where the
individual determines his mental make-up, absorbing the original culture
(acculturation) under the influence of the social patterns of his group (tradition)
or of new social patterns thrown up by the group or imported from outside
(modernism, transculturation). A s for the strategy employed by social psycho-
logy, it will aim to examine each concrete phenomenon from the threefold
viewpoint of tradition, its relation to modern institutions and models and
of its implications for the individual's make-up and problems. Its methods
lastly, are still being worked out and range from the questionnaire to free group
discussion, from the ethnographical type of approach to the sociometric
method and group techniques (Zempleni and Collomb, 1968).
The article would next have presented the state of the art in social psy-
chology in relation to development processes, at least in the so-called 'devel-
oping' countries. This would have shown what has been done to throw light on
the mechanisms of development (motivations, facilitations, resistances) and
to assess its implications or consequences. It would have also shown what
results had been achieved from the point of view of actually promoting social
progress.
In conclusion, the article would have put forward ideas about organization
and priority aims, seeing that in m a n y countries, development raises acute
problems and has consequences which are not always beneficial.
W e neither wish nor are w e able to carry out a study of this kind. In any
case, our experience in Africa and the reading of a few specialized works
would have soon discouraged us. In African countries social psychology,
like other h u m a n sciences, arouses a certain suspicion and one could wait
95
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. X X I V , N o . 1, 1972
H . Collomb
a long time before seeing any fruits. T h e little w o r k which has been done
in Africa itself more often than not merely points to the need for more research
or analysis.
O u r contribution can be based only on our personal experience of social
psychology and development, the terrain of the psychiatrist being the place
where both meet, or else providing food for thought as regards the usefulness
of thefirstin understanding and motivating the second.
Before giving a few examples of situations or concrete phenomena permitting

m o r e general conclusions, it seems appropriate to define the framework and
content of this psychiatric experience in order to understand or to justify the
particular point of view of the Western psychiatrist working in Africa.
First, psychiatry in the Western world is at present undergoing a series
of mutations or transformations at the w h i m of the various political and social
schools and trends. It is trying to find its place which some would like to see
a m o n g the medical sciences with their strictly biological standpoint, others
a m o n g the h u m a n sciences, enriched by the dimension of meaning.
T h e Western psychiatrist in Africa has found himself straightway con-
fronted with the second of these two attitudes. His work as a practitioner has
brought him into contact with a traditional or popular psychiatry whose social
importance and cultural coherence he is discovering more and more each day.
Whatever his training or the school to which he belongs, he cannot
disregard the account of the patient and his family w h e n they invoke ancestors,
spirits, sorcerers or anthropophagous witch-doctors as explanations for
somatic illness, anxiety or delirium. N o r can he disregard the work done by
the healer parallel to his o w n , before, during or after hospitalization. N o r
can he afford not to try to understand what it means to the patient and his
family to come to a Western-style doctor and hospital—the adoption of a whole
n e w conception of illness, willingness to undergo treatment on trust, possible
ostracism as of an individual w h o has become useless or dangerous for the
group, etc.
Speech and cultural word-forms refer back via the illness, which is a
s y m p t o m of family or social disorder, to the family, to society, to the cultural
values and ideas of ethnic groups about w h o m the psychiatrist k n o w s little or
nothing.
H e must then extend thefieldof psychiatry to psychology, ethnology and
sociology. Unfamiliar as he is with these subjects and taken u p with consult-
ations and training responsibilities, he has necessarily to have recourse to
people trained in otherfields; thus a multidisciplinary approach is practically
unavoidable, even if it sometimes gives rise to difficulties. For close on ten
years social psychologists in particular have been working with the psychia-
trists of the Fann Hospital Centre in Dakar, playing a large part in research and
routine activities.
Secondly, a problem of a different kind, less specifically affecting the
psychiatrist, has c o m e very rapidly to the fore. This is the complex problem
of training, with all its attendant pitfalls and disillusionment, but none the
96
Social psychology in Africa
less of direct concern to development with its insistence on rapid Africanization

at all executive levels.
It is comforting for the teacher to set himself up as the one w h o knows,
the possessor of a universal knowledge to be passed on by methods which,
having been proved elsewhere, are not open to discussion. If the results are
not the ones expected, this, by an elementary defence mechanism, leads the
teacher to consider the pupil as unreceptive.
If this is a particularly irritating problem, it is because its fundamentals
have not been sufficiently well examined. Having had to deal with training at
all levels, w e have often pondered this matter without understanding it any
better for all that. M o r e so than in any other communication-based activities,
a gulf difficult to bridge yawns between questions and replies, between expect-
ations and results. If content and methods are unsuitable, this is due both to
misunderstanding of motivations and to the absence of any real relationship
on which all communication of knowledge or techniques must depend.
The recent work of linguists and psychologists on semantic peculiarities
(cognitive structures, structures of the native languages) does not throw any
light on the dynamics of communication. All training is a restraint and any
training scheme a still bigger restraint. This situation calls up, more or less
consciously, the still-potent associations of the colonial period. A s the teachers are
former colonizers, they inspire suspicion and passive resistance or, at most, very
superficial acceptance in regard to the models which they furnish. Suspicion and
resistance are all the greater as a dialogue is never established and the pupil is
never listened to or recognized as being able to teach or to give us anything.
The psychiatrist, trained to listen to others, is perhaps better qualified
to hear. But what can he hear if he is unable to refer to knowledge of the
society and its culture? A n d where can this knowledge be sought which would
give meaning to what he hears unless in thefirstplace through ethnology,
social psychology, sociology—and, secondly, in a less scientific and more
intuitive commitment, with all its attendant dangers?
In spite of close collaboration with social psychologists, w h o have expe-
rienced these everyday problems with us, w e have m a d e scarcely any progress
where training is concerned. They have, however, helped us to become more
clearly aware of these difficulties which are also the difficulties of 'technical
co-operation'.
T o illustrate the part played by social psychology in what might be called

the development of psychiatric work, w e shall take some examples from the
multidisciplinary research of the Dakar University Psychopathological
Research Centre (Fann Hospital Centre).
In order to gauge the significance of what follows, it is useful to remember
that the psychiatrist does not always share the same point of view as the
social psychologist. Alike in treatment and preventive work, he is faced with
the choice between fostering progress, which involves greater individuation,
and encouraging regression, which represents a return to tradition. This
dilemma will be clear from the examples given. • •• •
97
H . Collomb
Ideas of mental illness
The history of 'modern' psychiatry does not go back very far in Black Africa.
The colonizers were more concerned with problems of physical health, and
mental illness did not interest them. There was no d e m a n d for psychiatrists
or psychiatric institutions.
The situation has changed over the last few years. The number of mentally
sick seems to be as high as in the so-called developed countries and States
are asking for hospitals to be built for treatment or confinement. Is this new
situation the result of development? W h a t does it m e a n ? Does it signify the
adoption of new models and new concepts of illness?
A m o n g the peoples of Senegal, there have traditionally been precise
ideas which everyone shared, conferring a clear meaning o n mental illness
(aetiological conception) and pointing the way to a cure which was always
possible (therapeutic methods). The illness was not mysterious but could be
understood by everybody. It was not incurable; all that had to be done was
to go to the right healer w h o decided o n the healing treatment. The patient
was not responsible for his illness and the family and society were not directly
responsible for the disorder which affected one of their members. Everybody
was concerned in the cure, however, and the reintegration of the patient
within the group.
According to these ideas (Zempleni, 1968) the illness is due either to an
evil m a n , u n k n o w n or simply suspected—e.g. an anthropophagous witch-
doctor w h o directs his attacks against the life force, or a rival w h o asks the
marabout 1 to undermine the strength, the capabilities or the success of a
person w h o is annoying him or of w h o m he is jealous—or else to a spirit,
w h o m a y be one of the spirits of the ancestor-worship religions (the rab2
system of the Lébou and Wolof tribes) or one of those introduced by Islam.
By unmasking the witch-doctor, thwarting the effectiveness of the marabout
by some other magic, pitting himself against the evil spirits or appeasing the
spirits of the ancestors, the traditional healer re-establishes order for the good
of the patient and the community.
So far as w e are concerned, ideas such as these assist the healing of mental
illness by psychological or sociological processes. The patient becomes the
centre of the group's attention and he is not rejected. The intervention of a
third party responsible for the illness (man or spirit) makes it possible for
the healer and the group to handle the conflict.
Within the framework of these ideas, psycho-sociological analysis has
shown that with social changes, a movement has taken place away from anthro-
pophagous sorcery to 'maraboutage'. 'While sorcery is the chief way of concep-
tualizing evil in a traditional society where the individual tends to see his
relationships with others only through collective categories, maraboutage
1. Marabout: a healer w h o bases himself on the Islamic system of interpreting illness but w h o
m a y also use non-Islamic ideas and treatments.
2. R a b : spirit of the ancestors.
98
is an indication of a social state in which individual competition is growing

stronger and stronger' (Zempleni and Collomb, 1968). It is indeed remarkable
to see h o w promptly people have recourse to the marabout for any daily
situation involving competition. People believe themselves to be 'worked' or
else they 'work' to use the W o l o f phrase, not only a m o n g co-wives (a very
typical situation) but a m o n g employees in the same department, a m o n g shop-
keepers, politicians, wrestlers, football teams, etc.
It is still a long way from this concept of maraboutage to modern models
of mental illness which, though indeed they are not always very clear and
vary from school to school, in general lay responsibility for the illness o n the
individual himself or on the people immediately around him (the two parents).
During the evolution of acute psychotic conditions, w e have, however, been
able to observe h o w the individual patient has assumed responsibility for his
o w n problem.
W h a t can psycho-sociological analysis of these facts show? While the
available information is too abundant and too varied for straightforward
treatment or the drawing of any precise conclusions, it at least offers the psy-
chiatrist, struggling like his patients between tradition and modernism, food
for thought, the implications of which go beyond the bounds of psychiatry.
First, what is the significance of modern psychiatry when faced with
this other, traditional psychiatry to which the majority of patients, their
families and society still adhere? Are the n e w models which have been intro-
duced, whether as aetiological references or therapeutic techniques, capable
of being accepted? Are they better? Is there not something to be learnt from
the old models? If one asks these questions, attitudes can change and it becomes
possible to listen.
Second, what is the significance of the changed attitude of patients
and society vis-â-vis the models which development has introduced? T h e
transition from anthropophagous sorcery to the assumption of personal respon-
sibility for one's o w n conflicts, with maraboutage as an intermediate stage,
denotes a process of individuation. This process, which is also characterized
by self-assertive or competitive behaviour and the rejection of traditional
values, is not an easy one. There are m a n y set-backs and the old, comforting
practices, which used to mobilize the group on behalf of the individual, then
rapidly reappear.
Third, what is responsible for the decreased tolerance shown to the m e n -
tally sick, for the practice of'shutting them u p ' or abandoning them to official
channels alien to those of the group? Is it the loosening of family ties, self-
ishness, a utilitarian view of m a n or what? It is always interesting to see the
paths which lead to hospitalization. In m a n y cases, the hospital is the last
resort or the mortuary. 1 The patient is then considered an outcast and turned
over to institutions which are foreign or not as yet integrated. Under such
conditions healing becomes difficult. Social psychology could assist us in
1. T o describe the conduct of certain families w h o abandon their mentally sick at the hospital,
the Wolof use expressions signifying 'to abandon at the mortuary, on a heap of filth'.
99
H . Collomb
answering all these questions by trying to define the image of the psychiatrist,
the image of the psychiatric hospital, the similarities or differences between
these images and those customarily used by tradition.
Therapeutic psychiatric institutions

This second example also shows the conflict between tradition and modernism
as well as the contribution which social psychology has m a d e in analysing
and resolving this conflict.
During the past ten years or m o r e the development of'modern' psychiatry
in Africa has led to the construction of hospitals along traditional Western
lines. This is a response to a certain desire to keep the mentally sick away
from the gaze of other people and especially from the gaze of visitors. In
this response, methods of treatment have received virtually n o attention. T o
cut individuals off from all social life is the surest w a y of making them ill or
of worsening their disturbances. Institutions planned on these lines are not
functional and one can only see in them a certain affinity with the idea of
turning the sick person out of society.
T h e problem, which is still with us, is to turn this imported model of
assistance into another, better suited to its therapeutic function. This is not
a specifically African problem. Institutional therapy, group psychiatry and
group therapy are expressions to be found at present in all countries, but our
position, faced as w e are with a culture which still preserves a high degree
of coherence, is a rather special one in a number of different ways.
In thefirstplace, in organizing group therapy should one base oneself
on the 'natural' groups, i.e. the family and the village, or the traditional
healing communities, i.e. communities organized by and revolving round a
healer? The attempt to determine what kind of institution would best serve
its therapeutic function has always been highly empirical in character. T h e
search is always marked by doubt and ambiguity and what has been organized
is periodically called in question.
T h e project for a village akin to what had been discovered in the bush
was discussed for a long time but came to nothing. W a s this merely a g a m e ,
did it represent a regression or w a s it in fact the ideal place for therapy? There
were in the end too m a n y forces ranged against it: the spirit of modernism,
the influence of Western models, intellectual arrogance and the feeling that it
was necessary to put forward different models in response to those w h o were
asking for something other than traditional cures. T h e present result is a
compromise, linking traditional structures with structures of a Western kind.
It is not very satisfactory.
Is it possible to m a k e more progress with the help of social psychology?
If curing mental illness consists in re-establishing harmony between the patient
and his environment, what environment will inspire this harmony? C a n a n
individual caught up in the process of transculturation and w h o is looking
for a new identity and a new harmony find himself again more easily in an
100
environment similar to his o w n or in the n e w models to which he is aspiring?

'They cure you at Fann because the doctors believe in the rab', ' H o w can you
still bother with healers?'—these remarks are heard with equal frequency
a m o n g Africans. At their o w n level, they show the conflict of a people torn
between tradition and the wish for rapid development. Taking this duality
into account, is it possible to define the data of our problem more clearly and
to suggest other ways of helping than the psychiatric hospital?
Inquiries m a d e a m o n g healers in traditional therapeutic villages and
a m o n g people living in rural districts have given us some useful information.
The healer enjoys his reputation not simply because of lack of doctors.1 H e
also draws o n the c o m m o n stock of beliefs and ideas of which his healing
techniques form nothing more than an extension. O n e can at least learn
from these healing techniques the importance of participation by the family
group and the community in the patient's treatment. In the 'traditional bush
hospitals' no patient is admitted by the healer unless he is accompanied for
the whole of his stay by one or more members of his family. In any case, the
family plays a real part in the life of the therapeutic community through its
gifts, farming activities, building work, etc. This participation, for which n o
allowance is ever m a d e in Western models, seems to be fundamental in Africa
and it would be desirable to m a k e it part of the institution.
A second point concerns the relationships between patients and the
community or society as a whole. The Western hospital separates the patient
from society (this is one of its functions). The traditional healer works within
the community. The healer's therapeutic village resembles other villages. The
proportion of patients to non-patients is of the order of one to four; it is
wide open to everyone and the patients join in the community's work.
W e took this kind of arrangement as a guide in a project for a dispensary
village to be organized near the towns of each administrative region, psychia-
tric work consisting primarily in community life in a traditional environment
such as would m a k e psycho-therapy possible without psycho-therapists.
In our effort to organize a therapeutic community at the hospital w e
also came u p against difficulties of another sort.
In its relations and contacts with the patients, the medical team has its
problems of authority, of roles and status, and of communication. The thera-
peutic contribution of a nurse or an orderly can be as important as that of
a doctor, and tensions and conflicts within the medical team have harmful
repercussions on the patients as a community. The driving force of the medical
team springs from a psycho-social approach.
It is a relatively simple matter to define everyone's role, to draw up job
descriptions, to delegate authority and to establish a chain of c o m m a n d . The
result in terms of the group's functioning and creativity will not be satisfactory
for all that. N o b o d y sees the work and the aim in the same way. Everyone
1. During a survey into the epidemiology of mental illness in a ground-nut-growing region of

Senegal, it was found that there were 130 healers for a population of 35,000 whereas there
was only one male nurse for the same number of people.
101
H . Collomb
has different ideas, and cultural values m a k e these differences more acute.
There are m a n y overt or hidden factors which hinder the working of the group
such as irresponsibility, absenteeism, nepotism, parallel systems of authority
depending on one's tribe, one's caste, one's political or religious connexions,
etc.
The Psychiatry Department at Fann has been the subject of two psycho-
social surveys, at an interval of six years. The outstanding conclusion of these
two surveys was the lack of communication between members of the medical
team. This finding, which could in fact have been m a d e without any survey,
brings us back to the problems of communication within a varied group
comprising Europeans and Africans. This gives rise to afirstdifficulty, which
for being only too plain to see, is none the easier to overcome. The funda-
mental differences in understanding and manipulating one's environment are
further complicated by the constraints of a historic relationship between
colonizer and colonized, the traces of which still go very deep.
A second difficulty, which relates to communications a m o n g Africans,
appears more surprising especially if one bears in mind the unifying c o m m u -
nity character of African life. In fact union and fusion are not synonyms of
communication. G r o u p attitudes to internal tension or conflict are often
marked by behaviour which indicates a desire to cover u p , to forget or even
to deny or reject. In some situations, this response has a social value since
the cohesion of the group must be maintained, but it runs counter to the need
for analysing and laying bare latent stresses by which Western groups are
actuated.
If one asks too m a n y questions, if one wishes to k n o w everything, or
if one tries to force a person to reveal everything, one rapidly meets with
passive resistance and closes the paths which could lead to understanding.
Curiosity is a fault dealt with very strictly in children in Senegal. Once again
w e are reduced to the role of a listener, a role which, with our impatience for
achievements, improvements, progress, w e do not bear very easily.
Family environment of the mentally sick
This example is a s u m m a r y of multidisciplinary research carried out in 1967

and 1968 (Fann Hospital Centre, Neuro-psychiatric Department, 1968). It
is an approach to mental illness from the point of view of social psychology.
The initial hypothesis was that mental illness, and schizophrenia in particular,
is a failure to integrate cultural models and social roles. A n d it is in the family,
as constituting a system of inter-personal relationships and afilterfor the
cultural models of society as a whole, that these integration mechanisms can
best be studied.
The only method used was the interview, usually guided but not rigidly
controlled. The interview took placefirstof all at the hospital with the patient
and his family, and later on, within the family group itself, in their district
or village. T h e material collected includes objective information (marriage
102
and kinship systems on the one hand, topographical data o n the other) and
less-systematized information, in particular: (a) the mental illness as expe-
rienced by the subject and his family environment; (b) his idea of mental
illness; and (c) the organization of relationships between individuals within
the family structure. Twelve families were studied, corresponding to twenty
patients suffering from schizophrenia, since there were some families in which
there were two or three patients.
The results were arranged according to a strict pattern, and in each case
the relationships between persons were expressed in graphic diagram form.
Analysis was in three stages:
1. In each case, three categories of cultural models furnished by the envi-
ronment were identified: (a) reiterative models—all acts repeated over
and over again following an unchanging pattern (myth and ritual);
(b) those to be maintained—values and social roles which maintain
tradition, with its o w n potential for evolution, as against the (relatively
stronger) imported models; (c) those to be changed—models which cry
out for a certain creative imagination and which have in them the contra-
dictions of the dynamics of social change.
2. Once the models had been identified, the inter-personal relationships
within the family were analysed in order to understand what had helped
the subject to integrate the models presented to him, and what had done
the opposite.
3. T h e third stage of the analysis assessed the subject's illness according
to his o w n background, the success of his integration within the family
and his perception of society round him. S o m e conclusions could be
drawn which confirm other research carried out in other African c o m -
munities.
In the first place, the disintegration of the family which was observed in
almost all cases is a consequence of social change. W h a t w e have is either the
actual break-up of the family (migration, dispersion, divorce, morbidity),
or evolution towards a n e w pattern of family organization (the 'nuclear'
family) which has not succeeded in establishing itself. In the former case there
is progressive impoverishment of the family culture since the family group is
no longer the carrier of traditional values, while in the latter conflicts arising
from the clash of cultures combine their effects with the impoverishment of
family culture.1 In all the cases which were studied, the family was unable
to assume its function as the shaper of the personality.
In the second place, in such a situation particular significance comes to
attach to the relationship of authority. In stable systems like traditional
societies, authority is integrated in a whole in which each individual has his
place and where his role and his status are fixed according to precise and
unchanging models. If the models in which authority is vested disappear,
1. T h e family was selected for special attention and was thus artificially isolated from the other
institutions with which it is closely linked (schools, age groups, young people's associations,
political or religious groups, etc.).
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H . Collomb
this cannot have serious consequences since the cohesion of the community
and cultural stability ensure that values are passed o n and integrated. In
systems which are undergoing transformation, exposed to external pressures
and seeking a n e w organization, authority works in a different way. O n the
one hand it becomes the only thing which keeps the family together, on the
other hand there is the risk that it will fossilize the system and hinder its
evolution. T h e contradiction is unavoidable.
Where the family is breaking up, an authority which is too dictatorial is
entirely negative in its effect since it no longer passes anything o n and prevents
possible evolution. Where the family is becoming a 'nuclear' family, with
opposing models at work, dictatorial authority makes it impossible to bring
conflicts into the open and transcend them, encloses the individual in a limited
number of roles and stifles all hope of adaptation.
In the third place, the patient expresses and reflects in his delusions the
break-up of the family which is the consequence of social change. W h e n a good
relationship with the parent of the same sex is lacking (owing for instance to
death, conjugal conflict or divorce), the patient expresses a rejection of his
relationship and belonging which extends to this parent's forbears. A n d the
process of schizophrenic dissociation merely reinforces his compensatory
attempts at imaginary identification with individuals, living or dead, of the
other line, or with other lines altogether.
In spite of m a n y difficulties, this survey has m a d e possible a new approach
to mental illness. Social psychology has played the greatest part in this since it
was able to throw light on the phenomena from a threefold point of view
which w e spoke of at the beginning: their relation to tradition, their relation
to modern institutions and models, their implications for the individual's
m a k e - u p and his normal or abnormal existence.
The psycho-social approach also throws light on the m o r e general phe-
n o m e n a of maladjustment, which is a consequence of rapid development and
social change. A t the individual level, it demonstrates the difficulties of inter-
nal organization or make-up which arise w h e n the systems and the models
which they transmit are contradictory or destroyed. Are there any practical
conclusions to be drawn in regard to the possible preventive measures, which
would be partly social, partly in thefieldof mental health? It is difficult to
give a reply as too m a n y political or social institutions are involved.
Epidemiological research into mental

illness and public health work 1
This, too was multidisciplinary research in which social psychology played
a preponderant part.
1. The results of this study, carried out between 1968 and 1971 by the Dakar University Psy-
chopathological Research Centre, the World Health Organization ( W H O ) and the Office
de la Recherche Scientifique et Technique Outre-Mer ( O R S T O M ) , are to be published under
the title: Enquête sur la Santé des Migrants en Milieu Rural (Niakhar) et Urbain (Dakar),
Sénégal.
104
The initial aim was to m a k e a survey of all types of mental disturbance in

a rural society according to sociological characteristics, following a method
based on the work of A . Leighton. Information about mental health and
social organization (or social disintegration) was gathered by means of ques-
tionnaires in the native language, these were tested and corrected after c o m p a -
rison with the results of clinical examinations. The mental health questionnaire
bore on psychosomatic, neurotic and psychotic disorders. T h e sociological
questionnaire (in rural surroundings) dealt with the present status of the
village, the subject's position in the village and his personal economic situation.
Since the survey was begun it has c o m e to encompass two further aims in
addition to the initial one :first,to determine the health level of the population
and its needs in terms of over-all health, including an assessment of physical
health, conditions of hygiene, way of life and use of medical services ; second,
to compare from the over-all health and sociological points of view one and
the same tribal group in rural surroundings and in urban surroundings.
Very thorough medical examinations were carried out by specialists from
each discipline. T h e same mental-health questionnaires were used in rural and
urban surroundings. T h e sociological questionnaire used in the latter case
bore principally on the phenomenon of adaptation to the town, the original
personal and family situation of the subject, his experience of work and his
urban w a y of life. The sociological questionnaire for w o m e n dealt primarily
with married life and their independence vis-à-vis their husbands. In all cases
an attempt was m a d e to get a picture of the subjects' schooling, their expe-
riences in the town and their idea of h o w theyfittedinto society.
The survey first of all covered a district of the Siné-Saloum ground-nut
region in the Serer part of the country. A factorial analysis1 of the population
of 35,000 led to a division of the sixty-five villages of the zone into twelve
categories. O n e village was selected at random from each category and twenty-
five adults aged 15 and over, of either sex, were studied in each of the twelve
villages, giving a total of 300 persons. A similar sample covering migrants from
the same Serer tribe was studied in Dakar.
The n e w aims acted as a disturbing factor as far as running the initial
survey was concerned. Those conducting the survey had to assume a more
aggressive role; people had to be weighed, measured and so on; there were
time-limits to keep to, and it was essential to secure the co-operation of the
population. H u m a n problems arose in regard, for example, to the subject's
acceptance of medical examinations, both in principle and in what they invol-
ved, the manner in which operations were to be organized in the village, the
participation of the chiefs and of the population, etc.
The encounter between surveyor and surveyed has shown more clearly
the nature of the problems that arise in health work (Mirgot and Ravel, 1970).
The medical survey itself became the object of research as an indicator of
capacity to absorb new models and enter into communication in preparation
for a change, whether endogenous or foreign-inspired.
1. The factorial analysis covered twenty-nine sociological, demographic and economic variables.
105
H . Collomb
W e shall not go into the mental-health survey, the problems of metho-

dology, the preparatory work, the conduct of the survey and the significance
of the data collected. The information is being analysed at the present time.
The psycho-social approach adopted to mental illness is slightly different from
the approach described above. Its purpose is to m a k e comparisons possible
with other populations in other countries surveyed according to the same
techniques.
W h a t can be used here for our purposes is the reaction of the rural
population.
Three factors had been chosen to characterize villages in rural surroun-
dings:
1. Acceptance of technical progress.
2. Degree of contact with the outside world.
3. Instability.
These three factors were validated by the analysis and evolution of attitudes
and behaviour in regard to the different phases of the inquiry: presentation,
preparation, actual survey, reaction. T h e attitude of the inhabitants was
determined in the light of all the views, opinions and beliefs of the village
chiefs recorded during the inquiry, with particular reference to the dependence/
independence dimension, which governs the following pairs of behaviour
traits : passive/active, suspicious/trusting, aggressive/non-aggressive.
The villages which accept technical progress most readily were those
which responded in the manner best suited for controlling, without rejecting,
the effects of this intrusion (positive independence). There were secondary
factors which reinforced this attitude such as leadership organized around
religious groups (Islamic Tidjani-ism, Catholicism), young people w h o had
been to school and cohesive influences a m o n g the villagers.
Negative independence, on the other hand, was reinforced wherever there
was little acceptance of technical progress, traditional healers played an
important role, power was in the hands of the elders and there were serious
conflicts between generations.
O n this basis, certain suggestions can be m a d e for education in health
work. The health worker's task is to change people's attitudes and habits and
to plan preventive medicine and health-improvement campaigns. Medical
information or health education is essentially a communications exercise
furnishing n e w models. It m a y be defined as a task imposed o n the group by
a decision from outside. This task cannot be accepted unless the theory behind
it has some features in c o m m o n with the social system within which it is to be
carried out. A n d it cannot be carried out without the use of an effective
communications system. It is, w e concluded, urgently necessary that future
research with a view to health work should be directed towards this c o m m u n i -
cations network.
W e could have given other examples here to show the part played by social
psychology in everything concerning psychiatry, mental health, education,
training and technical assistance, for instance the work done on juvenile
delinquency and maladjustment (Hugot, 1968), the evolution of authority
106
in child/parent relationships (Berne et al., 1968), the phenomenon of spon-

taneous associations of young people in large towns (Billen et al, 1968),
syncretic religious movements, attitudes towards m o n e y , possessions or the
keeping of objects, attitudes towards the public service as a profession, and
so on.
These clinical and psycho-sociological inquiries could also contribute
towards a better definition of the problems of development in African societies
and support the few remarks with which w e should like to conclude.
Psychiatry and social psychology
T h e first remark concerns psychiatry. Whatever the objective necessities

(transcultural situation, different dialectical relationships between the indivi-
dual and society, rapid social change) or the more personal motivations
which m a y have led to close collaboration between psychiatrists and social
psychologists, its benefits are obvious.
It is not only a matter of epidemiological research or a fresh approach to
mental illness suggested by social psychology. T h e very subject-matter of
social psychology—that is, the processes which integrate the individual and
m a k e - u p his personality, starting with the family and groups which hand
d o w n and transmit cultural models—widens the field of the psychiatrist in
his daily practice, and his attitude to clinical work or therapy is transformed
as he becomes aware of a n e w dimension.
Medical activity, be it diagnosis or treatment, is usually thought of in
Western terms, as Western influence is still very strong: what people envisage
is that peculiar dialogue of the confessional or the psycho-analyst's couch,
where the speakers are in unequal positions and confront each other n o w o n
one footing, n o w o n another, as the relationship between them varies. It can
be only to the good, and need in no way surprise us, if this activity is put o n a
collective basis. Mental illness, which is social in its genesis, its present impact
and its future evolution, is of concern to the community whether in assisting,
assuming responsibility or treating. The therapeutic community idea conforms
to this new model, which would be difficult to establish in Western cultures.
In Africa, it is a traditional model which it is vital for the very least to preserve
in the course of development.
The difficulties of transposing this community into a Western type of
institution—the psychiatric hospital in Africa—are numerous.
There is, first of all, the difficulty of perceiving the essence of the other
person across the cultural barrier.
Then there is the significance of what, in terms of roles and status, could
be called 'dressing-up'. W h a t does it m e a n to the nurse to wear an overall and
to use the objects associated with his medical work? D o e s he really believe
in the part he is playing or is there just advantage in putting on an appearance?
A person deeply committed to his work has some difficulty infindinghis feet
again in his family and group. The nurse's situation is somewhat similar to
107
H . Collomb
that of the teacher and it is n o accident that psychiatric troubles are very
prevalent in both. T h e nurse, as an official with access to the corridors o f
healing power, is under pressure from demands m a d e by family and friends,
demands which he cannot avoid without running the risk of ostracism. In
most cases, the hospital is seen only as a possible source of profit. Exchanges
and relationships are built up elsewhere and a real community is rarely found
within its walls.
S o m e attention should also be given to hospital architecture, which has
c o m e from another culture and which is as ill-adapted to the patients as it
is to the comfort of the medical staff. Attention must also be paid to the
channels of authority and decision and their disruptive effect on a community
painfully built u p under the pressure and interplay of parallel systems.
For all these reasons, the task is not an easy one, but it represents the
right way.
Listening and constraining

The idea of development is intimately linked with that of training. In
Africa, quick training and rapid results are called for. Vocational centres
and schools 'turn out' technicians and managerial staff w h o , after they have
passed their exams, are said to befitfor the jobs for which they have been
trained. Very frequently, however, the employer's hopes are dashed and the
employee, without any real interest in or training for his job, simply moves o n .
In the resulting post-mortem methods and content are called in question ;
pupils and school-leavers are put in the dock but rarely the teacher or educator
alongside them.
A s w e increase our knowledge of African cultures, it seems to us m o r e
difficult to be a trainer or teacher, to guide, suggest or advise. O f necessity,
one is led to query the basis, the suitability, the very meaning of this so-called
technical co-operation, with its constraining character, its failures and its
victims.
Co-operation aims at development, meaning both a better life and greater
individual freedom. W h a t attitude should one adopt in this light? W h a t kind
of neutrality, since neutrality is advised?
Should it be the neutrality of the teacher w h o , caring little about the
needs and demands of the other, imposes tasks whose internal logic and
connexion with reality completely escape the one to w h o m they are given?
Should it be the neutrality of the ethnologist w h o observes, collects,
reconstructs in an effort to find laws governing social and cultural patterns,
while being careful not to d o anything which might interfere with whatever
he is observing?
O r should it be the neutrality of the psychiatrist w h o is required less to
assess, to judge or to change than to listen? In listening to the other, perhaps
he has learned to hear his request and to recognize him in his identity and his
other-ness.
108
Caught between very constrictive and often alienating economic condi-

tions and a still poorly understood, or even denied, h u m a n reality, the Western
psychologist or psycho-sociologist is in no very comfortable position. For him
it is a gamble of transculturation: either he remains on his o w n side of the
cultural barrier and, perceiving nothing, is ineffective ; or he crosses the barrier
and no longer knows very clearly w h o he is. For Africans, the risk is in giving
too m u c h credit to imported models and techniques and in accepting too
quickly and uncritically Western values, thus forgetting their o w n culture.
The de-cultured m a n w h o n o longer draws from the well-springs of his
being is mutilated, ineffectual and alienated. Only an authentic dialogue in
which each listens to the other can avoid cultural 'suffocation', guarantee the
living strength of the so-called developing countries and enrich all c o m m u -
nities.
Participation and manipulation
Development introduces, or aims to introduce, n e w behaviour patterns. These

either appear from within, springing from the dynamism of the cultures and
societies in which they take shape, or else they are imported. In the latter case
they m a y be freely borrowed from other societies or imposed, either by a
minority thinking and acting for the rest, or by constraining systems which
impose the strait jacket of alien ways.
O u r intention is not to criticize from a political or moral viewpoint the
processes of constraint, which often aim to improve living standards by
economic means. The Serer peasant w h o was the subject of the epidemiological
survey, has two concerns: food and health. W h a t he needs is m o n e y and care.
Everything he wants can be provided for by raising his standard of living and
any action in this direction appears well-founded. But if what is offered is
not understood, if the methods of achieving it are in conflict with or contradict
cultural habits or values, and if those w h o are to benefit are not consulted, the
result m a y well be different from what is hoped for. Attempts to give health
education in regard to nutrition are an example of this. For more than ten
years, paediatricians and nutritional experts unsuccessfully tried to advise,
educate and train mothers to fight against malnutrition. It has only very
recently been possible to achieve results, n o w that the community has become
aware of its problems and has taken a hand in solving them,
The past has left marks which are very difficult to erase, marks which
still point to easy ways out and dictate action which looks obvious. The
colonizer was supposed to k n o w the needs of the colonized without their
asking; in any case they could not ask because nobody was listening. M a n i -
pulation was justified and the manipulator w h o possessed knowledge set
himself up as indisputable master. Out of this situation arose a style of rela-
tionships in which one of the two partners w a s denied and sometimes each
side denied the other. A conversion towards reciprocity is not easy for either
109
H . Collomb
side, yet it is the necessary condition in order that participation m a y replace

manipulation and provide a basis of collaboration conducive to development.
)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
B E R N E , C ; D E L B A R D , M . ; O R T I G U E S , M . C ; L E G U E R I N E L , N . 1968. La conception de
l'autorité et son évolution dans les relations parents-enfants à Dakar. Paris, Fédération
Internationale des Écoles de Parents et d'Éducateurs. 101 p.
BILLEN, M . ; L E G U E R I N E L , N . ; M O R E I G N E , J. P. 1968. Les associations de jeunes
à Dakar. Psychopathologie africaine, vol. II, no. 3, p. 373-400.
DAKAR. C E N T R E HOSPITALIER DE FANN. SERVICE D E NEURO-PSYCHIATRIE. 1968.
Psychopathologie et environnement familial en Afrique. Psychopathologie africaine.
vol. IV, no. 2, p. 173-227.
H U G O T , S. 1968. Le problème de la délinquance juvénile à Dakar. P h . D . thesis in
psychology of the Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines de Dakar. 334
p. (Mimeo.)
MrRGOT, R . ; R A V E L , J. L . 1970. Contribution à la problématique de l'action sanitaire
(expérience sénégalaise en milieu rural). Psychopathologie africaine, vol. V I , no. 2,
p. 9-52.
Z E M P L E N I , A . 1968. L'interprétation et la thérapie traditionnelles chez les wolof et les
lebou (Sénégal). P h . D . thesis of the Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines,
Université de Paris. 543 p., bibliog.
Z E M P L E N I , A . ; C O L L O M B , H . 1968. O n the functions and substance of social psycho-
logy in Africa. The journal of social issues, vol. X X T V , no. 2, p. 57-68.
Dr. H. Collomb is professor of neuro-psychiatry in the

combined Faculty of Medicine and Pharmacology at
Dakar and Director of the Psychopathological Research
Centre of the Institut de Sciences Psychologiques et Sociales
at Dakar University. Founder of the Revue Psycho-
pathologique Africaine and author of more than
350 publications and papers on neuropsychiatry and over
30 studies in general medicine, he previously contributed
an article on patterns of mothering and organization of the
personality to this Journal (Vol. XX, No. 3, 1968).
110
Alfred Sauvy Demography
Let us suppose that a country is planning to embark on a programme of

development and wishes to assess the demographic aspects of the operation.
Whether or not it actually wishes to adopt a population policy (consisting
essentially in action to encourage or discourage births and migrations), it
will have to: (a) forecast its future population development (over-all, in
schools and universities, in the economically active and inactive sections
of the community, etc.); and (b) ensure the full utilization of the m a n p o w e r
levels indicated by these forecasts, for both economic reasons (production)
and social reasons (enabling all those of working age to earn a living and
support their families).
'Full utilization' must be both quantitative (i.e. full employment) and
qualitative (i.e. employment ensuring m a x i m u m productivity).
If the country did not intend taking any action to regulate the quantitative
development of its population, could it simply take this aspect for granted
and ignore the economic consequences of faster or slower growth? The answer
is ' N o ' . Even where there is no specific policy for the regulation of births or
migrations as such, these are influenced by legislation on such matters as
taxation, social welfare, marriage and so forth. It is therefore essential to
k n o w h o w demographic conditions are going to affect development.
For the sake of simplification, let us say that the general objective 'econo-
mic development' involves the pursuit of the highest possible level of national
production (or income) per head. Various qualifications could be introduced
here, but at this stage they would only serve to complicate the argument
unnecessarily.
W e shall consider the various aspects of our theme in the following
order:
General relationship, in a given country, between demographic conditions
and economic development.
Adoption of the aims of a population policy: application of general relation-
ships to the country concerned; population forecasts in the absence of
special measures; economic objectives; possible contradictions and their
reconciliation ; adoption of the aims of the population policy.
Ill
Alfred Sauvy
M e a n s of realizing these aims : adoption of a population policy and adjust-

ments of population forecasts.
General inventory of h u m a n resources in terms of production; geographical
distribution; occupational proficiency; ability to produce.
Establishment of a national accounting model: work/production equation.
Preliminary economic andfinancialbalance sheet: total resources available
for investment; demographic investment; the relationship between such
investment, production and employment; the choice between these two
objectives.
Agriculture and industry; urban and rural population: while not identical
these two options are linked in various ways. Land utilization; protection
of natural resources.
General policy for education and training.
Health and social policy.
Return to the general balance sheet, adjustments and conclusions.
Under each of the above headings w e shall outline the various choices that
have to be m a d e , without of course offering any particular solution, since
this must depend on conditions obtaining in each case. W e shall, however,
attempt to indicate what data can be used as a basis for decision-making.
The general relationship between demographic

conditions and economic development
O u r objective of maximizing available resources per head, gives rise to the

concept of an optimum population level or population growth rate.
STATIC POPULATION OPTIMUM
This means establishing the number of inhabitants that would be economi-

cally ideal for a given territory. T h e concept is directly linked with those of
under-population and over-population, the idea being to steer a middle
course between these two situations, both of which have an adverse effect
on the standard of living.
This static approach, although m u c h in vogue, has little practical value
for the following reasons:
There is no such thing today as a static population, either economically or
demographically.
N o scientific calculation of the optimum population level has ever been m a d e
in any country. Such a level is in any case dependent o n technical condi-
tions and can change as development pursues its course.
Assuming that the level is calculated approximately: (a) if the result is a
figure lower than that of the existing population, it would appear that a
decrease in the population is called for, and this, as w e shall see, would
give rise to some very awkward technical and political problems; (b) if
112
Demography
the result is a figure higher than that of the existing population, the
calculation tells us far too little. W e should have a target but n o indication
with regard to timing. In both cases w e are brought up against the question
of the most expedient rate of variation, whether upwards or downwards.
This will be considered presently.
There is, however, a sense in which the concept of a static optimum can be
of value. A nation or State with heavy financial commitments needs—other
things being equal—a higher population level. This is because it is better to
distribute the burden over a larger number of inhabitants. Here w e must
distinguish between internal commitments and external commitments and
between the commitments of the State and the commitments of the nation.
This gives us four possible cases to consider.
External commitments of the State. This is the extreme case of the phenomenon
referred to. While constituting a source of impoverishment in themselves,
commitments of this type m a k e an increase in the population more desirable
than would otherwise be the case.
External commitments of the nation (private foreign debts). T h e domestic

budget of the State is unaffected, but more foreign currency has to be procured.
The conclusion is less clear-cut than in the previous case, but seems neverthe-
less to point in the same direction.
Internal commitments of the State. A s these are a matter of tranfers between

nationals, it would not appear that the population factor ought to matter.
However, the difficulties that the State always has in financing investment
incline one to think that as a rule these commitments are better borne by a
larger population (the burden of taxation per head being lower).
In particular, if military expenditure is heavy, it will be borne more
easily by a larger population.
Private internal commitments. In the case of debts due from one individual
to another, the population factor does not arise. However, where firms—and
especially large companies—are involved, there is something to be said in
favour of a population increase.
P O P U L A T I O N DENSITY
If all that mattered was average population density over the country as a
whole, the concept of optimum density would be identical with that of
optimum population. But the population spread throughout a country is
always very uneven, if only because of the distinction between urban and
rural areas.
In an agricultural area the density of the population is largely governed
by the type of soil and the techniques employed. There are, however, two
further factors whose influence increases with development and the march
of time: (a) educational services and (b) health and social services.
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Alfred Sauvy
THE RATE OF POPULATION G R O W T H
This concept is more practical in its application; the problem is as follows:

is growth, whether intentional or not, beneficial, and if so at what rate ?
There isfirstof all an important distinction to be drawn. A decrease in
population—or anyway in the population growth rate—is always economi-
cally beneficial for a number of years, because it affects the young: a section
of the population that consumes without producing.1
For aboutfifteenyears there are fewer schools, hospitals, houses, etc.,
that need to be built as there are not so m a n y children to bring up. The public
or private savings thus effected can be used for other purposes and notably
in order to speed u p development.
Such gains must of course be taken into account, but it is necessary to
look further ahead, since child-rearing is itself a longer-term investment.
T o overcome this difficulty w e need to take a theoretical model and perform
our calculation on the basis of a stable population, i.e. one that is growing
(or decreasing) every year in the same proportion and for all age groups,
thereby eliminating the short-term effects, whether favourable or otherwise,
of any distortions.
For this purpose the simplest model is the following one.
If J? is the national income, / the total amount of investment carried
out in a year, T the national rate of interest on such investment,2 the increase
in the nominal income is:
AR = / X T;
-R=R*T
National income therefore increases w h e n there is a considerable body of
investment and when its national rate of interest is high. In short, / represents
quantity and T quality.
If the population is increasing, there must be, in addition to the economic
investment needed to raise productivity and consequently the standard of
living, demographic investment simply in order to maintain the standard of
living. M o r e housing, factories, land and so on are needed. Once the nation
possesses a certain capital or heritage, whether in terms of production or of
consumption, capital must be created for the newcomers, so as to avoid gene-
ral impoverishment. If such demographic investment is m a d e at the expense
of economic investment, it reduces the rate of development; if, on the other
hand, it is m a d e in addition to existing economic investment an increased
national effort is required.
1. W e are ignoring the possibility of this change taking place as the result of an increase in the
death rate.
2. If an investment of 100,000 million results in an increase in the national income of 30,000
million, the national rate of interest is 30 per cent. This rate is the reverse of the capital
coefficient (3.3 per cent).
114
Demography
It is estimated that, in the case of a stable population, the increased

investment per head called for by an annual population growth rate of r/100
can be expressed in the formula:
J
- Ir r **"
P~ UK)' e"— 1
where a and k are coefficients determined respectively by the period of amorti-
zation (a) and the size of the basic investment (k).
T o this material investment must be added expenditure on child welfare
and education, but it can be reckoned in the case of a stable population that
this is approximately counterbalanced by a decrease in pension charges.
Looking at things from this angle, it would appear that all population
growth is prejudicial to development.
A n d yet this is not borne out by experience. For instance, the correlation
between the population increase and the increase in gross national product
( G N P ) per head from 1959 to 1968 shows a very different picture.
In the case of eighteen developed countries the correlation is slightly nega-
tive, as the theory w e have been discussing would have led us to expect : but
if w e exclude the three countries that had a rate of growth in excess of 1.2 per
cent per a n n u m , the correlation becomes largely positive.
In the case of thirty-three comparatively underdeveloped countries the
correlation coefficient is + 0.11, which, though admittedly not very significant,
runs counter to our theory, according to which there should be a strongly
negative correlation.
Both this brief study of the question and various more detailed investi-
gations lead us to the following conclusions:
The economic advantages of population growth are less apparent than its
burdens, even in models.
These economic advantages derive partly from economic factors (distribution
of the various burdens a m o n g a greater number of people, possibilities
of mass production,flexibilityof occupational and geographical struc-
tures) and partly from sociological factors, which are less easy to measure
but even more important.
The advantages grow less quickly than the burdens w h e n the population is
growing at an increasing rate, which leads us to the concept of an optimum
rate of population growth.
This optimum rate of growth depends on the particular country, and especi-
ally on its degree of development, the volume of unexploited natural resources,
social and political conditions and so on.
In the case of Western European countries, the optimum rate of growth
can be put at slightly less than 1 per cent per a n n u m , but this is only a rough
estimate. Even if the optimum rate of growth were measured with complete
accuracy, it would not be the only factor involved; w e should also have to
take into account any acceleration or deceleration, especially in the repercus-
sions on the national age structure.
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Alfred Sauvy
Adoption of the aims of the population policy

First of all, demographic forecasts should be m a d e for the country concerned.
A n initial idea can be gained from the calculations already carried out by the
United Nations. Without describing in detail the forecasting methods des-
cribed in the various manuals, 1 w e would recall the main principles: (a) the
results of the forecast are primarily dependent o n the assumptions that have
been adopted; (b) there should be nothing prescriptive in the choice of these
assumptions: the idea at this stage is simply to identify the existing trend;
(c) births are the principal u n k n o w n quantity (apart from migrations, which
are generally excluded from the calculation); (d) it is useful to adopt an upper
limit and a lower limit, but these should not be too far apart.
The demographic projections thus obtained must then be summarily
compared with the targets set for development. If this examination is confined
to the calculation of demographic investment levels, it will generally lead to
the conclusion that the population is growing too rapidly. T h e aim would
then seem to be, if not to halt the rise in population, at least to bring d o w n
the net reproduction rate to 1.
However, this approach is far too rigorous : any strictly logical calculation
in thisfieldleads to an unnecessarily pessimistic view, as is shown by the fact
that all the expert forecasts so far m a d e along these lines, including those of
the United Nations experts in 1951, have turned out to be erroneous.
If w e use the classical formula
AR I ^
a proportion I/R = 15 per cent gives, with a national interest rate of 30 per
cent, an increase in the national income of 5 per cent per a n n u m . But if there is
a 1 per cent population increase then w e must deliberately adopt a higher
figure (e.g. 40 per cent) for T so as to take into account the advantages mentioned
above. In fact there is no correct formula that takes into account both popula-
tion growth and the various sociological factors that accompany it.
This being so, what conclusions are w e to draw from our comparison?
If the growth of the population is too fast, it acts as a brake on development,
even if the calculation is extended to the longer term, beyond the fifteen
comparatively carefree years referred to above. The question then assumes
the following form: There is a clash between three factors—the proposed
rate of development, the percentage of investment and the growth rate
of the population. W h i c h must be adjusted? The three solutions are:
(a) to lower the proposed economic targets; (b) to raise the percentage
of investment, and therefore to reduce consumption; and (c) to reduce
the population growth rate. The decision is not purely arbitrary, since the
rate at which the population is increasing cannot be reduced at will;
there are also limits to the extent to which investment can be increased.
1. See esp. R . Pressât, L'Analyse Démographique, p. 255-7 8.
116
Demography
ÏÏ" the population is thought to be increasing too slowly, the action to be

taken must depend on whether only short-term (generally four- to six-year)
or long-term planning objectives are involved. In thefirstcase the choice lies
between resorting to immigration and lowering the economic objectives. In
the second case account must be taken of the burden that will result
for a number of years from the speeding u p of population growth rate.
Population policy
Once the objectives of a population policy have been adopted, the means to
be employed must be decided on. W e shall concentrate on the question of
excessively rapid growth, since its converse—excessively slow growth—is far
less c o m m o n in the world of today.
EXCESSIVELY RAPID POPULATION G R O W T H
It must be said at the outset that, in spite of m u c h that has been said recently,
there can be no hope whatever of achieving a complete and sudden halt to
population growth, even in a developed country. N o t only is such an abrupt
halt not feasible, but it would entail a profound upheaval, lasting two or three
centuries, in the age structure of the population and the demographic and
economic characteristics that are linked with it (birth rate, death rate, school
and university population, economically active population, etc.).
It is by n o means rare nowadays to find a developing country with a
birth rate approaching (say) 45 per 1,000, a death rate in the process of falling
from 15 to 12 per 1,000 over the course of a few years and a policy of reducing
the growth rate to 2 per cent or even 1 per cent per a n n u m , which means
cutting d o w n the birth rate to 32 or 22 per 1,000.
There is unfortunately no law governing the relationship—even in approxi-
mate terms—between a given effort and the result to be expected from it.
Formosa and Puerto Rico, for example—to say nothing of India—suggest
very different patterns. In practice, governments adopt such measures as
they consider appropriate and feasible in terms of theirfinancialand h u m a n
resources, fixing birth-rate targets that are largely a matter of guess-work
and err as a rule on the side of optimism. This is not, however, an area in
which optimism is likely to yield dividends, and governments would do far
better to face the facts of the situation frankly.
W e do not propose to give a detailed description of the various techniques
of birth control and the ways in which their use can be encouraged. A few
remarks will suffice.
AN INITIAL CHOICE
This choice has to do with the adoption or rejection of abortion. A m o n g a

backward—or even a more advanced—population, abortion is the most
117
Alfred Sauvy
effective technique. It is easier to say 'yes' once than to say 'no' every day, as
is the case with all contraceptive methods except the coil. A s the reasons for
allowing or prohibiting abortion (or for adopting an in-between attitude) are
primarily of a moral character, w e shall not express any opinion on the subject.
REMARKS CONCERNING CONTRACEPTIVE METHODS
The minimal cost of the contraceptive needed to prevent a birth is often

compared with the vast expense involved in bringing u p and educating a
child. T h e difference is indeed striking, but the comparison is worthless.
T o begin with, in order to form a judgement from which any practical con-
clusions could be drawn, it would be necessary to assess the effectiveness
of the contraceptive method in question, if—to take an extreme case—this
turns out to be totally ineffective, the force of the comparison is actually
reversed. In financial terms, any family-planning policy is constantly subject
to the law of diminishing—and ultimately vanishing—returns. Second, this
method of reasoning, if carried to its logical conclusion, would lead to the
suppression of all births whatever, since it ignores the contribution that the
child will m a k e to society once it has been trained. The calculation is therefore
valid only within certain limits.
In those classes of society where couples are ill-housed and poorly edu-
cated, the coil (which is inserted into the uterus) is to be recommended in
preference to the contraceptive pill, because once it has been inserted it requires
no effort or restraint o n the part of the w o m a n or the couple. However, risks
of infection or of failure must be reduced to a m i n i m u m . If qualified medical
personnel or resources are lacking, it is better to limit the campaign geogra-
phically rather than risk a wave of adverse comment a m o n g disappointed users
of the device, since such oral counter-propaganda might well ruin the idea
for several years to c o m e .
Logically and humanly speaking, it would be preferable to concentrate
initially on the poorer classes of society. However, in terms of the n u m b e r
of births prevented, this sort of campaign tends to be far less effective. N o t
only does a campaign directed at the middle classes have a greater chance of
success in itself, but its results will tend to communicate themselves to those
lower d o w n in the social scale by example and word-of-mouth recommenda-
tion, which is often m o r e convincing than official propaganda.
A s in so m a n y cases where 'morality' conflicts with efficacy, the choice
is essentially political.
T h e ineffectiveness of birth-control propaganda often leads its authors
to advocate the penalization, by fiscal or other means, of families above a
certain size—a policy calculated to bring in revenue instead of incurring
expenditure. A n e w and serious conflict could arise here between morality
and expediency. There is indeed something distasteful about the idea of
penalizing children merely because they have been born; what is more, their
elders are penalized at the same time. However, the effectiveness of such a
measure is itself questionable, especially in the case of poorer families ; moreover,
118
Demography
any advantages it might have could well be outweighed by its adverse reper-
cussions on health.
Birth-control propaganda is often clumsy because it is too direct; in
some cases it m a y even prove counter-productive.
It is a remarkable fact that the countries with declining birth rates (e.g.
Formosa, Singapore, etc.) all had a very low rate of infant mortality which
would have been impossible unless their children had been properly cared for.
This proves that the teaching of infant care is a h u m a n e and effective method
of encouraging the spacing-out of births and hence a reduction in their number;
and that it is better to preach love of children than resentment of them.
INSUFFICIENT POPULATION G R O W T H
It is clear that any country with a crude rate of net reproduction equal to 1
would for a time experience an increase in total population, due to the increase
in the number of old people (dilemma: growing or ageing). Consequently,
the maintenance of the total population at a constant level would m e a n that
the generations were not replacing themselves.
W h e r e a policy of acceleration appears necessary, it must take the form
of action to influence migrations or births, since every country already endea-
vours to lower the death rate as a matter of course.
Migration policy (halting emigration or attracting immigrants) can be
studied only in specific cases. It should not be forgotten, however, that it is
uneconomical for a country to admit m e n over the age of 40-45 (this figure
m a y vary according to country and circumstances), for it is at this age that the
individual ceases to have any capital value for the nation (assuming that
retirement takes place at the age of 65).
A policy for raising the birth rate can take the form of (a) action to
discourage contraception or abortion ; or (b) family aid. In order to be effec-
tive, the latter must be differential and not general, as is often advocated. For
instance, housing aid should be conditional and localized (it is for example
of substantial benefit by the time of the second or third birth). Aid granted
in respect of the first child is valuable from a social point of view but not
from the point of view of encouraging the birth rate.
REVISION OF POPULATION PROJECTIONS
Once the population policy has been decided on and incorporated in the
plan, its effects must be evaluated, as w e have seen, without any undue opti-
mism. T h e forecasts are then revised accordingly to provide the essential
foundation of the plan as a whole.
General inventory of h u m a n resources

The two groups that essentially concern us here are (a) the economically active
population, which is able to produce; and (b) the school or university
119
Alfred Sauvy
population, which has to be trained. It is also possible to take into account

the training of adults, since economically active persons can also be included
in the education plan.
The forecasts are m a d e in the usual w a y by extrapolation of the activity
and educational attendance rates obtaining a m o n g the various age groups.
At this stage, as the educational plan has not yet been decided on, w e
can follow the same order as that previously adopted for the over-all popu-
lation: (a) preliminary forecast, by extrapolation from existing norms; (b) c o m -
parison with economic or other data; (c) harmonization of the figures in the
event of conflict.
The first step, then, is to m a k e the necessary forecasts, using existing
norms (i.e. the activity and educational attendance rates obtaining in each
age group), but adjusting them for certain ages to allow for general trends,
e.g. the raising of the school-leaving age, the introduction of a national retire-
ment scheme or changes of a permanent character in the conditions of female
labour. These techniques are easy to apply and give rise to n o awkward
problems provided the necessary statistics—especially the full results of two
successive censuses—are available.
This is not the case as regards the geographical distribution of the popu-
lation, since there is generally no check on population movements. True,
it is always possible (and generally useful) to m a k e local and regional popu-
lation forecasts, taking into account only the natural movement of the popu-
lation, but if there is a substantial volume of migration, as for instance from
rural areas to the towns, an adjustment will have to be m a d e , as it is better to
have an approximatefigurethan one that is precise but wrong. Here again the
results of two successive censuses can be used, but the element of uncertainty
is greater than in the previous case.
At this stage,figurescovering the present and several years to come will
have been established for: (a) the young, economically inactive section of the
population not receiving schooling; (b) the school and university population;
(c) the economically active population; (d) the existing economically inactive
population, consisting essentially of married w o m e n w h o are not profes-
sionally employed, but also of the infirm, and—if classified in this w a y —
non-career members of the armed forces; (e) the old and economically inactive
section of the population.
Such a breakdown tells us quite a lot about needs, notably in respect of
nutrition, but not about productive capacity. It needs to be supplemented,
in the case of the economically active population, by information regarding
occupational and productive capacity. Data on this subject are generally
far from adequate, and once again it is often necessary to consult the census
returns, which at least give each individual's profession or occupation at
the time the census was taken and sometimes his level of instruction or training.
In some countries there are agricultural, industrial, commercial and other
censuses, but they tell us more about equipment, which is easy to enumerate
and define, than about m e n .
Once the inventory of h u m a n resources has been drawn u p , especially
120
Demography
from the point of view of productive capacity, the next stage is to compare
it with the economic imperatives and possibilities.
In order to do this w e need a national accounting model covering m a n -
power, production and value. Let us see on what basis such accounts can be
established.
Establishment of a national accounting

model covering manpower, production and value
All countries nowadays have a national accounting system which, incorporat-

ing the State budget in the over-all context of national economic operations,
provides a retrospective (and sometimes an advance) breakdown of national
production and its utilization (consumption, investment, net exports). Gene-
rally speaking, thefigureused is the G N P , at market prices or component
costs.
This type of accounting is not only inadequate, but often, for various
reasons, misleading.
1. / / was established after the war by experts from developed countries,
w h o were mainly concerned with their o w n type of economy. Recent reforms
have done nothing to remedy this shortcoming, since they were carried out in
collaboration with the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Devel-
opment ( O E C D ) , which is specifically concerned with the developed countries.
The concept of gross product is disputable, since it adds to the production
of commercial goods and services the supposed value of the public services,
estimated according to their cost. Yet to a large extent these services (courts,
police, general administration, armed forces, etc.) have merely m a d e it possible
for commercial production to be carried out. T h e duplication that occurs
here is all the more regrettable as m a n y countries have a tendency to allow
civil service jobs to multiply inordinately. The increase observed in the G N P
is partly artificial.
W e can even go further and ask ourselves whether, in a subsistence
economy, it is right to add u p a dollar's worth of bread and a dollar spent
at the barber's and to conclude that that makes two dollars. In a developed
country with a market economy such an addition is fair, but in a country
where people are suffering from nutritional deficiencies and where production
is affected by the malnutrition of the workers, this method of accountancy
yields erroneous conclusions.
The statistics for m a n y developing countries over the past twenty years
show a considerable increase in the G N P per head coupled with a virtual
standstill in production and food consumption. T h e latter result, which is
perhaps more important than the former, is often ignored.
2. Official national accounting uses a variable standard. Unlike the point
m a d e under (1) above, the point m a d e here applies chiefly to the developed
countries, because movements of capital bulk larger there, even in relative
121
Alfred Sauvy
terms, although in some developing countries the speed of monetary erosion

is also making it increasingly c o m m o n for substantial transfers of wealth to
take place without being reflected under the national accounting system.
This is a question that governments andfinanciersare only too glad to
ignore, and w e shall not insist on it here. W e shall merely point out that
calculations of the G N P or other aggregates at constant prices provide a
useful corrective to certain movements occurring over a period of time, but
d o not correct errors in the accounts for eachfinancialperiod.
3. National accounting ignores the human factor. Based as it is on bud-
getary data and the concept of national income, national accounting takes
little account of h u m a n beings as such—the more so as, not being a c o m m e r -
cial item, they do not automatically find their way into the accounts; wages
and salaries do not in themselves represent more than part of a people's
labour.
A s people are by no means sofluidas currency, this approach results in
errors of appreciation which, far from diminishing, are in danger of becoming
more pronounced as national accounting is increasingly used as a guide to
economic and even social policy decisions.
This is not the place to draw u p a complete model of a national accounting
system that would take greater account of h u m a n beings, at any rate as a
production factor. W e shall, however, indicate the fundamental concept
on which such a system should be based.
W O R K / P R O D U C T I O N EQUATION
The inventory of available h u m a n resources gives rise to three questions

suggesting three ways of evaluating the possible production of the various
products and services in a country, within the limits of the occupational
and intellectual capabilities of those concerned.
Inventory of production assuming that those available continued to work
part time or to be deprived of work by force of circumstances. This result,
which, let us note, is not a singlefigurebut a series offigures,corresponds
more or less to the previous year's production as corrected to allow for the
occupational development of the economically active population and
for any investment. It is, in short, the initial position, on which the aim
is to improve.
Inventory of production assuming that, still within the limits of their capa-
bilities, those without work were provided with the equipment or other
facilities needed to ensure their full employment, without any advance in
productivity.
Inventory of production assuming that, still within the limits of their occupa-
tional and intellectual capabilities, those concerned were provided with
the equipment or other facilities needed for full employment plus optimum
productivity.
These three results, which for the time being are simply three concepts, cor-
respond to the various possible changes and areas of elasticity.
122
Demography
The existing situation, which represents our starting point, can be

improved on either through full quantitative employment without increased
productivity or through full employment in both the quantitative and
qualitative senses.
A s an example of thefirstcase w e might take agricultural workers with
extra land at their disposal as a result of irrigation or clearance operations and
hence in a position to increase production; or the doctor w h o , if provided with
a car or an improved road, will be able, under the same qualitative conditions,
to look after a larger number of patients than before.
In the second case it is assumed that the worker has been provided with
machines capable of improving his productivity—e.g. a plough that will
plough deeper and that is easy to handle and maintain. Machines too compli-
cated for the individual concerned to operate are useless for this purpose and
should not be introduced.
All this rests on the—admittedly extreme—hypothesis of a situation in
which the abilities or inclinations of m e n as producers would enjoy absolute
priority and any demand for equipment, etc., could be fully satisfied. Each
worker would then be equipped with whatever tools would enable h i m to
m a k e the very most of his aptitudes and capacities.
Last, but by n o means least, there is the possibility of increasing the
worker's occupational proficiency, but this is a m u c h slower process and
essentially a matter of longer-term policy. If combined with the improvements
already discussed, it would open the way, if not to limitless production, at
any rate to a level equal to that of the most highly developed countries. A s
an element of evaluation it should not be introduced until a later stage.
Whatever hypothesis is adopted, the proposed calculation is intricate,
because it does not consist merely in adding u p successive figures for each
sector, but relates the various sectors to one another. For instance, an increase
in agricultural production can have a repercussion on the production of food
factories, then on the balance of accounts, etc. Thefinalresult for the economy
as a whole can be obtained only by a matrix calculation similar to that for
inter-industrial trade, but expressed in terms not of monetary value but of the
hours of work performed by the various categories of workers. If there are
ten categories of workers, ten tables1 must therefore be drawn up, giving
for each product or category of products the number of hours worked by
each of the various categories in question. But a table can also be prepared for
the economy as a whole ("see below).
1. See J. Magaud, 'Equivalent Travail d'une Production. Nouvelle Méthode de Calcul et de

Prévision', Population, March-April 1970 and A . Sauvy, ' U n Essai d'Économie Intégrale: L a
Couverture de ses Besoins par une Population', Population, N o . 6, 1968.
123
Alfred Sauvy
N u m b e r of hours work per branch required from each category of worker
Medium-level
technicians
(or branch
Specialized
technicians
Labourers
Qualified
workers
workers
workers
Product
Senior
Office
Total
Agriculture
Food industries
Construction and public
works
Electricity
Oil
Metal-working
Chemical industry
Civil service
etc., etc.
Together
The headings in this table are given solely in order to provide a schematic
picture of what is required. In the left-hand column are listed products that
must of necessity be grouped together in a relatively homogeneous whole that
w e call a branch. In the top line m a y appear either the qualifications or the
level of instruction and training of |the various categories of worker, it being
understood that movement should be relatively easy within each category
and fairly difficult from one category to another.
The last Une provides us with the answer w e are seeking, namely the
'population required'—a concept of great importance.
Such a table not only tells us h o w m a n y hours of work, whether direct
or indirect, are needed for the production of say electricity, but also—and
this is its principal value—in each of the various categories would be needed
to bring about an increase of 10 or 20 per cent in production.
In a developing country it is labourers w h o are plentiful and qualified
workers w h o are in short supply. Consequently, calculations based on the
financial profitability of an undertaking lead to mistaken conclusions and
unwise choices. For economic as m u c h as for social reasons, preference should
be given, assuming equal (or even slightly unequal) profitability, to those
options that will absorb the greatest quantity of surplus manpower.
124
Demography
Preliminary economic andfinancialbalance sheet
T h e primary objective is to achieve full employment, i.e. to utilize all available

h u m a n resources. There are two aims behind this : increasing the production
of wealth (economic aim) and enabling each individual to earn his living
(social aim). However, the two objectives d o not as a rule coincide; indeed,
an extra m a n m a y even be worth less in terms of increased production than
the cost of bringing him on to the production line. T o m a k e an extreme example,
the indiscriminate mobilization of an entire village population for employment
o n a public or local authority work site during the slack season might well
yield very indifferent results in terms of production. W o r k is a means but not
an end in itself. Broadly speaking, any work unlikely to bring in as m a n y
calories as would be needed to perform it should be ruled out.
The choice between the economic objective and the social objective is
political not scientific; but it can and should be m a d e in the light of all relevant
facts.
H U M A N RESOURCES A N D PRODUCTION TARGETS
If w e apply the national manpower/production/value accounting model

described above, w e arrive at a confrontation between h u m a n resources and
production targets.
Even if only a rough calculation is possible, it sheds an unexpected light
o n the question of the use of h u m a n resources, for w efindourselves confronted
with two quite different patterns for the production of wealth. O n e pattern
is determined by the plan in the light of economic considerations, and reflects
public and private needs as dictated by the aspirations of the population qua
consumer and the—sometimes vital—requirements of the nation. The other
is determined by men's productive capacity and its more or less proper util-
ization.
The question can also be expressed in h u m a n terms: on the one hand,
the economically active population with the occupational structure and dis-
tribution of skills which it would need to have in order to achieve the desired
production levels in the various branches—this is the 'required population'
referred to above; on the other hand, the population as it actually is. Between
the two populations there is a difference, which corresponds to that observed
between the two patterns of production.
The differences between the two patterns or between the two populations
m a y be considerable; they reveal a basic distortion, or contradiction between
the two objectives that is bound to m a k e success harder to achieve.
CAUSES OF DISTORTION
There are three essential reasons for this distortion : (a) Training, competence
and ability of the individual. H e has such a low level of productivity that he
cannot easilyfindanyone to employ him even in a planned (let alone a market)
125
Alfred Sauvy
economy; or else his qualifications are useless for whatever jobs he is offered
(redundant skills). Sometimes a worker will turn d o w n a job that he considers
beneath him. The shortage of comparatively skilled workers (especially techni-
cians) can also be a cause of unemployment lower d o w n the scale, (b) Shortage
of equipment. Shortages of equipment—in the most general sense of the w o r d —
are c o m m o n in developing countries, (c) Geographical maladjustment,
whether peimanent or temporary.
The problem assumes widely differing aspects according to the degree
of development. In developing countries it is primarily a matter of insufficient
training and shortage of producers' goods (land, agricultural machinery,
factories, etc.), whereas the industrial countries suffer from various forms of
maladjustment as a result of lagging behind in some areas and advancing too
rapidly in others.
M A K I N G FULL USE OF H U M A N RESOURCES
Thefirstquestion to be decided is whether the different forms of activity, and

consequently the different types of consumption, should be adjusted to h u m a n
beings as they are, or whether h u m a n beings should be adjusted to the needs
expressed, the adjustment being either occupational or geographical. T h e
answer depends very m u c h on whether w e take a short-term or a long-term
view.
In the short term, as m e n cannot change instantly or even rapidly, they
must be used as they are and to the m a x i m u m extent possible, as w e have
pointed out above.
In the long term, on the other hand, this adjustment of activities to m e n
is not to be recommended; m e n must be so trained as to enable the population
to satisfy the needs that it expresses. T h e purpose of the economy is not w o r k
but consumption. However, granted the bare necessities for such needs as
are of life, the desire of the individual to pursue one activity rather than
another m a y influence production plans—e.g. through wages, with unpopular
but necessary jobs having to be better paid than others.
F r o m the long-term point of view, the question is bound u p with that
of over-all education and training policy, which w e shall consider in a m o m e n t .
MEANS OF ADAPTATION IN THE SHORT TERM
Foreign trade is thefirstsolution that w e m a y think of; if available, it is the

most profitable solution, even in the long term. If the goods produced by t w o
countries A and B are complementary, they should be exchanged. In most
cases, however, this solution is difficult to apply since the same distortions
tend to occur in different countries and especially in those countries that
have reached the same stage of development.
Migration is another method that is often applied, especially by the
developed countries of Western Europe, which recruit foreign labour to fill
the jobs in which their o w n nationals are no longer interested. In return,
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Demography
these migrations of labour enable little-developed countries such as Portugal,

Turkey and Algeria to cut d o w n unemployment or under-employment and
to acquire foreign currency, which is always useful as it makes it possible
for them to purchase the goods they are short of and thereby contributes to
full employment.
Even if the migration of labour assumes a permanent character, it should
not be regarded as anything but a make-shift, a convenient palliative, rather
than a genuine solution. In somes cases, when it takes the form of a brain
drain or an outflow of workers in short supply (e.g. nurses) it is positively
undesirable. Notwithstanding the attempts that have been m a d e to justify
it on individual and even collective grounds the fact remains that this pheno-
m e n o n is very m u c h to the benefit of the host—i.e. the richest countries—and
is generally to the detriment of the countries of origin. M o r e cannot be said
here about this basic, long-term problem, which is all too seldom treated as
seriously as it deserves to be.
Operating in the reverse direction w e have technical assistance, which
has rendered great services and could have rendered even greater ones. In
the utilization of h u m a n resources it acts in two ways. In the short term, it
m a y take the form of supplying a specialized technician whose function is
equivalent to that of the missing component without which an entire engine
cannot operate. If the proper ratio of technicians to unskilled workers can be
determined, it is possible, other things being equal, to calculate h o w m a n y
jobs are created by the arrival of a qualified m a n . In the longer term, the
technician trains others and thus performs a multiplying function. T h e two
functions can sometimes be combined.
In the industrial countries the number of working hours is a regulator,
but one that serves only as a palliative. It has, moreover, the defect of perpe-
tuating distortions by the very fact of making them easier to put u p with.
Various solutions, applied chiefly in the less-developed countries, take
the form of 'creating jobs' wherever there is a d e m a n d for them, especially
in rural areas. Although such solutions have a primarily social objective,
there m a y be an economic justification for them too, as in the case of the
public or local authority works of one kind or another which are often orga-
nized for this purpose.
The idea of organizing public works in rural areas during the slack season
for such productive tasks as irrigation, anti-erosion or similar operations has
given rise to heated controversy. Leaving aside actual compulsion, whether
material or spiritual, which suits only certain régimes, this method is to be
recommended only provided certain conditions are observed. First, not only
should the work be productive, but this fact should be established by as
accurate an assessment as possible of the annual gains in production that
will result from it. Second, precisely because of these gains in production,
from which the village community will ultimately benefit, wages must be
kept within very moderate bounds. They should, however, in any event be
higher than the cost of the food calories consumed during the work. T h e
usual objections to aid in the form of food from the developed countries n o
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Alfred Sauvy
longer apply here since such aid becomes an investment, even in terms of
food, rather than a form of once-for-all consumption.
Private expenditure can be channelled towards certain forms of consump-
tion by taxation and various other incentives.
Public expenditure can be partly devoted to promoting full employment.
Transfers of private revenue to the State facilitate transfers of activity.
There are various other techniques of short-term adjustment, but all of
them have the disadvantage of holding u p the more radical—and inevitably
more painful—adjustment that is really called for.
The setting u p of new factories, which is often—especially as regards
siting—a matter for decision b y the public authorities, can contribute to the
process of adjustment.
Population growth, which w e have discussed above, is to some extent
a factor conducive to adjustment owing to the greater occupational and geo-
graphical mobility of the young and the fact that it is always easier to modify an
existing pattern by building on to it than by lopping pieces of it off.
THE ROLE OF INVESTMENT AND OF EQUIPMENT
While the role of investment in creating increased wealth is not disputed (the
question is in any case largely one of definition), its influence on employment
has been the subject of lively controversy and a good deal of adverse comment.
The general view, even a m o n g people with some knowledge of economics,
is that mechanization reduces the total number of jobs—a judgement to which
socialists of every school subscribe.
A n economy can experience both 'recessive' improvements, that cut
back on manpower, and 'processive' improvements, that directly create new
jobs. Moreover, general development produces shifts in consumption, and
these too, create jobs. In the early stages of development this type of'consump-
tion promotion' is rarer, and the balance is therefore not nearly so favourable
as it subsequently becomes. T h e replacement of m e n by machines must b e
handled with the greatest care, especially if the machines are imported and if
there is a large number of unemployed.
This does not mean that developing countries with unemployment prob-
lems must refrain from acquiring vehicles, bulldozers and so on in order
that everything m a y be done with wheelbarrows and shovels, but as financial
resources are in any case inadequate, the greatest possible care must be taken
in deploying them, with every effort being m a d e to allow for any side-effects.
Agriculture or industry
This is a choice that has to be m a d e in all developing countries; for the past
twenty years it has given rise to decisions that have often been dictated by
considerations of prestige and self-esteem rather than by a concern for econo-
128
Demography
mic betterment. A great m a n y countries have subsequently had to revise their

attitudes and even—as in the case of China—retrace their steps. It should
be remembered that the great expansion of Britain in the eighteenth century
was m a d e possible by earlier advances in agriculture. Once a little more food
was available it became possible to feed—and therefore to pay—workmen and
sailors. In various indirect ways a shortage of food seriously handicaps indus-
trialization. O n the other hand, once its basic food supply is assured, a country
should opt for industrialization unhesitatingly. A n d if some of the m o n e y
spent on food by the well-to-do can be diverted into other channels, so m u c h
the better for the community as a whole.
While not identical with the clash between agriculture and industry, the
question of town versus countryside is very closely bound u p with it. There
can of course be n o question of preventing the drift to the towns altogether,
but it should be checked as long as work is not available. A m a n w h o cannot
get a job is worse off in a town than he would be in his native village.
In developing countries little enough is sometimes needed in order to
improve agriculture productivity per head or per acre. Simple tools that are
easy to handle and look after are very often m o r e to the point than complex
machinery. In such circumstances technical assistance should be primarily
geared to the need for artisans and medium-level technicians. N o r should the
possibilities of rural guidance be forgotten.
The protection of natural resources is hampered by the fact that, like their
destruction, it is not reflected in national accounts. W e need hardly say that
it deserves the highest priority.
Education and training
W e can say only a few words about this complex and important question,
which, like the whole of this study, involves the utilization of h u m a n resources,
more especially in the developing countries.
Because m e n are not merchandise and because their value in general
economic terms is often difficult to assess, it is not easy to measure the extent
of the connexion between economic development and cultural development.
A s our objective here is specifically the utilization of h u m a n resources, our
first and obvious answer will be that education and training must have absolute
priority. Once this has been said, however, various difficulties arise.
The developing countries are poor, backward and have proportionately
far more children than their industrial neighbours. Because of their lack of
resources they are obliged to face a number of cruel dilemmas.
Furthermore, considerations of prestige or dignity were allowed during
the early days w h e n it would have been far better to concentrate on essentials,
to dictate the introduction of universal literacy programmes that were d o o m e d
to failure from the start.
This leads us to the more general question of the eternal conflict between
culture and utility—an area in which people tend to take u p emotional posi-
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Alfred Sauvy
tions in spite of the fact that the question is one of relative proportions and
not of the superiority of one objective over another.
In most countries (even the developed ones) technology receives less than
its due share of attention whenever the young are free to choose for themselves.
They are inclined to opt for the easiest, the pleasantest or the noblest pursuit ;
their individual, short-term interest does not coincide with the interest of the
community as a whole. T h e economy can be divided into a productive, c o m m e r -
cial sector and a not directly productive—or at any rate non-commercial—
sector, which needs the other as an economic base. The two are seldom mixed
in the right proportions to ensure top-speed development, and the result
is that culture itself ultimately suffers for want of adequate resources.
Educational policy must therefore react against individual pressures that
could lead to national bankruptcy. Generally speaking governments d o not
run m u c h of a risk in doing all they can to encourage technical and utilitarian
education, since there are powerful forces at work in the opposite direction.
A b o v e all, however, education must not, through its curricula, cripple young
people morally by diverting them from productive tasks without at the same
time equipping them to organize their lives on alternative Unes.
W e need hardly add that, even o n the strictly economic plane, the ad-
vancement of w o m e n is a priority objective.
Traditionally, education is directed towards the young, and from the
point of view of productivity this is justified, as their life expectancy is greater.
A n d yet the need to train or re-train adults has become greater year after
year, even in the most highly developed countries. In other countries, indeed,
the lack of resources makes it impossible to give adults as m u c h attention as
they really require. W h e r e little or n o training can be provided, technology
must often be adapted to people rather than vice versa. W e would, however
draw attention to the useful part that the audio-visual media can play in
disseminating knowledge in cases where no formal instruction can be provided.
So long as care is taken to avoid any suggestion of seeking to ram it d o w n
people's throats, information imparted in this way can m a k e a substantial
contribution to development. The death of a superstition, for instance, can
be more productive than m u c h costly investment.
Health and social policy
Health policy should aim at universal coverage and be given priority. Even
where this objective is clearly recognized in principle, choices still have to be
m a d e , if only in the annual State budget, which allocates resources as between
health and the various other sectors and also determines their distribution
within the health sector itself. However, such choices are bound to be painful
and it will perhaps be better not to venture on any specific recommendations
here.
Social policy is beset with similar difficulties. W e might mention as an
example the case, considered above, of the proposals m a d e with a view to
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Demography
penalizing, directly or otherwise, large families in countries where the popu-

lation is growing too rapidly. The establishment of priorities in this sphere
is often a political rather than a scientific problem.
Return to the general balance sheet,

adjustments and conclusions
Having considered the problem from all these angles and taken a n u m b e r
of measures, w e must return to the general economic andfinancialbalance
sheet discussed earlier. T h e provisional outline attempted at that stage has
since c o m e to require modification as a result of the various economic, cultural
and social measures adopted. The correct procedure in these circumstances
is to re-examine the entire question using our model and proceeding by means
of a series of approximations. The numerical connexion between certain data
is n o doubt very hard to establish, but this difficulty should not be allowed
to bring our operations to a standstill. It is little by little, as the various results
emerge, that the final decisions will be reached. Exercises in approximation
of this type naturally require an open-minded approach and the participation
of a number of people in order that inconsistencies and distortions m a y be
eliminated as they arise.
Naturally thefinaldecision must always rest with the political authorities,
but it is important that those authorities should be fully informed and, in
particular: (a) that they should not pursue absolutely irreconcilable objectives;
and (b) that the means they employ should in fact be appropriate to the ends
they have in view.
Because h u m a n resources are hard to measure, they are all too often
neglected, with the result that the plans drawn up do not always offer the best
solution, even on the purely economic plane. It is for this reason that every
effort that can be m a d e to see beyond the merely financial aspects will be
of the greatest possible service to the cause of h u m a n development.
Alfred Sauvy, after holding a number of governmental posi-

tions, founded the Institut National d'Études
Démographiques in 1945 and held a chair at the Collège de
France from 1959 to 1969. Amongst his many works may
be mentioned Théorie Générale de la Population
(two Vols.: 1963 and 1966), L'Opinion Publique
(latest ed., 1967), L a Montée des Jeunes (latest ed.,
1969), Les Limites de la Vie Humaine (1961),
Population Explosion—Abundance or Famine? (1962),
Malthus et les Deux M a r x (1966), Histoire Économique
de la France entre les Deux Guerres (4 vols.: 1965, 1967,
forthcoming and in preparation), and L a Révolte des
Jeunes (1970).
131
Victor Volsky Economic geography
Economic geography as social science

The extensive and rapidly developing complex of geographical sciences e m -
braces the intricate sphere of relations between h u m a n society and its geogra-
phic environment. N o matter h o w great the advancement of scientific and
technological development of society, nature—whether in its initial state or
remade by m a n — h a s always been and will always be for people their habitat
and sole base for the creation of material wealth and means of subsistence.
Thus, the task is to m a k e the most rational and efficient use of nature with
the aid of the productive forces created by society—men and w o m e n w h o
possess the relevant knowledge and k n o w - h o w , implements and means of
production.
This is the subject dealt with by geographical sciences—both in the aspect
of studying the laws governing the development of natural complexes and
disclosing the possibilities of their utilizations (theoretical and applied physical
geography) and in that of investigating the social laws which determine the
given w a y of utilizing labour and natural resources, the specific features of
the formation and functioning of productive complexes in geographical space
(economic geography or, as it is sometimes called, the geography of m a n ) .
Hence, economic geography is a social science which studies the territorial
distribution, combination and interaction of productive forces in the utilization
of the geographic environment by h u m a n society on the various stages of its
development.
Economic geography has proved beyond all doubt the existence of a
direct relationship between the utilization of h u m a n and natural resources,
the location, combination and interaction of productive forces, on the one
hand, and the property relations existing in a given society with reference to
land and other natural resources, implements and means of production, o n
the other. H o w resources are utilized depends on w h o they belong to, in
whose interests they are used. For instance, land will be used differently
depending on w h o owns it: a small peasant will use it for subsistence farming;
a traditional latifundist will set up an economy that requires the least possible
capital input and gives the m a x i m u m opportunity of utilizing the land, per se,
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Economic geography
as capital—to lease it out, to pay his hired labourers, etc. ; a capitalist owner
will orient his agricultural production exclusively to the market so as to get
the greatest possible profit on the capital invested and, at the same time, to
increase investment and obtain m o r e profit—mostly at the expense of the
further intensification of land tilling.
The more developed the productive forces, the broader the range of
possibilities in the utilization of the geographic environment. But every social
structure and every type of society objectively works out its o w n criteria for
appraising the efficiency of productive forces and the adequacy of the use of
natural resources. This gives rise to certain types of economy with their parti-
cular features and territorial distribution of population, which are studied
by economic geography.
Without here touching upon the inner problems of social structures
their fairness, stability, etc., w e cannot help noting that spontaneous and
non-scientific forms and methods of running the economy, which cater to
the interests of certain groups of the population, lead to grave consequences—
both for nature and for society. These negative consequences m a y manifest
themselves at all levels, local and regional (sharp infringement upon natural
balance, destruction and spoliage of forests, erosion and exhaustion of soil,
pollution of waters and atmosphere, economic depression, emigration of the
population, and so on) and nationwide (increasingly distorted development
of the various parts of the country, growth of marginal population, monocul-
ture, growth of external dependence, etc.).
B y carefully studying positive experiences, economic geography addresses
itself to the analysis of negative phenomena in the organization of various
economies and atfindingways for overcoming them. At the same time, eco-
nomic geography, in contrast to 'adjacent' sciences (but using their data)
works on the principle of bringing two approaches as close to each other as
possible : the most effective territorial distribution of the whole set of produc-
tive forces with due account of society's immediate interests, historically
conditioned bottle-necks and all regional and national problems of population
and economy, on the one hand, and the most complete consideration of all
properties and qualities of the natural environments used by m a n and consi-
deration of optimal comprehensive utilization of natural resources, founded
on the knowledge and adequate use of these environments.
In studying the territorial distribution of population on our planet, a
great deal of information has accumulated which increasingly allows a move-
ment from descriptive and comparative methods to quantitative and typo-
logical ones, from the monitoring and appraisal of phenomena to their
prognostication and programming.
Development problems and economic geography

The experience of history and especially that of the post -war decades shows
that no solution to the problem of the economic inequality of nations can
be found along lines of ordinary evolution. A simple calculation shows that
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Victor Volsky
just in order to preserve their present relative share in the world economy,
the developing countries must have a rate of annual production increment
that is as m a n y times higher than the average world rate as their population
growth surpasses the average growth of population throughout the world.
For instance, for Latin America o n the average, which has an annual popula-
tion growth of about 3 per cent, with average world population increment
of 1.8 per cent and economic growth of 7 per cent, the m i n i m u m annual
increment rate necessary just to preserve the continent's present share in the
world economy must be:
3.0.7.0
1L7
-ÜT =
Since the actual growth is not only lower than that, but even lower than the
average world increase, the share of Latin America in the world economy
is steadily diminishing. This is evident even in the industrial sphere the situation
of which had been somewhat better than in the other sectors of the continent's
economy: the share of Latin America in the industrial output of the non-
socialist world diminished from 4.3 per cent in 1948 to 3.6 per cent in 1966.
A n d this means a still greater deterioration of per capita indicators relative
to the average world level and spells the further growth of the gap between
developed and developing countries.
S o m e researchers and leaders consider the evil to be rooted in the 'exces-
sive' population growth in developing countries and that it would be simpler
to adjust this rate to existing economic growth than to work for a radical
increase of the latter. They think 'family planning' to be the best w a y out.
S o m e comments o n this matter should be m a d e .
First, as more than a century's observations and investigations have
shown, the birth-rate and average number of children per family are inversely
proportional to the level of living and cultural life of a nation and depend on
them. A s living standards and culture rise, the birth-rate invariably drops too.
Trying to combat the effects of low standards of living, but not their causes is
ineffective, to say the least, and ultimately quite harmful, for this diverts
funds, efforts and consciousness from the real and only effective aims of
struggle.
Second, the experience of m a n y nations shows that a low birth-rate does
not alleviate the problems of unemployment, marginal population and low
development rates at all. In France, for instance, the highest unemployment
level in history in the 1930s coincided with a period of practically n o natural
increment of the population. A s for developing countries, the low birth-rate
in some is attended by equally low development rates (Argentina, Uruguay).
This makes m a n y researchers look with alarm at the decrease of the birth-
rate, the natural increment, and the population problems involved.1
Third, m a n is the chief productive force. It is quite obvious that the
work of one person can provide several people with the necessary means of
1. See, for instance, Argentina 2000: Una Nación Semi-desierta?, Buenos Aires, 1969.
134
Economic geography
subsistence. In the post-war period, under steadily increasing labour produc-

tivity, the incorporation of n e w labour contingents in the industry of most
countries led to a rise in the value of output in geometrical progression. In
these conditions, cutting the annual growth of labour and the incapacity to
guarantee employment point to a misfit between the system of labour orga-
nization and the level of development of productive forces.
Moreover, the task is not merely to change the quantitative indicators.
Quantitative indicators, per se, can and must be applied to determining the
degree of socio-economic backwardness only so far as they help to bring out
the qualitative boundaries and specific features of this phenomenon in various
countries and help to uncover the causal chains and basic factors to be acted
upon in the course of development. In this sense w e cannot consider as fruitful
the attempts at listing all the world's countries according to the level of the
national product or national income per capita of the population, or to work
out some sort of formally integrated statistical indicator equally applicable
to all countries.1 M u c h work will still have be done on measuring backward-
ness and establishing its qualitative features. It is, however, quite obvious
that there are characteristic qualitative features of backwardness which cannot
be overcome by a simple and constant alteration of certain quantitative
indicators. W e m a y list the following a m o n g these features:
Economic dependence in its various manifestations.
Non-compensated export of a part of the national product.
Agrarian raw material specialization in the international division of labour.
Deformation of the inner structure of the economy and a high degree of
sectorial and territorial dismemberment.
Extremely wide gaps in labour productivity in the various sectors and branches
of the economy (especially between the export and traditional branches)
with overwhelming predominance of low productivity.
Dualism of socio-economic structures with the preservation of or considerable
survivals of traditional, patriarchal methods of using labour and natural
resources.
The rapid rise of the per capita national product in such countries, as for
instance, Venezuela, Libya or Kuwait has not yet rid these countries of the
above-listed characteristics peculiar to less-developed countries.
The solution of economic backwardness is thus feasible only by over-
coming the inertia of m a n y years and by taking radical and comprehensive
measures to ensure : (a) the m a x i m u m mobilization of labour resources into
productive w o r k ; (b) mobilization of the country's material resources for
1. W e do not consider the 'general development index' worked out on the basis of eighteen
statistical indicators at the United Nations Institute for Social Development Research in
Geneva to be very adequate. (See 'Instituto de Investigaciones de las Naciones Unidas para
el Desarrollo Social', Boletín de Investigaciones, N o . 2, Ginebra, Julio 1969). The authors
set up an index forfifty-eightcountries—from 111 for the United States to 10 for Thailand—
and suggested that index 50 be considered as a conventional boundary between developed and
developing countries. According to this criterion, H o n g K o n g has proved to be a more
developed country than Japan and Italy, Venezuela and Chile have come under the developed
countries, while Brazil and Mexico are classed as weakly developed ones, and so on.
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Victor Volsky
development purposes; (c) steady and rapid raising of labour productivity

in all spheres of production; and (d) the greatest possible elimination of
social and geographical imbalances.
Economic geography—both as a science and as a subject of education—
m a y m a k e a substantial contribution to all stages of the difficult process of
stepped-up development.
FORMULATION OF DEVELOPMENT TARGET
W e m a y single out three basic stages in the formulation of a country's devel-

opment target:
1. Establishment of the most acute problems and bottle-necks of population
and economy, their hierarchization and interdependence—beginning
from international comparisons u p to definitions at regional levels
(analysis and forecast of situation).
2. Identification, registration and appraisal of all potentials and resources
for development (estimation of possibilities).
3. Formulation of long-term policies and concrete plans of development
(establishment of targets).
The relevant contribution of economic geography m a y be confined to research
and information along the following three lines.
First, the investigation of basic international tendencies and patterns,
trends and average world indexes in the utilization of the geographic envi-
ronment and its resources, inter-industry linkages in the economy, territorial
structure and the efficiency of the use of productive forces (all economic-
geographical typology of developing countries m a y serve as the framework
of research along such lines) ; appraising efficiency in the use of labour resources
and the structure of the economic complex and estimating the nature and
extent of'vertical' imbalances; analysis of the territorial distribution of popu-
lation and the economy, description of the existing (or emerging) economic
areas and estimation of the nature and extent of 'horizontal' (geographic)
imbalances; estimation of trends of development of economic and regional
complexes, extrapolation and prognostication of possible changes under
conditions of evolution, with the purpose of defining the basic trends and
priority of State intervention in the development process.
Secondly, the appraisal of the potential and probable lines for enhancing
economic efficiency of the existing complexes of productive forces through:
(a) elaboration of targets and criteria for appraising the possibility and priority
of exploring the natural resources, and participation in quests for resources
and in organizing their locale; (b) integral economic appraisal of natural
resources with due account of both the requirements of domestic production
and of the possibility of producing for the world market.
Thirdly, the participation in the formulation of long-term (15-20 years)
economic strategy, especially in the sphere of man/geographic environment
relationships; participation in the setting-up of medium-term (3-5 years)
programmes of direct government capital investment and indirect intervention
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Economic geography
in the economy with the purpose of establishing an overall forecast for the
development of the whole socio-economic complex; drafting of regional
plans and forecasts of economic and social development; scientific substan-
tiation of adjustments in the economic regional grid in conformity with plans
and forecasts of the development of regional productive forces and recom-
mendations on improving administrative divisions so as to harmonize economic
boundaries more closely with the political boundaries and facilitate the
management of territorial economic systems.
This list shows the important role which economic geography can play
in scientific investigations and in the substantiation of optimum ways of
social and economic progress. W e must lay special stress on the fact that
the effect derived from the practical application of economic geography in
developing countries can be relatively m u c h greater than in developed ones.
In the latter, the principal efforts of economic geographers are usually invested
into finding ways for doing away with spontaneously formed bottle-necks in
already firmly established territorial complexes of productive forces; the
degree to which natural resources are studied and used here is quite high
already and so it is unlikely that major n e w resources will be discovered to
revolutionize the regional economy and to confront it with the opportunity
of altering its specialization.
In developing countries, on the contrary, the degree to which the resources
of the geographic environment are used is quite low (with rare exceptions of
prospecting for and extracting of certain minerals for export). The existing
territorial complexes are few and not very stable. The discovery and production
of major n e w resources and the scientific organization of n e w productive
complexes taking into account both the country's requirements and the
optimum régimes for the exploitation of the natural resources can therefore
be expected.
IMPLEMENTATION OF DEVELOPMENT P R O G R A M M E S
W e k n o w from historical experience that any stepped-up development follow-

ing a more or less prolonged period of slow evolution or stagnation is inva-
riably connected with substantial qualitative changes in the social and econo-
mic structure of society. A fast and considerable increase in the economic
effect of the utilization of labour and material resources m a y be obtained only
through large-scale changes in the utilization of productive forces which, in
turn, can be obtained only by corresponding social developments. For instance,
it is quite clear that n o intensification of farming is possible with the preser-
vation of the traditional system of latifundi and minifundi. But it is also clear
that scientific conclusions or measures by government bodies are far from
enough to m a k e changes in the social structure: the active support of the
majority of the population is essential.
In this respect economic geography, both as a general educational subject
and as a science, m a y prove to be extremely important in influencing public
opinion. Geography can and must instil from the very school years a conscious
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Victor Volsky
and intelligent attitude to the country's wealth, teach people to think in

categories of the possible refashioning of nature and the economy and give
them an idea of advanced experiences, progressive forms and accomplishments
abroad.
Unfortunately, in most developing countries geography instruction today
is poorly organized, and in the rare exceptions it follows the traditional descrip-
tive method without moulding in students an active attitude to the environment
and its resources. Constructive and explorative methods are only gradually
being introduced into scientific economic geography in some countries. In
most developing countries there is practically n o training of professional
economic geographers at all, though they are badly needed for participation
in the process of programming economic and social developments.
Economic geography is very important in the course of the implementation
of plans as well. W e m a y formulate this in three basic categories :
1. Controls to check the success of the plans being implemented at all levels,
from macro- to micro-economy and the dynamic conformity of these
plans to changing internal and external factors.
2. Correction and improvement of regional and sectorial models of production
geography.
3. Development, formulation and substantiation of ideas for subsequent
medium-term plans to be drafted while the current plan is being carried
out and deriving from the latter.
All these aspects are closely connected with a most important principle of
any planning: its continuity. T h e absence of active and permanent contacts
between theory and practice d o o m s the former to blindness, lack of prospects,
unfounded and unco-ordinated decisions and actions and,firstand foremost,
purposeless investigations and academicism. Theory and practice must seek
reciprocal enrichment.
International scientific experience of economic geography in carrying
out research and issuing practical recommendations in connexion with the
formulation of a development target and the implementation of development
programmes as described above is still not very extensive. This is explained
by the fact that the very problem of intensified quests for ways of stepped-up
development has gained great prominence not so long ago. O n the other hand,
in developed countries where the level of science is highest, economic geo-
graphers are confronted with problems which differ substantially from those
that have to be solved in developing countries, and in these constructive geo-
graphy is only making its first steps. Even in the countries where economic
geography research is relatively more developed (Brazil, Mexico, Argentina
and India), investigations have actually not gone beyond an analysis of the
situation.
A great deal of scientific and practical experience in the regional approach
to stepped-up development problems has been accumulated in the Soviet
Union which w a s due both to the size of the country itself, to the planned
nature of its entire economy and to the possibility and necessity of taking
advantage of broad local initiatives. O f special interest to developing countries
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Economic geography
m a y be the experience gained in developing the economy and culture of the

formerly most backward outposts of the tsarist empire—the present republics
of Central Asia, Yakutia, etc. Within a short period the peoples of these areas
of the U . S . S . R . m a d e the road from feudalism (and sometimes tribal relations)
and isolation to complete integration in the entire country o n an immeasurably
higher level of social, economic and cultural development.
International comparisons
International comparisons are doubtless a m o n g the most important instruments

for charting national reality. A t the same time they facilitate considerably the
problems of organizing and co-ordinating international co-operation in the
development sphere.
General economic comparisons usually aim to measure the relative level
a n d rate of a country's development, the efficiency of the utilization of labour
a n d capital, the scope and nature of foreign economic relations. Economic-
jeographical comparisons involve the choice of indicators that might charac-
terize—both qualitatively and quantitatively—the specific character of m a n ' s
utilization of the geographic environment and its resources in the process of
production. Such an approach reveals with some clarity the spheres of h u m a n
productive activity in want of reorganization or substantial improvement and
points to possible ways of boosting the productivity of labour. Another
important thing is that such comparisons promote the steady accumulation
•of knowledge and identification of causal linkages and indicate n e w investi-
gations to be carried out along new lines.
O f course, international comparisons are still extremely limited by the
scarcity of statistics, especially in the young sovereign States of Asia and
Africa. The comparability of the available statistical indicators has to be
carefully checked, too.
However, within these possibilities, the choice of indicators for compari-
son must be m a d e so as to provide a many-sided picture of both the economy
as a whole and of its constituent sectors, with reference to resources, develop-
ment level, structure, type of economy and its product. Here basic and inter-
connected indicators of cause and effect should be distinguished from random,
'background' indicators.
A multi-factor economic-geographical analysis must neither be limited by
•quoting individual, sometimes entirely random correlations nor by reducing
numerous aggregations to a single global index. A situation analysis for devel-
o p m e n t planning aims to differentiate to the greatest possible extent the
strong and weak points of the economy and find their causes through a con-
trolled dynamic analysis of the correlation of factors. Preference should of course
be given not to rough and approximate functions applicable to all countries,
but to determining the more precise variables which affect production with
the given type of economy. A typology of countries and economies must
be a n absolutely essential intermediate step in international comparisons.
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Victor Volsky
Comparing low indicators in some countries with higher accomplishments

in other countries is extremely important to determine the bottle-necks and
potential of socio-economic development. However it is essential to check
comparisons: micro-economic indicators are comparable practically without
limitation (due account being taken of technological requirements posed by
natural conditions), whereas the indicators that depend on the macro-economic
structure can be compared only between countries of the same size. W e cannot,
for instance, ask of a country with 3-5 million people to have just as ramified
and developed a structure of industry as that of the United States, but w e
m a y and must compare the productivity of labour in similar industries and
enterprises. The yield of pork per head in Ecuador (37 kg) may¡ be compared
not only with that in neighbouiing Colombia (60 kg), which has the same
natural conditions but also with the weight of carcasses in Belgium or Italy
(over 80 kg).
International comparisons reveal the extremes both of vertical (structural
and sectorial) and of horizontal (geographical) distortions in countries of
various types. A n d this, in turn, allows for a more precise identification of
the nature and features of these distortions and imbalances in each country
and to establish the basic ways for transforming its economic development.
Socio-economic regionalism
T h e investigation of geographical factors in the manifestations of socio-

economic phenomena and the establishment of the specific development areas
makes u p the very essence of the economic geography method. Differences in
natural resources and the degree of their utilization, in the location, combi-
nation and use of labour resources and differences in social structure and
economic problems call for different approaches to solving development
problems in each area.
A region is an existing (or emerging) unique complex of productive forces
the specific character of which is determined by the territorial spread and
operation of a certain social structure in geographic terms. In determining
the boundaries of regions, the researcher cannot choose a 'better' or 'worse'
version, he can but determine the boundaries of existing regional 'complexes
correctly or incorrectly.
Economic geography distinguishes between sectoral regions (agricultural,
industrial and transport) and integral regions. T h efirstare, as generally
accepted, but organic components of an integral economic region and lie within
its boundaries. Sometimes w e c o m e up against the erroneous conception that
homogeneity of production, specialization and other indicators are charac-
teristics of a region. Actually a region is characterized not by uniformity, but
by the historically developed unity of various elements of economic life,,
forming a complex with stable internal and external bonds.
The economic basis of a region consists, on the one hand, of the tendency
to m a x i m u m self-sufficiency and integrity (which can never be attained), a n d ,
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Economic geography
on the other, of specialization relative to other regions within the economy.

B y specialization w e understand not just the output of certain goods, but
their output with the highest possible labour productivity, as compared with
the average productivity of the given sector throughout the country. Regions
differ from each other not so m u c h by what they produce, but rather by h o w
they do it, for what consumers, in whose interests, etc. If one region outstrips
in labour productivity another region, then under conditions of market regul-
ation of the economy the latter experiences a structural crisis, a slump of
production and, ultimately, loses its traditional specialization on a nation-
wide scale. That is w h y it is impossible to single out in one country two 'maize
areas' or three 'cotton-growing areas' without explaining the fundamental
difference between them and their specific features. Otherwise the concept
of 'regions' is turned into that of 'areas of distribution' of maize or cotton,
and nothing more.
Thus, a region is a specialized portion of a whole—the economy of the
country—in which most sectors cater to intra-regional requirements and one
or several sectors (thanks to high labour productivity attained) cater to nation-
wide requirements, both internal and external. Being a component part of a
whole, a region cannot exist without the interaction of all regions and must
not be regarded as something self-sustained and isolated.
It goes without saying that comparisons of regional labour productivity
levels on a nation-wide scale and, consequently, the fomation of the specific
economic regions is possible only under a relatively high degree of the integra-
tion of all parts of the country's economy and provided that the entire or
great majority of the country's population participates in a single h o m e
market and sufficiently developed commodity-money relations. T h e presence
of such conditions and the degree of the country's integration m a y be judged
by various criteria: data of trade censuses, inter-regional distinctions in prices
of labour, the nature of inter-regional migrations, the pattern of the railway
network and of h o w the territory, population and production are serviced by
this network, etc.
It should be stressed that a region is not a part of a country's territory,
but a part of its economy. That is w h y , in the countries where the greater
part of the economy is concentrated in a part of the national territory with
consolidated bonds, established economic regions can refer only to this,
most highly developed part of the country.
In weakly integrated countries w e cannot speak of established regions.
At best, they are still in the process of formation and their internal structure,
specialization, relations with the other parts of the country and very boun-
daries m a y change substantially in the course of development. It often happens
that the degree of isolation of some parts of the country is so great that they
prove to be more closely connected with the external, world market than
with the economic core of the country. Sometimes such territories become
an 'external' (relative to the rest of the country) source of compensating
financing.
The establishment of the boundaries of economic regions involves the
141
Victor Volsky
study of the territorial distribution of comparably complex social structures

of the economy, i.e. a study of social geography. It is social similarity that
underlies the formation of economic regions, because it gives rise to certain,
specifically regional average labour productivity, standards of living and con-
sumption and, consequently, the aspiration to building u p a regional market.
The developed or backward nature of the economic complex of a region
depends o n internal social structure. In every region the most developed
social relations also produce the highest (as compared with the average regio-
nal) productivity of labour in certain sectors of the economy which become
the foundation for the region's specialization.
The nature of land ownership and tenure is the best indicator of the
spread of comparable complexes of social relations. These indicators are
most closely bound to territory and highlight the causes of the backwardness
or development which is important for decision-making. Similar indicators
must be established also for the region's industry (types of enterprises, specific
features of the concentration of capital, ratio of handicrafts to factory indus-
try, national and foreign capital, and the like).
Extensive use is also m a d e of other indicators, which are the effect of
the structure of social relations, e.g. the proportion of literates a m o n g the
rural population, level of earnings, personal and family incomes and per
capita net incomes, the number of doctors, teachers, agronomists and engineers
relative to the population, longevity, etc. In regional economic analysis use is
also m a d e of the regional epicentric method. This is a purely empirical method
not connected with attempts at establishing cause and effect linkages. It is
usually resorted to w h e n the aim is not to pursue optimization of the social
prerequisites of regional development, but only partial technico-economic
improvements within existing social systems. The method consists essentially
of establishing the hierarchy of towns and cities and of determining regional
epicentres and the zones of their influence. A m o n g others it is the specific
features of intra-regional migrations and the urban centres of attraction for
rural migrants, the territorial flow of freight traffic, the centres and periphery
of wholesale trade, zones of attraction of universities, etc., that are identified.
O f course, in order to determine most precisely and reliably the boundaries
of socio-economic regions use should be m a d e of all the available methods and
criteria simultaneously. Here it is desirable to m a k e use of data on the smallest
administrative territorial units regardless of administrative divisions of the
first order. It should also be borne in mind that, in contrast to political bound-
aries, socio-economic boundaries are not represented b y a clear-cut line, but
by a more or less wide belt of reciprocal penetration and influence between
adjacent regions.
Establishment of the grid of economic regions is an essential prerequisite
to subsequent comparative regional analysis. Economic analysis usually leads
to static and dynamic balance tables—of labour resources, intersectoral and
inter-industry balances in kind and value, investment balances, etc. In order
to determine the efficiency of the regional economic complex, from the view-
point of the utilization of labour and capital, use is also m a d e of a balance
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Economic geography
analysis of the 'input-output' pattern. T h e task of an economic-geographical

analysis is to determine the efficiency of the economy from the viewpoint of
the utilization of the geographic environment and its resources, of siting with
reference to labour, raw-material, power and water resources, etc., and with
reference to markets. T h e ultimate aim of such an analysis is to establish the
mutual relationships between natural-resource utilization and the siting of
production in accordance with the types of economy peculiar to a region, o n
the one hand, and labour productivity, o n the other.
Regional analysis m a y become a basis for determining the principal
trends of the State's intervention in the process of local socio-economic
development. Such trends will be m u c h clearer if the analytic data are used
for prognosticating the development of regions. For economic-geographic
prognostication use m a y be m a d e both of econometric methods of extra-
polation and of simulation models in heuristic programming. O f course, a
regional prognostication cannot be reliable without taking into consideration
the results of earlier prognostications of the world market and the economic
development of the country as a whole.
But the identification of trends for efficiently and most beneficially mani-
pulating the economy does not provide criteria for making final decisions.
Before passing o n to this concluding stage in formulating development targets,
it is essentia] to clarify and estimate the potential and resources at the disposal
of a country.
Appraisal of potential and resources
The main role is played by economists: they have to estimate and prognos-
ticate the sources and scope of the possible financing of development, which
is of particular importance to drafting medium-term plans for government
intervention in the economy.
Economic geography can m a k e a substantial contribution to determining
the ways to mobilize potentials and resources both for extending financial
influx and for enhancing the efficiency of the economy as a whole. Investiga-
tions are usually conducted along three principal lines :
1. Appraisal of reserves for intensifying production by changing the social
structures governing the utilization of productive forces (for instance,
estimating the trends and effect of lands reforms in various areas ; c o m p a -
rative appraisals of the internal a n d external effect of the exploitation
of some resources by foreign or national, State or private capital, etc.).
2. Estimating the potential for economic optimizing by means of a more
rational siting and distribution of productive forces throughout and
within the regions (the effect of bringing production closer to raw-material
sources and markets, of the elimination of irrational transportation,
specialization and co-operation of production, elimination of territorial
gap between the domestic production of raw materials and their ultimate
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Victor Volsky
processing, creation of complete and interconnected production cycles,

etc.) abroad.
3. Appraisal of the possibility of drawing fresh natural resources into the
production and comparison of the economic efficiency of the various
ways of their utilization.
T h e mobilization of the potential mentioned under thefirsttwo headings is
more advantageous because it requires relatively smaller capital investments
as compared with the effect derived, yields faster returns and provides a dynamic
stimulus to the development of an entire society, and not a single region only.
But it involves a resolute policy of introducing structural changes and over-
coming the resistance of conservative and traditional social and economic
forces.
The quest for openings under the third heading is carried out willingly
enough by practically all governments. However, at present the opening u p
of fresh natural resources is fraught with dangers of negative consequences ;
under the market approach of private and, particularly, foreign capital this
m a y lead to greater raw-material specialization, to an aggravation of depen-
dence on the world market and to greater vulnerability of the national economy.
By contrast, the large-scale, rational and comprehensive utilization of natural
resources against the background of the measures referred to under the first
two headings m a y have a very positive effect. This is w h y the approach to
such problems must be flexible and far-sighted. Meanwhile, the scientific
organization of the comprehensive study and appraisal of natural resources
in weakly developed countries is, as a rule, poorly organized, chiefly for want
of the necessary personnel.
The basic stages and key problems connected with studying and utilizing
natural resources are: as follows.
Estimation of resource requirements
T h e task is to fix priorities in the quest for essential, specific types of natural
resources. It is necessary to indicate the m i n i m u m technological and economic
criteria and parameters, which such resources must conform to, as well as,
w h e n possible, the areas which are in need of certain resources. T h e require-
ments must be determined not only on the basis of present-day demand and
supply, but also bearing in m i n d forecasts of future supply o n the world and
domestic markets and due consideration to trends of technology in the ways
resources are used and can be replaced.
In determining priorities in the study of resources, it is essential to bear
in mind the extreme lack of uniformity and fragmentary nature of present-day
knowledge about the geographic environment in developing countries. It is
usually those resources of interest to foreign capital, e.g. oil, metal ores,
etc., that are relatively well k n o w n . But the 'non-exportable' renewable
resources (soils, waters, climate, vegetation, etc.) the significance of which
is often underestimated, are very poorly studied.
144
Economic geography
Macroestimates of natural resources
These must cover the entire country and aim to establish regional priorities
for subsequent detailed investigation. Those estimates must be highly general
and m a y be carried out by the joint efforts of economic and physical geogra-
phers of broad competence.
Basic exploration for resources
This is carried out in special priority territories. Despite the fact that for each
given territory the task m a y consist of the search or exploration for certain
types of resources, it is m u c h more expedient and economically more efficient
to carry out comprehensive exploration and investigation of all the local natural
resources. It makes possible the comprehensive use of equipment (for instance,
to perform, along with aerial photography, aeromagnetic gravimetric surveys),
as well as the identification of potentially promising resources, secondary
resources, the particularities of their combination, and the missing 'accessory'
types of resources essential for the exploitation of the principal ones.
Resource regionalization and the resource inventory
These are usually established according to basic exploration data. Starting

from the areas singled out they must gradually embrace the entire country.
Resource regionalization is of paramount importance. It aims to establish
the chief resources of a given region,fixingthe boundaries of their distribution
and 'centres of gravity', as well as the combination of the basic resource with
additional 'accessory' ones. T h e problems of regional planning cannot be
solved without having a clear idea of resource regionalization. Sometimes,
w h e n a deposit of the resource has to be integrally used, it appears necessary
to adjust the boundaries of an economic region for the purposes of planning.
In other cases, w h e n a resource can be partially used in several regions (a river,
for instance) it is essential to k n o w the effects of its utilization in one area upon
the possibility of using it in others. Resource regionalism must m a k e provision
for recommendations on optimum operations from the viewpoint of nature,
for a resource in the conditions prevailing, so as to prevent negative natural
consequences of such operation.
T h e resource inventory must provide planners with cartographic, quanti-
tative and qualitative data for types of resources and for the resource, economic
and administrative regions.
Semi-detailed economic-geographic exploration of resources for economic

planning
This is carried out for selected resources and regions and aims to provide an
economic estimate of the natural parameters of a resource, which m a y deter-
mine the cost of its exploitation. The factors that are not immediately connected
145
Victor Volsky
with the resource (availability of labour, presence and value of service infra-
structure, distance from consumers, possibility of obtaining accessory resources
and their cost, etc.) are to be estimated as well. In drafting economic appraisals,
the costs of alternative technological and spatial solutions should be set out.
Detailed economic and technological investigation

of resources for planning
This is the concluding stage in studying those resources the exploitation of

which had been substantiated on the foregoing stage and included in the
development plan. It involves the definition or collection of data essential to
the engineering of projects. Depending on the nature of the resources to be
developed and specific features of technology, the social approach to the
project m a y require a wide range of data, including those that do not concern
either the resource or the cost of its exploitation (for instance, direction and
force of predominant winds when a dressing factory or workers' settlement
is to be built).
A bare list of the principal stages and main questions of investigating
natural resources shows the complexity and many-sidedness of the problem
and the necessity of dealing with it by specially trained personnel, consisting
both of broad specialists and experts in specific spheres. It goes without
saying that this w o r k will be effective only if it is co-ordinated from a single
centre and if the co-operation of scientific and practical bodies is organized.
Only this approach can avert a narrowly departmental or subjectively biased
over-estimation of some factors and underrating of others and support the
planning process with sufficiently unbiased, high-quality and comparable
material.
Economic geography and problems

of development planning
The geographical sciences must participate in the scientifically substantiated

resolution of contradictions which are bound to arise in appraising the devel-
opment and siting of production facilities and particularly the use of natural
resources. Special attention at all stages of planning should be paid to the
evaluation and resolution of contradictions such as those, for example, be-
tween : (a) government and private viewpoints ; (b) a branch and comprehen-
sive (integral) approach; (c) national, regional and local viewpoints; (d)
deriving the m a x i m u m economic results from the exploitation of natural
resources and the possible future consequences of such exploitation.
The economic-geographic features of planning' targets are determined
by the unique combination of immanent or relatively stable geographic
factors (size of the country and its population, nature of geographic environ-
ment and its resources, territorial distribution of the population, etc.) with
146
Economic geography
the internal socio-economic structure and external influences. It is clear that

the combination of these factors also determines spontaneous development.
Consequently, the aim of a long-term development strategy is to determine
which of the factors, to what extent and by what methods they can and must
be manipulated so as to produce the desired result or the closest possible
approximation to it.
Regional planning on the national level or inter-regional planning, is
aimed at : (a) integrating all the parts of a country and overcoming the trans-
port, economic and cultural isolation of its constituent areas; (b) levelling
out to the greatest possible extent the social and economic conditions of life
throughout the country; (c) doing away with geographic imbalances and
distortions in development and the siting of productive units; (d) making
optimum use of labour and natural resources in all parts of the country; (e)
enhancing regional specialization and optimizing the whole system of inter-
regional economic bonds, including co-operative use of resources; and (f)
improving the territorial distribution of productive forces to boost the
effect of external economic bonds.
Experience has shown that if the distribution a m o n g the regions of
minimal social overheads (for instance, for supporting universal primary
education) is to be designed for the earliest attainment of approximately
equal living conditions then investments must not be based on the levelling
principle and scattered. T h e greatest effect is produced by the establishment
of growth centres designed primarily to boost accumulation and revolu-
tionize the development of productive forces. This is w h y regional structuration
of the basic sectors involved, as well as their servicing, is the central aim of
the plan. All the other items of the national plan must be established with
due consideration of this problem.
Planning at the regional level, or intra-regional planning, must proceed
from targets and funds included in the nation-wide inter-regional plan. T h e
intra-regional plan must be drafted with special attention to the following
factors :
Creation of a regional complex of industries connected with the key national
industries and utilizing to the greatest possible extent their by-products
and marginal potential.
The m a x i m u m utilization of local natural resources both for supplying auxi-
liary sectors, and for developing local industries not immediately connec-
ted with the key industries.
Restoration of renewable resources.
Prevention of the pollution of waters, the atmosphere and landscape.
Preservation of valuable landscapes, organization of reserves, establishment
of rest zones and of tourism.
O n the whole, the geographic approach to problems of development makes
it more concrete, realistic and tangible. It allows for a broad and compre-
hensive consideration of the anthropological, ethnic, social, economic and
natural features of each region and provides an opportunity for approaching
147
Victor Volsky
the solution of problems in each area and thus 'improving' the entire country,
enhancing the efficiency of its economy and its standards of living.
Dr. Victor Volsky is the Director of the Institute for

Latin American Studies of the Academy of Science of
the U.S.S.R. in Moscow and Head of the Department of
Foreign Economic Geography at Moscow University.
Amongst his principal publications are works on the
geography of petroleum and Latin American countries,
including Principal Problems of Economic-geographical
Regionalization of Brazil (1958), Atlas of Latin America
(edited 1968), and Economic Geography of Developed and
Developing Countries (1971).
148
Continuing debate
Volume XXIII, N o . 4, 1971
of this journal was devoted to ethnic
relations and racial problems.
The following article continues the
discussion o n this topic.
Ali A . Mazrui Educational techniques and

problems of identity
in plural societies
Confronted with the world of fluid identification and tense relations between
racial and ethnic groups, what is the role of the school in the slow resolution
of the crisis? H o w should societies utilize their formal mechanisms of social-
ization in order to improve the quality of inter-group relations in the gene-
ration which follows?
The relativistic answer might well be a well-worn phrase: 'It depends
upon the particular society.' Inter-group relations do vary significantly from
one country to another, and techniques for resolving group tensions have,
to some extent, to be culturally and nationally relativistic. A n d yet it would
be a cry of despair if w e did not allow for the possibility of some general
lines of educational policy, which might stimulate more detailed investig-
ation into the kind of educational forms needed to handle the peculiarities of
inter-group relations from country to country.
The dichotomy which cannot, for the time being, be escaped is the dicho-
tomy between the white world and the coloured world, between white
children and coloured children and the particular problems which might
have to be faced if the quality of their conceptions of each other is to be
improved.
If one were worrying about education in an exclusively white country,
the emphasis in educational reform might have to be towards promoting
greater toleration of alien cultures and alien groups. But if one is handling
education in an exclusively black country, one might have to contend not
with the problem of intolerance but with the problem of the dependency
complex. T h e educational system in an African country might need to handle
149
Int. Soc- Sei. J., Vol. XXIV. N o . 1, 1972
Ali A . Mazrui
the crisis of a sense of psychological inadequacy, sometimes manifesting

itself in indiscriminate imitation of Western culture, and sometimes mani-
festing itself in aggressive hostility towards that culture. Both cultural aggres-
sion in the black m a n and cultural imitation could be symptoms of an inner
dependency complex, still struggling to find ways of self-liquidation.
But what if one is dealing with a country which is racially mixed? There
are times when equal attention might need to be paid, on the one hand, to
the task of inculcating greater toleration in white children and, o n the other,
to that of overcoming dependency in coloured children. But racially mixed
societies are not all at the same stage of integration, and the relative sizes of
the problems might vary considerably.
A s a generalization, w e might say that the central problem in South
Africa for the time being is not so m u c h black dependence, as white arrogance.
If one were hoping to see educational reforms in South Africa, the first emphasis
might be towards transforming the attitudes of the white children, in the
direction of greater toleration and understanding of groups other than their
o w n . The problem of the dependency complex in black children, though
certainly very present, is for the time being secondary in a society the
stratification of which arises purely from the racial assertiveness of the
whites.
But a look at American society reveals different emphases. There is indeed
still the lingering problem of white arrogance as an aspect of the American
racial scene. O n the black side there are two problems—the residual depend-
ency problem and the intermediate problem of a n o m y . The residual depend-
ency problem m a y be manifested in 'Uncle T o m s ' , a breed of people w h o
are taken or mistaken to be blind imitators of Western or Anglo-Saxon norms,
and w h o feel uneasy about being abandoned by the Anglo-Saxon world. But
the dependency phenomenon in the United States m a y take m o r e subtle
forms than that of blatant imitation, and could sometimes be a case of
aggressive reaction to what is taken to be white abandonment of the black
man.
But aggression a m o n g blacks in the United States m a y also be due to
the subsequent stage of a n o m y . This is, as it were a post-dependency stage.
It emerges out of the agony of rejecting the cultural and protective embrace
of Anglo-Saxon liberalism, and seeks to assert inner autonomy in relations
with former superiors.
This latter kind of problem is, in a way, the most acute manifestation of
a crisis of identity. It is not really the Uncle T o m s and securely independent
black m e n in the United States w h o are devoid of identity. They d o have an
identity, that of imported black people assimilated culturally in certain direc-
tions, and accepting certain expectations in the society into which they have
been born. The Uncle T o m s are secure in the identities they have. The mili-
tants might not like their identities, but it is not the Uncle T o m s w h o are
suffering from a crisis. Very often, it is the militants. A n d their crisis arises
because they are in an intermediate position between shedding off an old
dependent personality and acquiring a n e w autonomous self-conception.
150
Educational techniques a n d problems of identity in plural societies
In between this leap from the role of an Uncle T o m to a new, autonomously

satisfying, alternative self-image, lies this painful period of a n o m y .
W h a t challenges d o these inter-ethnic and inter-racial problems pose for
educational systems? O n e point which needs to be grasped immediately is
that the problem of relations between races has points in c o m m o n with prob-
lems of relations between religious denominations, as in Ireland, or between
tribal groups, as in Kenya and Uganda. T h e educational implications of
plural societies m a y be strikingly similar, regardless of whether the plurality
derives from racial, religious, or ethno-cultural differentiation. S o m e of the
basic values which need to be transmitted within the educational system
might remain unchanged across this whole spectrum of social plurality, though
there m a y be additional values unique to a particular country which need
to be fed into the socialization process over and above the more general
precepts.
O n close examination it m a y well turn out that there are at least three
politically significant values which can be inculcated in an educational system
and retain relevance regardless of the nature of differentiation in the plural
society, and indeed regardless of the régime in power. W e might call these
values 'The three T's of training in nationhood'. The T's I have in mind are
first, Tolerance, second, Toil, and third, T e a m - w o r k . They are themselves to
be seen as supplementary perhaps to the three traditional R ' s of basic educa*
tion—Reading, Writing and Arithmetic.1
O n tolerance and toil
B y 'tolerance' I do not m e a n the promotion of a sense of 'brotherhood'.

The idea of h u m a n brotherhood is a religious idea, and people respond to
it more positively when they are listening to a sermon in a church than in
their day-to-dayfives.It is just not realistic enough to expect people w h o are
otherwise rivals and strongly in competition, w h o have no connexion of any
kind with each other in blood or cultural affinity, to regard each other as
brothers nevertheless. Only a few religious individuals, deeply animated by
h u m a n amity, can transcend notions of ethnic and cultural identification
and embrace the h u m a n family as a whole. For the majority of people it is
fair to ask them only to tolerate those w h o are different from them. It is not
as realistic to expect them to treat total strangers and total aliens as brothers.
Even the Christian imperative of 'love thy neighbour' is a tall order.
A literal neighbour m a y be quite demanding—if he plays his gramophone
too loudly at night, or if his children are boisterous and tend to scream, or
if he has a habit of coming over to borrow eggs never to be returned.
1. These three T's werefirstdiscussed in m y address on 'The Educational Implications of

National Goals and Political Values in Africa', given to thefirstbiannual conference of
the International Association for Teacher Education held at Makerere from 29 March to
2 April, 1971.
151
Ali A . Mazrui
With children especially, notions of kinship and brotherhood are begin-

ning to consolidate themselves and there is a risk in trying to expand them
too far. T h e critical issue for a society is not h o w m u c h brotherhood there
is, but h o w m u c h tolerance. There is n o special credit in being favourably
disposed towards your o w n brother. T h e real test comes when, in spite of
being unable to regard a stranger as your brother, you still succeed in tole-
rating his unusual and idiosyncratic ways. T h e educational system should
allow for this critical variable in h u m a n relations.
O u r societies need, above all, the capacity to tolerate people of different
cultural backgrounds, or different regions or identities, or different political
views. O u r societies need to be guided not necessarily by the values of liber-
alism in their totality, such as individualism, nor indeed by the institutions
of liberalism, such as certain types of parliaments and certain types of multi-
party systems. But our societies d o need to be governed by the liberal rules
of the game—the rules which simply say 'live and let live'. T h e liberal rules
of the g a m e permit competing viewpoints and competing interpretations of
reality to survive together. T h e liberal rules of the g a m e prescribe toleration
of differences and of pluralism.
Tolerance is, in fact, the most difficult of these three values to be inculcated
in children. Children are notoriously intolerant at times, and can be painfully
and brutally cruel. W h a t kind of approach should be adopted to foster and
build u p their capacity to tolerate others is perhaps one of the most important
and yet intractable problems in the wholefieldof child education.
But, at the level of intellectual toleration, there is a good deal to be said
for a system of education which puts a special premium on debating as an
activity. T h e idea of getting schoolchildren to debate amongst themselves o n
a variety of fundamental issues has great potential as a teaching device to
promote toleration of differing viewpoints. T h e training here springs from
exposure to radically polarized viewpoints. Every school in Africa must d o
its best to have a vigorous debating society. T h e debates should take place
several times a term, instead of once or twice a year. B y all means combine
these debates with the idea of inviting controversial speakers to address current
affairs societies, and answer student challenges and expostulations, but contro-
versial speakers should supplement confrontations between students them-
selves over intellectual issues.
I have had occasion before to discuss the differences between student
power in a developed society and student power in a developing country.
Social reformers and student militants in a developed country are confronted
with entrenched values, difficult to dislodge or affect without a massive chal-
lenge. Therefore, it sometimes makes sense in a developed society for young
people to demonstrate in the streets in favour of certain positions, ranging
from issues connected with race relations domestically to issues of foreign
policy abroad. The young people m a y be demonstrating against race prejudice
in the United States or the United K i n g d o m , or against class inequalities in
Japan, or against the war in Viet-Nam. But behind these policy issues are the
entrenched values of a society that has stabilized itself in certain spheres,
152
Educational techniquss a n d problems of identity in plural societies
combined with entrenched institutions of mature political and economic

systems. T o m a k e a dent in this complex of structures requires, at times, m o r e
than a speech. It requires a demonstration of vigorous dissent.
But in situations of the kind confronted by African countries, the real
problem is not of entrenched values, as w e have indicated. Nations are still
groping for those social directions w e mentioned earlier. There is a mutability
of political preferences, some uncertainty as regards ideological positions.
In this kind of situation offluidvalues, demonstrations are not the appropriate
m o d e of youthful assertion. Instead of demonstrating in the streets, there
should be continued promotion of debating as a device to help these young
people find their o w n intellectual anchorages. Debating becomes a useful
technique in a situation offluidvalues, partly because it helps to sharpen the
faculties of deciding between different values, and gradually developing a
sophisticated evaluation of different alternatives. Debating is also a critical
training in the art of toleration.
The imperative of toil, like the other two T's, is subject to cultural varia-
tions. Attitude to w o r k is conditioned b y those cultural factors. President
Nyerere in Tanzania has claimed that in traditional Africa everyone w a s a
worker—'a worker' not just as distinct from 'employer' but also as distinct
from 'loiterer' or 'idler'.1
Nyerere sees work in traditional Africa as a factor balancing African
hospitality. T h e tradition of hospitality and support for one's kinsmen could
all too easily result in parasitism. T h e obligation to w o r k is the safety valve
against excessive hospitality. A s Nyerere put it:
Those w h o talk about the African way of life and, quiterightly,take pride in main-
taining a tradition of hospitality which is so great a part of it, might do well to remem-
ber the Swahili saying Mgeni siku mbili; siku ya tatu mpe jembe, or in English 'Treat
your guest as a guest for two days; on the third day give him a hoe'. 2
President Nyerere does have a point in this interpretation, but the traditional
set-up in most African societies w a s m o r e complex than that. The incentives
to work in traditional Africa were often in the following order :first,the search
for the individual's o w n basic needs and those of his immediate family;
second, the individual's contribution to the welfare of neighbours and kinsmen
if this is customarily expected; and only third, the individual's interest in
accumulating more things for himself and aspiring to self-impovrement
as distinct from self-maintenance.
The ordering of priorities is quite significant. It is not correct that the
traditional African subordinated his o w n basic needs to those of his c o m m u -
nity. His o w n basic needs camefirst,the needs of his community and kinsmen
came second, and the need for personal improvement c a m e third. The incen-
tive to hard work varied accordingly. Working for personal maintenance m a d e
good sense; working hard to meet one's normal or customary obligations
1. Nyerere, Ujamaa: The Basis of African Socialism, 1962.

2. ibid.
153
Ali A . Mazrui
to one's kinsmen also m a d e sense; but working hard for some undefined
target of self-improvement was, in m a n y cases, less clearly understood.
The phenomenon of 'target workers' in Africa, as they came to the cities
to satisfy certain specific needs and then went back h o m e , and the phenome-
non of those working fewer hours as soon as they are paid more for the hours
they do work, have all been interpreted by different economic anthropologists
as indications of the low priority which self-improvement has in tradi-
tional African values if it is regarded as an indefinite process of upward
mobility.
The role of schools in dealing with such a scale of values might vary
according to the dominant orientation of the government in power. T h e
Kenya Government might be inclined to foster and encourage the ethic of
self-improvement, since the government is committed to the goal of creating
an indigenous entrepreneurial culture and private enterprise. Tanzania, on
the other hand, might be inclined to preserve the traditional scale of prior-
ities—which put communal work before self-improvement.
But h o w does the educator k n o w h o w long Kenya's policies or Tanzania's
policies will last? W e are back to the difficult problem of trying to decide which
values are likely to survive a military coup or an electoral swing. Perhaps
educators could investigate ways of transmitting the ethic of work in a manner
which attempts to reconcile working for society with working for one's o w n
improvement. The very process of acquiring an education poses the dilemma
of education for effective citizenship as against education for personal ambi-
tion.
W h a t should be remembered is that the harder it is to acquire an educa-
tion, the more it will be regarded as a passport to a future life of leisure. M a n y
African children walk long distances every day, and take heavy part-time work,
in an endeavour to acquire an education. Because they have acquired their
education the hard way, they tend to feel at the end of it that they have n o w
'arrived' and deserve to rest. Thus the educated become, alas, an élite of
leisure.
O n team-work and nationhood
W e might take the third ' T ' of training in nationhood next. This is the impe-
rative of team-work. It is important that, at all levels of education, there
should be opportunities for team-work. These should range from encourage-
ment of basket-ball and soccer to encouragement of student political societies
and social organizations. N o t long after the Ugandan coup, a Ugandan
journalist asked m e if, in the present situation, there was a case for banning
student activities on the Makerere campus and other educational institutions
in Uganda. M y answer was that the banning of extra-curricular student
activities would affect the quality of their education. I argued that education
was not simply what went on in the class-room, but also the experience of
being socially engaged and intellectually committed. But behind it all was
154
Educational techniques and problems of identity in plural societies
the further experience of team-work and collaboration, even in situations

where one team has to compete and even quarrel with another.
T h e liberal rules of the g a m e are once again relevant—'Uve and let Uve'.
The aim in this entire exercise could be the inculcation of the rules of
national integration. Africa is confronted with ethnic pluralism and cultural
diversity. The interaction between different tribes could generate considerable
stress and tension. The quest is for a system which would permit these groups
not only to tolerate each other—which is thefirstprecondition—but also to
w o r k with each other in pursuit of shared goals. Even w h e n the groups are
in competition, the competition itself should be subject to rules of fair play.
A m o n g the least violent societies in the world is the United K i n g d o m .
H o w m u c h of the British tradition of fair-play is derived from the place of
games in British public schools?
Eric Dunning, a sociology lecturer at the University of Leicester, has
brought out a b o o k entitled The Making of Football: A Sociological Study
(1966). B y 'football' he meant R u g b y . The history of football goes back to
the twelfth century and perhaps even earlier. Prior to the nineteenth century
the g a m e was rough and loosely organized. But early in the nineteenth century
important changes began to take place. T h e g a m e began to assume greater
sophistication, greater complexity and greater formal organization. Leader-
ship in this transformation of the g a m e was given by seven great English
public schools (Charterhouse, Eton, Harrow, R u g b y , Shrewsbury, Westminster
and Winchester—the only public schools which existed throughout the
history of the game).
T h e period from 1840 to 1860 witnessed the stage w h e n the rules of the
g a m e were committed to writing for thefirsttime, and the boys were called
upon to exercise m u c h greater self-restraint in their play than had ever been
d e m a n d e d before. Eric Dunning tells us:
Football became a 'mock-fight' which provided as m u c h as possible the pleasures of

a realfightwithout itsrisksand dangers, a struggle regulated in such a way that the
contestants had much less chance than formerly to inflict serious injury or to use
physical violence on each other in earnest. Pleasure in playing was enhanced, hence-
forward, by the fact that the 'battle' was not fought by brute force alone, but by
force transformed by specific skills. Football became at once spontaneous and highly
controlled. Ample room was left for inventiveness and the expression of individuality,
but barriers—in the form of explicit rules—were set up to ensure that the excitement
of the battle did not carry too far.1
Dunning compared the evolving system of the British public school in its
games with what w a s happening in Prussian schools. T h e Prussian schools
at the time were highly authoritarian institutions, in which the equivalent of
football was 'drill', a regimented activity in which a master barked out the
orders and the boys mechanically complied.
1. Eric Dunning, 'The Concept of Development: T w o Illustrative Studies', in: Peter L . Rose
(ed.), The Study of Society: An Integrated Anthology, p. 884-5, N e w York, N . Y . , Random
House, 1967.
155
Ali A . Mazrui
Drill reflected the authoritarian structure of the Prussian schools—indeed, of Prussian

society as a whole. Duelling in the German universities provides a further contrast.
It represented a far more open outlet for aggressive urges—death, serious injury, and
disfigurement were its frequent accompaniments. Football in the English public
schools represented a far more constructive means of channelling aggression.1
Because the British public schools provided the ruling élite of the country,
and because m a n y of the political norms and institutions evolved out of the
history of the British élite, the country's entire political culture w a s affected
in a variety of subtle ways by the principles of restraint, team-work, and fair
play which were partly acquired on the football fields of Winchester, Eton,
R u g b y and Harrow.
T h e British introduced into their colonies some of the games which had
helped to shape their social and political styles. T h e most popular g a m e in
Africa became soccer. The rules of the game are not internalized overnight,
nor is soccer always effective in averting more ferocious forms of aggression.
O n the contrary, battles have been fought over a referee's decision in K a m p a l a ,
or a linesman's verdict. But the policy-makers of British imperial rule knew
what they were doing when they sought to divert the 'natives' with a g a m e
of soccer on an afternoon or two every week. T h e virtues of self-restraint,
obedience to rules, team spirit within each side, a spirit of fair play towards
the opponents, and respect for the referee—these were virtues which were
as relevant in politics as they were in sports. They took time to acquire. But
they had to be taught. A n d the sports stadium was one school of citizenship.
W h a t the experience of British public schools illustrates is that transmis-
sion of values is not necessarily a matter of speeches in a class-room or sermons
in a chapel. It can be done through media far less obvious—like a g a m e of
football, 'Sixth F o r m versus School', in nineteenth-century Eton.
Perhaps more w o r k needs to be done about h o w best to transmit, in
African conditions, the three imperatives of tolerance, team-work and toil.
Debating societies and games need to be studied m o r e closely in their sociolo-
gical and psychological implications. They have too often been taken for
granted as mere diversions for young people—'after all, all work and n o
play.
S o m e school games m a y be better suited for training in tolerance a n d
team-work than others. If so, which? Educational research could pay renewed
attention to the study of sports and games, and their comparative efficacy
as media of socialization and promotion of national values. If certain games,
as yet untried in African schools, are better for citizenship training than those
which are already popular, there is a compelling case for promoting experi-
mentation with the n e w games. In some situations the gymnasium m a y be
a m o r e effective school of values than an ideological institute can hope to be.
1. ibid., p. 885.
156
Education and the dependency complex
But while the inculcation of the three T's might promote integrative inclina-
tions in plural societies on at least a minimal level, and while they m a y even
help in reducing the problem of a n o m y , they are not enough to resolve the
crisis of dependency a m o n g black people in Africa, the Caribbean, and North
America.
The crisis of dependency has two main manifestations. There is the crisis
of aggressive dependency and the crisis of submissive dependency. The black
m o v e m e n t in the United States has m o v e d from a stage of submissive depen-
dency to a stage of aggressive dependency; some parts of English-speaking
Africa are also entering the initial phases of aggressive dependency; but m u c h
of French-speaking Africa is still in a m o o d of submissive dependency.
Udai Pareek has analysed the dependency complex in relation to motiva-
tional patterns and planned social change. H e has related dependency motiva-
tion to the w o r k done by clinical psychologists and analysts of child develop-
ment. There are points of comparison with Murray's proposed 'psychogenic
need' of 'succorance'. T h e behavioural characteristics include:
. . . the wish to have one's needs gratified by the sympathetic aid of an allied object;
to be nursed, supported, sustained, surrounded, protected, loved, advised, guided,
indulged, forgiven, consoled; to remain close to a devoted protector; to have a
permanent supporter.1
Other manifestations analysed in relation to dependency inclinations include

high deference, negative attention-seeking, and positive attention-seeking.
The negative attention-seeking is a stage towards the aggressive manifes-
tation of the dependency complex. At its m o r e developed it becomes an aggres-
sive rejection of authority—what has been called 'counter dependency'. Black
militancy in the United States often falls within this category. Again it is
intimately linked with problems of alienation and even of a n o m y .
O . M a n n o n i has discussed submissive dependency at its most elaborate
a m o n g the people of Malagasy. In part, M a n n o n i sees this as a quest to
recreate feudal relationships.
If left to themselves, the majority of Malagasys would, it is certain, spontaneously

and even unthinkingly strive to recreate a feudal type of society. They would call it
a republic or a democracy, but their need for dependence would drive them almost
inevitably to organise a society composed of clienteles grouped about patrons in the
way they like best. They would lack the courage to face the terrors of a genuine
liberation of the individual.2
1. See S. Hall and G . Lindzey, Theories of Personality, N e w York, N . Y . , Wiley, 1957. Consult
Udai Pareek, 'Motivational Patterns and Planned Social Change', International Social
Science Journal, Vol. X X , N o . 3, 1968, p. 470-1.
2. O . Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban: The Psychology of Colonisation, trans, by Pamela Powes-
land, p. 65, London, Methuen and C o . , 1956.
157
Ali A . Mazrui
In the case of the black Americans, it w a s not a literal feudal order from
which they emerged—it was a slave society. A n d the slave society could
induce in the slaves depths of dependence even more acute than those perpe-
trated by feudalism.
Mannoni's analysis of the Malagasy does not adequately distinguish
between aggressive dependency and submissive dependency. Moreover,.
M a n n o n i often assumes that aggression arises when the protector is no longer
able or willing to provide comfort to his ward. But, in fact, aggression can
arise out of a desire for liberation which outstrips the will to be liberated.
The desire for liberation could be, at the surface of attachment, more shallow
than the real will. It could be an intellectualized aspiration towards 'freedom'
rather than an activated instinct for self autonomy.
T h e militant black American m a y be at once resentful of the heritage
of dependency at the intellectual level, and still held d o w n by the neo-feuda-
listic psyche which controls him. M a n n o n i comes nearest to capturing this
particular dilemma w h e n he says :
If the collapse of dependence merely breaks the bonds without putting anything in
their place, then clearly the m a n whofindshimself suddenly independent in this way
will no longer be able to tolerate guidance, but will yet be unable to guide himself.
H e will then fall prey to Pascalian despair, existentialist anguish, dereliction. The
paths to freedom are more tortuous than this vertical drop into independence or
Kunkel 's straight path back to dependence.1
In m u c h of black Africa submissive dependence is more prevalent than aggres-
sive dependence or counter dependency. T h e causes of submissive dependence
include the processes of conquest, the processes of conversion, and the pro-
cesses of acculturation.
Becoming a conquered people is not in itself enough to create a depen-
dency complex. There is always the classical example of the Greeks and the
R o m a n s . T h e Greeks retained their sense of superiority, and even aspired
and succeeded in partially Hellenizing the R o m a n s . But there is a difference
between conquest as a result of quantitatively superior military forces a n d
conquest as a result of qualitatively superior fighting capability. W h a t w e
m e a n by the latter case is a situation where the conqueror has a more advanced
military technology than his opponent. It is not simply a case of having a
bigger army, or even better marksmen than the opposing side. It is a question
of having a superior and m o r e advanced science of combat. In a book addressed
to Africans, D a m e Margery Perham once said:
Let it, therefore, be admitted upon both sides that the British Empire like others, was.
obtained mainly by force. Even where there was no seriousfighting,news of victo-
ries nearby, or the fear of stronger -weapons, was often enough to persuade tribes to
accept the rule of the white strangers. . . . African tribes, backward, disunited, weak,
were helpless before Europe, especially since the perfection of the machine gun.2
1. ibid.
2. Margery Perham, Africans and British Rule, p. 53-4, 60, London, Oxford University Press,
1941 (my italics).
158
After a while Pax Britannica was maintained through what has been called
'an economy of force'. A few hundred British officers exercised power over
millions on the Indian subcontinent. A minimal British presence in Africa
again managed to contain and pacify large areas of the continent. The begin-
nings of a military inferiority complex a m o n g Africans lay deep in the m o d e
of the original conquest. In 1964, two years after independence, some Ugandan
soldiers mutinied. Prime Minister Milton Obote felt compelled to invite
British troops to come and deal with the mutineers. The British troops came
back, and so great was the mystique of their invincibility, that they
disarmed the mutineers and recovered the armoury at Jinja without a
single shot beingfired.T h e local mutineers capitulated like lambs. It is, of
course, conceivable that the British mystique has n o w sufficiently waned that
greater resistence would be shown by local soldiers in the face of a British
military challenge. But for our analysis what needed to be noted was
simply the reaction in 1964, two years after Uganda had attained sovereign
statehood. The dependency complex a m o n g the soldiers, derived from deep
within imperial history, and the assumption of high military technology and
power, was so acute that 450 Scots Guards imported into Uganda did not
have tofirea single shot to restore order.
The soldiers were also flown into Tanzania where, in any case, the mutiny
was m u c h more serious and encompassed two battalions. F r o m all accounts,
there were only a few casualties, though three of them were fatal. T h e rest
of the Tanzanian force submitted without further resistance to a force m u c h
smaller in size.
T h e other two causal factors behind the dependency complex in Africa
are related. They arise from processes of conversion to Christianity and of
acculturation to Western education and Western styles. Here the educational
system becomes more directly pertinent. T h e missionaries in Africa took
a leading role in creating an educational infrastructure for African societies.
But precisely because m u c h of the original drive behind African education
was inspired by missionary activity the dependency complex becomes extra
strong. Christian values, which in the Western world had already been chal-
lenged by the growth of liberalism and individualism, were transmitted unmodi-
fied in Africa. Values of submission to authority, accepting one's place in
the grand design of G o d , and showing deference towards superiors, strongly
conditioned m a n y a missionary school in an African town or village. The
missionaries themselves acted almost like rural feudal lords in their o w n
domains, exercising influence and extending the comforts of paternalism. In
the words of the Kenya leader, Oginga Odinga:
The missions dominated African education. The government, by neglecting to

provide state schools, left thefieldto the various denominations, which presided
over their schools and congregations as though over small empires.1
1. Oginga Odinga, Not Yet Uhuru, p. 63, N e w York, N . Y . , Hill & Wang, 1967.
159
Ali A . Mazrui
A s the role of the government in education increased, a curious paradox began

to be discernible. It was that the spirit of political conformity and deference
seemed to be m o r e prevalent a m o n g students from missionary schools than
a m o n g those from government schools. In other words, deference to govern-
mental authority w a s itself better inculcated by Christian religious teachers
than under government arrangements. The main reason m a y simply have
been that government schools were less geared to the task of direct political
indoctrination than religious schools were geared to the task of religious
teaching. A n d religious teaching could be conducted in such a w a y that defe-
rential political attitudes might be acquired therefrom. In British Africa,
there was some form of indirect political indoctrination, arising from the
books chosen for schools, the anglocentrism of m u c h of the syllabus, and the
general mystique of the Empire and the C r o w n . But there were few lessons
in direct political education as such.
Yet missionary schools could teach lessons about giving unto Caesar
that which w a s Caesar's, through formal class-room situations, without
offending the m o r e liberal side of British susceptibilities. Missionary schools
became better instruments for the creation of the dependency complex than
government schools.
A study carried out in independent Tanzania fairly recently on school-
children revealed that 'government direction of social improvement is seen
as more important by those w h o have only attended religious schools than
by those in government schools'. The students w h o had been 'isolated from
secular influences—tend to show a lower sense of personal efficacy than d o
students whose schooling had taken place in government schools'.1
The school and the psyche
T o break the influence of religious submissiveness in African schools after

independence, policies of secularization are indispensable. Sometimes it is too
readily assumed that putting the schools under government control and
financing would be enough of a secularizing measure. Unfortunately this is
not the case. Missionary schools continue to be foci of religious denominations
even after they have been taken over by the government.
Today all schools [in Tanzania] are responsible to the national government, but in
organisation and general tone strongly reflect the nature of their founding agency.
In our sample, schools founded by a religious society are attended almost exclusively
by students of the corresponding religion, whereas the government schools are
heterogeneous in religious composition.2
1. See Kenneth Prewitt, George von der Muhll and David Court, 'School Experiences and
Political Socialisation: A Study of Tanzanian Secondary School Students', Comparative
Political Studies, Vol. 3, N o . 2, July 1970, p. 213.
2. ibid., p. 209-10.
160
The aim of secularization should therefore emphasize heterogeneity in the

composition of students, rather than simply nationalization of policy and
control. For as long as the overwhelming majority of a particular school are,
say, Catholic, the mere control of the school by government is not enough
of a secularizing agency. T h e life style of the school and the nature of interaction
would m a k e it a reinforcing agency for Catholic upbringing at h o m e , rather
than a mechanism for secular socialization.
In countries which are both multi-ethnic and multi-religious, there should
be a purposeful policy to ensure that each school not only mixes races and
tribes but also mixes religions. The theory of cross-cutting loyalties as a
mechanism for integration provides the basis for this recommendation. If some
black families are Catholic and some are Protestant, and some white families
are Catholic and some are Protestant, integration in schools should not only
aim to mix blacks with whites but also to mix, at the same time and in the
same school, black Catholics with white Catholics and black Protestants
with white Protestants. T h e fact that these categories in such a school overlap
and cut across each other would itself reduce the dangers of a neatly reinforced
confrontation. O n some issues white would gang up with white against a black
opposition, but o n others white Protestants would gang u p with black Protes-
tants against Catholic opposition. T h efluidityof alliances afforded by criss-
crossing pulls of this kind would themselves be a step away from a petrified
and rigid ethnic confrontation.
Another pre-condition for the promotion of inter-ethnic amity is the
application of the principle of cultural parity to the curriculum. W h e r e groups
have different cultural backgrounds it is imperative that the educational
system should not betray too sharp an evaluation in favour of one cultural
heritage as against another. T h e rise of black studies in the United States is
itself one indication of the quest for cultural parity in the educational system
of that country. But black studies must be an intermediate measure, to restore
balance, rather than a permanent innovation. After all, there are n o 'white
studies' as a distinct area of academic pursuit in the United States. T o single
out black studies as a separate entity does itself imply an absence of cultural
parity. Full cultural parity can only be achieved when the educational system
has integrated more coherently a respect for the black heritage fully integrated
into one curriculum, instead of isolated as a separate esoteric preoccupation.
A n d yet, in the face of previous lags and imbalance in the educational curri-
culum, black studies remain an important improvisation pending a more
integrated restoration of balance.
In Africa, cultural parity also requires important reforms in curricula
and syllabuses. T h e inherited assumption that not enough African history
has been recorded to be usable in school syllabuses has already been vigo-
rously challenged. Courses in African history are increasingly provided,
though the pace of Africanization of syllabuses has been considerably slower
in former French Africa than in former British Africa. T h e introduction of
creative writing by Africans as part of the courses in literature is another
innovation of the last few years. Books by African writers are being given
161
Ali A . Mazrui
increased emphasis in African schools. Basically, in m u c h of English-speaking

Africa, there is a vigorous pursuit of cultural parity, though m a n y educational
reformers a m o n g Africans would argue that not enough has been achieved.
Francophone Africa, in submissive dependency within the educational system,
continues to be decisively Franco-centric.
Finally, there is the problem of the staffing of schools. In the United
States, the use of Jewish teachers in m a n y black schools has raised special
tensions. At times, this has resulted in black anti-semitism. In N e w Y o r k
the crisis of 1969, with the teachers' strike and the demands of black ghettos
for local communal control of schools, highlighted a problem which has
continued.
A situation where a disproportionate number of teachers belong to a
different community from the students they teach has potentialities for creating
either submissive dependency or aggressive dependency. In the United States,
aggressive dependency a m o n g black children in schools has, from all accounts,
been rising. The situation has become critical with regard to w o m e n teachers,
w h o feel increasingly insecure a m o n g boys of different ethnic origins. Cases
of juvenile brutalization of w o m e n teachers, even of assertive 16 year olds
raping their teachers, were reported in thefirstfew months of 1971.x
In m u c h of Africa what the massive use of expatriate teachers continues
to consolidate is more permissive rather than aggressive dependency. T h e
very conspicuous presence of expatriate teachers in schools reinforces certain
aspects of the image of the white m a n as a father figure with certain skills.
The accumulation of layers of this kind of perception might later result in an
aggressive rejection of the white presence as a form of counter-dependency.
T w o policy recommendations are particularly urgent. O n e concerns the
headmaster. A s rapidly as possible African secondary schools should have
African headmasters. T h e case for African headmasters is particularly strong
in those schools which have a disproportionate number of white teachers.
The idea of a black m a n right at the top of authority could m a k e a considerable
difference in mitigating the tendency towards paternalistic attachment which
the presence of white teachers might occasion. A black headmaster, clearly
active and in authority, helps to reduce the dangers of socializing the children
into a persistent dependency orientation towards the white m a n .
Another policy recommendation concerns the primary schools. Unless
it is desperately necessary, there should, in fact, be no white expatriates teaching
in black primary schools.
O n e reason is that the primary age is a particularly impressionable stage
in the socialization process. It is important that at this stage the child should
be spared conditioning influences which would adversely affect his oriental ion
towards the expatriate world.
But another reason w h y it is imperative that the teaching at the primary
level should be by indigenous teachers concerns the very structure of primary
education. At the primary level the child typically has one teacher in any
1. See, for example, the Observer (London), 4 April 1971.
162
particular year, or at any rate one main teacher. There are continuities here
with the role of the parents, emphasized b y the very fact that the teacher
remains the same. A s Talcott Parsons has argued in relation to the American
educational system:
Thefirstmajor step in socialisation, beyond that in family, takes place in the elemen-
tary school, so it seems reasonable to expect that the teacher-figure should be charac-
terised by a combination of similarities to and differences from parentalfigures.T h e
teacher, then, is an adult, characterised by the generalised superiority, which a parent
also has, of adult status relative to children. She is not, however, ascriptively related
to her pupils, but is performing an occupational role—a role, however, in which the
recipients of her services are tightly bound in solidarity to her and to each other.
. . . The process of identification with the teacher which has been postulated here is
furthered by the fact that in the elementary grades the child typically has one teacher,
just as in the pre-oedipal period he had one parent, the mother, w h o was the focus
of his object-relations. The continuity between the two phases is also favoured by
the fact that the teacher, like the mother, is a w o m a n . But, if she acted only like a
mother, there would be no genuine reorganisation of the pupils personality system.
This reorganisation is furthered by the features of the teacher role which differen-
tiated from the maternal.1
Given this high potentiality for socialization into dependency, it is imperative

that African primary schools should rapidly Africanize their entire teaching
staff, as well as vigorously pursue the principle of cultural parity in the curri-
culum afforded the young minds.
Conclusion
W e have attempted to argue in this article that educational techniques, to

the extent that they seek to cope with inter-ethnic relations, have to take into
account the precise stage of ethnic relations achieved in a society. In m u c h of
the United States the problem is n o longer simply that of coping with incul-
cating toleration in young white children, but also of finding ways to cope
with the consequences of generations of dependency a m o n g black people.
T h e most dramatic eruptions a m o n g blacks in the United States are either
in the form of a n o m y , as values totally disintegrate, or in the form of aggressive
counter dependency. T h e distinction between the t w o is not very sharp in
situations of racial militancy. T h e major difference is that a n o m y need not
become aggressive, but could take the form of despair a n d total withdrawal.
But counter dependency, b y definition, takes a militant stand against the
domination from which it has not itself fully escaped.
But wherever plural societies exist three values at least need to be promoted.
W e have called these the three T's of nationhood. They are the values of
1. See Talcott Parsons, 'The School Class as a Social System', Harvard Educational Review,
Vol. 29, 1959, p. 297-318.
163
Ali A . Mazrui
tolerance, toil and team-work. They are designed to foster a capability for
tolerating differences, a commitment to social application and endeavour,
and a readiness to collaborate with others in pursuit of shared goals. Children
at school could be introduced to these values through a variety of devices,
ranging from debating societies to sports and games.
W e have also discussed the acute phenomenon of the dependency complex
within Africa, which is more submissive than aggressive, especially in Fran-
cophone Africa. W e have suggested that certain changes need to be m a d e not
only in the curriculum, but also in the structural organization of the schools.
In the curriculum the paramount principle has to be that of cultural parity,
designed to emphasize equality of worth and value in the inherited cultures
of the different groups represented in the school.
But on the structural side attention has to be paid both to the c o m p o -
sition of the student body and the composition of the staff. With regard to
the student body heterogeneity should be the ambition in each case—where
possible the heterogeneity should be of a criss-crossing kind. Diversity of
faiths, as well as diversity of ethnicity, should be the principle of composition
on the student side.
O n the staff side, heterogeneity should also be a guiding principle where
the composition of the students is truly mixed. But in African conditions the
guiding principle should be Africanization of all headmasterships of secondary
schools as rapidly as possible ; and the Africanization of the entire teaching
staff of primary schools as rapidly as possible. T h e teachers in African schools
should attempt to be tribally and religiously heterogeneous, even if they are
pigmentationally homogeneous.
But in conditions like those of the United States a modification of the
policy is in order. Black schools should, as far as possible, aim for hetero-
geneous staffing, with a black headmaster, conspicuously authoritative and
active. It would not do to .have a black headmaster mistaken for just a figure-
head, an Uncle T o m placed there for appearances. His authority over his
staff should not be too subtle.
White schools should attempt to have at least one or two black teachers
and, where realistic, a black headmaster. The images which have to be trans-
formed in black children are fundamentally different from those which need
to be transformed in white children. It therefore makes sense in white schools
to permit a black headmaster where one is available and suitable; but a white
headmaster in a black school should, for the time being, be avoided.
But while such educational techniques need to be seriously considered for
introduction, it ought always to be remembered that the school is, in the
final analysis, only one agency of socialization, only one factor in identity
formation a m o n g young people. Society as a whole must engage in similar
self-analysis for reform if the positive effects of a rational educational system
are not to be neutralized by countervailing influences from the social world
beyond the class-room.
164
Ali A . Mazrui is professor and head of the Department

of Political Science and Public Administration at Makerere
University, Kampala (Uganda). He has written Towards
a Pax Africana (1967), O n Heroes and Uhuru-worship
(1967), The Anglo-African Commonwealth (1967),
Violence and Thought ( 1969) and The Trial of
Christopher Okigbo (a novel of ideas, 1971).
165
Professional and
documentary services
New periodicals
Approaching international conferences
Announcements
World index of social science institutions
Documents and publications of the United Nations

and Specialized Agencies
Books received
N e w periodicals1
As a service to readers seeking to keep up with the burgeoning periodical literature in

the social sciences, this Journal carries an annual descriptive listing of new periodicals
received by Unesco's Social Science Documentation Centre. The titles that follow
were those received during 1971.
A catalogue of journals reflecting the position as it was at the end of 1963 is avail-
able under the title of World List of Social Science Periodicals/Liste Mondiale des
Périodiques Spécialisés dans les Sciences Sociales (third edition, revised and enlarged,
Unesco, 1966; $12, £3 (stg.), 41 F). The fourth edition is in preparation.
Specimen copies of new journals or prospectuses giving information on which
entries can be based are welcome and should be addressed to the Social Science Docu-
mentation Centre, Unesco, B.P. 3.07, 75 Paris-7e (France).
British Journal of Political Sciences, Vol. 1, Part 1, January 1971. Published quarterly
in January, April, July and October by the Cambridge University Press.
Address Bentley House,
200 Euston R o a d ,
P . O . B o x 92,
London, N . W . I
(United Kingdom).
32 East 57th Street,
N e w York, N . Y . 10022
(United States).
Editor Brian Barry.
Subscription rate Per volume: £6 ($19.50).
Per part: £2 ($6).
A journal based in Britain but not restricted to Britain either in subject-matter or
contributors. It is designed mainly for a professional readership, without being
tied organizationally to any professional association. Contributions will cover all
branches of political science, and articles from scholars in related disciplines (socio-
logists, social psychologists, anthropologists, economists and philosophers) will be
welcomed. T h e editors aim to encourage controversy either by carrying a reply to
1. For a listing of new journals received in 1968, see Vol. X X I , N o . 2, 1969, p. 314-28; in 1969
see Vol. XXII, N o . 1, 1970, p. 129-40; and in 1970, see Vol. XXIII, N o . 1, 1971, p. 116-30.
169
Int. Soc. Sei. J.. Vol. XXIV, No. 1, 1972

an article in the same issue, or continuing the debate through successive issues. Each
issue will carry an article reviewing the state of some area of the discipline. Brief
research notes will also be included.
Contents of Recent Economics Journals, N o . 1, January 1971. Published weekly by

H . M . Stationery Office, United Kingdom.
Address P . O . B o x 569,
London, S.E.I
(United K i n g d o m ) .
Prepared by Department of Trade and Industry,
Central Library,
1 Victoria Street,
London, S . W . I
(United Kingdom).
Subscription rate Per year: British Isles, £6; elsewhere (surface mail),
£7.25.
A bibliographical publication covering all aspects of theoretical and applied econo-
mics. It will consist of facsimile reproductions of the tables of contents of about 140
of the world's leading scholarly journals—limited in thefirstinstance to those written
solely or partly in the English language. Great emphasis will be laid o n speed in
dissemination. The service is intended tofilla real gap in the bibliographical coverage
of economics literature.
La Coopération Internationale: Culturelle, Scientifique, Technique, N o . 1, June 1970.

Semestrial bulletin of information and documentation published in French by the
Faculté de Droit et des Sciences Économiques and the Institut du Droit de la Paix
et du Développement de l'Université de Nice.
Address c/o Professor Jean Touscoz,
Faculté de Droit et des Sciences Économiques de Nice,
Avenue Robert Schuman,
06 Nice (France).
Editor Professor Jean Touscoz.
Subscription rate For 1970 numbers: 50 F .
A bibliographical tool o n international, cultural, scientific and technical co-operation,
listing studies published the last six months.
European Demographic Information Bulletin, Vol. 1, N o . 1, 1970. Published quarterly

by the European Centre for Population Studies.
Address Pauwenlaan 17,
The Hague (Netherlands).
Editor G . Beyer.
Subscription rate Per volume: $6.
Per issue: $ 2 .
The European Demographic Information Bulletin has as its purpose the publication
of information and documentation, especially the publication of an annotated biblio-
graphy on European studies in thefieldof population science. Its coverage is cross-
disciplinary, so that it facilitates literature-searching for scholars, students, and
practising demographers. Correspondents in the whole of Europe (members of the
centre) will help in supplying the abstracts.
170
N e w periodicals
Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 1, N o . 1, 1971. Published quarterly by Academic

Press.
Address 111 Fifth Avenue,
N e w York, N . Y . 10003,
(United States).
Editor Samuel H . Osipow.
Subscription rate 4 issues: international, $25; private (for subscribers'
personal use only), $10.
T h e Journal will present empirical, methodological, and theoretical articles on the
underlying factors in vocational development: selection choice, implementation,
satisfaction and long-term effectiveness. Emphasis will also be put on obstacles in
career development caused by ethnic, national and sexual boundaries. The Journal
will deal with such issues as the validation of theoretical constructs, developments in
instrumentation, programme comparisons, and research methodology. Literature
reviews and descriptions of programme applications will be included.
Local Government Studies, Vol. 1, N o . 1, Octobor 1971. T o be published twice

yearly in April and October by the Institute of Local Government of the Univer-
sity of Birmingham.
Address Charles Knight & C o . Ltd.,
11/12 Bury Street,
London E C 3 A 5 A P
Editor Alan Norton.
The journal intends to provide a forum for the discussion of topics related to the
management of local affairs in Britain and abroad. It will contain significant articles
o n administrative problems from those disciplines and professions which have an
important contribution to m a k e to the management of local affairs. A n important
feature of the journal will be devoted to reviews and notices of books and publications
which are of direct relevance to the subject.
Philosophy of the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, 1971. Quarterly journal of an international

character, published by the Department of Philosophy, York University.
Address Downview, Ontario (Canada).
Editor Governed by an editorial board of interested persons
from the various faculties, programmes, divisions and
departments of the York University—the founding
members of this board being those w h o gathered
initially to discuss the founding of this journal and
the selection of the editors.
Subscription rate 4 issues: $(Can.)8.
Per issue: $(Can.)3.
Intends its focus of interest to be those issues normally considered central to the
philosophy of the social sciences. That is to say, issues in general methodology
(understood as metascience) rather than research techniques and the application
of philosophy to the social sciences, but not excluding papers with substantial empi-
rical content that constitute contributions to thefield.It will be international in
character as well as interdisciplinary. It will publish articles, discussions, symposia,
171
literature surveys, translations, and review symposia of interest both to philosophers

concerned with the social sciences and to social scientists concerned with the phi-
losophical foundation of their subject.
Policy Sciences, Vol. 1, N o . 1, spring 1970. A n international journal published quar-

terly by the American Elsevier Publishing C o . Inc.
Address 52 Vanderbilt Avenue,
N e w York, N . Y . 10017
(United States).
Editor Edward S. Quade.
Subscription rate Vol. 1 (4 issues): $15 plus $1 for postage.
Per copy: $5 plus $0.50 for postage.
T h e objectives of this journal are threefold. First to provide a forum for papers in
the various policy-science disciplines—political science, sociology, operations research,
statistical decision theory, and so on—dealing with the making, choice, critique,
evaluation and implementation of policy, including how-to-do-it papers on these
aspects. Second, to promote the policy sciences, to actively encourage the mingling
of the decision with the behavioural sciences and the development of a n e w inter-
disciplinary activity. Third, to aid in the improvement of policy-making systems
and capacities.
Politics and Society, Vol. 1, N o . 1, November 1970. Published quarterly (November,

February, M a y and August) at the Columbia University.
Address Department of Political Science,
Columbia University,
N e w York, N . Y . 10027
(United States).
Editor Ira Katznelson.
Subscription rate Per year: individuals, $10; institutions, $15; students, $ 6
Per copy: individuals, $2.75; institutions, $4.
Politics and Society will provide social scientists with a forum for the publication
of well-written solid scholarship dealing with political concerns, unobsessed with
bureaucratic techniques or methodological pretensions which normally congest
a work to the sacrifice of imagination, significance and readability. It will encourage
discussion of a variety of methodological approaches undivorced and concerned
with the value and philosophical implications of particular approaches. It will pro-
mote undersupported areas of research, emphasize the use of lucid English in its
articles and examine some outrageous hypotheses.
Recherches Amérindiennes au Québec : Bulletin d'Information, Vol. 1, N o . 1, January

1971. Published every two months by Recherches Amérindiennes au Québec.
Address Case Postale 123, suce. G ,
Montreal
(Canada).
Editor Laurent Girouard.
Subscription rate Per year: $(Can.)4 (students, $(Can.)l).
This bulletin is devoted to interdisciplinary co-operation in Quebec as far as A m e r -
indian studies are concerned. T h e bulletin is open to professionals as well as to
172
N e w periodicals
serious amateurs w h o have something to contribute on any kind of subject-matter

related to Indian and Eskimo cultures, past or present, in Quebec and Labrador.
Not only the h u m a n sciences but also the natural sciences are invited to participate
in this exchange. It includes also: basic background data on researchers, details
on organizational set-ups and aims of research centres, outlines of individual pro-
jects or long-term programmes, notes summarizing field-work results at the end of
season or after completion of specific programme, newsworthy findings or events,
titles of pertinent new publications and articles, bibliographies on specific topics
of interest, etc.
Recherches Sociologiques, N o . 1, June 1970. Published twice yearly by the Centre

de Recherches Sociologiques de l'Université Catholique de Louvain.
Address V a n Evenstraat 2 B
B-3000 Louvain (Belgium).
Editor-in-chief C . Henryon.
Subscription rate Per year (2 issues): Belgium, 225 Belgian francs;
elsewhere, 250 Belgian francs; students, 200 Belgian
francs.
Per copy: 125 Belgian francs.
T o publish research studies undertaken in the university, particularly in the centre
and also outside which were never reproduced except as manuscript multicopied
reports. This periodical aims to be the channel for expression of and a stimulant
towards the realization of those studies. It is planned to devote each number to one
topic. Thisfirstnumber deals with sociology in the family.
Revista de Ciencias Sociais, Vol. 1, N o . 1, second semester 1970. Published semes-

trally by the Departamento de Sociología, Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Filosofía,
Universidade Federal de Ceará.
Address Caixa Postal 1257,
Fortaleza,
Ceará (Brazil).
Editor Paulo Elpidio de Menezes Neto.
Subscription rate Per year: $8.
Per copy: 10 cruzeiros.
T o be a vehicle for the dissemination and permanent stimulation of study and research,
promoting and animating investigation on social themes and problems.
Revue du Droit Rural, Year I, N o . 1, April 1971. A monthly publication (10 numbers
per year) published in French by Les Éditions Techniques et Économiques.
Address 3 R u e Soufflot,
75 Paris-5e
(France).
Editor Editorial committee consisting of sixteen members.
Subscription rate Per year: French Community, 100 F ; foreign, 107 F .
This journal will deal with the following subjects: theoretical studies relating to
problems of today, practical commentaries and annotations of the more important
texts, analyses at the national level as well as relating to the E . E . C . (professional
information), and bibliographical analyses.
173
Science Studies, Vol. 1, January 1971. Published quarterly by Macmillan Journals

Ltd.
Address Little Essex Street,
London W C 2 R E L F
Joint editors R o y M a c L e o d , Science Policy Research Unit,
University of Sussex; David Edge, Science Studies Unit,
University of Edinburgh.
Subscription rate Per year: all countries (excluding United States and
Canada), £5.
Per copy: all countries (excluding United States and
Canada), £1.50.
Sub-titled 'Research in the Social and Historical Dimensions of Science and Techno-
logy'. In recent years, scholars of m a n y disciplines have begun to show increasing
interest in the social characteristics of science and technology, the political a n d
economic influences affecting scientific and technological development, and the
impact of science and technology on the condition of modern society. There begins
to emerge a n e w vigorous, searching system of social and professional inquiry,
awakened by the impulse of the sweeping transformations m a d e in modern civili-
zation by the ill-understood processes of science and technology. The journal pro-
poses to be a channel through which students of different studies m a y communicate,
through which their studies m a y achieve visibly coherent and publicly persuasive
form: it will publish original research, both empirical or theoretical. The journal
will be interdisciplinary, in that it will encourage contributions from political science,
sociology, economics, history, philosophy, psychology, social anthropology and the
legal and educational disciplines.
Social Theory and Practice: An International and Interdisciplinary Journal of Social

Philosophy, Vol. 1, N o . 1, spring 1970. Published quarterly by the Center for Social
Philosophy.
Address Department of Philosophy,
Florida State University,
Tallahassee, Florida 32306
(United States).
Editor K . T . Fann.
Subscription rate Per issue: individuals, $1.50; institutions, $3.
The journal is intended to provide a forum for the expression of important and
controversial social and political issues. T h e policy is to publish original work in
social philosophy by authors from all relevant disciplines, including the humanities,
the social sciences and the natural sciences, as well as both constructive and critical
works at all levels and on all issues.
Social Democracy, Vol. 1, N o . 1, October-December 1969. Intended to be a quar-

terly journal, edited and published by M a y a Mandai.
Address S IV/511, R . K . Puram,
N e w Delhi 22
(India).
'Devoted to the cause of social development in relation to the downtrodden and
segregated classes' of India.
174
N e w periodicals
Soviet Jewish Affairs, N o . 1, June 1971. Published twice yearly by the Institute of
Jewish Affairs Ltd.
Address 13-16 Jacob's Well M e w s ,
George Street,
London W 1 H 5 P D
(United Kingdom).
Editor J. Miller.
Subscription rate Per year (2 issues): surface mail, £2 ($5); air mail,
£5 ($7).
Per copy: £1.05 ($2.50).
Soviet Jewish Affairs replaces and continues the Bulletin on Soviet and East European
Jewish Affairs, also issued twice yearly from N o . 1, 1968, to N o . 6, December 1970.
It is concerned with the entire range of knowledge directly or indirectly relevant to
an understanding of the position and prospects of Jewish communities in the U . S . S . R .
and Eastern Europe. Articles in all disciplines will be published.
Studies in Race and Nations, Vol. 1, N o . 1, 1969-70. Four studies published each
year (September to September) by the Center on International Race Relations,
Graduate School of International Studies, University of Denver.
Address University Park,
Denver, Colorado 80210
(United States).
Editor Tilden J. LeMelle.
Subscription rate Per year: $ 7 .
Per copy: $ 2 .
The purpose of the Studies in Race and Nations series is to provide an outlet for
analytical and policy-oriented monographs on domestic and international racial
conflict. In pursuit of this goal, the studies will attempt to identify and describe
the nature of the racial factor in particular conflicts; establish the significance of racial
variables in international relations; and analyse the interaction between race and
other variables operative in racial conflict situations. While the initial emphasis of
the series is the role of race in Africa and in the United States and the interaction
between these two areas, the scope will be expanded to encompass theories and
actualities of race and ethnic relations in major geographical areas such as the Carib-
bean, Latin America, South-East Asia and Western Europe.
175
Approaching international
conferences1
1972
Dublin International Federation of Operational
Research Societies: Conference
Mrs. Margaret Kinnaird, Operational
Research Society, 62 Cannon Street,
London, E.C.4 (United Kingdom)
Brussels International Institute of Differing

Civilizations: Congress (Theme: Study
of the Checks and Bottle-necks that
Impede the Success of Agrarian
Reform Schemes in Developing
Countries)
INCIDÍ, Boulevard de Waterloo, II,
1000-Brussels (Belgium)
January/April E C A F E region United Nations/ECAFE: Roving Semi-

nar on Training Techniques in Family
Planning.
ECAFE, Population Division, Sala
Santitham, Bangkok (Thailand)
March N e w Orleans Institute of Management Sciences:

Nineteenth International Meeting
Mrs. M . R. DeMelim, P.O. Box 6112,
Providence, Rhode Island 02904
(United States)
15-18 March Dallas International Sociological Association:

Annual Meeting
ISA, Via Daverio 7,20122 Milan (Italy)
N o further details concerning these meetings can be obtained through this Journal.
176
int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. X X I V , N o . 1, 1972

27-29 March N e w York Association for Asian Studies:

Twenty-fourth Annual Meeting
Association for Asian Studies Inc.,
48 Lanei Hall, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48104
(United States)
April Addis Ababa United Nations Economic Commission

for Africa: Second Meeting
ECA, P.O. Box 3301, Addis Ababa
(Ethiopia)
May Paris Unesco: Symposium on the Role of the

(second half) Social Sciences in Population Activities
E. S. Solomon, Unesco, Department
of Social Sciences,
Place de Fontenoy, 75 Paris-7*
(France)
21-26 M a y Jerusalem Fourth International Congress of

Social Psychiatry (Theme: Social Change
and Social Psychiatry)
Dr. Louis Miller, Chairman,
Organizing Committee, Fourth Inter-
national Congress of Social
Psychiatry, c/o Mental Health
Services, Ministry of Health,
King David 20, Jerusalem (Israel)
23-25 M a y Vienna International Centre of Research and

Information on Public and
Co-operative Economy: Ninth
International Congress of Public
and Co-operative Economy
Arbeitsgemeinschaft der österreichischen
Gemeinwirtschaft, Vogelsanggasse 36,
A-1050 Vienna (Austria)
24-28 M a y Sofia International Federation for Document-

ation: Meeting on Social Sciences
Hofweg 7, The Hague (Netherlands)
June Fourah Bay International African Institute:

International Conference
(Theme: Collaboration in West African
Studies)
Professor Daryll Forde, International
African Institute, St. Duns tan's Chambers,
10-11 Fetter Lane, Fleet Street,
177
June or London or World Organization of General System

September Oxford and Cybernetics: Second International
Congress of Cybernetics
Dr. J. Rose, W O C , Honorary Secretary,
College of Technology, Blackburn,
BB2 1LH (United Kingdom)
5-16 June Stockholm United Nations/Ecosoc:

Conference on H u m a n Environment
Mr. Maurice F. Strong,
Secretariat of the United Nations
Conference on Environment,
Palais des Nations,
Geneva (Switzerland)
or United Nations, New York, NY. 10017
(United States)
19-23 June Osterbeek, North Atlantic Treaty Organization:

Netherlands Symposium
(Theme: The Influence of Culture
on Ergonomics)
Professor A. Chapanis,
Department of Psychology,
Johns Hopkins University,
Baltimore, Maryland 21218
(United States)
19-28 June Helsinki Unesco: Intergovernmental Conference

on Cultural Policy in Europe
Mrs. A. Kay, Unesco, Cultural Policies
Division, Place de Fontenoy,
75 Paris-7e (France)
7-2 July Kiev International Association of Gerontology:

Ninth International Congress
Professor Dr. D . F. Chebotarev,
All-Union Scientific
and Medical Society of Gerontologists
and Geriatrists, Ul. Vyshgorodskaya 67,
Kiev 114 (U.S.S.R.)
3-23 July Athens Athens Center of Ekistics:

Athens Ekistics Month
(Theme: H u m a n Settlements—
A n Attempt at a Synthesis)
P. Psomopoulos, Vice-President,
Director, International Programs,
Athens Center of Ekistics,
P.O. Box 471, Athens (Greece)
178
August Paris (?) Unesco: Symposium on Aggressiveness

Mr. Takeo Uchida,
Unesco, Social Science Department,
Place de Fontenoy,
August- (?) International Federation

September of Operational Research: Meeting
Mrs. Margaret Kinnaird,
Operational Research Society,
62 Cannon Street, London, E.C.4
(United Kingdom)
6-11 August Deerfield, Engineering Foundation : Conference

Massachusetts (Theme: The Vulnerability of Urban
Areas to Subversive Disruption)
/ . F. Crates, Staff Association,
Office of Interdisciplinary Research,
National Science Foundation,
Washington, D. C. (United States)
13-19 August Tokyo International Union

of Psychological Science:
Twentieth International Congress
Professor Yoshihisa Tanaka,
The Japanese Psychological Association,
37-13-802, Hongo 4 chôme,
Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, 113 (Japan)
13-19 August (?) The Hague International Association

of Schools of Social W o r k :
Sixteenth International Congress
Room 615, 345 East 46th Street,
New York, N.Y. 10017
(United States)
13-19 August The Hague International Council on Social

Welfare: Sixteenth International
Conference
Mrs. Kate Katzki,
New York, N.Y. 10017
(United States)
14-18 August Elsinore, Third International Conference

Denmark on Social Science and Medicine
Dr. P. J. M . McEwan,
Centre for Social Research,
University of Sussex, Brighton
(United Kingdom)
179
21-25 August Dublin International Federation of Operational

Research Societies: Sixth Triennial
Conference
Mrs. Kinnaird, Operational
Research Society, 62 Cannon Street,
28-31 August Chicago American Sociological Association:

Annual Meeting
1001 Connecticut Avenue, N . W . ,
Washington, D.C. 20036
(United States)
September Denver Institute of Management Sciences:

Thirteenth American Meeting
Mrs. M . R. DeMelim, P.O. Box 6112,
Providence, Rhode Island 02904
(United States)
September Bucharest (?) Unesco: Symposium

(Theme: N e w Trends in Higher Technical
and Engineering Education)
Mr. Z. Guelekva, Unesco,
Social Science Department,
Place de Fontenoy,
1-8 September Honolulu American Psychological Association:

Meeting
(Themes: General psychological,
experimental, developmental
and social issues, measurement,
personality, etc.)
T. G. Driscoll, Jr., 7109 Masters Drive,
Potomac, Maryland 20854
(United States)
or The American Psychological
Association, 1200 17th Street, N. W.,
Washington, D.C. 20036
(United States)
4-9 September Amsterdam International Council on Alcoholism

and Drug Addiction:
Thirtieth International Meeting
on Drug Addiction
Mr. Tongue, Director,
International Council on Alcoholism
and Drug Addiction,
B.P. 140, Lausanne (Switzerland)
180
7-12 September Oxford Twenty-second Pugwash Conference

on Science and World Affairs
and Third Quinquennial Meeting
8, Asmara Road, London, N . W . 2
(United Kingdom)
Late 1972 Paris Unesco: Symposium on communication

research
Mr. J. Willings,
Unesco, Mass Communication Department,
Place de Fontenoy,
Late 1972 N e w Delhi Unesco /Indian Council of Social Science

Research: Asian Conference
on Social Science Teaching and Research
Indian Council
of Social Science Research,
Ministry of Education,
New Delhi (India)
October (?) Saint-Louis, Public Personnel Association:

Missouri International Conference
Kenneth O. Warner, 1313 East 60th Street,
Chicago, Illinois 60637
(United States)
October Bangkok United Nations/ECAFE:

Second Asian Population Conference
ECAFE, Population Division,
Sala Santitham, Bangkok (Thailand)
October (?) United Nations/ECAFE:

Fourth Inter-Agency Meeting
on Co-ordination
of Regional Programmes
in the Population Field
ECAFE, Population Division,
Sala Santitham, Bangkok (Thailand)
22-27 October Munich International Council

for Scientific Management:
Sixteenth International Management
Congress
Rationalisierungs-Kuratorium
der Deutschen Wirtschaft-RKW,
Gutleutstrasse 163-167,
Postfach 9193, 6000 Frankfurt¡Main 9
(Federal Republic of Germany)
181
16-19 November Toronto American Anthropological Association:

Annual Meeting
Executive Director,
American Anthropological Association,
1703 New Hampshire Avenue, N . W . ,
Washington D . C . 20009
(United States)
1973
— Liège International Union
for the Scientific Study
of Population: General Assembly
IUSSP, 2 Rue Charles Magnette,
Liège (Belgium)
First half Quebec International Political Science

Association: Ninth World Congress
43 Rue des Champs Élysées,
Brussels 5 (Belgium)
5-9 April Liverpool British Psychological Society:

Annual Conference
General Secretary,
British Psychological Society,
Tavistock House, Tavistock Square,
London, W.C.I ( United Kingdom)
27-30 August N e w York American Sociological Association:

Annual Meeting
Washington, D . C . 20036
(United States)
September Varna International Federation

of Societies of Philosophy:
Fifteenth World Congress
Professor Leo Gabriel,
Universität Wien,
Universitäts-strasse 7, 1010 Vienna
(Austria)
1-8 September Chicago International Union of Anthropological

and Ethnological Sciences:
Ninth International Congress
Professor. Sol Tax, President,
University of Chicago,
182

Chicago, Illinois 60637
(United States)
1974
N e w York United Nations:
Third World Population Conference
United Nations, Population Division,
New York, NY. 10017
(United States)
August Copenhagen International Economic Association:
Sixth Congress
Professor J. F. Bergier, AIHE,
École Polytechnique Fédérale,
Leonhardstr. 33, 8006 Zurich
(Switzerland)
26-29 August Montreal American Sociological Association:
Annual Meeting
(United States)
1975
25-28 August San Francisco American Sociological Association:
Annual Meeting
1001 Connecticut Avenue, N.W.,
(United States)
1976
France International Union of Psychological
Science: Twenty-first
International Congress
c\o Professor Eugene Jacobson,
Secretary-General, Department
of Psychology, Michigan State
University, East Lansing,
Michigan (United States)
183
Announcements
Selections from the International Social Science Journal

in Arabic, Spanish and Portuguese
W e are glad to announce that some of the material published in this Journal over
the past years is n o w becoming available in translated form. In future, regular notes
of such translation programmes will be published in the French and English editions
of the Journal.
ARABIC
Four selections of articles from past issues of the Journal have so far appeared in
Arabic under the editorship of M r . Abdel M o n e i m El-Sawi, Unesco National Publi-
cations Centre, 1 Talaat Harb St., Tahrir Square, Cairo. Thefirstof these contained
the articles by Robert Jungk, Irving Louis Horowitz, Igor Bestuzhev-Lada, Radovan,
Richta and Ota Sulc, and Irene Taviss from Futurology (Vol. X X I , N o . 4, 1969)
and the article by G u y Barbichon on social change from Motivational Patterns for
Modernization (Vol. X X , N o . 3, 1968). The second issue contained the articles by
N o r m a n W . Storer and Solomon Encel from Sociology of Science (Vol. XXII, N o . 1,
1970), the article by H . Collomb and S. Valantin from Motivational patterns for
modernization (Vol. X X , N o . 3, 1968) and the article by Roger Clausse from The
Arts in Society (Vol. X X , N o . 4, 1968). The third edition contained the articles by
Chi-Yuen W u , Gerald Caiden, R o m a n Schnur, Roger Williams and Eugen Pusic,
all drawn from Innovation in Public Administration (Vol. X X I , N o . 1, 1969). T h e
latest issue contained the articles by M o h a m e d Sami Abdel-Hamid and Yassin
M o h a m e d Tageldin, Jean Poirier, Massimo Severo Giannini, Junichi A o m i and
M a x Rheinstein, all drawn from Trends in Legal Learning (Vol. X X I I , N o . 3, 1970)
and the article by Robert A . Hinde n o m Understanding Aggression (Vol. XXIII,
N o . 1, 1971).
In future, four issues a year will in principle be appearing, containing selections
from past issues together with translations of articles from recent issues.
SPANISH
T w o paperback volumes containing all the articles from Economics of education

(Vol. X I V , N o . 4, 1962) and Problems of Surveying the Social Sciences and H u m -
184

Announcements
anities (Vol. X V I , N o . 4, 1964) were put out by Ediciones Solar, Buenos Aires, in
1968. Ediciones Nueva Visión, Buenos Aires, is planning to put out paperback
volumes containing all the articles from Sociology of Literary Creativity (Vol. X I X ,
N o . 4, 1967), Linguistics and Communication (Vol. X I X , N o . 1, 1967) and The Arts
in Society (Vol. X X , N o . 4, 1968) towards the end of 1972.
PORTUGUESE
The Fundaçào Getúlio Vargas, Praia de Botafogo 186, Caixa Postal 21.120, 2C-05
Rio de Janeiro, G B . , has published the articles from Futurology (Vol. X X I , N o . 4,
1969) and is planning to publish Social Science in the Third World (Vol. X X I , N o . 3,
1969), Sociology of Science (Vol. XXII, N o . 1, 1970), Innovation in Public Adminis-
tration (Vol. X X I , N o . 1, 1969), Towards a Policy for Social Research (Vol. XXII,
N o . 2, 1970) and Trends in Legal Learning (Vol. X X H , N o . 3, 1970) later in 1972.
185
World index of social
science institutions:
research, advanced training,
documentation and
professional bodies
A special service of the International Social Science Journal
T h e basic edition of this card index, published in 1970, contains systematic data on
over 1,500 social science research, advanced training and documentation institutions
and professional bodies. T h e index is bilingual, the English version appearing on the
recto of each card, and the French o n the verso. It is arranged in alphabetical order
by n a m e of institution (in the appropriate language) for international bodies and
subsequently under country headings and names of national institutions.
A regular updating service is provided, free of charge, to subscribers to the
International Social Science Journal, which is publishing n e w cards for additional
institutions and cards containing more recent information on institutions previously
included in the index; n o other updating service is available. The sixth set of such
cards—to be cut out and inserted into the original index—is supplied with the
present issue.
Information, giving details under as m a n y of the categories set out in the key
as appropriate, concerning institutions and bodies not yet included in the index, as
well as corrections to existing entries m a y be addressed to: Social Science D o c u -
mentation Centre, Unesco, Place de Fontenoy, 75 Paris-7e (France).
T h e index is available with or without a special ring binder of a format identical
with that of this journal and m a y be ordered directly from the Distribution Division,
Unesco, Place de Fontenoy, 75 Paris-7e, or through the national distributors listed
at the end of this journal. Price: without ring binder, $9, £2.70, 36 F ; with ring
binder, $15, £4.50, 60 F .
186
Documents and
publications of
the United Nations
and Specialized Agencies1
Population, health, food
POPULATION
Human fertility and national development. A challenge to science and technology.

1971. 140 p. $2.50; 10.80 Swiss francs, ( U N / S T / E C A / 1 3 8 . )
Nature of the problem. Social and cultural factors in the birth-rate. Family-planning
programmes. T h e United Nations programme relating to population.
Manuals on methods of estimating population. Manual VI : Methods of measuring

internal migration. 1970. 72 p. $1.50; 6.45 Swiss francs, ( U N / S T / S O A / S E R . A / 4 7 . )
[Bl. St.] Nature of data. Their processing. Assessment of their degree of accuracy.
Examples of statistics.
The feasibility of establishing a world population institute. 1971. 69 p. ( U N / S T / S O A /

SER.R/12.)
Report of a United Nations/Unesco/WHO mission. Nature and functions of such
an institute. Conditions required for its establishment. Prospects in regard to its
establishment.
European Social Development Programme. Working Group on Social Demography,

fourth meeting (Strasbourg, 3-5 June 1970). 1970. 89 p. ( U N / S O A / E S D P / 1 9 7 0 / 1 . )
Model questionnaire on fertility. Regional demographic projections : study of methods
and recommendations. M e a n s of obtaining statistics on nuptiality. Necessity of
studying the social consequences of the structural evolution of European populations.
Need for analysis of mortality in different age-groups, particularly old people and
m e n of working age.
1. A s a general rule, n o mention is m a d e of publications and documents which are issued m o r e

or less automatically: regular administrative reports, minutes of meetings, etc. W h e n the
content of a text is self-evident no description has been provided. Free translations have been
given of the titles of some publications and documents which w e were unable to obtain in
time in English. In this case the title is preceded by an asterisk. T h e following conventional
abbreviations have been used:
Bl. = Contains a particularly interesting bibliography.
St. = Specially important or rare statistics.
187
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XXIV, No. 1, 1972

Report of the A d H o c Committee of Experts on Programmes in Demographic Aspects

of Economic Development, on its meeting held at United Nations Headquarters
from 29 June to 3 July 1970. October 1970. 40 p. ( U N / E / C N . 9 / 2 3 9 . )
Demographic aspects of economic development: theories and models. The popu-
lation as a producer and a consumer. Demographic aspects of capital formation.
Dynamics of economic and demographic changes. S o m e aspects of economic d e m o -
graphy. Demographic research needed to establish national policy and planning.
Research programmes involving the demographic aspects of economic development.
Evaluation of family planning programmes. 1970. 98 p. $ 2 ; 8.65 Swiss francs, ( U N /

E/CN.11/936.)
[Bl. St.] Report of a seminar held in Bangkok, Thailand, from 24 November to
12 December 1969, under the auspices of the Economic Commission for Asia and
the Far East. Methods of obtaining data. Statistical analysis. Problem of measuring
fertility levels and their trends.
Population trends and policy alternatives in Latin America. February 1971. 71 p .

(UN/E/CN.12/874.)
Present situation and forecasts. Interdependence of demographic, social and eco-
nomic changes. Possible policies.
Pilot studies on fertility, infant mortality and evaluation of population programmes

in Africa. December 1970. 11 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / P O P / 2 9 . )
Studies by an expert group which met in Addis A b a b a from 9 to 11 December 1970.
Operations carried out in G h a n a , Morocco, Nigeria, Egypt, Tunisia, Kenya and
Ethiopia. Methods utilized. Establishment of c o m m o n directives for this type of
research.
Provisional guidelines for pilot studies on fertility, infant mortality and evaluati
of population programmes. November 1970. 19 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / P O P / 3 0 . )
Objectives of planned pilot projects. Preparation and implementation of these stu-
dies. Financing and co-ordination.
Methodology for family studies of genetic factors. 1971. 37 p. $ 1 ; 3 Swiss francs.

(Technical reports series, N o . 466.) ( W H O . )
[Bl.] Basic definitions. Segregation analysis. Estimation of the linkage in h u m a n
data. The problem of carrier detection. Recurrence risks. Gene frequencies.
HEALTH
Fourth report on the world health situation 1965-1968. 1971. 42 p. $ 8 ; 24 Swiss francs.
(WHO.)
[Bl. St.] Health situation in the various countries and territories. Significant facts
and trends. Major health problems at the national and international levels, such as
education and vocational training and environmental health.
Tuberculosis epidemiology and failures of tuberculosis control in children. 1971. 229 p .

$4; 12 Swiss francs. ( W H O . )
[St.] Results of studies carried out from 1961 to 1966 byfifteencentres in four Euro-
pean countries (France, Poland, Switzerland, Yugoslavia) at the request of Pro-
fessor R . Debré. Sources of contagion. Degree of effectiveness of statutory measures.
188
Documents and publications
WHO Expert Committee on Malaria. 1971. 59 p. $1.25; 4 Swiss francs. (Technical

reports series, N o . 467.)
The committee'sfifteenthreport. Current principles of malaria eradication. Esta-
blishment of reports and evaluation. Zones in which malaria eradication has been
achieved. Recommendations.
^Public health and radioactive waste discharges, by C . P . Straub. 1971. 66 p. $2.75;

8 Swiss francs. ( W H O . )
[Bl.] Permissible radiation doses. Effects on environment. Sources of waste. S a m -
pling. Means of action.
World health statistics report. Vol. 24, N o . 4,1971. 82 p. $ 4 ; 12 Swiss francs. Vol. 24,
N o . 5, 1971. 61 p. $4; 12 Swiss francs. Vol. 24, N o . 6, 1971. 13 p. $0.60; 2 Swiss
francs ( W H O . )
[St.] Instalments of a continuing series of statistics on the incidence of various diseases.
Covers the entire world. In addition to basic tables recurring regularly, each instalment
contains special studies. A m o n g these mention should be m a d e : in N o . 4 , of the
detailed statistics concerning morbidity from trachoma (1955-69); and in N o . 5,
of data showing the morbidity and mortality from infectious hepatitis (1959-68).
Environment, natural resources
Report of the Preparatory Committee for the United Nations Conference on the Human
Environment. (Second session, Geneva, 8-19 February 1971). 86 p. ( U N / A / C O N F . 4 8 /
PC.9.)
Subjects for inclusion in the agenda. Economic,financialand social aspects. Statement
concerning the environment.
Natural resources development and policies, including environmental considerations.

January 1971. 22 p. and several addenda, ( U N / E / C . 7 / 2 plus addenda.)
{Bl. St.] Situation in regard to environment problems. Utilization of natural resources,
and the environment. Pollution, including marine pollution. Conservation of resources.
Methods of action.
Resolutions adopted by the Economic and Social Council and the General Assembly
in thefieldof natural resources. December 1970. 153 p. ( U N / E / C . 7 / 1 1.)
Economics
STATISTICS, STATISTICAL METHODS
Yearbook of national accounts statistics, 1969. Vol. I: Individual country data. Octo-
ber 1970. 865 p. $12.50; 54 Swiss francs. Vol. II: International tables. October
1970. 226 p. $3.50; 15 Swiss francs. ( U N / E . 7 1 / X V I I 2 and 3.)
[Bl. St.] Covers 140 countries and territories. National product. Revenue and expen-
diture. Capital formation. Growth rates.
189
Yearbook of international trade statistics, 1968. 1970. 941 p. $12.50; 57 Swiss francs.
( U N / S T / S T A T / S E R . G / 1 9.)
[Bl. St.] International trade by regions and countries, according to source and des-
tination. Detailed annual statistics for 142 countries.
Trade yearbook. Vol. 24 (1970). 1971. 575 p. $ 7 ; 30.30 Swiss fiancs. ( F A O . )

[Bl. St.] This yearbook gives 129 tables showing the quantities and value of trade
for different agricultural commodities and requisites, as well as their value from
1964 to 1969.
Foreign trade statistics for Africa. Series A : Direction of trade. N o . 14. 1970. 103 p.
$2; 8.65 Swiss francs. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / S T A T / S E R . A / 1 4 . )
[St.] This series provides twice a year, cumulative data on African trade according
to the revised Standard International Trade Classification (SITC), by zone and coun-
try of source and destination.
Foreign trade statistics for Africa. Series B : Trade by commodity. N o . 17. (January-
December 1967. January-December 1968) 1970. 217 p. $ 3 ; 13 Swiss francs, ( U N /
E / C N . 1 4 / S T A T / S E R . B / 17.)
[St.] Document also published twice yearly. Supplements the preceding publication.
Statistical yearbook for Asia and the Far East, 1969. 1970. 381 p. $ 8 ; 34.55 Swiss
francs, ( U N / E / C N . 11/895.)
[Bl. St.] T h e usual statistics, plus n e w tables covering rates for infant mortality,
nuptiality, expectancy of life and survival, as well as working hours and dwelling
statistics.
Energy atlas of Asia and the Far East. July 1970. 26 p. $12.50. ( U N / E / C N . 11/900.)
A short manual on sampling. Vol. II: Computer programmes for sample designs. 1970.
77 p. $1.50, 6.45 Swiss francs. ( U N / S T / S T A I / S E R . F . / 9 / V O I . II.)
Volume containing Fortran IV programmes corresponding to twenty-two procedures
described in Volume I of the manual.
Report on the Working Croup on Public Sector Statistics (Economic Commission for
Africa) (Addis Ababa, 16-20 November 1970). November 1970. 25 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 /
499.)
Scope and utilization of public-sector statistics. Type of data required. Structure
and composition of the public sector. Accounts, tables and classifications in the
United Nations system of national accounts concerning the public sector. Definition
of transactions included in the accounts and tables.
Report on the Seminar on Data Required for Projections (Addis Ababa, 9-13 Novem-
ber 1970). December 1970. 43 p. ( U N / E / C N . 14/501.)
Economic projection methods in use. Revised United Nations system of national
accounts as a basis for analysis and economic planning. Utilization of national
accounting aggregates in studying anticipated growth rates in Africa during the
Second Development Decade, in the light of the proposed targets.
Publicfinancestatistics in Africa. October 1970. 91 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / N A C / 4 0 . )
190
[St.] Study of the situation in regard to available public-finance statistics in Africa.

Definition of the public-administration sector. Public accounts. Economic and
functional analysis of public-administration expenditure. Degree of conformity
with international recommendations. M a n y statistical tables.
Outline projection of certain African national accounting data for 1975 and 1980.
August 1970. 14 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / E R S / 1 3 . )
[St.] B y a working group of the Economic Commission for Africa.
PLANNING
Long-term planning. 1971. 206 p. $ 4 ; 17.30 Swiss francs, ( U N / E / E C E / 7 8 0 . )

[BI. St.] Report of the Economic Commission for Europe. T h e most important
conclusions drawn from studies on long-term planning in the United K i n g d o m ,
the United States, the Netherlands, Israel, Poland, France and Sweden.
Aspects of long-term planning at national and international levels and its implications
for world development. Long-term planning and long-term trends in Europe. February
1971. 22 p. ( U N / E / A C . 5 4 / L . 3 8 . )
A i m s and nature of studies o n long-term planning in Europe. There are several
addenda to this document, dealing in particular with the development of manufac-
turing industries in Europe, the geographical structure of European trade in m a n u -
factured articles and the transfer of techniques.
Aspects of long-term planning at national and international levels and its implications
for world development. Some aspects of long-term planning in Europe. February
1971. 10 p. (UN/E/AC.54/L.39.)
The question of long-term changes in the social distribution of income.
Tax reform planning. 1970. 16 p. $0.50; 2.15 Swiss francs, ( U N / S T / E C A / 1 3 5 . )

Studies and conclusions of an expert group which met in N e w York from 8 to 12 Sep-
tember 1970. Nature of tax-reform planning. Methods. Evaluation of results.
Inter-regional Course of Social Planning (Amsterdam, 23 March to 9 May 1970).

1971. 10 p. ( U N / S T / T A O / S E R . C / 1 2 2 . )
Planning as a development tool. Social aims of planning. Regional scope of social
planning.
Fourth Planning Conference on the European Social Development Programme (Geneva,

19-21 October 1970). 1970. 86 p. ( U N / S O A / E S D P / 1 9 7 0 / 5 . )
Current trends in social policy. Effect o n the European Social Development Pro-
g r a m m e . Activities between 1968 and 1970. Proposals for meetings during the period
1971-73.
The planning of social security. 1971. 189 p. (ILO.)

Main planning principles and procedures in the social-security sector in a number
of countries with differing types of economy. Case of the developing countries. Medi-
cal welfare in a socialist country. Opinion surveys and social-security planning.
191
A suggested approach to the provision of data for socio-economic analysis and projec-
tions. October 1970. 42 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / E R S / 1 5 . )
By a working group on economic surveys, which met in Addis A b a b a in 1968, under
the auspices of the Economic Commission for Africa.
Further notes on data required for planning and projections. October 1970. 67 p .
( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / E R S / I 6.)
Economic development (including development in general), industrialization. T h e

application of computer technology for development. 1970. 122 p. $ 2 ; 8.15 Swiss
francs, ( U N / E / 4 8 0 0 . )
[Bl.] Report by a working group. Programmes for developing countries concerning
theoretical and practical training in computer science. Data processing installations
and services.
Questions relating to the least developed among developing countries. Identification

of the least developed among developing countries. February 1971. lip. ( U N / E / A C . 5 4 /
L.40.)
Variables used in identifying such countries and in setting out their basic problems.
Science and technology for development. 1970. 47 p. $0.75; 3.25 Swiss francs, ( U N /
ST/ECA/133.)
Proposals for the Second United Nations Development Decade. B y the Advisory
Committee o n the Application of Science and Technology to Development. World
plan of action for the peaceful application of science and technology. Importance
of these two development agents.
International development strategy. 1970. 20 p. $0.50; 2.15 Swiss francs, ( U N / S T /

ECA/139.)
Action programme of the General Assembly for the Second United Nations Devel-
opment Decade, accepted by the General Assembly at a special meeting held on
24 October 1970.
Selected experiences in regional development. 1970. 146 p. $ 1 ; 4.30 Swiss francs.

(UN/ST/SOA/101.)
[Bl. St.] Study of selected experiences in regional development. Examples have
been chosen from countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America and Europe (East and
West). Nature of the programmes. Their relation to over-all national economic
and social policy. Notes on current research and a project concerning regional
policy.
Co-operation for economic development of Eastern Africa. Report of the Eastern

African team. Part I: Introduction and summary of recommendations. 1971. 37 p .
$1.50; 6.45 Swiss francs. (UN/ST/ECA/140/Part I.)
National grouping and co-operation by regions and sub-regions. Formulas for
co-operation. T h e institutional structure. Recommendations. This volume is sup-
plemented by several others, dealing with the economic prospects of eastern Africa
and programmes designed to foster co-operation between countries in this region.
Report of the Asian Industrial Development Council. February 1971. 64 p. ( U N / E /

CN.l 1/962.)
192
Measures to accelerate industrialization during the Second Development Decade.

Survey of industrialization and regional co-operation in Asia. Iron and steel, petro-
chemicals, forest products, mechanical engineering, oils and fats, agricultural indus-
trialization. Infrastructure. Asian Investment Centre.
* Chemical industries in Latin America and their development between 1959 and1967'
February 1970. ( U N / E / C N . 12/848 and A d d . 1 and 2.)
Three volumes in Spanish, each of some 250 pages.
*Prospects for the iron and steel industries in the developing countries. M a y 1970,
319 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 2 / 8 5 4 ) ; M a y 1970, 174 p. (uN/E/cN.12/854/Add.l); April 1970,
179 p. ( U N / E / C N . 12/855).
In Spanish only.
Mobilization of domestic resources. Vol. I: Public enterprises: their present signi-

ficance and their potential development. Vol. II: Financial intermediation in Latin
America. February 1971. 59 p. ( U N / E / C N . 12/876.)
The role of private or public enterprises in the mobilization of national resources.
The financial machineiy and the mobilization of savings.
Report of the Seminar on Administrative Framework for Development (Addis Ababa,

7-18 December 1970). January 1971. 57 p., including annexes, ( U N / E / C N . 14/509.)
The meeting examined a manual designed to help in the introduction of more up-to-
date public-administration systems in the developing countries. Relationship between
the quality of the administrative machinery and development.
INVESTMENT
Investment climate in Africa. October 1970. 44 p. ( U N / E / C N . 14/INR/1 84.)

The notion of investment climate. Main categories of capital sources influenced by
the investment climate. Methods of removing grievances voiced by foreign investors
concerning the investment climate in Africa.
Foreign investment in the Republic of South Africa. 1970. 33 p. $0.75; 3.35 Swiss
francs, (UN/ST/PSCA/SER.A/11.)
A m o u n t and yield of foreign investment in South Africa. The movement of foreign
capital during recent years in regard to this country.
TRADE
Short and medium-term prospects for exports of manufactures from selected developing
countries: Algeria. 1970. 73 p. $0.90; 3.90 Swiss francs, ( U N / U N C T A D / S T / M D / 1 .)
General analysis of the present situation and probable developments in the pro-
duction and export of manufactured goods.
Restrictive business practices. January 1971. 123 p. ( U N / T D / B / C . 3 / 1 0 4 . )

[Bl. St.] Based o n replies from forty countries to a questionnaire sent out by the
Trade and Development Board. Operations and methods liable to prejudice exports
from the developing countries. Cartels. Their practices.
193
RAW MATERIALS
Mineral resources development with particular reference to the developing countries.

1970. 74 p . $ 1 ; 4.30 Swiss francs, ( U N / S T / E C A / 1 2 3 . )
The different operational stages in mineral-resources development. T h e institutional
framework within which these operations are generally carried out. Legislation
relating to mineral-resources development. Present policies in this sector.
United Nations Tin Conference, 1970. October 1970. 31 p . $0.75; 3.25 Swiss francs.
( U N / T D / T I N . 4 / 7 R e v . 1.)
The conference's final resolution, representing the fourth international agreement
on tin.
A G R I C U L T U R E , BASIC COMMODITIES
National grain policies (1970). 1970. 102 p . $ 3 ; 13 Swiss francs. ( F A O . )

Follows on the 1969 edition. Evolution of national grain policies. Exporting and
importing countries. Consumption. Production incentives.
Commodity review and outlook: 1970-1971. 1971. 227 p . $5.50; 23.75 Swiss francs.
(FAO.)
Increase in the value of world agricultural trade in 1970. Principal market factors.
Short-term outlook. Analysis by product: cereals, livestock products, oils and
oilcakes, tropical export crops, otherfieldand tree crops, agricultural raw materials,
fishery products, forestry products. Recent action on commodity problems.
E C O N O M I C SITUATION
Economic survey of Asia and the Far East, 1969. 1970. 285 p . $ 4 ; 17.30 Swiss francs.
( U N / E / C N . 1 1/935.)
[Bl. St.] Economic trends in 1968 and 1969, plus special surveys on agricultural
development strategies and the role of intra-regional trade as a growth tool.
Economic survey of Europe in 1969. Part I : Structural trends and prospects in the
European economy. 1971. 152 p. $2.50; 10.80 Swiss francs, ( U N / E / E C E / 7 5 3 . )
[Bl. St.] Production and employment trends, in general and in the main sectors.
Structural changes in Eastern Europe, including the Soviet Union, and in Western
Europe. N e w methods of comparing the per capita income level in different countries.
Economic survey of Europe in 1969. Part II: The European economy in 1969. 1970
152 p . $2.50; 10.80 Swiss francs. (uN/E/ECE/753/Add. 1.)
[Bl. St.] According to data received up to the end of February 1970. Recent evolution
of the economic situation in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, and in Western
Europe.
BUILDING
Economic Commission for Africa: Report of the West African Working Group of
Experts on House-building Costs (Kumasi, Ghana, 31 August to 11 September 1970).
November 1970. 29 p . ( U N / E / C N . 14/496.)
194
Study of buildingfinancing.Creation of favourable conditions for local contractors.

Improving output. Reduction in costs.
Society, living and working conditions,

employment, social policy
SOCIAL D E V E L O P M E N T , SOCIAL POLICY
Report of the Board of the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development.
December 1970. 52 p. ( U N / E / C N . 5 / 4 6 7 . )
Development of the institute's programmes. Current research.
RURAL DEVELOPMENT
Report of Sub-regional Training Course on Rural Extension and Community Develop-

ment. (West Africa, French-speaking countries). Tové-Palimé, Togo. 26 August
to 26 September 1969. January 1971. 20 p . ( U N / E / C N . 14/471.)
Report of the Meeting of Experts on the Development of Rural Life and Institutions
in Central Africa (Libreville, Gabon, 2-12 December 1969). January 1971. 39 p .
( U N / E / C N . 14/472.)
Rural development problems. Policy of central African States in this domain. Pro-
g r a m m e of the international organizations.
Report of the Meeting of Experts on the Development of Rural Life and Institutions
in West Africa (Accra, 22-31 July 1970). December 1970. 30 p. including annexes.
( U N / E / C N . 14/494.)
Planning and implementation of rural development programmes in this region.
Economic Commission for Africa: Report of the Regional Working Group on Improve-
ments in Rural Housing and Community Facilities (Addis Ababa, 19-24 October
1970). October 1970. 37 p . ( U N / E / C N . 14/495.)
Rural housing and planning of economic and social development. Administrative
and financial aspects. Local materials and techniques in the construction of rural
dwellings. Rehousing the population. Health services, sanitation and other c o m m u -
nity facilities.
URBANIZATION
Administrative aspects of urbanization. 1970. 228 p. $3.50; 15.55 Swiss francs, ( U N / S T /

TAO/M/51.)
The role of different government departments. Settlement of disputes. Problems of
financing. Participation of citizens. Their representatives. Relation between urban
development plans and national planning.
195
CHILDREN, YOUTH
Report on children. 1971. 58 p. $1.50; 6.45 Swiss francs, ( U N / S T / S O A / 1 0 4 . )

The changing place of children in the world. Problems raised in this connexion by
the population explosion and social changes. Child welfare. Evaluation of measures
adopted. National policy and planning for children and young people.
Long-term policies and programmes for youth in national development. 1970. 56 p.

$1.00; 4.30 Swiss francs, ( U N / S T / S O A / 1 0 3 . )
Comprehensive survey of the position of young people from 12 to 25 years of age in
the modern world. Formulation and implementation of policies for youth. Contri-
bution of young people to development. Study of measures that have proved effective
in ensuring the participation of young people in a wide range of activities that
contribute to development.
SOCIAL POLICY, SOCIAL SERVICES, WORKING CONDITIONS
Social security in the context of national development. November 1970. 59 p. ( U N / E /

CN.5/460.)
A i m s of social security. Social security and national development. Planning of social
security as part of over-all economic and social planning. Role of the State.
*Social security and national economy. 1971. 330 p. (ILO.)

Presents a series of studies m a d e by a working group of the International Social
Security Association (ISSA). Relation between social-security programmes and the
economic system in the developing countries. Influence of social security on economic
growth. Assessment of the primary redistribution effected by social security. Social-
security accounts in m e m b e r countries of the European communities. Observations
in regard to social security and the national economy. Fundamental problems of
welfare economics. Model representing the costs of a social-security system. Appli-
cation of operational research methods to the optimization of decision-making.
The activities of the ILO in thefieldof manpower and employment in Europe in 1970.
February 1971. 13 p. ( U N / E / E C E / 8 0 4 . )
Research and publications. Technical co-operation. Meetings, seminars, study travel.
Collaboration with European regional organizations. Action by governments in
assisting implementation of I L O programmes and principles.
The world employment programme. 1971. 86 p. $1.50; 6 Swiss francs. (ILO.)

[BL] Most recent basic data on the employment position in the developing countries.
Policies that States have endeavoured to apply in this domain. Progress achieved
and obstacles encountered. Recent developments in regard to employment policy
at the international level.
Social repercussions of new methods of cargo handling (docks). 1971. 87 p. $1.50;

6 Swiss francs. (ILO.)
Report prepared for thefifty-seventhsession of the International Labour Conference
(Geneva, 1972). Problems arising from changes introduced into cargo handling
196
methods. Measures taken by I L O concerning dockers' employment conditions.

National legislation and practice in regard to giving dockers steady employment
and earnings, and the social repercussions of adopting new handling methods. Based
on replies to a questionnaire sent to M e m b e r States in June 1968.
Legal and political questions, h u m a n rights
INTERNATIONAL LAW
Yearbook of the International Law Commission: 1969. Vol. II. 1970. 241 p. $3.50
(UN/A/CN.4/SER.A/1969/Add. 1.)
This second volume deals with relations between States and international organ-
izations. S u m m a r y of discussions on this subject during the twentieth session of the
International L a w Commission. Draft articles o n the legal status of representatives
of States to international organizations.
Observations on the 3rd group of articles (articles 51 to 116) on representatives of

States to international organizations, adopted by the International Law Commission
at its 22nd session. February 1971. 58 p. ( U N / A / C N . 4 / 2 4 0 . )
Observations from Australia, Canada, Israel, N e w Zealand, Pakistan, Poland,
Switzerland, U N , I L O , W H O , the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, the International Finance Corporation, I T U and W M O .
The question of treaties concluded between States and international organizations or

between two or more international organizations. December 1970. 116 p. ( U N / A /
CN.4/L.161.)
[Bl.] Historical survey. T h e various aspects of the problem. List of relevant treaties.
Multilateral treaties in respect of which the Secretary-General performs depositary

functions. List of signatures, ratifications, accessions, etc., as at 31 December 1970.
1971. 439 p. $ 7 ; 30.30 Swiss francs, ( U N / S T / L E G / S E R . D / 4 . )
This volume covers all multilateral treaties concluded under the auspices of the
United Nations. Mention is also m a d e of treaties concluded under the auspices of
the League of Nations and certain others concluded before the United Nations was
set up. Following the complete title of each treaty, details are given concerning its
entry into force, registration and publication, signatures, accessions and ratifications.
DECOLONIZATION
Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation
of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
1971. 3 vol. (uN/A/6700/Rev. 1.)
W o r k of the Special Committee since its commencement. Survey of the evolution
of each colonial country or territory from the political, economic, social and cultural
points of view. Documentary annexes.
Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation
of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
December 1970. 79 p. ( U N / A / 8 0 2 3 . )
197
This report on the Committee's activities in 1970 is supplemented by various annexes

concerning each of the colonial countries and territories.
H U M A N RIGHTS
Respect for human rights in armed conflicts. December 1970. 38 p . ( U N / A / 8 1 7 8 . )

Survey of information from regions in the world where this problem is acute at the
present time. Draft resolutions for submission to the General Assembly: protection
of journalists on dangerous missions, fundamental principles concerning the protec-
tion of the civilian population in armed conflicts, repatriation of prisoners and the
severely ill and wounded, respect for the rules laid d o w n in the various International
R e d Cross conventions.
Human rights and scientific and technological developments. December 1970. 33 p .

(UN/E/CN.4/1028/Add.6.)
This report deals with respect for individual privacy, and with the integrity and
sovereignty of nations in the face of technological progress. T h e questions discussed
include recording equipment and the n e w biological and electronic techniques n o w
available.
Study of discrimination in respect of the right of everyone to leave any country, including
his own, and to return to his country. November 1970. 15 p . ( U N / E / C N . 4 / 1 0 4 2 . )
Note by the Secretary-General, reporting on the studies carried out by various
United Nations bodies. A n n e x contains replies received from governments.
Capital punishment. February 1971. 10 p . ( U N / E / 4 9 4 7 . )

According to replies from seventy governments. Legal rights of persons accused of a
political offence or crime under the general law for which the death penalty applies.
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RIGHTS
Seminar on the Realization of Economic and Social Rights with Particular Reference
to Developing Countries (Lusaka 23 June to 4 July 1970). 1970. 23 p. ( U N / S T / T A O /
HR/40.)
Examination of the material and other conditions needed to ensure steadily advancing
realization of economic, social and cultural rights at the national level. Study of
national measures adopted: constitutional and legal provisions, regulations and
administrative procedures, court decisions. Part played by international action.
STATUS OF W O M E N
Seminar on the Participation of Women in the Economic Life of their Countries.

(Moscow, 8-21 September 1970). 1970. 38 p . ( U N / S T / T A O / H R / 4 1 . )
Proceedings of the seminar. Extent of w o m e n ' s participation in the economic life of
their country. Measures designed to provide w o m e n with better preparation in this
respect. W a y s and means of enabling w o m e n to discharge, at the same time, their
professional, domestic and civic responsibilities.
198
DELINQUENCY
Criminality and social change. December 1970. 22 p. ( U N / E / C N . 5 / 4 5 7 . )

Report of a committee of experts. This document is complemented by several others
(in particular: E / C N . 5 / 4 6 1 , January 1971, 40 p . ; and E / C N . 5 / 4 6 9 , January 1971, 22 p.)
which deal with present tendencies in criminality and the preventive measures adopted
to combat delinquency.
Education, science
YOUTH TRAINING AND DEVELOPMENT
Report of the Expert Group Meeting on Education and Training for Development in
Africa (Addis Ababa, 7-11 December 1970). February 1971. 47 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / 5 1 5 . )
Education in Africa. Needs. Conception of education and training for rural develop-
ment and industrialization. Education strategies. T h e documents set out below relate
to this meeting.
Review of some national service programmes for youth and other programmes with
similar objectives. November 1970. 24 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / sw.27.)
Characteristics and major trends in these programmes. Descriptions of various
experiments, by country, with particular reference to Algeria and Tunisia.
National youth service programmes for women and girls in Africa. November 1970.
10 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / S W / 2 8 . )
Study submitted by Mrs Lettie Stuart. Problems raised by youth in Africa. Illiterates
and educated w o m e n and girls. Experiments carried out in various African countries.
National youth policies and international co-operation. November 1970. 16 p. ( U N / E /

CN.14/sw/29.)
Reconciling traditional conceptions and n e w ideas in youth policy. Harmonization
of official action and voluntary efforts. Integration of these programmes, both in
their formulation and application, with over-all national policy. International co-
operation. Present efforts on behalf of youth by the United Nations.
Role of national youth service programmes in economic and social development. October
1970. 27 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / S W / 3 0 . )
Problems that economic and social development pose for the African countries. T h e
position of young people. Preparation for employment. Vocational guidance. Prepa-
ration for citizenship. Preparation for leisure. Preparation for international under-
standing.
National youth service programmes: Where have we got to ? What is our immediate
task? November 1970. 15 p . ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / S W / 3 1 . )
Main conclusions and recommendations emerging from meetings organized at
world level and at the African level. Critical discussion.
Measures for increasing the contribution of national youth service programmes to

economic and social development. November 1970. 11 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / S W / 3 2 . )
199
Report of the Economic Commission for Africa. Growth of the youth population.
Importance of integration programmes in regard to youth.
Report of an evaluation survey of university level manpower supply and demand in

selected African countries. N o v e m b e r 1970. 133 p. including annexes, tables.
(UN/E/CN.14/WP.6/32.)
[St.] Covers the following countries: Cameroon, Democratic Republic of the Congo,
G h a n a , Kenya, Nigeria, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia. Main features in the eco-
n o m y of these countries. T h e graduate employment market (1960-70). Measures
to be taken.
Requirements of skilled personnel for industrialization and their implications in terms

of education and training in Africa. November 1970. 21 p. ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / W P . 6 / 3 3 . )
Present and future requirements. N e e d for an education and training strategy. Inven-
tory of education and training institutions. Fixing of targets.
SCIENCE, T E C H N O L O G Y A N D D E V E L O P M E N T
The role of science and technology in economic development. 1970. 216 p. $ 4 ; 16 F .

(Science policy studies and documents, no 18.) (Unesco/Ns/sps/18.)
[Bl.] T h e main trends of discussions at a meeting of experts (December 1968), with
the working documents prepared on that occasion. Science planning and economic
planning. Financing of research. Contributions of science and technology to develop-
ment: a balance-sheet. Analysis at the national level and the industrial level. T h e
socialist countries. Japan. India.
SCIENCE POLICY
Política científica y organización de la investigación científica en la Argentina. 197

136 p. $2.50; 10 F . (Science policy studies and documents, n o . 20.) (Unesco/
NS/SPS/20.)
[Bl. St.] Study prepared by the authorities of the country in question. Historical
survey of the development of science in Argentina. Organization of scientific and
technological research. Targets. Financing. Training of scientific and technical
personnel. List of research establishments.
National science policy and organization of research in Poland. 1970. 126 p. $ 3 ; 12 F .

(Science policy studies and documents, no. 21.) (Unesco.)
[Bl. St.] Study similar to the above-mentioned. Poland.
National science policy and organization of research in the Philippines. 1970. 113 p.
$2.50; 10 F . (Science policy studies and documents, no. 22.) (Unesco.)
[Bl. St.] Study similar to the above-mentioned. Philippines.
La politique scientifique et Vorganisation de la recherche scientifique en Hongrie.

1971. 120 p. $ 3 ; 12 F . (Science policy studies and documents, no. 23.) (Unesco/
Ns/sps/23.)
[Bl. St.] Study similar to the above-mentioned. Hungary.
200
La politique scientifique et l'organisation de la recherche en France. 1971. 146 p.

$ 4 ; 16 F . (Science policy studies and documents, n o 24.) (Unesco/Ns/sps/24.)
[Bl. St.] Study similar to the above-mentioned. France.
Science policy and the European States. 1971. 208 p. $ 3 ; 12 F . (Science policy studies
and documents, no. 25). (Unesco/Ns/sps/25.)
The Conference of Ministers of European M e m b e r States responsible for Science
Policy (Paris, 21-26 June 1970J. Its conclusions. M a i n working documents. Training
and recruitment of research workers. Selection of priority targets. European co-
operation.
BRAIN D R A I N
Outflow of trained personnel from developing to developed countries. February 1971.

11 p. ( U N / E / 4 9 4 8 . )
Report by the Executive Director of the United Nations Institute for Training and
Research. Progress of its studies concerning this outflow. Their scientific and practical
aims. Subjects dealt with in questionnaires. Organizations associated in research.
SCIENTIFIC INFORMATION
UNISIST: Study report on the feasibility of a world science information system. 1971.
161 p. $ 4 ; 16 F . (Unesco).
Results of studies carried out by Unesco and the International Council of Scientific
Unions since 1967 with a view to the establishment of a world science information
system (UNISIST). Its function would be to select information and speed up its
dissemination, particularly in the developing countries. T h e problem of scientific
information. T h e present situation. T h e functions of the future world system.
Prepared in connexion with an intergovernmental conference held in October 1971.
A more succinct publication contains a synopsis of this study (UNISIST. Synopsis.
1971. 92 p. (Unesco)).
SOCIOLOGY
Qu'est-ce que la sociologie? B y Paul Lazarsfeld. 1970. 252 p. (Collection 'Idées',

no. 238.) (Unesco/Gallimard.)
[Bl.] Reproduces a study by Paul Lazarsfeld for the Unesco work entitled Main
trends of research in the social and human sciences. History of sociology. Present
trends. General theories and 'theory of the middle range'. Marxism. Functionalism
and structuralism. National schools. Sociology and the other social sciences.
DEMOGRAPHY
La démographie. B y Jean Bourgeois-Pichat. 1970. 188 p. (Collection 'Idées'.)

(Unesco/Gallimard.)
[BL] Reproduces a study by Jean Bourgeois-Pichat for the Unesco work entitled
Main trends of research in the social and human sciences. Introduction to demography
and survey of its most recent trends. Relations between this science and biology,
economics, ecology and sociology.
201
Books received
Philosophy, psychology, ethics and morals
C H A Z A U D , J. ; B R A Y , P. Précis de psychologie de l'enfant: de la naissance à l'adolescence:

les grandes phases du développement. Toulouse, Edouard Privat, 1971. 75 p. 7.90 F .
(Mésopé Bibliothèque de l'action sociale.)
M A N T O Y , Jacques. Les 50 mots-clés de la psychologie de l'enfant. Toulouse, Edouard
Privat, 1971. 153 p., index. 16.80 F .
R E S W E B E R , Jean-Paul. La pensée de Martin Heidegger. Toulouse, Edouard Privat,
1971. 192 p., bibliog. (Pensée.)
S A U V Y , Alfred. Mythologie de notre temps. N e w éd. Paris, Petite Bibliothèque Payot,
1971. 238 p., graphs, index.
Social sciences, organization of social studies,

documentation, history, trends
B O A L T , Gunnar et al. The European orders of chivalry. Stockholm, P . A . Norstedt &

Sönners Förlag, 1971. 153 p., bibliog.
J A V E A U , Claude. L'enquête par questionnaire: manuel à l'usage du praticien. Bruxelles,
Editions de l'Institut de Sociologie de l'Université Libre de Bruxelles, 1971. 261 p.,
tables. 265 FB. (Études de méthodologie.)
POLSKIEJ AKADEMH N A U K . OSRODEK DOKUMENTACJI I INFORMACJI NAUKOWEJ. Stan i
potrzeby informacji naukowe] w naukach spolecznych: materialy z III sympozjum
pracowników informacji naukowej. Polskiej Akademii Nauk i Czechoslowackiej
Akademii Nauk. Stav apotreby vëdecké informacé ve spolecnskych vëddch: materialy
z III symposia informacnich pracovniku. Polské Akademie vëd a Ceskoslovenské
Akademie vëd. Warszawa, Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1971. 331 p., bibliog.
R I C H A R D S , N . David; C O H E N , Lois K . (eds.). Social sciences and dentistry: a critical
bibliography. London, International Dental Federation, 1971. 381 p .
S W A N N , Brenda; T U R N B U L L , Maureen. Records of interest to social scientists 1919
to 1939: introduction. London, H M S O , 1971. 280 p., bibliog. £2.40. (Public Record
Office handbooks, n o . 14.)
202
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. X X I V , N o . 1, 1972
Books received
W A L R A E T , Marcel. Les études africaines dans le monde: hier, aujourd'hui, demain.

Bruxelles, Centre de Documentation Économique et Sociale Africaine, 1971.
104 p. 300 F B . (Monographies documentaires, fase. 2.)
W I L S O N , A . T . M . ; M I T C H E L L , Jeremy; C H E R N S , Albert (eds.). Social science research
and industry. London, George G . Harrap & C o . Ltd., 1971. 439 p., indexes. £7.50.
Sociology, social psychology, sociography
B A I L E Y , F . G . Gifts and poisons: the politics of reputation. Oxford, Basil Blackwell,

1971. 318 p., bibliog. £1.45. (Pavilion series.)
B I N S T O C K , Robert H . ; E L Y , Katherine (eds.). The politics of the powerless. C a m -
bridge, Mass., Winthrop Publishers Inc., 1971. xii + 340 p. £2.50.
C O L F A X , J. David; R O A C H , Jack L . (eds.). Radical sociology. N e w York, London,
Basic Books Inc., 1971. 492 p., index. $10, paperback $5.95.
D A N D A , Ajit K . ; D A N D A , Dipali G . Development and change in Basudha: study
of a West Bengal village. Hyderabad, National Institute of Community Devel-
opment, 1971. 132 p., maps, tables. Rs.13.00.
D A N Z I G E R , Kurt. Socialization. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books Ltd., 1971. 175 p.,
bibliog. £0.45. (Penguin science of behaviour, Social psychology.)
E E K E L A A R , John. Family security and family breakdown. Harmondsworth, Penguin
Books Ltd., 1971. 304 p., bibliog., index. £1.00 (Penguin education. L a w and
society.)
G I R O D , Roger. Mobilité sociale: faits établis et problèmes ouverts. Genève, Librairie
Droz, 1971. 204 p., graphs, tables, index. (Travaux de droit, d'économie, de
sociologie et de sciences politiques, no. 88.)
G O F F M A N , Erving. Relations in public: microstudies of the public order. N e w York,
Basic Books Inc., 1971. 396 p., index. $7.95.
G O O D Y , Jack (ed.). Kinship: selected readings. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books
Ltd., 1971. 399 p., tables, bibliog., index. £0.55 (Penguin education. Penguin
modern sociology readings.)
H E L D , Jean-Francis; M A U C O R P S , Janine. Je et les autres: essai sur Vempathie quo-
tidienne. Paris, Payot, 1971. 285 p., bibliog., 25.70 F . (Études et Documents Payot.)
M O U S N I E R , Roland. Le gerarchie sociali dal 1450 ai nostri giorni. Milano, Editrice
Vita e Pensiero, 1971. 165 p. (Cultura e storia, no. 7.)
M U T H A Y Y A , B . C . Farmers and their aspirations: influence of socio-economic status
and work orientation. Hyderabad, National Institute of Community Development,
1971. 113 p., tables. Rs.13.00.
O S S E N B E R G , Richard J. (ed.). Canadian society: pluralism, change, and conflict. Scar-
borough, Prentice-Hall of Canada Ltd., 1971. 214 p .
R E S E A R C H C E N T R E F O R Y O U T H P R O B L E M S . Tineretul: obiect de cercetare stiintifica.
Bucharest, the Centre, 1969. 454 p. (Colectia manifestari stiintifice, nr. 1.)
R E S E A R C H C E N T R E F O R Y O U T H P R O B L E M S . Tineretul: factor de schimbare. Bucharest,
the Centre, 1970. 439 p., graphs, tables. Summaries in English, French, G e r m a n
and Russian. (Colectia studii si sinteze, nr. 2-3.)
R E S E A R C H C E N T R E F O R Y O U T H P R O B L E M S . Youth to-day¡La jeunesse d'aujourd'hui.
Bucharest, the Centre, 1970. 222 p., tables, graphs. (Collection studies and syn-
theses, no. 4.)
203
R U B I N G T O N , Earl; W I N B E R G , Martin S. (eds.). The study of social problems: five

perspectives. N e w York, London, Oxford University Press, 1971. x + 219 p .
£1.40.
S C H A F F E R , H . R . The growth of sociability. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books Ltd.,
1971. 199 p., illus., graphs, bibliog., index. £0.50. (Penguin science of behaviour.
Development of psychology.)
W I E H N , Erhard R . Soziales und Verhalten: sozialwissenschaftliche Reorientierungs
versuche mit einer Bibliographie. Tübingen, Verlag Elly Huth, 1971. 208 p., bibliog.
(Das Wissenschaftliche Arbeitsbuch, VIII/14.)
Statistics, demography
B L U M B E R G , M a r k S. Trends and projections of physicians in the United States, 1967-

2002: a technical report. Berkeley, Carnegie Commission on Higher Education,
1971. vii + 83 p., tables.
C A I R O D E M O G R A P H I C C E N T R E . Demographic measures and population growth in
Arab countries. Cairo, the Centre, 1970. xvi + 352 p., tables. $12.00 (Research
monograph series, no. 1.)
H A B A K K U K , H . J. Population growth and economic development since 1750. Leicester,
Leicester University Press, 1971. 110 p. £0.90.
R O B E R T , Bernard. Structure par âge relative: comtés et régions, Province de Québec,
1966. Québec, Bureau de la Statistique du Québec, 1971. xviii + 176 p., m a p s ,
tables, graphs. (Matériaux pour l'étude des espaces démographiques.)
Political science
B A U M , Richard; B E N N E T T , Louise B . (eds.). China in ferment: perspectives on the

cultural revolution. Englewood Cliffs, Prentice-Hall Inc., 1971. vii + 246 p., bibliog.
£1.50.
C O N G R È S M O N D I A L D E S O C I O L O G I E , 7, Varna, 14-19 septembre 1970. Sociologie
de r impérialisme: actes de la session consacrée à la sociologie de l'impérialisme
par le Comité de recherche Sociologie du Développement National de l'Asso-
ciation Internationale de Sociologie, sous la direction de Anouar Abdel-Malek;
éd. préparée par Marie-Françoise Cassiau. Paris, Éditions Anthropos, 1971.
782 p.
D O R N B E R G E R , Use. The political thought of Max Weber: in quest of statesmanship.
N e w York, Appleton-Century Crofts, Meredith Corporation, 1971. xv + 436 p . ,
index.
I E R O D I A K O N O U , Leonitos. The Cyprus question. Stockholm, Almqvist & Wiksell,
1971. 313 p., bibliog. (Publications of the Political Science Association in Uppsala,
56.)
K A I S E R , Karl; M O R G A N , Roger (eds.). Britain and West Germany: changing societies
and the future of foreign policy. London, N e w York, and Toronto, Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1971. x + 294 p., bibliog. £4.00.
204
Books received
L A D D , Everett Carll, Jr.; LIPSET, Seymour Martin. The politics of American political
scientists. Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, 1971. 10 p. (Reprinted
from PS, Vol. 4, no. 2, spring 1971.)
L O N D O N INSTITUTE O F W O R L D A F F A I R S . The yearbook of world affairs, 1971. E d .
by G . Keeton and G . Schwarzenberger. London, 1971. xvi + 343 + viii p., index.
L U T Z , William; B R E N T , Harry (eds.). On revolution. Cambridge, Mass., Winthrop
Publishers Inc., 1971. xiii + 344 p. £2.25.
M C K N I G H T , Allan. Atomic safeguards: a study in international verification. N e w York,
United Nations Institute for Training and Research, 1971. xxii + 301 p., index.
M I C H E L S , Robert. Les partis politiques: essai sur les tendances oligarchiques des
démocraties. Traduit par S. Jankelevitch, préface de René R é m o n d . Paris, Flam-
marion, 1971. 309 p.
P I Z Z O R N O , Alessandro (ed.). Political sociology: selected readings. Harmondsworth,
Penguin Books Ltd., 1971. 359 p., index. £0.55. (Penguin education/Penguin
modern sociology readings.)
R U N Y O N , H . John; VERDINI, Jennefer; R U N Y O N , Sally S. (comp. ed.). Source Book
of American presidential campaign and election statistics 1948-1968. N e w York,
Frederick Ungar Publishing C o . , 1971. xiv + 380 p., tables, bibliog. $12.50.
S C H A C H T E R , O . ; N A W A Z , M . ; F R I E D , J. Toward wider acceptance of UN treaties.
N e w York, Arno Press, 1971. 190 p., tables, index. (A Unitar study.)
W A L S H E , Peter. Theriseof African nationalism in South-Africa: the African National
Congress, 1912-1952. Berkeley, Los Angeles, University of California Press,
1971. xvi + 480 p., bibliog.
Economics
B A R I O C H , Paul. Le Tiers-Monde dans l'impasse: le démarrage économique du 18e

au 20e siècle. Paris, Gallimard, 1971. 372 p., tables, bibliog. (Collection Idées.)
G A D C W A D , V . R . Small farmers: state policy and programme implementation. Hyder-
abad, National Institute of Community Development, 1971. 83 p., tables.
H E S S E L B A C H , Walter. Les entreprises du secteur de l'économie d'intérêt général:
essai d'une typologie des formes d'entreprises non-capitalistes. Conférence devant
l'Assemblée de l'Académie 'Contacts entre les continents'. Frankfurt a m Main,
Bank für Gemeinwirtschaft Aktiengesellschaft, 1970. 40 p. (Économie d'intérêt
général, no. 4.)
K H A N , Taufiq M . (ed.). Studies on national income and its distribution. Karachi,
Pakistan Institute of Development Economies, December 1970. 191 p., graphs,
tables. Cloth bound, Rs.20.00; paperback, Rs.12.50. (Readings in development
economics, no. 5.)
LOUVAIN. U N I V E R S I T É C A T H O L I Q U E . C E N T R E D ' É T U D E S E U R O P É E N N E S . La politique
régionale du Marché Commun. Louvain, Vander, 1971, 218 p. 280 F B .
M A G N I F I C O , Giovanni. European monetary unification for balanced growth: a new
approach. Princeton, International Finance Section, Princeton University, August
1971. 46 p. (Essays in international finance, no. 88.)
N A Q V I , Syed N a w a d Haider. Egalitarianism versus growthmanship. Karachi, Pakis-
tan Institute of Development Economies, 1971. 10 p. Rs.2.00. (Essays in devel-
opment economics, no. 1.)
205
N A Q V I , Syed N a w a b Haider. The incubus of foreign aid. Karachi. Pakistan Institute

of Development Economics, 1971. 19 p. Rs.2.00. (Essays in development econo-
mics, no. 2.)
O L I V E R , Robert W . Early plans for a world bank. Princeton, International Finance
Section, Princeton University, 1971. 57 p . (Princeton studies in international
finance, no. 29.)
O S S O L A , Rinaldo. Towards new monetary relationships. Princeton, International
Finance Section, Princeton University, 1971. 28 p. (Essays in international finance,
no. 87.)
R O U M A N I E ( R É P U B L I Q U E SOCIALISTE). A C A D É M I E D E S SCIENCES S O C I A L E S E T P O L I T I Q U E S .
CENTRE D'INFORMATION ET DE DOCUMENTATION DANS LES SCIENCES SOCIALES ET
POLITIQUES. Contributions roumaines au Ve Congrès International d'Histoire Éco-
nomique, Leningrad, 10-14 août 1970. Bucarest, l'Académie, 1971. 236 p.
SOCIETY F O R I N T E R N A T I O N A L D E V E L O P M E N T . International guide to directories of
resources in international development. 3rd ed. Washington, Society for Inter-
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T H I E M E Y E R , Theo. Principes d'une théorie de l'économie d'intérêt général. Frankfurt
a m Main, Bank für Gemeinwirtschaft, 1970. 51 p. (Économie d'intérêt général,
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V E R N O N , R a y m o n d . Sovereignty at bay: the multinational spread of U.S. enterprises.
London, Longman Group Ltd., 1971. vi + 326 p. £3.50.
VIR, D . ; F U T A G A M I , Shiro; A H N , H y o Chul; FUJISHIRO, Y . Farm guidance activities
of agricultural cooperatives. N e w Delhi, International Co-operative Alliance,
January 1971. 128 p., tables, diagr. Rs. 10.00 (Cooperative series, no. 4.)
L a w , jurisprudence, criminology
W I L S O N , R . R . International law and contemporary Commonwealth issues. D u r h a m ,

N . C . , D u k e University Press, 1971. xi + 245 p., bibliog., index. (Duke Univer-
sity Commonwealth-Studies Center, no. 38.)
Administrative and management sciences
B E R K L E Y , George E . The administrative revolution: notes on the passing of organi-

zation man. Englewood Cliffs, Prentice-Hall, 1971. 181 p., bibliog.
INSTITUTS B E L G E E T F R A N Ç A I S D E S SCIENCES A D M I N I S T R A T I V E S . L'administration publi-
que. Paris, Colin, 1971. 526 p., index. (Collection U ; Série 'Science Adminis-
trative'.)
INSTITUT I N T E R N A T I O N A L D'ADMINISTRATION PUBLIQUE. Centre de Recherche et
de Documentation sur la Fonction Publique. Annuaire international de la fonction
publique, 1970-1971. Paris, l'Institut, 1971. 476 p., bibliog. (Bulletin de l'Institut
International d'Administration Publique, no. 18, supplément.)
L O N G E P I E R R E , Michel. Les conseillers généraux dans le système administratiffrançais.
Grenoble, Éditions Cujas, n.d. 213 p., graphs, tables, bibliog. (Cahier de l'Institut
d'Études Politiques de l'Université des Sciences Sociales de Grenoble, no. 9.)
206
Books received
R O M A N I A (REPUBLICII SOCIALISTE). A C A D E M I A D E S T H N T E SOCIALE SI POLITICE. INS-

TITUTUL D E C E R C E T A R I E C O N O M I C E . Probleme ale perfectionarii conducerii intre-
prinderilor industríale: Lucrarile colocviului stiintific din iulie 1969. Bucharest,
the Academy, 1971. 529 p., tables, diags., charts.
Social relief and welfare
B A L A K R I S H N A , S. Family planning: knowledge, attitude and practice; a sample survey

in Andhra Pradesh. Hyderabad, National Institute of Community Development,
1971. v + 139 p., m a p , tables. Rs.14.00.
B L I X , Gunnar; H O F V A N D E R , Yngve; V A H L Q U I S T , B O (eds.). Famine: a symposium
dealing with nutrition and relief operations in times of disaster, Saltjöbaden, Sweden,
August 24-27, 1970. Swedish Nutrition Foundation; Swedish International Devel-
opment Authority, 1971. 200 p., tables, diags. Sw.kr.50.00.
C O N F É R E N C E I N T E R N A T I O N A L E D E L ' A C T I O N SOCIALE, 15, Manille, Philippines, 1970.
Compte-rendu: nouvelles stratégies pour le développement social; rôle de la poli-
tique et de Vaction sociale. Paris, Conseil International de l'Action Sociale, 1971,
315 p.
G I S H , Oscar. Doctor migration and world health: the impact of international demand
for doctors on health services in developing countries. London, G . Bell & Sons,
1971. 152 p., tables. £2.75. (Occasional papers o n social administration, no. 43.)
G I S H , Oscar (ed.). Health, manpower and the medical auxiliary: some notes and an
annotated bibliography. London, Intermediate Technology Group, 1971. 65 p.,
bibliog. £1.50.
L O P E Z , Manuel-Luis; LARDINOIS, Paul. Travail social, promotion humaine: des fon-
dements aux orientations pratiques. Bruxelles, Éditions Vie Ouvrière, 1971. 191 p.,
illus., diags.
W A D S W O R T H , M . E . J. ; B U T T E R F I E L D , W . J. H . ; B L A N E Y , R . Health and sickness:
the choice of treatment. London, Tavistock Publications, 1971. 114 p., maps,
graphs, tables. £2.00.
Education
B O W E N , Howard R . ; D O U G L A S S , Gordon K . Efficiency in liberal education: a study

of comparative instructional costs for different ways of organizing teaching-learning
in a liberal arts college. Berkeley, Carnegie Commission on Higher Education;
N e w York, McGraw-Hill B o o k C o , 1971. xi + 151 p., tables, bibliog. $5.95.
C A R T T E R , Allan M . Scientific manpower for 1970-1985. Washington, American
Association of Advancement of Science, 1970. 20 p., graphs, tables (Reprinted
from Science, vol. 172, 9 April 1971, p . 132-140.)
C H A R N O F S K Y , Stanley. Educating the powerless. Belmont, California, Wadsworth
Publishing C o . , 1971. 200 p., index.
C H E I T , Earl F . Regent watching. Berkeley, Carnegie Commission on Higher Edu-
cation, 1971. 10 p . (Reprinted from AGB Reports, vol. 13, no. 6, March 1971.)
D R A B I C K , Lawrence W . Interpreting education: a sociological approach. N e w York,
Appleton-Century-Crofts, Meredith Corporation, 1971. x + 504 p., tables. (Socio-
logical series.)
207
G R I G N O N , Claude. Vordre des choses: les fonctions sociales de l'enseignement tech-

niques. Paris, Éditions de Minuit, 1971. 363 p., illus., tables, index. 27 F . (Collec-
tion 'Le sens c o m m u n ' . )
L E E , Eugene C ; B O W E N , Frank M . The multicampus university: a study of academic
governance; with a commentary by William Friday, a report prepared for the
Carnegie Commission on Higher Education. N e w York, McGraw-Hill B o o k
C o . , 1971. xix + 481 p., bibliog. $9.75.
LIPSET, Seymour Martin; L A D D , Jr., Everett Carll. The divided professoriate. Ber-
keley, Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, 1971. 8 p. (Reprinted from
Change, vol. 3, no. 3, May-June 1971.)
O ' N E I L L , June. Resource use in higher education: trends in output and inputs, 1930-
1967. Berkeley, Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, 1971. vii + 109 p.,
graphs, tables. $6.00.
S A I N T M A R T I N , Monique de. Les fonctions sociales de l'enseignement scientifique.
Paris, La Haye, Mouton, 1971. 258 p., graphs, tables, diags., index.
S C H U T Z , Theodore W . Investment in human capital: the role of education and of
research. N e w York, The Free Press; London, Collier-Macmillan, 1971. xii +
272 p., tables, index. $8.75. £3.00.
T I M M , Neil H . A new method of measuring states' higher education burden. Berkeley,
The Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, 1971. 8 p. (Reprinted from
Journal of higher education, vol. 42, no. 1, January 1971, p. 27-33.)
W I L L S , W . David. Spare the child: the story of an experimental approved school.
Harmondsworth, Penguin Books Ltd., 1971. 153 p., bibliog. £0.40.
Y O U N G , Michael F . D . (ed.). Knowledge and control: new directions for sociology
of education. London, Collier-Macmillan, 1971. 289 p.
Social and cultural anthropology, ethnology
F A V R E , Henri. Changement et continuité chez les Mayas du Mexique. Paris, Éditions

Anthropos, 1971. 351 p., m a p , bibliog.
S T R I Z O W E R , Schifra. The children of Israel: the Bene Israel of Bombay. Oxford, Basil
Blackwell, 1971. xiv + 176 p., bibliog., index. £1.25. (Pavilion series, Social
anthropology.)
Geography, history, biography
B R U N S C H W I G , Henri. Le partage de l'Afrique Noire. Paris, Flammarion, 1971. 186 p.

(Questions d'histoire.)
G U É R T N , Daniel. Rosa Luxembourg et la spontanéité révolutionnaire. Paris, F l a m m a -
rion, 1971. 185 p . , bibliog. (Questions d'histoire.)
H A R E V E N , Tamara K . (ed.). Anonymous Americans: explorations in nineteenth-
century social history. Englewood Cliffs, Prentice-Hall Inc., 1971. xxi + 314 p.,
plates, tables, index. £5.00.
H E E R S , Jacques. Gênes au XVe siècle: civilisation méditerranéenne, grand capitalisme,
et capitalisme populaire. Paris, Flammarion, 1971. 437 p., map. (Questions d'his-
toire.)
208
Books received
L O M B A R D I , Franco. La pédagogie marxiste d'Antonio Gramsci. Toulouse, Éditions

Edouard Privat, 1971. 120 p. (Pensée.)
R O M , Paul. Qui était Sigmund Freud? Toulouse, Éditions Edouard Privat, 1971.
110 p. (Pensée.)
Miscellaneous
C A U W E L A E R T , Fr. van; D E L V A U X , C h . ; Rizzi, A . Autoroute Ndjili-Maluku: chaussée

expérimentale; dimensionnement, exécution, contrôle. Kinshasa, Office National
de la Recherche et du Développement, 1971. 48 p.
F R A N C E . D É L É G A T I O N A L ' A M É N A G E M E N T D U TERRITOIRE E T A L ' A C T I O N R É G I O N A L E .
Schéma général d'aménagement de la France: travaux et recherches prospectives,
nos. 9, 17, 19, 22. Paris, La Documentation Française, 1970, 1971. Maps.
N o . 9: Schéma d'aménagement de la métropole Lorraine. M a y 1970. 217 p.
N o . 17: Les centres de prospective et d'aménagement du territoire en Europe, M a y
1971. 333 p.
N o . 19: Aménagement d'une région urbaine: le Nord - Pas-de-Calais. 421 p.
N o . 22: Les problèmes de Veau dans le bassin Rhône - Méditerranée - Corse. Sep-
tember 1971. 60 p.
G R E G O R M E N D E L C O L L O Q U I U M , Brno, June 29 - July 3, 1970. Folia mendeliana.
Brno, Moravian Museum, 1971. 353 p., tables, graphs. (Musei moraviae, no. 6.)
T U N S T A L L , Jeremy. Journalists at work. Specialist correspondents: their news organi-
zations, news sources, and competitor-colleagues. London, Constable Publishers,
1971. 304 p., index. £3.50.
209
Revue internationale de recherches et de synthèses sociologiques
L ' h o m m e et la société
N ° 21, juillet, août, septembre 1971
SOMMAIRE
C O L L O Q U E D E CABRIS :
SOCIOLOGIE ET RÉVOLUTION
Jean Pronteau Présentation

Serge Jonas Introduction. Vers une sociologie des révolutions
Raymond Ledrut L a pensée révolutionnaire et la fin de la métaphysique
Jean Dru L'État, le plan et la république des conseils
Victor Fay D u parti, instrument de lutte pour le pouvoir, au parti,
préfiguration d'une société socialiste
Lucien Goldmann Révolution et bureaucratie
Rossana Rossanda L a révolution culturelle et la structure sociale de la Chine
communiste
Yvon Bourdet L'extraordinaire et l'impossible
Vic L. Allen Capitalisme contemporain et changement révolutionnaire
Pierre Naville Modèles historiques et modification de la structure de la
classe ouvrière
Lucio Magri Spontanéité et organisation révolutionnaire. Remarques
sur la révolution culturelle
Henri Lefebvre L a classe ouvrière est-elle révolutionnaire?
Pierre Anton Révolution culturelle et dialectique d u centre et de la
périphérie
Roger Garaudy Révolution et bloc historique
Michael Lowy Guevara, marxisme et réalités actuelles de l'Amérique
latine
Serge Mallet Classe ouvrière, capitalisme d'organisation, système sovié-
tique
Gajo Petrovic H u m a n i s m e et révolution
Guy Dhoquois Socialisme ou capitalisme d'État
Fernando Claudin A propos de l'évolution d u parti communiste d'Espagne
André Granou Le processus de démocratisation en Tchécoslovaquie et la
crise d u mouvement communiste
Jiri Pelikan Pour dissiper quelques malentendus sur le « printemps de
Prague »
Jean Chesneaux A propos du front-solidarité-Indochine
René Lourau L a bureaucratie c o m m e classe dominante
Anouar Abdel-Malek Pour une sociologie de l'impérialisme (H)
L e numéro : 18 F Abonnement : 1 an (4 numéros) :
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der wissenschaftlichen Untersuchung von Behörden
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RASSEGNÂ ITALIANA DI SOCIOLOGÍA

Anno XII, n. 1, gennaio-marzo 1971 Trimestrale di scienze sociali
Philip Rieff Per una teoria della cultura

Melvin M . Tumin La protesta dei paria
Claus Offe Dominio politico e struttura di classe
Bianca Beccalli Scioperi e organizzazione sindacale: Milano 1950-1970
G . Accardi, G . Mottura, Braccianti, sindacato e mercato del lavoro agricolo
E . Pugliese
Giordano Sivini Il fenómeno dei gruppi e l'uso di alcuni concetti di sociología
e scienza política
Bruno Rizzi U n nnovo sistema económico
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ACTA (ECONÓMICA
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A periodical of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Contents
L . Kónya Further improvement of the system of enterprise income
and wage regulation
R . Andorka Social mobility and economic development in Hungary
G y . Cukor S o m e characteristic features of industrialization in developing,
in advanced capitalist and in socialist countries
F. K o z m a A system of regional economic tables for analysing inter-
national economic co-operation
E . Kemenes Strengthening of relations among the socialist countries
through new forms of ventures
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International review
of administrative sciences
Contents of Vol. XXXVII (1971), No. 3
C. Y. W u Public administration in the 1970s

G. Langrod For an overall approach to civil service personnel
problems*
F. Muhammad Use of m o d e m management approaches and technique
in public administration
G . Braibant Prospects and problems of the development of infor-
mation processing in public administration during the
decade*
V. V . Ramanadham Regulation of pricing by public enterprises
J. G . V a n Putten Local government in the seventies
H . Maddick Assistance to local governments during the second
United Nations Development Decade
H . Emmerich The public administration expert in the second
Development Decade
A . Adedeji United Nations programmes in public administration
in the 1970s
W . J. Siffin (United States)
J. Boutet (France)
and Overseas Development
Administration Perspectives on technical co-operation in public
(United Kingdom) administration under some major bilateral programmes
H . J. von Oertzen Legislation and automation*
C . Parames The nature and contents of management*
S. K . W a g h m a r e and
A . U . Patel Indian community development administration at the
crossroads
* Article written in either French or Spanish, with an extensive summary in English.
Schools and institutes of public administration. Bibliography : a selection. Technical

co-operation. N e w s in brief. Chronicle of the institute.
Annual subscription: $12 Single copy: $3.50

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C. Y . W u L'administration publique dans les années 1970*

G . Langrod Pour une approche globale des problèmes de personnel
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F. Muhammad L'utilisation des approches et techniques modernes de
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G . Braibant Perspectives et problèmes du développement de l'in-
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V . V . Ramanadham La réglementation locale dans les années 1970*
J. C . van Putten L'administration locale dans les années 1970*
H . Maddick L'aide aux administrations locales durant la seconde
décennie du développement*
H . Emmerich L'expert en administration publique durant la deuxième
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A . Adedeji Le programme des Nations Unies en administration
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W . J. Siffin (États-Unis)
J. Boutet (France)
Overseas Development
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H . J. von Oertzen Législation et automation
C . Parames Nature et contenu du management*
S. K . W a g h m a r e
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QUADERNI
DI SOCIOLOGÍA
N . 1 - 1971
ARTICOLI
J. Galtung Riflessioni sullo sviluppo: passato presente e futuro
G . Carandini II prezzo c o m e rapport sociale
DOCUMENTAZIONI E RICERCHE
I. Poli, A . Mutti Gli atteggiamenti della popolazione di u n a città
lombarda di fronte al problema dell'emancipazione
femminile
Schede
P a n o r a m a delle riviste
Libri Ricevuti
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revue tiers-monde
Tome XII, n° 47
Le tiers-monde en Van 2000

Pierre Massé Le tiers-monde en l'an 2000
Moïses Ikonicoff Les étapes de la prospective
Paul Bairoch Écarts des niveaux de développement, 177-1-0097
2000
Bernard Kayser La survie imprévue du tiers-monde
Gérard Destanne La prospective dans le tiers-monde : un mythe?
de Bernis
Ignacy Sachs Neuf paradoxes de la prospective dans le tiers-monde
Deux stratégies pour V industrialisation du tiers-monde :
Gérard Destanne de Bernis, Les industries industria-
lisantes et les options algériennes; Moïses Ikonicoff,
Les sources privilégiées de l'innovation et les nouvelles
options industrielles d u tiers-monde.
Jorge Sabato L a science, la technique et l'avenir de l'Amérique
et Natalio Botana latine
Kinhide Mushakoji Les relations internationales dans l'Asie de l'an 2000 :
à la recherche de la paix et d u développement
Jan Tinbergen Le tiers-monde et la c o m m u n a u t é internationale
Documentation
André-Clément Decouflé D e quelques précautions préalables à une prospective
du développement
Buu Hoan Transferts des ressources et des technologies à l'Asie
du Sud-Est en l'an 2000
Michel Arnaudon Rationalisation des choix budgétaires et dévelop-
pement économique des pays d u tiers-monde
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Colloque international de Téhéran, 9-12 avril 1969
Bibliographie
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Mária Markus tribution and consumption
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and Csaba M a k ó The case of cyclical slowdowns in a Hungarian factory
K á l m á n Kulcsár L a y participation in organizational decision-making
Agnes Losonczi W a y s of living and social changes
Egon Szabady Changes in Hungarian society during 1945-1970
András Szabó T h e correlation between juvenile delinquency and

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Ivan Szelenyi Housing system and social structure
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Revue française
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Sommaire Vol. XII, n" 2, avril-juin 1971
Herbert F . Weisberg L'étude comparative des scrutins législatifs
Maurice Montuclard,
avec la collaboration
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Nicole Ramognino
et Pierre Verges Analyse structurelle d'un modèle de culture normative à
partir d'un univers de thèmes motivés
Cathy S. Greenblat Le développement des jeux-simulations à l'usage du socio-

logue
Agnès Pitrou D u bon usage des enquêtes d'opinion
D a n Soen Les groupes ethniques orientaux en Israël. Leur place dans

la stratification sociale
Jean G . Padioleau Les modèles de développement. Problème de l'analyse
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N O T E S CRITIQUES
Jean-Daniel Reynaud La puissance et la sagesse. A propos du livre de Georges

Friedmann
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In memoriam Lucien G O L D M A N N , sociologue (1913-1970) {Jacques Leen-

hardt)
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mondes en
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N°. 2, 1971
Revue publiée sous la direction des professeurs François Perroux et René Passet
Positions
Evguieni K a m e n o v L a révolution scientifique et technique et les problèmes
sociaux des pays en voie de développement
Paul Streeten Economie and social rights and the developing countries
T h o m a s Balogh Planning for the second development decade
Fernand Bezy L'Europe en voie de sous-développement?
Hildegard Goss-Mayr L a violence des pacifiques
Études et notes
Économie générale du développement :
Alberto Baltra Cortes Le Pacte andin et le capital étranger
Alberto Rull Sabater Le processus d'industrialisation latino-américain
Denis-Clair Lambert C o m m e n t rompre le dualisme de structure en Amérique
latine? L a solution de l'économie mixte
Victor Debuchy L'aménagement d'une région désertique : l'exemple du
Néguev
Économétrie du développement :
Camilo D a g u m U n e fonction de décision pour l'approvisionnement en
produits énergétiques (le cas particulier du Mexique)
Maurice Lengellé Réflexions sur la productivité du travail dans l'agriculture
et l'équilibre entre les trois grands secteurs de l'économie
dans les pays en voie de développement
Les critères d'optimisation de la croissance économique dans
Henryk Dunajewski le modèle bisectoriel
Actualité et documents
Revue de l'actualité
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Bibliographie
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A recent publication
Approaches
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of socio-economic
development
Edited by Peter Lengyel
With contributions by:
Raymond Aron Vladimir I. Kollontai
Rudolf Bicanic Claude Lévi-Strauss
Gerald E . Caiden David C . McClelland
Robert A . Dahl Margaret M e a d
Michel Debeauvais Agaton P . Pal
Phillip M . Häuser H . M . Phillips
Benjamin Higgins André Piatier
Reuben Hill George Skorov
E . J. H o b s b a w m Ithiel de Sola Pool
Bert F . Hoselitz Brinley T h o m a s
Nathan Keyfitz
This publication aims at presenting elements of the debate
amongst social scientists on one of the great issues of our time:
socio-economic development and the betterment of living
conditions all over the globe. It details the manner in which
different elements of the problem are approached by scholars,,
defines the concepts and terminology in current use, and
presents glimpses of the movement of ideas in recent
years, for the benefit chiefly of readers not specialized
in the relevant branches of knowledge. The book
should be of particular interest to all those
participating in development work w h o
wish to deepen their understanding of the
wider process in which they are involved.
Contents
1971 24 X 15.5 c m 1. Concepts, definitions and classifications
383 p.,figs,tables 2. Pre-industrial situations: two Asian case,
Paper: $7.50 £2.25 30 F studies
Cloth: $11.00 £3.30 44 F 3. Demographic patterns
4. The process of modernization
5. Social systems and cultural dynamics
6. The international nexus
7. The framework of policy
Notes on contributors
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1972 - Development Studies

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1972 - Development Studies

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This Journal is published in French under the title

Syed Hussein Alatas The captive mind in development studies 9

Professional and documentary services

Opinions expressed in signed articles are those of

Printed by Imprimerie Chaix-Desfosses, Paris

In The Annals of The American Academy of Political and Social Science,

T h o u g h Weidner's discussion was centred around American scholars, his

attaching to the n e w knowledge; and (d) that it is not necessarily rational

Theoretical reconstruction pre-supposes a combination of competence and

A n uncritical imitation pervades almost the whole of scientific intellectual

Meanwhile if the differences between developed and underdeveloped countries

T h e first question that arises here is the nature of the audience. F o r w h o m

material well-being, in techniques and innovation, the ability to look ahead,

1. S. Kuznets, Economic Growth and Structure, p. 177-83, London, Heinemann, 1966.

T o begin with, thefirstfivepropositions are highly speculative in the sense

1. His discussion was directed to an American audience at a conference of the University of

This reveals a rather elementary blunder. H a g e n did not understand the

That punctuality is an integral part of the technological complex is a generally

. . . technological change is to be thought of as a process of adjustment between two

H e further suggested that attitudes and behaviour rooted in the indigenous

For the imitation to be effective the desired object must be considered as

a daily bath is not pressing. A daily wash is sufficient. T h e tub is an appro-

surface is the hold of the demonstration effect over an influential segment of

T o attain a higher standard of scientific and intellectual consciousness by

Simultaneously w e should seriously devote increasing attention to the

The use of publicfinancefor capital formation in underdeveloped countries is not an

1. See Jan Tinbergen, op. cit., p. 213.

1. Gustav Schmoller, 'The Historical Development of Enterprise', in: F . C . Lane and J. C .

W e should reconsider the validity of the kind of abstraction and genera-

Syed Hussein A latas ¡s head of the Department of

1. Gunnar Myrdal, Asian Drama, Vol. 1, p. 450, Pelican Books.

F r o m the m o m e n t that sociological studies were extended to cover not only

more immediate tasks, break them d o w n into a succession of steps to be

With regard, to the system of values, if development is to take place, time

In a recently published book 1 I have dealt precisely with the question of h o w

reviewed the network and the workings of the system as it operates as

It appeared to m e that the information that w e ourselves had elicited by

A synthesis of the data compiled, arrayed against the factual background

challenges leading to development, the concept of time became an indispen-

stimulus is in itself neutral, and has to be absorbed or interpreted by a group

aims. It is a necessary instrument in the system of action he constructs ; and

It is m y belief that the theoretical model I have described, although devised

was possible in the nineteenth century to progress without a disastrous diver-

[Translated from French]

Rudolf Rezsoházy is professor at the University of

Future historians of the social sciences m a y be excusably surprised at the

In other words, I believe in the heuristic virtues of the theory of development

1. La Découverte du Tiers Monde, Paris, 1971.

phenomena (or processes) revealed in the schematic pictures supplied by the

1. F . Jacob, La Logique du Vivant, Paris, 1970.

W e have thus tried to eliminate (or at least reduce to a m i n i m u m ) the uncer-

The above method of creating an operational approach to ¡development

nowadays are an immense Tower of Babel, the multiplicity of private languages

Interdisciplinarity therefore predicates a different training for social scientists.

knack of globalizing, of switching back and forwards between the reality,

[Translated from French]

Ignacy Sachs, an economist of Polish origin who studied

this n e w scramble and control the process as m u c h as possible. W h a t they

Although the choice and emphasis of the variables of development have

DEVELOPMENT AS A UNIVERSAL PROBLEM

1. Wilbert E . Moore, 'Measurement of Organizational and Institutional Implications of

DEVELOPMENT AS A PROBLEM TO BE DEFINED

1. Art Gallaher Jr., op. cit., p. 3.