Excursus 2

Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia

In many respects, the Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia is a

remarkable source, which has already been touched upon many times without
having had the space for detailed analysis. Surprisingly enough, this document
has not aroused a great deal of interest even within Italian historiography,
which in general has not attributed much importance to it and has regarded
it only as a collection of unreliable defamatory statements without any spe-
cial testimonial value.1 However, this is only true to some extent. Upon a more
careful reading of the text, it can be seen that in some respects the Capitula
deserve more attention than was previously assumed.
Even the question of dating the text is a contentious one. It is generally be-
lieved that these allegations against Patriarch John were drawn up soon after
his murder in Udine on 13th October 1394 for Pope Boniface IX, and that they
were intended as a kind of “justification” for the assassination.2 This thesis is
certainly not lacking in logic and even a certain appeal, apart from the fact
that the text itself indicates nothing of the sort.3 In the following excursus,
I shall attempt to show that the Capitula were written while Patriarch John was
still alive, suggest a possible answer to the question of why they were compiled
and, at the same time, point out some possible ways of using this remarkable
source.
The document has not survived as an original, but only in the form of cop-
ies. The first (A) comes from the pen of Giuseppe Bianchi († 1868), who in-
corporated it into his extensive manuscript collection. He based it on another

1  The Capitula are briefly summarized by Di Manzano, Annali del Friuli, vol. 6, 89 and note 1,
and Marchesi, “Giovanni di Moravia,” 146. See also its appraisal ibid., 146–147: “Di tale scrit-
tura […] noi non possiamo fare quasi alcun conto, perchè dettata da uomini animati da pro-
fondo odio ed agitati della passione.” Cf. also Paschini, Storia del Friuli, 654, and most recently
Schwedler, “Moravia (di) Giovanni,” 575 who rightly considered the Capitula as one of the
prerequisites for creating John’s bad reputation in historical memory.
2  It was Giuseppe Bianchi who first dated the document to ca. November 1394. See further
Marchesi, “Giovanni di Moravia,” 127, 146–147; with some doubts also Paschini, Storia del
Friuli, 654 and 660, note 120; De Biasio, “Il patriarca d’Aquileia,” 192.
3  Pier Silverio Leicht, in his edition Parlamento friulano, I/2, 369, no. 378, note a, has already
expressed the opinion that the Capitula were drawn up during John’s lifetime, sometime
before the conclusion of the peace treaty between the patriarch and the Udinese from
3rd April 1393. Di Manzano, Annali del Friuli, vol. 6, 89, note 1, seems to have dated the
Capitula to October 1393.

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230 Excursus 2

copy in an unidentified Collezione Pirona, which it has unfortunately not been

possible to trace.4 This means that we are left with a text that has been tran-
scribed multiple times (at least twice), and may not always correspond exactly
with the original version. The full text begins with the heading “Capitula contra
patriarcham Johannem de Moravia,” and this is followed by a list of the individ-
ual accusations, arranged in a total of 37 articles.
The other exemplar (ca. 18th/19th century) (B) is a transcription of another
sixteenth-century copy made by the Udine city chancellor and public notary
Matteo di Giacomo Clapiz.5 In the signature formula, Matteo states that he
made this copy from an original found among the documents in the Udinese
archives, checked it and affixed the seal of the city to it.6 On 17th March 1517,
it was then certified by the Venetian governor in Friuli, Giacomo Corner
(1515–1518),7 whereby he testified to the probity of notary Matteo and con-
ferred full validity upon the document. The year 1517 can therefore be regarded
with confidence as the time when the copy was made. If we leave aside the
remarkable fact that at the beginning of the Cinquecento there was still inter-
est on the part of the city in preserving the text of this document (the purpose
for which this was done is unclear), something else catches our attention. The
whole text is entitled in the following manner: “Capitula contra patriarcham
Joannem de Moraviam [sic!] pro defensione 1390.”
This would suggest that the year of the original text’s creation is clear.
Although this tempting possibility cannot be ruled out, a certain amount of
caution is still in order. First and foremost, we do not know whether the “origi-
nal” that notary Matteo copied out was truly an original. It could, for example,
have been a copy which Matteo took for an original because of its age, with
the title—i.e. the year 1390—having been added afterwards. We also have to
bear in mind that we do not have the original text by notary Matteo, but only a
transcription of it that comes from a few centuries later, so it is quite possible

4  B CU, FP, ms. 899, Raccolta Bianchi, vol. 58, no. 5773. There is also a later Italian translation
(nineteenth century?) ibid., no. 5775 and in ACU, Fondo Bini, Varia patriarchalia Aquileiensia,
vol. II (= LXVIII), fols. 49r–54v. Only a fraction was edited in Parlamento friulano, I/2, 368–
369, no. 378, and Vollo, I Savorgnani, appendice, 234. For a critical edition of the entire text,
see the appendix to this chapter.
5  B CU, FP, ms. 943/II, Codice diplomatico friulano, sub anno 1390. Matteo is documented as
a notary in Udine between 1504 and 1546. See the manuscript repertory of notaries in ASU,
Repertorio topografico dei notai, pag. 297.
6  B CU, FP, ms. 943/II, Codice diplomatico friulano, sub anno 1390: “… post exemplum prefac-
tum cum quodam originali reperto in scripturis et cancellarie dicti communis Utini …”
7  For Corner, see Giuseppe Gullino, “Corner, Giacomo,” in DBI 29 (Rome: Istituto della
Enciclopedia italiana, 1983), 206–208.

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Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia 231

that the year 1390 was appended later by an unknown copyist. For that reason
it is first necessary to carry out an internal analysis of the text.
The two copies seem to originate from different textual traditions: whereas
Bianchi transcribed the text from an unknown earlier copy, notary Matteo did
so from an unspecified “original”—perhaps only an older transcription that he
regarded as the original. There are only minor differences between the texts:
Matteo’s copy, or perhaps just the transcription of it, contains a number of
grammatical errors and inaccuracies and in a few places several words or even
part of a sentence have been omitted in relation to Bianchi’s copy.8 As men-
tioned above, the text begins with a heading, immediately followed by the 37
articles, which are numbered using words (A) or Roman numerals (B). The
document does not contain any of the formal requisites that we might expect,
and corresponds more to what was sometimes referred to in the Middle Ages
as a cedula. Because of this, we do not know when, by whom, for whom or even
why the text was written.
The individual articles do not give the impression of being very well or-
dered, and in some cases their content repeats itself. The text begins with an
account of how the Udinese initially welcomed John of Moravia’s promotion
to the patriarchal see with enthusiasm and hoped that he would be a good lord
and pastor to them, sending a number of delegations to him at no small ex-
pense (art. 1). After that John was accused of having had the council of the five
deputies disbanded even before his arrival in the country; the Udinese obeyed
reluctantly, and this was to lead to the destruction of their city (art. 2). John’s
next move, which is supposed to have been damaging to them, relates to the
fact that, after his ceremonial welcome in Udine, he had a new city govern-
ment appointed, consisting of twelve representatives of the guilds (art. 3).
The other articles relate to John’s hostile actions against Federico di
Savorgnano, who fled from Udine to escape his wrath (art. 5) only to be assas-
sinated on the patriarch’s orders when he finally returned to the city following
false promises from the prelate (art. 9). Federico’s property was then seized
by the patriarch—in particular one castle (undoubtedly Savorgnano), which
he handed over to Federico’s children only after extorting 2,000 florins from
them (art. 10). The Capitula also accuse John of repressive measures against
the retainers and supporters of Federico di Savorgnano. One of the accusations
states that he had Detalmo Andriotti treacherously killed and then denied him
a burial (art. 8); another that he had another rich citizen by the name of Nicolò
Manini taken captive and tortured for the purpose of obtaining money and
only released him under pressure from the people (art. 6).

8  See the notes of the edition.

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232 Excursus 2

A number of complaints (arts. 4, 7, 11, 12, 13, 14, 33) relate to actions taken
by the patriarch against the Udinese, whom he had unjustly captured and
kept prisoner or whose rights and ancient prerogatives he had violated in
other ways. Many articles (15, 16, 17, 18, 29) also accuse John of all manner of
machinations connected with the exercise of the law: he is supposed to have
appointed suspicious judges, who gave unjust verdicts and pardoned mur-
derers and other criminals in exchange for money to the extent that “justice,
which is considered the mother of all virtues, was entirely driven out of the
land by this prelate.”9 Furthermore, John was said to have forbidden anyone
from appealing to the apostolic see (arts. 25, 32); he is even supposed to have
taken a hostile stance towards the pope (arts. 27, 28) and on top of that to
have robbed and physically attacked pilgrims who passed through the patriar-
chate on their way to Rome at the time of the Great Jubilee (art. 26).10
John was also supposed to have transgressed by leading a life inconsistent
with the spiritual estate, instead imitating a secular prince (arts. 23, 24, 34): he
did not attend church, he never celebrated mass, and he did not even give his
blessing to the people, declaring: “I could make the sign of the cross for them
with a sword, but not with my hand!”11 Brothel keepers and prostitutes were
said to be present at his court (art. 20), and the patriarch himself is supposed
to have fornicated (art. 21) and gambled—and what’s more, with loaded dice
(art. 22). Emphasis is placed on his boundless greed, lust for gold and hoarding
of property (arts. 31, 35). Furthermore, article 19 describes John’s alleged, al-
most farcical foolhardiness.
On top of that, the Capitula mention the capture and spoliation of the abbot
of the monastery of Moggio, Bondi degli Oliari, who was supposedly only re-
leased by John thanks to the entreaties of Bondi’s brother Cardinal Bartolomeo
(art. 30). John was also said to have transgressed by ceding three unspecified
border towns to the “Germans” and enemies of the patriarchate (art. 36). All of
this was supposed to have led to a situation where “no faith or constancy is to
be found in him, he does not abound in any virtues but on the contrary is the

9  C
 apitula contra patriarcham Johannem, art. 18: “… et sic justitia, que mater omnium virtu-
tum esse dignoscitur, per dictum presulem ab hac Patria penitus est expulsa.”
10  This was the jubilee year 1390, originally promulgated by Urban VI. However, the pope
died in the meantime, so the jubilee took place during the pontificate of Boniface IX. See
Paolo Brezzi, Storia degli Anni Santi. Da Bonifacio VIII ai giorni nostri, Storia e documenti
18 (Milan: Mursia, 1975), 54–57; Arnold Esch, “Bonifacio IX,” in Enciclopedia dei papi, vol. 2,
ed. Massimo Bray (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, 2000), 574.
11  Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem, art. 23: “… respondit: ‘Cum ense scirem eis crucem
facere, non cum manu.’”

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Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia 233

master, instigator and lord of all criminal deeds; because of this he is consid-
ered by all who know him as truly worse than Nero himself” (art. 37).12
As we can see, a picture forms before our eyes of the prince-prelate as a
repulsive tyrant who perpetrated just about every possible type of crime upon
his subjects, committed all seven deadly sins, and thus constitutes the antithe­
sis of the ideal ruler.13 However, this image of John of Moravia surely bears
little relation to reality, since the document was created by his sworn enemies.14
Although it is never explicitly stated in the text by whom it was written, it
is perfectly obvious from its wording that it originated in Udine. Because of
this, it is probably quite easy to reject the bizarre and vague accusation of the
Udinese relating to his alleged debauchery and licentiousness. After all, it is
enough to point to the quite different Cividale tradition.
On the other hand—as the preceding lines indicate—it must be admitted
that, when the Capitula speak of specific events and individuals, their de-
scription is, in fact, quite accurate and reliable. Of course, it is biased in its
interpretations and in that sense its view of events cannot be taken literally;
and yet, the actual core, which can usually be verified with the help of other
sources, is largely accurate. As is also shown by its wording, in compiling the
text the author (or authors) evidently made use of written sources, probably
those housed in the city archives of Udine at the time.15 For the moment, then,
suffice it to say that the Capitula present us with a considerably distorted and

12  C apitula contra patriarcham Johannem, art. 37: “Qualiter nulla fides in eo reperitur, nec
ulla constantia in eoque nulla virtus penitus viget, sed omnium sceleratorum actuum
utique magister est, actor et dominator: in tantum quod ab omnibus ejus notitiam haben-
tibus Neronior Nerone vere censetur.”
13  Cf. Antonín, The Ideal Ruler, 294–310.
14  This was already stated by Marchesi, “Giovanni di Moravia,” 127, 139, 146–147, and Paschini,
Storia del Friuli, 654. Once again, it is possible to draw attention to the “black legend” about
King Wenceslas IV, which had some shared features: there was the king’s unbridled be-
haviour, various acts of wilful cruelty, the motif of bad officials abusing their power within
the exercise of law for their own personal profit, and we can even find here the compari-
son with Emperor Nero. See Čornej, Tajemství českých kronik, esp. 80–91; Petra Roscheck,
“König Wenzel IV.—Opfer einer Schwarzen Legende und ihrer Strahlkraft,” in Regionen
Europas—Europa der Regionen. Festschrift für Kurt-Ulrich Jäschke zum 65. Geburtstag, ed.
Peter Thorau, Sabine Penth and Rüdiger Fuchs (Cologne, Weimar and Vienna: Böhlau,
2003), 207–229; Robert Novotný, “Ráj milců? Nižší šlechta na dvoře Václava IV.,” in
Dvory a rezidence ve středověku, vol. 2, Skladba a kultura dvorské společnosti, ed. Dana
Dvořáčková-Malá and Jan Zelenka, MHB 11, Supplementum 2 (Prague: Historický ústav
AV ČR, 2008), 215–229.
15  Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem, art. 13: “… ipse ea juramento promisit bina vice,
prout publicis documentis apparet …”

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234 Excursus 2

skewed picture of events and processes which are mostly true; that is, if we
leave out the vague and fanciful attacks upon John’s dissolute life.
Let us now take a closer look at the issue of dating. To do so, we must elim-
inate from our analysis the general, chronologically indeterminable articles
which do not relate to specific events or individuals. From those which remain,
one article can be dated to the year 1387 (art. 1), four to 1388 (arts. 2, 3, 4, 8), eight
to 1389 or possibly earlier (arts. 5, 6, 9, 10, 13, 25, 27, 30) and two to 1390 (arts. 24,
26). Article 28, regarding the dispute between the patriarch and Baldussio di
Maniago, may have been related to the accusations John made in Venice in
October 1389, but this is only an assumption.16 With regard to article 32, which
relates to John’s ban on appeals to the apostolic see, we have at our disposal
a mandate by his vicar general from May 1394, which is addressed to the cler-
ics of the Aquileian diocese and relates to a ban on presenting any kind of
papal charter without the consent of the patriarch.17 In contrast, however, the
Capitula speak of a ban on appealing to the pope which was also supposed to
have been approved by a session of parliament.18 This would suggest that the
text was probably not referring to the charter from 1394 and that another such
decree may have been issued much earlier. John’s alleged cession of the three
border towns to the “Germans” could not be either dated or verified.19
Based on the analysis, we thus come to the conclusion that all the articles
which can be backed up by other sources can be dated to no later than 1390.
Let us now focus on a few references which convincingly demonstrate that the
Capitula were written within John’s lifetime. At the point which deals with the

16  ASVen, Senato, Misti, reg. 41, fol. 44r–v (12th October 1389). Cf. Cessi, “La politica ven-
eziana,” 142. The patriarch required 200 florins from Udine, previously disbursed by
Baldussio to a Venetian provveditore. In August 1393, there was a new legal dispute be-
tween John and the lord of Maniago. See BCU, FP, ms. 943/II, Codice diplomatico friulano,
sub anno.
17  A SU, Documenti storici friulani, b. II, no. 185 (7th May 1394). See also Paschini, Storia del
Friuli, 654–655.
18  Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem, art. 32: “… in isto consilio [i.e. in the council of the
parliament] deliberari, quod tota Patria querulose commota edictum faceret, ne aliquis
ad pedes sacros pro meliori judice impetrando recurreret …”
19  This may be a reference to the castle of Chiusa and the castles in Venzone, Gemona and
Monfalcone (the latter, however, was situated further inland) which were pledged by
Patriarch John to Conrad of Kraig. This emerges from the record about a loan John was
forced to take from Venice in May 1393 in order to buy the pledge back. However, the
pledge could have taken place much earlier. See ASVen, Senato, Misti, reg. 42, fol. 111v:
“… recuperare de manibus domini Conradi Crayer certa castra ecclesie, scilicet Clusam,
Venzoni, castrum Glemone, Monfalconem et alia castra, que ipse dominus Conradus
habet in pignore …” (4th May 1393); fols. 111v–112r (6th May 1393). See Cessi, “Venezia neu-
trale,” 261 and note 3.

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Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia 235

murder of Federico di Savorgnano, there is a reference to his murderers, who,

after committing the crime, fled to the patriarch, whereupon they are supposed
to have been received with great celebrations and honours, and these men “to
this day continually assist at general colloquia of the patriarchate in the sight
of the patriarch.”20 In article 29 there is also a mention of how John is supposed
to have collected 50,000 florins “to this day” for delivering false judgements.21
In other places, the patriarch is also spoken of in the present tense.22 When we
add to this the fact that, as Pier Silverio Leicht observed, John is not referred to
as deceased anywhere in the text,23 we are forced to conclude that the Capitula
were actually written during his lifetime.
However, the question of a more precise dating of the document poses a
greater challenge. An important clue is provided by article 13, according to
which the patriarch twice concluded a peace with Udine in the presence of
Venetian ambassadors and on that occasion also reaffirmed his oath to ob-
serve the customs of the land.24 These acts can probably be linked with
the agreements concluded on 10th March and 7th July 1389.25 In later years
they were followed by other peace treaties, the first of which was signed on
21st February 1391 and the next exactly a year after that, on 21st February 1392,26
of which the compiler of our document would probably have been aware.

20  C apitula contra patriarcham Johannem, art. 9: “… et fugientes extra terram Utini gla­
dios cruentatos in manibus ferentes ad loca, ubi erat ipse patriarcha, devenerunt; ab
ipso receptis maximis gaudiis et honoribus et provisionibus aucti usque in hodiernam
diem in colloquiis generalibus Patrie continuo astantes ante conspectum ipsius domini
patriarche.”
21  Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem, art. 29: “Quomodo usque ad hodiernam diem in
Patria hinc inde a suis subditis dando sententias falsas et imponendo eis taleas et mo­
vendo varias questiones extorsit ultra quinquaginta millia ducatorum in absolvendo …”
22  Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem, art. 22: “Quod taxilusor est maximus …” Ibid.,
art. 23: “… omnem populum facit a propria devotione cessare …” Ibid., art. 25: “… eos in
Patria facit undique persequi et male tractari.”
23  Parlamento friulano, I/2, 369, no. 378, note a.
24  Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem, art. 13: “Quod cum inter ipsum et Utinenses
pro tractando concordio inclitum Venetiarum dominium se sepe interponeret, cum
Utinenses peterent ab eo aliqua honestissima et manifesta debita, puta justitiam fieri in
Patria, servari propriam libertatem et antiquas Patrie consuetudines, ipse ea juramento
promisit bina vice, prout publicis documentis apparet …”
25  The text of the first treaty is edited in Verci, Storia della Marca, vol. 17, documenti, 26–29,
no. 1920; the text of the second one can be found in ASVen, Miscellanea atti diplomatici e
privati, b. 27, no. 829, partially edited in Cogo, “Il patriarcato d’Aquileia,” 305–306. For the
individual charters, see above in the text.
26  The text of the first treaty is not preserved, but we know about it from Di Manzano, Annali
del Friuli, vol. 6, 61–62 (22nd February 1391); the text of the second one can be found in
BCU, FP, ms. 899, Raccolta Bianchi, vol. 56, no. 5611; cf. Di Manzano, Annali del Friuli,

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236 Excursus 2

It would appear that the key could be article 24, which deals with John’s
first visit to the cathedral of Aquileia and therefore his formal enthronement
in the patriarchal see. John is supposed to have decided to make the journey
to Aquileia a year and a half after his arrival in the patriarchate “de mense
martii proxime preteriti,” that is “in the previous month of March.” This would
place the event in March 1390, which does indeed precisely correspond to the
length of John’s stay in the country (from September 1388); in addition, in that
month the patriarch had a general assembly convened in Monfalcone,27 which
is only a few kilometres from Aquileia, which means that his visit to its basilica
may have occurred on just that occasion. Although historiography tradition-
ally assigns John’s enthronement in Aquileia to September 1388, this assertion
is not supported by any sources.28 On the contrary, in view of the fact that the
Capitula date the event quite precisely, this seems unlikely to be a mere fabri-
cation. The text must therefore logically have been written after John’s visit to
Aquileia; and yet, at the same time, this could have happened at the latest in
February 1391. The previous analysis, as we have seen, is not at odds with this
assertion: quite the reverse. For that matter, if the Capitula had been written
later, it is hard to imagine that the author or authors would not have men-
tioned John’s pillaging of San Daniele, which took place in August 1392 and
about which the Udinese then complained to the pope and in Venice.29
Thus far, we have concluded that the Capitula were drawn up by the Udinese
within John’s lifetime, specifically in the period between March 1390 and
February 1391. This brings us back to the copy by the Udinese notary Matteo: it
appears that the year 1390 in its heading was indeed the year when this docu-
ment was written. Let us now consider the function of this source. Given that
the text has none of the formal requisites of a charter or letter and is lacking
intitulation, dating or means of authentication, it is hard to imagine that it

vol. 6, 71. In the last peace agreement, dated 3rd April 1393, there is also a summary of
previous treaties; however, the one from 7th July 1389 is lacking. See BCU, FP, ms. 899,
Raccolta Bianchi, vol. 57, no. 5680: “Item quod conventiones, compositiones et con-
cordia […] primum in MCCCLXXXIX, Indictione XII, die X mensis Martii, secundum in
MCCCXCI, mensis Februarii, die XXI, Indictione XIV …”
27  B CG, ACG, Lettere autografe, vol. 347, no. 128, edited in Parlamento friulano, I/2, 357–358,
no. 356 (7th March 1390).
28  The assertion that Patriarch John took up his office in Aquileia on 16th September 1388
was first expressed by Zanutto, “I Savorgnani di Cividale,” 45, with reference to Nicoletti’s
less-than-reliable treatise. This statement was then adopted by the entire historiography.
See Paschini, Storia del Friuli, 636 and 656, note 29; Leicht, “La giovinezza di Tristano,” 14;
Schwedler, “Moravia (di) Giovanni,” 574.
29  B CU, FP, ms. 882/15, Camerari del Comune di Udine, fols. 60v and 61v; Seneca, “Il conflitto
fra Giovanni,” 64. See above in the text.

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Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia 237

would have simply been “sent off to the pope” in this form. Instead, it is worth
considering whether it might not have been a draft for a document created
later which incorporated all the necessary formalities. However, a more likely
scenario is that the Capitula formed part of diplomatic instructions, “articles,”
which an Udinese envoy, for example, may have communicated verbally or
presented in writing.
Here, we can draw attention to some contemporary parallels. For instance,
in 1417 the council of the city of Belluno compiled “chapters” (capitula) con-
taining alleged crimes and blunders committed by the imperial vicar Ulrich
Skála of Luleč. The text, along with other instructions, was given to accredited
envoys bound for the court of Sigismund of Luxembourg, King of the Romans,
at Constance, where they were to bring a case against Ulrich Skála in the name
of the city and present these articles “de verbo ad verbum.” The structure of the
document is very similar to our text. It too begins with a heading, “Tenor autem
capitullorum contra dominum Ulricum Skala talis est, videlicet,” which is then
followed by the individual articles.30 Shared features are also displayed by the
famous Acta in Curia Romana, a case brought by John of Jenštejn, Archbishop
of Prague, against King Wenceslas IV, which was presented to the pope in
1393.31 I believe that the Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem had a similar
function.
Given that the Capitula were a serious indictment of one of the highest
ranking prelates in Christendom, answerable only to the pope, they were al-
most certainly intended for the pontiff himself or his representatives. This may
have been the reason behind the inclusion of the nonsensical article 27, which
states that, after the election of Boniface IX, the patriarch proclaimed in the
land that the supreme pontiff had been murdered immediately after the con-
clave, upon which John is supposed to have greatly rejoiced and even added
some disparaging comments at his expense.32 Might this, at first glance absurd,

30  A contemporary copy is preserved in Archivio Storico del Comune di Belluno, Comunità
di Cividàl di Belluno, Provisioni, Libro D, fols. 304r–306v. For the whole issue, see Ondřej
Schmidt, “Vikáři a hejtmani krále Zikmunda na severu Benátska (1411/12–1420),” Studia
Mediaevalia Bohemica 7, no. 1 (2015), 81–113.
31  The document is more in the nature of a supplication containing individual articles.
There is an older edition by Jan Zítek, “Ke sporu Jana z Jenšteina s Václavem IV.,” Časopis
katolického duchovenstva 50 (1909), 64–69, 135–141, 211–218, 324–332, 566–572, 636–644;
a newer edition in Paul De Vooght, Hussiana, Bibliothèque de la Revue d’historie ecclé-
siastique 35 (Louvain: Publications Universitaires, 1960), 422–441. See also Bartoš, České
dějiny, vol. 2/6, 103–107.
32  Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem, art. 27: “Qualiter in creatione sanctissimi patris
domini nostri domini Bonifacii IX. fecit fieri novum, quod ipse statim post sanctam cre-
ationem rumore populari fuisset turpiter et nequiter vulneratus et tandem violenter oc-

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238 Excursus 2

passage not have been intended to provoke the necessary outrage in Rome and
give the whole text the desired effect?
In light of these considerations, let us now attempt to set the Capitula
within the context of contemporary events. Assuming that the articles were
written as instructions or background documentation for Udinese envoys to
Pope Boniface IX sometime during the year 1390, we have no record of any
communications between the Udinese and the Holy See during that period. It
was not until shortly after John’s departure from the patriarchate for Bohemia
in early March 139133 that the Udinese sent an embassy to the pope, headed by
Bernardo di Strassoldo, which was to accuse the patriarch of misgovernment at
the Roman curia and request his deposition.34 By all accounts, the delegation
did not set off from Udine until 21st April 1391, and although the instructions
must have been written a little earlier than that date, it seems unlikely that it
would have happened several months beforehand.
The creation of our document can, however, also be linked with another
event: the arrival of the papal legate Cosimo de’ Migliorati, “Cardinal of
Bologna,”35 in Venice in September 1390. We know from a record in the regis-
ters of the Venetian senate that the Udinese sent their diplomats to him in the
city on the lagoon in order to present their grievances against the patriarch to
him as the pope’s representative.36 One particular passage indicates that their
objective was probably John’s removal from office.37 Their efforts—partly due
to the opposition of the Venetian Republic—were ultimately unsuccessful, but
it is possible, if not probable, that the Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem
were drawn up on this occasion. This interpretation fits the chronology and the
context of the events quite well and does not contradict the (known) sources.

cisus. Unde ipse magnum festum monstrabat in Patria et ipsum novum fecit per Patriam
divulgari proferens stolide multa verba in contemptum prefati domini nostri eum insi­
pientem asserendo.”
33  See Excursus 3 in this book.
34  Hortis, Giovanni Boccacci, documenti, 74, no. 27; Paschini, Storia del Friuli, 647–648.
35  See Eubel, Hierarchia catholica, vol. 1, 25; Paschini, Storia del Friuli, 658, note 74.
36  Cessi, “La politica veneziana,” 204–205; ASVen, Senato, Secreti, reg. R (E), fol. 60r: “Et quia
ipsi ambaxiatores in conclusione ambasiate predicte tangunt, quod dominus cardinalis,
qui hic est, habet specialem comissionem et mandatum a sede apostolica providendi de
ipsa Patria et contra ipsum dominum patriarcham et comissum eis est, quod, inquantum
placeat nostro dominio, ipsi debeant comparere ad presentiam dicti domini cardinalis
et supplicare sibi, quod cum favore et consilio nostro dignetur superinde providere et
remedia adhibere …” (10th September 1390).
37  ASVen, Senato, Secreti, reg. R (E), fol. 60r: “Consideramus eciam parentelam ipsius domini
patriarche, que magna est, nec est credendum, quod parentes sui paterentur, quod cum
tanta infamia et onere domus sue ipse privaretur ecclesia sua, vel in ea taliter vexaretur.”

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Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia 239

On the other hand, it must be admitted that this is only a hypothesis, and it will
probably never be possible to prove it with complete certainty.
We must therefore content ourselves with the conclusion that the Capitula
were definitely written by the Udinese during John’s lifetime, probably in early
September 1390. This is a very problematic and biased source, which must be
approached with great caution. In truth, the Capitula do not so much tell us
what John of Moravia was really like as how he was presented by his Udinese
enemies. Despite that, they offer valuable information which helps to supple-
ment our knowledge of John’s rule (the capture and imprisonment of Abbot
Bondi, the existence of food and drink tasters at the patriarch’s court38) and
sometimes even enrich it with an event we would otherwise have known noth-
ing about from the sources (John’s enthronement in Aquileia in March 1390?).
In conclusion, it can be added that the Capitula played a greater role after the
death of John of Moravia than during his lifetime, because they undoubtedly
contributed in a significant way to the creation of the negative image of him in
historical memory.

1 Edition

There appears to be no extant original. A later transcription (19th century), which

was made by Giuseppe Bianchi from another older copy, is preserved in BCU, FP,
ms. 899, Raccolta Bianchi, vol. 58, no. 5773, unpaged (A). Another transcription
(ca. 18th/19th century) of a notarial copy from 1517, which is supposed to have
been based on an original from the Udine archives, can be found ibid., ms. 943/
II, Codice diplomatico friulano, sub anno 1390, unpaged (B). This edition is based
on the text A.
Ed.: Only a fraction (art. 25 and 32) was published in the edition Parlamento
friulano, I/2, 368–369, no. 378; another section (art. 5 and 10) was printed by Vollo,
I Savorgnani, appendice, 234.

Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia39

[1] Quod Utinenses fecerunt maximum festum et gaudium de creatione
ipsius domini patriarche sperantes ipsum esse bonum et justum dominum

38  C
 apitula contra patriarcham Johannem, art. 9: “… duos alios, qui sibi serviebant in mensa,
quorum unus erat faciens credegustum poti et alter cibi …”
39  Capitula contra patriarcham Joannem de Moraviam [sic!] pro defensione 1390, B.

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240 Excursus 2

et ­pastorem Aquilegensis ecclesie mittentes pro ipsis40 plures ambasciatores

suos cum magnis sumptibus.
[2] Quod in ejus adventu, antequam ad terram Utini perveniret,41 procu-
ravit omni posse sibi terras Patrie tyrannice subjugare intrando velut rapax
et famelicus lupus et specialiter consuetum a diuturno tempore secretum
consilium deputatorum terre Utini salutiferum pro ecclesia Aquilegensi et
tota Patria removere procuravit cum maximis minis et terroribus dicendo se
nunquam42 terram illam ingressurum,43 nisi illud consilium ex toto44 abole-
retur, quod Utinenses sicut fidelissimi puro animo sibi consenserunt, licet in-
viti, videntes id cedere in destructionem specialiter terre Utini, quod factorum
subsecutorum45 experientia lucide demonstravit.
[3] Quod post ejus ingressum in terram Utini recepto46 cum magnis hono-
ribus et muneribus ipse totum regimen consiliumque magnum voluit etiam
removere ponendo duodecim viros artistas47 totius terre rectores sibi48 sive
juste sive injuste precipienti totaliter et ad plenum obedientes.49 Sicque sub
illorum pretextu rigore tyrannico totam Patriam et specialiter terram Utini
acriter conquassabat sublevando malos et opprimendo bonos et specialiter
exaltando omnes50 rebelles Aquilegensis ecclesie, qui insteterunt domino
Francisco de Carraria, ut hanc Patriam sue tyrannice submitteret servituti et51
quosdam alios rebelles olim per Utinenses expulsos a terra ab ipso patriarcha
in suo introitu in dictam terram in bonorum omnium perniciem et despectum
sine omni justitia et sententia introductos.
[4] Quod de facto et sine omni justitia voluit habere ab Utinensibus quatuor
millia ducatos, que ipsi propter secum pacifice vivere assenserunt credentes
eum ex illa pecunia suum animum aliqualiter mitigare.
[5] Quod ipse contra omnes bonos viros terre Utini et specialiter cupientes
sub libertate vivere usus est gravibus et minatoriis verbis et specialiter contra
generosum militem dominum Federicum de Savorgnano, qui more suorum
predecessorum fuerat Patrie totius valorosus defensor et terre Utini auctor

40  per ipsos, B.

41  pervenirit, A; amended according to B.
42  unquam, B.
43  ingressurum terram illam, B.
44  ex toto lacking in A; amended according to B.
45  subsequutorum, B.
46  recepti, A; amended according to B.
47  suos artistas, B.
48  ubi, A; amended according to B.
49  dividentes, A; amended according to B.
50  omnes lacking in B.
51  et et, A.

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Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia 241

et conservator ecclesie Aquilegensis. Unde factum est, quod ipse cum pluri-
bus aliis se a terra Utini absentaverunt fugientes ejus rabiem crudelissimam.
Dicebat enim ipse: “Necesse est, quod ego aut occidam Federicum, aut quod
ipse me occidat.”
[6] Quod absentato prefacto domino Federico et pluribus aliis civibus
a terra ipse patriarcha fecit ad se vocari52 quemdam virum bonum de terra
nomine53 Nicolaum Manini aliqualiter ditem, quem ordinaverat atrocissime
flagellari et diris torturis coartari ad dandum sibi aurum, sed ipse Nicolaus
tandem instantia populi humiliter supplicantis prefacto domino, ut dictum
Nicolaum de facto aggravare non vellet, sed eum per laudum et sententiam
ducere velle juxta consuetudines nostras, relaxatus fuit sub securitate quatuor
millium ducatorum.
[7] Quod cives terre Utini faciebat continue capi eos injustissime et ne-
quiter carcerando et specialiter aliqua reddi rebellibus Aquilegensis ecclesie
et ejus inimicis54 sicut domino Francisco de Carraria, cui injustissime reddi
salem tempore guerre ei per vicinos nostros acceptum.
[8] Quod Detalmum de Andriottis, virum nobilem et istius terre civem op-
timum, dolose et fraudolenter deduxit sua seditione, ut fieret ejus domicellus55
et familiaris intrinsecus et factis et litteris familiariter eum ipse cepisset de
eo aliqualiter posse confidere, ipse fecit eum in camera sua capi, tradiditque
ipsum suis inimicis,56 qui ipsum suo precepto et voluntate fecerunt injustis-
sime mori et non solum vivere, sed etiam sepelire ipse patriarcha prohibuit
volens etiam post mortem pecuniam suam.
[9] Quod sub cujusdam concordii specie57 ipse dominus patriarcha do-
minum Federicum fecit in terram Utini pervenire sibi alta et magnalia pro-
mittendo, cumque inter ipsos esset concordium per tractatum, licet sub falsa
seditione, fecit sibi dici, quod ipse eum sincerissime58 diligebat, unde mira-
batur, quod ipse dominus Federicus post se aliquos servientes in custodia sue
persone cum armi duceret,59 quod pure credens ille miles fidelis domestice
cepit ubilibet60 commorari. Tunc ille patriarcha maraschalcum suum et unum

52  vocare, B.
53  nomen, B.
54  et ejus inimicis lacking in B.
55  donzelus, A; amended according to B.
56  inimicis suis, B.
57  sub ejusdem concordii spem, B.
58  ipse sincerissime eum, B.
59  ducent, B.
60  undelibet, B.

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242 Excursus 2

alium militem, magistrum camere sue, et duos alios, qui61 sibi serviebant in
mensa, quorum unus62 erat faciens credegustum poti et alter cibi, cum non-
nullis suis familiaribus intrinsecis misit in terram Utini sub colore jostrandi
in una jostra tunc temporis ordinata, ut eundem dominum Federicum occi-
derent. Qui cum venissent ex toto domini sui adimplere preceptum speran-
tes ex inde consequi magna premia63 et dona promissa, dictum dominum
Federicum die proxima subsecuta illam diem, qua hanc terram intraverunt,
in ecclesia invenerunt sanctam Dei missam devotissime audiendo et intrantes
more amicorum, ipsum salutaverunt et non videntes ibi copiam defensorum
in eundem juxta preceptum domini sui atrocissime irruerunt ipsum nequiter
occidendo et Dei templum sanctum et religionem turpissime violando64 et fu-
gientes extra terram Utini gladios cruentatos65 in manibus ferentes ad loca, ubi
erat ipse patriarcha, devenerunt; ab ipso receptis maximis gaudiis et honori-
bus et provisionibus aucti usque in hodiernam diem in colloquiis generalibus
Patrie continuo astantes ante conspectum ipsius domini patriarche.
[10] Quod multa bona ipsius domini Federici et aliorum civium terre Utini
cepit tyrannice occupare ipsos sine jure et justitia et Patrie consuetudine suis
possessionibus66 indebite spoliando et specialiter cum injuste occupasset
unum castellum domini Federici, numquam id reddere voluit, nisi extorsisset
suis pupillis patre nequiter sic orbatis duo millia ducatorum.
[11] Quod aliquos forenses et emulos terre Utini inducebat, ut illius cives
caperent, forinsecus67 captivatos abducerent eis velut inimicis taleam impo‑
nendo,68 de qua exigenda immo exacta idem dominus69 patriarcha cum illis
predatoribus pro parte lucri communicavit et ipse quidem dominus patriarcha70
in quodam generali colloquio, dum Utinenses conquererentur71 de eo, quod
inducebat forenses, ut ipsos Utinenses capere deberent, confessus fuit se licen-
tiam super hoc dedisse cuidam72 militi vocato Coscistagner.

61  quod, B.
62  unum, A; amended according to B.
63  pecunia, B.
64  et Dei templum sanctum et religionem turpissime violando lacking in B.
65  cructatas, B.
66  Utinensibus, B.
67  forinfesa, B.
68  exponendo, B.
69  dominus idem, B.
70  cum illis predatoribus pro parte lucri communicavit et ipse quidem dominus patriarcha
lacking in B.
71  consequenter, B.
72  cujusdam, B.

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Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia 243

[12]73 Quomodo juravit74 ad posse suum illam terram Utini destruere et hoc
quia moleste ferebant tantam totius Patrie et sui servitutem tyrannicam, nam
sepe petendo, ut facerent75 coemptiones gravissimas76 in ejus subsidium, cum
ipsi non assentirent, dicebat: “Oportet pro certo, ut illam terram ad spinosam
sylvam faciam devenire.”
[13] Quod cum inter ipsum et Utinenses pro tractando concordio inclitum
Venetiarum dominium se sepe interponeret, cum Utinenses peterent ab eo ali-
qua honestissima et manifesta debita, puta justitiam fieri in Patria,77 servari
propriam libertatem et antiquas Patrie consuetudines, ipse ea juramento pro-
misit bina vice, prout publicis documentis apparet, nec post promissa aliqua78
voluit adimplere totam Patriam magis solito continue aggravando.
[14] Quod cum plures cives Utinenses secundum morem Patrie ad unum
festum fuissent, ipse patriarcha misit mareschalcum suum contra ipsos inju-
stissime capiendos, quod ipse fecit eos atrociter vulnerando et super strata li-
bera depredando et demum aliquos cepit et carceribus captivavit imponens
eis taleam, ac si guerra justa inter eos esset. Cumque aliqui suis pecuniis se
redemissent,79 alii impotentes et parve pecunie80 relinquuntur adhuc in fundo
unius turris acriter mancipati. Sicque mareschalcus suus, qui contra predato-
res debet justitiam procurare, sui jussu domini81 justorum suorum civium est
factus maximus82 spoliator.
[15] Quomodo plures falsas sententias pro pecunia ipse dominus patriar-
cha suos officiales fecit injustissime pronunciare, cumque eorum aliqui con-
scientia ducti hujusmodi sententias proferre recusarent, ipse dicebat: “Ah
miseri vos, non vultis lucrari83 et estis pauperes. Ego, qui sum dominus, non
spernam tantum lucrum.” Et sic ipse84 sepe pro mille, pro quingentis, sepe pro
tercentis ducatis, imo quandoque pro decem et paucioribus85 iniquas et falsas
sententias86 pronuntiavit.

73  in B incorrectly XI.

74  curavit, B.
75  fuerunt, B.
76  gravissime, B.
77  in Patriam, B.
78  aliquod, B.
79  reluissent, B.
80  imponentes et prave pecunie, B.
81  sue jura domini, B.
82  proximus, B.
83  lucrare, B.
84  ipse lacking in A.
85  quingenti, sepe pro tercenti, immo quinquaginta pro ducatis et paucioribus, B.
86  in B followed by ferenti materia tandem.

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244 Excursus 2

[16] Dum87 plures per alios gravati recurrerent ad ipsum dominum patriar-
cham pro suo favore obtinendo circa justitiam, consequenter88 ipse pecunias
postulabat et extortis ab hujusmodi aggravatis illis pecuniarum quantitatibus,
quas poterat, subito procurabat ab adversa parte etiam pecunias extorquere
dicendo: “Talis movet tibi talem litem. Si vis, tenebo modum, quod non poterit
aliquid agere contra te.” Sicque sumpta pecunia inhibebat89 vicariis et officiali-
bus, ut actorem justitiam petentem,90 qui primo recursum habuerat ad dictum
dominum, audire minime deberent, ex quo plura jura sua tamquam91 decepti92
per dictum dominum et bona93 amiserunt.
[17] Item qualiter prefatus dominus patriarcha ad instantiam nocentium vi-
rorum ejus sceleratam causam sequentium pluribus petentibus ipsis exequen-
tibus eum ad aliquibus amicis ipsorum judices suspectos delegavit et ultra hoc,
cum sunt in actu ipsi actores seu petentes jura sua probandi, ipse patriarcha
mandat talibus judicibus delegatis, ut judicium suspendere debeant. Unde94
regulam est,95 quod nulli96 evidentissima jura litium a longo tempore citra
consequi minime potuerunt factis nihilominus magnis expensis et gravibus
latoribus per Patriam equitando toleratis.
[18] Quomodo plures homicidas pro pecuniis absolvit et ab omni pena
exemit97 dicens se velle potius centum ducatos quam centum capita, et sic
justitia, que mater omnium virtutum esse dignoscitur, per dictum presulem ab
hac Patria penitus est expulsa.
[19] Qualiter, dum ab aliis visiis vacat, nunquam cessat nunc incidere ligna,
nunc cancellos camere, nunc dagam contra aliquem vertit98 dicens: “Oh,
quomodo subito ego99 te occiderem!” Immo etiam fortuito omnes litteras ad
manus suas pervenientes lacerando.100
[20] Quod ipse more satellitum vivit et non habitu clericali, immo tenens
gladium in aurata zona collo suspensum, continue velut sicarius vivit inter

87  Cum, B.
88  consequendi, B.
89  inhiebat, B.
90  faventem, B.
91  tamquam erased in A; amended according to B.
92  deperiti, B.
93  jura sua instead of et bona in B.
94  Une, A; amended according to B.
95  sequutum instead of regulam est in B.
96  multi, B.
97  exerit, B.
98  mittere, B.
99  ego subito, B.
100  provenientes lucrando, B.

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Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia 245

lenones et meretrices continue commorando; et quod non potest facto in actu

luxurie adimplere, lupanaribus verbis omnes adeuntes101 ad ipsum gaudet tur-
pissime fastidire et quod deterius est, usque ad genitalia vestes suas abbreviat
vestes longas togatas et honestas multipliciter aspernendo.
[21] Quod mulieres et juvenculas pauperum et etiam ditiorum ad se facit
sepissime violenter adduci, nunc unam, nunc aliam, more bestiali102 sub inho-
nestissime luxurie actu publice deturpando; et quod de eis superest, suis fami-
liaribus tribuendo pro luxuria et infamia predictarum amplius consequenda.
[22] Quod taxilusor est maximus103 vocari faciens plerumque nobiles et
alios de paura ad ludendum cum eo utens etiam falsis taxillis in non modicum
damnum ludentium secum.
[23] Quod nedum voluit, aut potuit, missam aliquam unquam, ut est moris
in Patria, celebrare, immo nec, cum alii clerici104 celebrant, unquam potuit ad
misse finem permanere, sed nunc huc, nunc illuc, per ecclesiam vadens more
miserrimi tiranni et callidissimi105 peccatoris omnem populum facit a propria
devotione cessare, non preferens sibi crucem, ut moris est patriarche, nec velut
prelatus crucem propria manu voluit unquam devoto petenti et expectanti po-
pulo, cum per terras iret, efficere, nec etiam ab equo descendere, dum cruces et
sanctimonia106 sibi obviam portarentur, dum primo terras Patrie intrabat, nec
etiam templa Dei visitare,107 ut moris est prelatorum. Admonitus autem ipse
patriarcha a quibusdam suis domesticis, quare non faciebat crucem populo
suo, respondit: “Cum ense scirem eis crucem facere, non cum manu.”
[24] Quod per annum cum dimidio stetit in Patria, antequam pati posset
suam sanctam Aquilegensem et cathedralem ecclesiam visitare. Cumque sibi
opponeretur per subditos, quod invisam suam108 sedem haberet, quodam109
terrore potius quam amore illuc110 de mense martii proxime preteriti acces-
sit et ad cathedram pergens accepta ferula pastorali sancti Hermachore111 sub

101  audientes, B.
102  bestiale, B.
103  massima, B.
104  aliis clericis, B.
105  caldissimi, B.
106  sanctimoniam, B.
107  after visitare follows primo in B.
108  sua, A.
109  quosdam, B.
110  illud, B.
111  evangelii, A; amended according to B.

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246 Excursus 2

brachio more lancee, “ah,” inquit, “quam bene hastiluderem!” versus sedem
sanctam currens indutis112 stipendiarii113 vestibus et appensa sub collo daga.
[25] Quod cupiens ex toto suam ecclesiam tyrannice conquassare114 plura
parlamenta fecit et colloquia celebrare, in quibus omnino decrevit in tota
Patria tres eligi judices sibi gratos, qui de jure et de facto et ex proprio libito
voluntatis possent in omnibus litibus et questionibus ad placitum causas quas­
libet terminare frangendo Patrie consuetudines et leges et proprie libertatis115
consuetudines antiquas, volens, quod ab eorum sententiis nemo nec ad pedes
sacros beatissimi patris numquam116 modo quopiam posset ab injusta vel117
justa sententia appellare, quod quia Utinenses contradixerunt protestando,
quod tali parlamento et deliberationi118 stare nolebant et quia ab illa et omni
alia119 iniqua sententia appellare volebant ad curiam120 sanctissimi121 patris, ut
moris est et fuit, ipse ex hoc tanta ira incanduit, ut nemo amplius ad sui con-
spectum de illa terra vellit accedere et eos in Patria facit undique122 persequi
et male tractari.
[26] Quomodo per totam Patriam ipse instituit pedagia et gabellas, sicut
solet fieri in terris subiectis tyrannice servituti, non obstante quod numquam
in Patria aliquis patriarcha consimilia posuit et specialiter posuit gravissimam
gabellam super peregrinis, qui in isto jubileo sanctam Romanam ecclesiam vi-
sitabant, et si ipsi denegarent123 solvere scientes Patrie libertatem, aut propter
paupertatem124 non possent, ipse fecit eos per suos officiales spoliari vestibus
peregrinalibus et atrociter percuti et eis tandem calceamenta et baculum jus-
sit auferri, constituitque officialem ad hujusmodi gabellam exigendam125 in
Portugruario unum judicem.126
[27] Qualiter in creatione sanctissimi patris domini nostri domini Bonifacii IX.
fecit fieri novum, quod ipse statim post sanctam creationem rumore populari

112  inductus, B.
113  stipendiariis, B.
114  conquasse, A; amended according to B.
115  consuetudines et leges et proprie libertatis lacking in B.
116  unquam, B.
117  et, A; amended according to B.
118  deliberatione, B.
119  aliqua, B.
120  curias, B.
121  sancti, B.
122  undeque, B.
123  denegabant, B.
124  libertatem, B.
125  exigere, B.
126  judicium, B.

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Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia 247

fuisset turpiter et nequiter vulneratus et tandem violenter occisus. Unde ipse

magnum festum monstrabat in Patria et ipsum novum fecit per Patriam divul-
gari proferens127 stolide multa verba in contemptum128 prefati domini nostri
eum insipientem asserendo.
[28] Qualiter, dum sibi novum delatum fuisset, qualiter nobilis Balassius de
Maniaco etiam a dicto domino multis aggravatus a sanctissimo domino nostro
obtinuerat ipsum patriarcham posse facere citari ad curiam, ipse in hec verba
verba prorupit: “Quid129 curo de isto papa? Ipse nil mihi facere potest,130 nam
ego sum melior ipso.”
[29] Quomodo usque ad131 hodiernam diem in Patria hinc inde a suis sub-
ditis dando sententias falsas et imponendo eis taleas et movendo varias que-
stiones extorsit ultra quinquaginta millia ducatorum132 in absolvendo et pro
pecunia homicidas et proditores quoscumque sibi pecunias offerentes.
[30] Quod venerabilem patrem Bondi, abbatem Mosacensem, turpiter et
nequiter captivavit, cui fecit predari domum et pecuniam et jocalia sua, quem,
cum relaxasset precibus reverendissimi patris et133 domini domini cardinalis
Padue, ejus fratris ad has partes de Florentia ob dictam causam tunc perventi,
coactum sacramento constrinxit, ne unquam pro illatis sibi damnis et injuriis
alicui persone nec etiam ad pedes apostolicos sancti patris porrigeret aut por-
rigi faceret, aliquam querimoniam contra se et sic eo a Patria et monasterio
expulso injuste monasterium illud cuidam suo satelliti134 commendavit. Unde
facta est illa sancta Dei ecclesia latronum spelunca fugatis hinc inde monachis
et altaribus desolatis, in qua non Dei officium sacrum, sed Bacchi et Veneris
nephanda contubernia celebrantur merchatoribus illac transeuntibus etiam
sepissime spoliatis.
[31] Quomodo plures suos capitaneatus et gastaldias diversis personis ven-
didit et receptis preciis ab emptoribus eos ab hujusmodi officiis expulit135 et
ipsos capitaneatus et gastaldias tunc aliquibus suis perversis et sceleratis servi-
toribus tradidit136 vel aliis personis vendidit.

127  proferiens, B.
128  in contemptu, B.
129  Quad, B.
130  facere posse potest, A.
131  in, B.
132  ducatos, B.
133  et lacking in B.
134  satelico, B.
135  expellit, B.
136  tradit, B.

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248 Excursus 2

[32] Quomodo fecit137 in quodam suo consilio parlamenti138 proponi, quod

dispendiosum erat satis in Patria, quod quilibet compatriota posset ad pedes
apostolicos pro suis recurrere questionibus, eratque sibi domino patriarche ve-
recundosum et impotentibus damnosum, quod sanctissimus pater apostolicus
posset petenti cuilibet specialem judicem delegare, fecitque per suum vica-
rium illud tali sophistico colorari colore, sic possent petentes ad placitum pau-
peres ad curiam concitare, qui tantis insufficientes sumptibus et muneribus,
quot139 in curia requiruntur, etiam in sua causa justa succumbere poterunt di-
cendo per Patriam, quod in curia sancti patris dicior pro pecunia etiam injuste
pauperem vincere possit. Querebat enim sub illo colore etiam in isto consilio
deliberari, quod tota Patria querulose commota edictum faceret, ne aliquis140
ad pedes sacros pro meliori judice impetrando recurreret, tanta ductus insa-
nia, ut dici faceret,141 quod si nuntii Patrie ad papam decederent, ipse super
isto complaceret iniquum illud edictum etiam confirmando, quo facto crede-
bat sic posse totam142 Patriam iniquus tyrannice conquassare.143
[33]144 Qualiter pluribus fraudolosis, malitiosis et coloratis modis sepissime
fuit conatus seditionem et discordiam in hanc terram145 Utini inducere et cives
commovere ad digladiandum inter se et sepius146 occidere.147
[34]148 Qualiter palam habuit dicere se nunquam149 missam celebraturum
et specialiter una die cuidam150 petenti, cur missam non celebrabat, cum
utilitatem ultra quantitatem trium millium151 ducatorum consequeretur, re-
spondit, quod nedum pro tribus millibus, sed pro decem millibus missam non
celebraret.
[35]152 Qualiter ipse patriarcha tanquam lupus insatiabilis dudum ta-
libus verbis usus fuit: “Omnia pro auro facerem et unum aliud, videlicet153

137  fuit, B.
138  parlamentum, B.
139  quante, B.
140  et aliquid, B.
141  ut diceret, ut dici faceret, B.
142  tantam, B.
143  conquassari, B.
144  in B incorrectly XXXIV.
145  hac terra, A; hac terram, B.
146  se quos instead of sepius in B.
147  occiderent, A; amended according to B.
148  in B incorrectly XXXV.
149  unquam, B.
150  quidam, B.
151  tria millia, B.
152  in B incorrectly XXXVI.
153  quod instead of videlicet in B.

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Capitula contra patriarcham Johannem de Moravia 249

destruerem154 et submergerem totum mundum pro uno despetto,155 ubi possi-

bile foret, quod eum in pugno continerem.”
[36]156 Qualiter tria oppida sita in confinibus Patrie dedit tenenda et custo-
dienda quibusdam Theutonicis stipendiariis hujus Patrie emulis et inimicis.
[37] Qualiter nulla fides in eo reperitur, nec ulla constantia in eoque nulla
virtus penitus viget, sed omnium sceleratorum actuum utique magister est,
actor et dominator:157 in tantum quod ab omnibus ejus158 notitiam habentibus
Neronior Nerone vere159 censetur.

154  destrueret, B.
155  dispetto, B.
156  in B incorrectly XXXVII.
157  magister et auctor est et dominator, B.
158  omnis eis, B.
159  vere lacking in B.

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