Professional Documents
Culture Documents
F. A. Shamsi
In the first part of this essay, published in the Autumn number of this
Journal, we arrived at the conclusion that there could be no reasonable doubt
about the following itinerary :
In the discussion that follows, this itinerary will be taken for granted
and constitute the bash on which an endeavour will be made to determine
the dare of Hijrah.
Given the above set of days, two, and only two, alternative
sets of dates suggest themselves such that all the dates of a set are consistent
among themselves and each of them is supported by some early report.
Before we discuss these possible sets of dates, let us point out that
no third consistent set of reported dates is possible. For example, Hazrat
Ibn 'Abbiis and Ibn Shihib al-Zuhri are said to have stated that the Prophet
arrived in MedinaIQuba' on 1 Rabi'I. If so, the Prophet must have left
the Cave on 23 Safar, and his house on 20 $afar;' but we have no single
report to that effect.= (I suspect that somehow 'left for Medina' became
'reached Medina', in all probability 'the date of hijrah' having been used by
an earlier reporter in the sense of 'the date of depature' which al-Zuhri,
Miisi b. 'Uqbah or a later reporter, took to mean 'the date of arrival'.)
The same is true, with the difference of one day, of the reports that
Abii Ma'shar, Ibn al-Barq'i and Ibn Ishiq state that the Prophet reached
Medina on 2 Rabi'I. (It is clear in the case of Ibn Ishaq that 'asharah of
'ithnatay 'asharah' got deleted, for, the date of 12 Rabi'I is reported from
him by all other writers. I suspect that the same has happened with Abu
Ma'shar and Ibn al-Barqi.) Similar is the case with the report that the
Prophet reached Medina on Monday 7 Rabi'I, for, even if we assume that
Yathrib is meant by Medina and that the Prophet departed from the Cave
on 1 Rabi'I (since we have no report of 29 $afar for departure either from
the Cave or from home), then the departure from the Cave would have
to happen on a Tuesday (since 7 Rabi'I is by assumption a Monday)
-something no writer reports.
*****
Let us now consider the two possible sets of dates.
from the Cave of Thawr would have to be Monday the 5th of Rabi' al-Awwal,
and, we have Ibn Sa'd's clear report to that effect. If so, the date of Quray-
shite Meeting must have been Thursday the 1st of Rabi'al-Awwal. We
have mentioned several reports to the effect that the Prophet left Mecca
(which would here mean that he left his house for the Cave) on the 1st of
Rabi'I, which would have to be a Thursday if 5 Rabi'I is to be a Monday.
(We would, of course, have to disregard the reports claiming that the
Prophet left his house at night, for, after the sunset the date would become
Friday the 2nd of Rabi'al-Awwal, or, would have to offer the far-fetched
explanation that the Prophet left his house with necessary luggage for
Hazrat Abu Bakr's house on Thursday the 1st of Rabi' al-Awwal, returned
to his house-which was really no more his house-to instruct Hazrat Ali
about the things kept with him in trust, and left the house a little after the
sunset on Friday the 2nd of Rabi'L3) We do have a report that the
Prophet left the Cave on Thursday night 1 Rabi'I, which we may
assume originally to have been 'left Mecca', meaning, left home.
We have Hazrat Asma', Hazrat Aisha and many others who say that
the Prophet stayed in the Cave for 3 days. This implies that the departure
from the Cave took place on Monday 1 Rabi'l. (In all computations,
$afar is taken to comprise 29 days.) We have moreover reports that Ibn
Ishaq and al-Umawi had stated that the Prophet had left Mecca (i.e. we
presume, the Cave) on 1 Rabi61 and that Ibn al-Kalbi had said that the
Prophet had left the Cave on 1 Rabi'I.
We have several reports that the Prophet stayed in Quba' for 4 days,
from Monday to Thursday, and then on (the following) Friday came to
Medina.
We have reports that Hazrat Anas states that the Prophet had lived
among B a i i 'Amr b. 'Awf (in Quba') for 14 days. We have reports that
Hazrat Aisha and 'Urwah state that the Prophet had resided with Banu
'Amr b. 'Awf for more than twelve days. We have reports that Mujammi'
b. Ya'qub states that the Prophet had lived with Banu 'Amr b. 'Awf for
22 days. We assume that originally the statement had been that the Pro-
phet had stayed with Banu 'Amr till the 22nd of Rabi'I when he shifted to
Hazrat Abii Ayyiib's house in Medina.
Here, the reported dates are in accord with the reported days. That
is, the above set of dates can belong to the Hijrah calendar whether or not
this calendar (or a predecessor in continuity with it) was in vogue at that
time. Conversely, it is to be noted, if the event of Hijrah was recorded
in terms of the Hijrah calendar then the present set of dates must be taken
as truly dating the event of Hijrah. Thus the present set can be taken as
belonging to the Hijrah calendar.
*****
Before we go on to consider whichof the two sets of dates-the one
belcngir-g lo a resumed Arabian calendar and the oii.e~d e n p i n g to the
Hijrah klendar - is to be accepted, let us take inio i l c ; ~ , , ; ~ : :;:e reports
that appear to be inconsistent with the set of dates bel~r~,:.., .; ::le hijrah
Calendar.
DATE OF HIJRAEI 295
(i) Ibn 'Abd al-Ban says that the Prophet was permitted to
migrate (from Mecca to Medina) on a Monday. He quotes no earlier source
for his assertion. It is obvions therefore that this was his conclusion from
the reports that the Prophet migrated from Mccca the day he was permitted
by God to do so (as clearly appears from Hazrat Aisha's report) and that
the Prophet migrated from Mecca on a Monday, which Ibn 'Abd al-Barr
took to mean departed from home.
(ii) We have numerous reports that the Prophet left his house at
night with Hazrat Ali lying in his bed and his house having been surrounded
by Qurayshite representatives bent upon killing the Prophet that night.
Dr. Hashim Amir Ali regards these reports as fabrications pure and
simple.11 His view is based on the assumption that the Prophet had
migrated in the pagan month of al-Muharram and so during the sacred
period. Even apart from this possibility, the story is morally indefensible,
despite even the report that the Prophet had assured Hazrat Ali that no
harm would come to him,I2 implying divine intervention. Moreover,
there are many weaknesses in the story as narrated, for example, by Ibn
Ishaq and Ibn Sa6d.l3 According to this story, the Quraysh had decided
that a scion of each clan should attack and kill the Prophet. Sometime
after the sunset a number of them came to ihe Prophet's house and gathered
at his door. Hazrat Ali lay down in the Prophet's bed and covered him-
self with the burd (a sheet of cloth) of the Prophet. The Prophet came out
reciting verses of Siirah Ygsin and sprinkled dust on their heads. They were
unable to see the Prophet go. Then, a person, who was not of their
party and who had seen the Prophet going out, asked them as to what they
were doing there. They said that they were waiting for Muhammad. The
man told them that Muhammad had gone out unseen by them. There-
upon they looked into the house, and seeing Hazrat Ali in the Prophet's
mantle, swore that Muhammad was sleeping in his mantle. The attackers
remained there till the morning. When Hazrat Ali stood up on the bed they
asked him about the Prophet. When he told them that he had no knowl-
edge of himytheycame to know what had happened. Now, in the first place,
no matter whether it was Auntie Ruqayqah who had b.een an angel on the
~ccasionand had informed him of the planned swal~hy, c ,urnal, attack1 4,
or it was actually an angel, Gabriel, who had adviw! him not to sleep in
his bed that night,' a question arises as to why did the Prmhet not vacate
his house at'least sometime before the time appc ' ' " I .he attackers m
assemble if not immediately upon learning of the Qurayshite decision?
Why did he have to wait even after the sunset till it was time to go to sleep?
Secondly, even if we assume that Hazrat Ali was sleeping in the courtyard
or thzt it was possible to peep into the room through some hole in the wall,
the question is whether there would be sufficient light quite some time after
the sunset to enable the attackers to assure themselves that someone was
sleeping in the bed?16 Thirdly, according to Ibn Ishaq's explicit state-
ment, they were to attack the Prophet that night,l7 and in all other reports
this is clearly implied. But the attackers make no move to get into the
house to kill the Prophet. They only wait at the door (it seems) for the
Prophet to come out. Even assuming divine intervention, we fail to see
why no attempt should at all have been made to kill the person who they
thought was their quarry. If no attempt at his life was to be made, and
surely God would know that no such attempt would be made, then for what
purpose had Gabriel advised that the Prophet should not repose in his bed
that night, or, if it was Ruqayqah who had informed the Prophet, then why
should she say that the Quraysh had decided on a stealthy, nocturnat attack
(bsyat) upon him? Finally, one may ask, what did the Prophet expect to
gain from risking thc life of Hazrzt Ah? Surely not time, for, he went to
the Cave of Thawr and not to Medina, and remained there for three days.
The fact is, the later writers were confronted with the reports that the
Prophet migrated at night and that the Quraysh had decided to kill the
Prophet at night, and concluded that the escape must have been mira-
culous. This conclusion gains considerable weight from the fact that
the report does not accord with any reliable early report regarding the date
of Hijrah. If the arrival in Medina (i.e. Yathrib) was on Monday 12 Rabi'I
then the Meeting must have been held on a Thursday (for it to be a Day
of Assembly), and the Prophet must have left his house on Friday night;
but the date would then be 2 Rabi'I which no narrator mentions.'*
(iii) We have Ibn Hajar's report that 'Urwah had said that the
Prophet had stayed in the Cave of Thawr for 2 nights. We have already
discussed this report at length (in Section IT).
Mecca, meaning Mecca proper) the same night. As it is, al-Samhudi does
the same, but here the implication is so clear that his statement cannot be
taken to mean that the Prophet had left the Cave the very night he had
amved there.
(v) Yazid b. Abu Habib reportedly states that the Prophet left
Mecca in Safar and reached Medina in Rabi'I. We assume that he meant
departure from home.
(vi) Ibn Ishaq and al-Umawi reportedly state that the Prophet
left Mecca on 1 Rabi'I. We assume that they meant actual departure for
Medina, i.e. departure from the Cave.
(xi) Ibn Ishaq, Abu Ma'shar Najih and Ibn al-Barqi are reported
to have given 2 Rabi'I as the date of arrival in Medina. In the case of
Ibn Ishaq, it is clear that he could not have given 2 Rabi'I as the date of
arrival, for, in all other reports, including Ibn Hisham's Sirah (which is
Ibn Hisham's recension of Ibn Ishaq's book), he gives 12 Rabi'I as the
date of arrival, and he is reported by quite reliable writers to have
given 1 Rabi'I as the date of departure (and so he could not have said that
DATE OF HIJRAH 299
the Prophet reached Yathrib the next day). Hence it is obvious that the
'asharah of ithnatay 'asharah was dropped by some copyistlnarrator and
so 12 Rabi'I became 2 Rabi'I. (Interestingly enough, in both the editions
of Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqit, Ibn Sa'd has been made to make two statements.
At one place, he says that the Prophet reached Medina on 2 Rabi'I, but,
12 Rabi'I is also rnenti~ned.~'At another place, he says that the Prophet
reached Medina on 12 Rabi'I, but, 2 Rabi'I is also mentioned; he also says
that there is a consensus on the date of 12 Rabi'I.22 Although he does
not appear to be reporting from al-Waqidi - but if "qilii" is read instead
of "q81a7', ffien Ibn Sa'd would be narrating in the first instance from al-
Waqidi and ultimately from al-Waqidi's source or sources, and the same
would be the case if 'al-awwal' is taken to return not to the immediate
predecessor but to the first narrator, since al-Waqidi was his lone direct
source23-even so, Ibn Sa'd or al-Madhhaji could not have given the date
of 2 Rabi'I since in the same narration the Prophet was earlier stated to
have left the Cave on 5 Rabi'I.24 (Al-Waqidi, incidentally, says that the
Prophet reached Medina on 12 Rabi'I but it is also said that he reached
there on 2 Rabi'L25) I suppose that the same has happened in the case of
Abu Ma'shar and Ibn-Barqi. Alternatively, one might assume that this
was given out as the date of departure meaning departure from home. If
12 Rabi'I was a Monday and the Prophet reached Quba' on 12 Rabi'I
then it is possible-nay, so probable as to be necessary-that the Meeting
had been held on Thursday 1 Rabi'I and the Prophet had left his house
on Thursday 1 Rabi'I or on Friday night 2 Rabi'I. But, Abu Ma'shar
and Ibn al-Barqi are too late writers to be supposed that by the expression
'the date of hijrah' they would mean the date of departure. Hence the only
explanation is that these two had made the same statement as Ibn Ishaq
and that one of the narrators made it 2 Rabi'I for all the three by dropp-
ing 'asharah.
(a) Those who say that the Prophet reaclied Medina on 12 Rabi'I
are to be taken to mean that the Prophet, so to say, remained on his way to
Medina while he was in Quba' and that he reached Medina on 12 Rabi'I.
(c) Al-Ya'qubi says that it is also said that the Prophet reached
Medina on Thursday 12 Rabi'I. This is the only report of its kind. One
could assume that 12 Rabi'I, 1 A.H. was calculated to be a Thursday (e.g.
on the assumption that a month is to begin with the day of conjunction),
but the day does not agree with the day of arrival in Yathrib on which there
is near unanimity (viz., Monday) nor with the day of the Prophet's first
appearance in Medina (Friday) on which too there is unanimity, for, all
reports mention the Friday prayers in the quarters of Banu Salim that day.
Hence the only explanation is that either al-Ya'qubi had reported al-
Jum'ah (Friday) which by mistake has become al-Khamis (Thursday), or,
that whoever had first proposed this date had relied entirely upon his
calculation and totally neglected, or been ignorant of, the traditions in
question.
(d) We now consider the date of Monday 12 Rabi'I as the date of
arrival in MedinalQuba'. This, we feel, has come about as a result of
confusing 'arrival in Medinn (proper)' with 'arrival in Yathrib or the Sanc-
tuary of Medina (i.e. in Quba')'. The Prophet arrived in Yathrib on a
Monday and probably shifted his residence to Medina proper on a Monday.
He came to Medina after 4 days* stay in Quba* on the 12th of Rabi' al-
awwal. The t ~ were o wrongly added together to become Monday the
12th of Rabi'al-Awwal. In all probability another consideration added to
this misconstruction. According to the popular view, the Prophet was
born on the 12th of Rabi' al-awwal,2' and there is almost complete unani-
mity that the Prophet was 53 years old at the time of Hijrah (i-e. when he
arrived in Medina).** On the 8th of Rabi'al-awwal, the Prophet would be
4 days short of 53 years. Moreover there is a consensus that the Prophet was
born on a M0nday;2~in fact, there is a tradition going back to the Pro-
phet himself to the effect that he was born on a M~nday.~O Now, 53 lunar
years ( = 53 x 12 lunar months) = 18781.458 days. Deleting the fraction of
0.458 because it is less than 0.5, these days amount to 2683 full weeks.
Hence, the day coming after 53 lunar years would be the same day of the
week. These two considerations must have weighed heavily in favour of
adopting Monday 12 Rabi'al-Awwal as the date of arrival. Furthermore,
even where coming to Medina meant coming to Medina proper, coming
from Quba' for the first time (on a Friday) was confused with shifting
from Quba' (probably on a Monday).
(xv) Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani and al-Qastalani say that Abu Sa'id
in his Sharaf al-Mus!a/iT narrates from Abu Bakr b. H a m that the Prophet
reached (Yathrib) on 13 Rabi'I. Al-Diyarbakiri says that it is reported from
Abu Bakr b. Hazm that the Prophet reached (Yathrib) on 13 Rabi'I. This
does no! agree with the date of 26 Safa: reported from Abu Bakr b. Hazm
for departure (in the sense that if 13 Rabi'I is a Monday - and, Ibn
Hajar says that there is a report in Abu Sa'id from Ibn Hazm that the
Prophet reached Quba' on a Monday and stayed with Hazrat Sa'd b.
Khaythamah3' - then 26 Safar is neither a Thursday nor a Monday),
nor with other quite authoritatively given dates. I believe that whoever
originally proposed this date did so on the assuniption that the Prophet
came to Medina on a Friday, for which the date of 12 Rabi'I was given, but
since the conjunction had occurred early at night on Sunday night (the
conjunction in question occurred, in respect of Medina, at 10.30 P.M.
on Saturday 11-9-622 A.D.) he held that the month of Rabi'I should be
taken as beginning on Sunday and the Prophet to have come to Medina
on 13 Rabi'I instead of 12 Rabi'I. Some later reporter took it to have been
the statement about the arrival in Yathrib, since Abu Bakr b. Hazm
was known to have mentioned his arrival in Quba', and, thus, it became
the statement recorded in Sharaf al-Mustafa of Abu Sa'id.
(xvi) Ibn Hajar says that Abu Sa'id reports from (Hazrat) 'Umar
that the Prophet reached Medina on 28 Rabi'I. (Al-Samhudi says so
too, but, I believe, he was only following Ibn Hajar.) Abu Sa'id (d.
407/1016-17) is too late a writer to be reporting from Hazrat 'Umar with-
out mentioning his source. No earlier writer known to me carries this
report. I think that Abu Sa'id had really written "Muhammad b. 'Umar"
(i.e. al-Waqidi), for, he could narrate from him without having to state
his authority. Now, as suggested by Ibn Hajar and al-Samhudi, Abu
Sa'id must have written 2 Rabi'I which became 28 Rabi'I because the
copyist changed madat (elapsed) to baqiyat (remaining, i.e. yet to elapse).32
Indeed, no one ever writes '28 nights of such - and - such a month yet to
elapse'. For the first 15 days all writers say 'so many nights (meaning dies)
of month x having elapsed', and only from the 16th onwards do some
writers begin to use baqiyat 'so many nights of month x yet to elapse', and
it is only the last few days of a month that are given in this form by all
writers. Now, al-Waqidi does say that the Prophet reached Medina on
12 Rabi'I but that it is dso said that the Prophet reached there on 2 Rabi'I.
We thus see that the second set of dates presents quite an accept-
able account. We now consider the question as to which of the two sets of
dates is to be accepted.
Dr. Hamidullah claims that al-Bayhaqi states that before the official
decision during the Caliphate of Hazrat 'Umar, the point of Hijrah had of
course been adopted as the beginning of chronological computation, but
that there were three modes of reckoning: some people began with the
Muharram of the year in whose Dhu al-Hijjah the second Bay'ah of
'Aqabah took place and Muslims started migrating to Medina in conse-
quence thereof; some began with the Muharram of the year in which the
Prophet migrated ; some others commenced with the Muharram which
came after the Prophet's migration.' Ahmad b. al-uusayn al-Bayhaqi
(3841994-458/1066) is too late a writer to be taken to have made a
statement of fact on his own. But, Dr. Hamidullah does not state on
whose authority al-Bayhaqi had made this statement. To me it seems
that this was d-Bayhaqi's conjecture to explain the contradictions in the
reports regarding dates of the post-Hijrah events. Be that asit may, al-
Bayhaqi's statement cannot be accepted for three reasons.
(i) Meccan followers had indeed started migrating quite some time
before the Prophet's hijrah. Hazrat Abii Salamah, according to Ibn
Ishaq, had gone to Medina a year before the (second) pledge of al-'Aqabah.2
Hazrat 'Umar had himself gone quite some time before the Prophet.3
But, it is unbelievable that even during Hazrat Umar's caliphate Muslim
scholars would choose to call the year of Hazrat Umar's migration as the
Year of Hijrah, specially if the hijrah of the Prophet himself and Hazrat
Abu Bakr would have to take place in the second year of Hijrah. Indeed,
it seems quite absurd to think that the year of anyone else's hijrah than
that of the Prophet could have been adopted as the Year of Hijrah.
(ii) Even so, why was not the Prophet's migration placed in the
second year of Hijrah, if he did migrate in that year? All writers and
DATE OF HIJRAH 305
(2) While the first set of dates satisfies most of the reports, it fails
to explain the reports of 8 Rabi'I as the date of arrival in Quba'and Safar
having been the month of departure from Mecca. (In the first set,
the Meeting takes place on 1 Rabi'I.) We shall have to hold that the very
early and very reliable narrators like Yazid b. Abu Habib and al-Sha'bi
were mistaken. On the contrary, as shown earlier, the second set
not only explains the report of 12 Rabi'I as the date of arrival in Medina,
it also explains every other early report ;in fact, it can be said to be based
on all the early reports.
(4) While the latter set of dates is coherent with the tradition
regarding !jawm 'Ashiiri' (the Fast of 'Ashura'), the former set
would involve unnecessary assumptions. On the 10th of their month
called Tishri, the Jews observe what they call 'Yom Hakkippurim' (the Day
of Atonement), and fast on that day.8 The day of this fast of Kippur
or Hakkippurim, i.e. the 10th of Tishri, is called 'Asor in H e b r e ~ . Al-
~
Bayruni calls this the day of 'Ashor J+ and reports that some people say
that (the Arabic word) 'Ashiiri' is an Arabicised version of the Hebrew
word 'Ashor.' Hazrat Abfi Miisi al-Ash'ari is reported as having stated
that the Day of 'Ashura' was a day reverenced by the Jews who regarded
it as a holy day. Thus, Wensinck appears to be right in hofding that
'Ashura' 'is obviously the Hebrew '8s& with the Aramaic determinative
ending.'''
Now, we have a report from Hazrat Ibn 'Abbas that when
the Prophet came to Medina he found that the Jews were observing the
fast of 'Ashura' and commanded Muslims to fast on that day. Hazrat
Ibn 'Abbas reports :
The Prophet (may peace be upon him), on coming to (possibly,
on reaching: qadima) Medina, found the Jews fasting the fast of
'Ashura'. He asked, 'What is this?' They said, 'It is a holy
day, a day on which God had saved Israelites from their enemies
and Moses had fasted.' He (i.e. the Prophet) said,, 'I have
a greater right on Moses than you people'. Thereupon he himself
observed that fast and ordered others to fast.12
Already the wording of Hazrat Ibn 'Abbas's report gives the impression that
this fast of 'Ashura' must have come soon after the Prophet's arrival ip
Medina if not on the very day he came to Quba', especially ia view oft&
reports that the Fast of 'Ashura' ceased to be obligatory after the fast of
Ramadan became obligatory' and that Ramadan fastingbecame obligatory
in thc i s t or the 2nd year of Hijrah.' However, we have reports from at
least four Companions which make it clear that the day of 'Ashura' in
question must have coincided with the day of the Prophet's arrival in
Quba'. Hazrat Muhammad b. Sayfi says:
On the day of 'Ashura', the Prophet asked us, 'Has anyone of you
caten today'? We said, 'Some of us have eaten and some of
us have not'. He said, 'Complete the day (in fast), whoever has
eaten and whoever has not eaten, and inform the people of 'ariid
to complete the day (in fast).' [Muhammad b. Sayfi says, 'He
meant the people around Medina.'I1
These reports show that the decision to ask the Muslims to fast was taken
early in the morning on the day of the fast, some 10 hours after the
ammencement of the fast. (The Jewish day, like that of the Muslims,
begins with the sunset,20 and they fast for a whole day on the 10th ofTishri,
D.4TE OF HIJR A H :30!4
actually, from half an hour before one sunset to half an hour afier the
following ~unset.~')The report of Hazrat Rubayc also shows that this
fast of 'Ashura' was the fast of nearly a whole day, for, one can be said to
get up in a state of fast only if one had not eaten during the preceding night.
This can of course be explained as a sudden decision taken by the Prophet
about a year after his arrival in Medina. But, such an explanation does
not appeal to me. I am unwilling to believe that even if the Prophet used
not to know about the Jewish fast of 'Asor before his coming to M&-na
he would remain in ignorance about it during the daytime preceding the
evening when the fast was to commence, nor am I willing to believe that
having come to know about it he would wait till the next morning to anno-
unce his decision. There is a very simple explanation which makes everyth-
ing quite clear: the Prophet arrived in Quba' only after the fast in question
had commenced.
;I ,,
an 'Ashwa' of their own, that is, they used to fast on the 10th of the first
month of their year, that in 2 A.H. the Arabian and Jewish Ashuras fell
bn the same day, and that the Prophet ordered the Muslims to observe
thk fast of 'Ashura' not because it was a Jewish fast but because it was an
'Arabian fast.
DATE OF HIJRAH 31 1
Now, the question arises as to the occasion for each of the traditions.
In the traditions in which the Prophet enquires whether the Companions
had already had their breakfast, as argued above, seem to imply the occasion
of the Prophet's arrival in Quba', though taken separately from the other
traditions these do not necessitate such an assumption. Hazrat Abu
M u d s tradition discloses nothing about the occasion. Hazrat lbn 'Abbas's
traditions indicate the Prophet's arrival in Quba'. On the first view
we have to assume that the Jewish 'Asor must have been that of 10 Tishri
4384 Mundi corresponding to Saturday 10-9-623A.D. and 9 Rabi' al-
awwal 2 A.H. and that the other traditions either relate to the pagan
'Ashura' or to the 'Asor of 4384 Mundi. This means that 'qadima' in
Hazrat Ibn 'Abbas's traditions must be taken to mean 'came to' instead of
'reached', and that we must assume that the Prophet suddenly decided in
the mornning of the fast, if not on two occasions (of the pagan 'Ashura and
the Jewish 'Asor) at least on one occasion (that of pagan 'Ashura') that
the Muslims were also to observe the fast. We have further to assume that
the Prophet on reaching Hazrat Kulthum's house just happened to call for
fresh dates without its having been the case that he was fasting, or that he
was fasting but not the fast of 'Asor /'Ashura'. I would not say that it
is impossible. But, as can be seen, it appears to be quite implausible.
Oo the contrary, as shown above, on the second view all the reports
cohere with each other and with the view that these relate to the day of the
Prophet's arrival in Quba'.
(i) At the time of Hijrah, there were two main Arab tribes in
Yathrib, al-Aws and al-l[(hauaj. Banu 'Amr b. 'Awf were an important
clan of the tribe of al-Aws and Banu al-Naiar a very important clan of the
tribe of al-Khazraj. According to Razin (apud alaamhudi), al8harqi
(probably, Al-Walld b. Husayn, d. ca. 1551772) says that so many battles
had been fought between al-Aws and al-Khazraj, and these had been
of such durations, that the like of it had not been heard about other tribes.Z9
The last of these battles, or series of battles, Bu'iith, fought about five years
before the Hijrah, is said to have taken a very heavy toll of lives on both the
sides so much so that Hazrat Aisha could say that through this battle God
had paved the way for the acceptance of the Prophet by the Aws and the
DATE OF HIJRAH 313
Khazraj inasmuch as most of the chiefs and elders of the various clans of the
two tribes had been slain in the battle.30 At the time the Prophet came to
Yathrib, these two tribes appcar to have been in a state of cold war. On
his arrival in Yathrib, the Prophet stayed with Banu ' A m b. 'Awf in Quba'.
Jewish elders came to see the Prophet there, but, except for Hazrat As'ad
b. Zurijrah, no important Khazajite appears to have come to the Prophet
while he was in Quba'. Even As'ad b. Zurarah is said to have come on
Wednesday night (two days after the Prophet's amval in Quba') sometime
after the sunset and wearing a veil, and to have remained that night with
the Prophet apparently because it would have been unsafe for him to return
to Medina at night after it had become known to the Awsites who he
was.3' Thus, there is reason to believe that the dormant jeolousy
between the Awsites and Khazrajites made the Khazrajites remember
and celebrate the Prophet's arrival in the habitation of Banu SSllim of
al-Khazraj in Medina (viz., 12 Rabi'I, or the date corresponding to it in
the calendar then in vogue) in contradistinction to his arrival among the
Awsites in Quba' (i.c.,8 kabicI or the corresponding date in the Arabian
calendar).
(ii) After the Jews of Medina came to cross purposes with the
Muslims, the Muslims could hardly celebrate the Prophet's arrival on a
day regarded as sacred by the Jews. Hence, even in the lifetime of the
Prophet, the date of celebration must have been shifted from the date of
arrival in Quba' to the date of arrival in Medina. We thus see the reason
for the popularity of the date of 12 RabicI: in all probability from 3 A.H.
onwards, the Muslims celebrated the Prophet's arrival in Medina, the arrival
in Quba' having been celebrated only once in 2 A.H. Most later writers,
except some scholars like 'Urwah and Ibn al-Kalbi, took both the
popular reports of Monday and 12 Rabi'I and unfortunately combined
the two to give rise to an apparently insoluble problem.
Thus, we can confidently say that Ibn Ishaq, first or not first, is not
an authority for this day-date; in this case, the authority is that of an i@to.-
rant editor or a semi-literate copyist.
I have not been able to find out 'Abd al-Malik's date of birth or
death. However it is reported by Ibn Abii Hitim that his father, Abii
Hatim, says on the authority of his tzachers that 'Abd al-Malik b. Wahb
al-Madhhaji is the same person as Sulaymiin b. 'Amr b. 'Abd Allah b.
Wahb al-Nakha'i.32 Ibn Abu Hatim also says that 'Abd al-Malikenarrates
from al-Hurr b. al-Sa~ySh.~ In the reports on Hijrah carried by
Tbn Sa'd, 'Abd al-Malik is said to have reported from Hazrat Ahu Ma'bad
via al-Hurr b. al-Sayyah the mirzcle performed by the Prophct at the
encampment of Hazrat Umm Ma'bad.34 So, we may take this 'Abd
al-Malik to be the same person as Sulayman b. 'Amr al-Nakha'i. Now,
Imam al-Bukhari says that Abii Dii'iid Sulaymiin b. 'Amr al-Nakha'i
a l - K i i is said by Qutaybah and Ishaq to have been a notorious lia1-.3~
Jbn Abu Hatim further says that 'Abd Allah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal reports
from his father, Imam Ibn Hanbal ( 1 6 6 2 4 1 A.H.) that Sulayman b.
'Amr al-Nakha'i was a liar and that .Imam Ibn Hanbal'had asked
Sulayman as to where he had met Yazid b. Abu Habib.36 It therefore
seems that Sulayman was a contemporary of Imam Ibn Hanbal. The
Imam was born after Ibn Ishaq's death, who is said to have died in ca.
151 A.H. Thus, even if Sulayman was a senior contemporary of Imam Ibn
Hanbal, he isat most to be regardedas a junior contemporary of Ibn Ishaq.
1305 A.H.. p. 13.) Mahmud Pasha takes an actual conjunction, and allows visibi-
lity to the crescent moon only about 19 hours 30 minutes after the conjunction
took p h ~ .So, tvz mnv assum- that (a) the crescent was actually sighted in the
evening of Monday 13.9.622 A.D. so that the month commenced on Tuesday
14.9.622 A.D., or that (b) the Arabs had taken such an actual conjunction as
their point of departure that, on the basis of mean conjunctions, a conjunction
was calculated to occur before 6 A.M. on Saturday 11.9.622 A.D. so that the
month commenced on Sunday 12.9.622 A.D. If so, wemay make the 7th or 9th of
Rabi' al-awwal 1 A.H. a Monday. But, we cannot make the 5th and 12th of
Rabi' al-awwal 1 A.H. Mondays by any reasonable rule of computation.
It may here be mentioned that no hard and fast rule can be laid down
for the visibility of the new moon, for, the ability. to sight the new moon
depends not only on the positions of the sun and the moon relatively to each other
and relatively to the horizon of the place in question or the moon's distance from
the earth, but also on the height of the observer above the sea level, his visual
acuity, and the clarity and contrast in the atmosphere at the time of sunset at the
place of obsarvation. In principle, that is, given even the most favourable local
circumstances, the new moon is not visible if the moon's angular distance from the
horizon is less than 50 and from the sun less then 7O. Thereafter, the moon is
visible in principle. However, whether on a given day the new moon would be
visible at a czrtain place would depend on the circumstances mentioned above.
Thus, all that can be said is that the new moon should not be regarded as visible
unless about 20 hours have elapsed since the time of conjunction and that it should
be regarded as visible if the moon is 30 hours (or more) old at the time of sunset.
(See, e.g.. Science Research Council's Astronomical Information Sheet No. 6
prepared by Her Majesty's Natutical Almanac Office, Royal Greenwich Observa-
tory, England; Muammer Dizer, A Calculation Method for the Visibility Curve
of the New Moon. Kandilli Observatory, Istanbul, Turkey.) In the present case,
if the conjunction occurred at about 10.30. P.M. on 11-9-622 A.D., then the new
moon could have been visible at about 6.30 P.M. on 12.9.622 A.D. but might not
have been visible due to local circumstances. For purposes of computation, if
we were at liberty to make a choice here, our preference would have been for
taking the crescent as visible in the evening of 12.9.622 A.D. since the new
moon is then to be regarded as visible in principle. (The rule adopted by chron-
ologists, although it does not allow us a choice, here yields the same result.)
5. 17.9.2A.H.isa Tuesday; 11.10.3. A.H. i s a Wednesday; 15.10.3.A.H. i s a
Sunday ; 20.9.8. A.H. is a Thursday. See, e.g, Wustenteld, p. 1.
6. For details, see Ishgq al-Nabi 'Alawi, "Wgqe'st -e-Sirat-e-Nabawi men Tawqiti
Tadad awr uskg Ball" (Chronological Contradiction regarding Events in the
Life of the Prophet and its Solution), Burhin (Delhi), vol. LII (Jan-June 1964).
esp. pp. 264-296.
7. See, Perceval, "Notes on the Arab Calendar Before Islam" (tr. L. Nobiron).
Islamic C~rlture,XXI (1947). p. 141.
8. See, D.S. Margoliouth, Mohammed and the Rise of Islam, London and New York,
3rd. ed., 1923, pp. xix-xx. Margoliouth says: It has been pointed out by Winckler
(Altorientalische Forschungen, ii. 324-350) that the Calendar of Medina may
well have been different from that of Mecca, the same month names having quite
different values at the two cities.
9. Ishaq al-Nabi 'Alawi, Burhon vol. LII (Jan-June 1964), pp. 295-296, and
vol. LIII (July-December 1964), pp. 25-28.
10. Reconstrrrctionoflslamic Chronology, Patna (India), 1977, pp. 23-24, and 44-47.
11. Ibid., pp. 48-49.
12. Ibn Ishaq (Siroh, p. 325), in the report which seems to have wme from Hazrat
Ibn 'Abbas.
13. Sirah, pp. 323-326; Tobagat, Vol. I, pp. 227-228.
14. According to one report by Ibn Sa'd (Tabrrqat, vol. VIII, p.52), it was Ruqayqah,
daughter of Sayfi b. Hiishim, an aunt of the Prophet, who told the Prophet
that the Quraysh had decided to make a stealthy, nocturnal, attack on him.
15. According to most writers, including one report in Ibn Sa'd. See, e.g., Sir&,
p. 325, and Tabaqat, vol. I, p. 227.
16. Ibn Ishaq (Sirah, p. 325) says, 'fa-lamu b n a t 'atamah al-lay1ijtama'o 'ala
(Now, during the first third of the night-r, in the darkness of the night-they
-mbled at his door), wbkh Guilleaume renders as 'Before much of the night
had passed they assembled at his door.' (A. Guilleaume, Life of M&rn@,
reprint, Karachi, 1968, p. 222.) It is clear from the following statement in the
Sirah (waiting for him to go to sleep) that the attackers were being repond
to have come to the Prophet's house before one wodd expect a person to go to
Even so, it is difficult to say whether there would be light enough for t h
purpose. If, however, Ibn Ishaq or his source is supposed to have meant to say,
'They assembled at his door in the darkness of night' -which is indicated by t h
nature of the enterprise - then it wodd imply that there could not have been
s a c i e n t light to make out if a person Were lying in his bed in a probably dark
room.
17. sid,p. 325: Before much of the night had passed they assembled at his door
waiting for him to go to sleep so that they might fall upon him. (Guilleaume's
translation). Fa-yathibiina 'alayh (to pounce upon him).
18. We have no reason to believe that Ibn Ishaq, Abu Ma'shar Najih, or Ibn a]-
Barqi, who are reported to have said that the Prophet reached ,Medina on 2 Rabi'I
may have mzant to give this date as the date of departure. Mouhi Ishaq a]-
Nabi adopts this date, but, he does so because %e accepts the date of Monday 12
Rabi'I for arrival in Yathrib -just as we have done on the first construction.
19. 'Uyun, vol. I, p. 192.
20. E.g.Mmnad, Hadith no. 2506 (Vol. IV,p. 172), Al- Wafa. p. 249, and, al-Dhahabi,
Ta'rikh al-Zs&rn, Cairo, 1367 A.H., p. 23.
21. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqat, vol. I, p. 233.
22. Ibid., vol. 11, p. 6. See also al-Qastalani, Mawahib, vol. I, p. 67.
23. Ibn Sa'd begins his section on Hijrah by saying that al-Waqidi reports (ultimately)
from Hazrat Akha, Hazrat Ibn ' Abbas, Hazrat 'A'ishah bint Qudamah, Haz-
rat Ali, and Hazrat Suriiqah b. Ju'shum, and gives the earlier part of the event.
Then he quotes from Muslim b. Ibriihim; then reverts to the former authorities.
DATE OF HIJRAH 321
Then he quotes from al- &with the story of Umm Mdbad; then from 'Abd el-
Malik (al-Madhhaji) and 'Uthman b. 'Umar. He then says, 'Thumma raja'e al-
badith il8 al-awwal. QUa.. .' It seems that here the editor should have read
'Qalil' and not 'Qala', for, it is very unclear whether the narrative goes back to
'Abd al-Malik or the first authorities via al-Waqidi. It is possible that Ibn Sa'd
had al-Waqidi in his mind while he wrote this and so instead of writing Qgla
he only wrote Qala, whereas al-Waqidi himself had, or would have. written Q a h
here. Hence, on the whole, it seems that the statement in question,' and this
was on Monday [12] RabiSI,and it is also said, on [2] Rabi'I', was given by I h
Sa'd on the authority of al-Waqidi and ultimately from HaPat Aisha and/or
Hazrat Ibn 'Abbas and/or Hazrat 'A'ishah bint Qudamah and/or Hazrat Ali andl
or Hazrat Suraqah and not on the authority of 'Abd al-Malik, but, the latter
possibility cannot be ruled out.
24. Ibn Sdd. Tabaqat, vol. I, p. 232.
23. Maghazi, p. 2.
26. Those of Ibn Hajar (Fath al-Bari. p. 98) and al-Qastalani (Mawahib, p. 67).
21. Ma'rOl b. Jabir apud al-Dhahabi; Ibn Jshq (Sirah, p. 102); Abu Ma'shar Nqjih
rpud al-Dhahabi (Tar'ikh al-Islam, p. 23); Ibn al-JazzBr (d. 369/980), according
to Mughalta'i (Isharah, folio 3-A), reports a consensus on this date ;al-Bayrunt
(Athar, p. 331); al-Maqrizi (Imta'. p. 3); al-Qastalani says that the Meccans of his
(i.e. al-Qastalani's) time had accepted this date in visiting the Prophet's birth
place on the day of his birth (Mawahib, p. 25). that is, the Maceans of al-Qasta-
lani's time used to celeberate the Prophet's birth-day on 12 Rabi'l by vrsiting the
house in which be had been born.
28. Muhammad b. Ja'far from Hisham from 'Ikrimah from Ibn 'Abbas (Musm4
Hadith no 2242); Ibn Ishaq (Sird, p. 415); Ibn Sa'd (Tabaqat, vol. I, p. 224)
from Sa'id b. al-Musayyib; Al-Mas'ndi (Kitab al-Tanblh wa al-Ashrii/l Cairo,
1357/1938. p. 200).
29. E.g. Hazrat Aba Qatadah apud Imam Muslim (Muslim , pp. 819-820); Hamat
al-Bara' b. 'Azib apud Ibn al-Jawzi (ACWafa, vol. I, p. 91); Hazrat Ibn ' A b b
apud Imam Ibn Hanbal (Musnad, Hadith 2506). Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. 'AU
apud Ibn Sa'd (Tabaqat. vol. I, p. 100); Abu Ma'shar Najih apud Ibn Sa'd (To-
baqaf, vol. I, p. 101) ; Ibn Ishaq (Sirah p. 102); Ibn IJabib ClpitrSb aCMu4u-
bbm, Hyderabad. Deccan, 136111942. p. 8); lbn Sa'd (Tabaqat, vol. I, p. 101);
al-Bayhaqi (Daki'il a/-nubuwwah, Egypt. 138911970, vol. I. p. 8); al-Maqrizi
(Imta', p. 3); and. Mughalta'i (IJlurah. folio 3-A).
30. Muslim, pp. 819-820(,Egypt, 1374/1955, vol. 11, KiUbal-$iytim, Hadith no. 197).
Cf. al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il, vol. I, pp. 6-7.
31. ForR a/-Bari, p. 118.
32. WS/o al- Wafa, p. 247.
SECTION IV
1. Muhammad Hamidullah. '"Ahd-e-Nabawi k% WBqe'U ki liyb Taqwimi P&
dgiyh", Oriental College Magaxiue (Lahore). XL, nos. 3 and 4 (May-Augusl
1964). pp. 77-86; see, pp. 84-85.
2. Sirah, p. 314; Bidayah, p. 169.
3. Sirah, p. 319.
4. Muhammad Hamidullah, "The Nasi", Jorwnal of the Pakistan Historical Soclety,
XVI (1968), p. 10, and, "The Concordance," JPHS, XVI (1968), p. 216.
5. Mustadrak, vol. 111, pp. 13-14.
6. Athar, p. 30.
7. According to Belisarius's reported statement, the Arabs used to have 2 sacred
months near the summer solstice. These two months must have been Dhu al-
Qa'dah and Dhu al-Hijjh. Now, if these two months used to commence right
with the day of the solstice, the month of Dhu al-Hijjah would span the period
from 22 July to 19 August ; if the period commenced even a few days later, then
the whole of Dhu al-Hijjah would go over to August; and if the period commenced
about a fortnight after the solstice then Dhu al-Hijjah would come in August-
September period. Secondly. there is conclusive evidence that the Arabian years
used to commence sometime in the season of autumn, in all probability very clo-
se to the autumnal equinox; hence, Dhu al-Hijjah must have coincided with the
August-September period.
8. See, e.g. F.H. Woods, "Festivals and Fasts (Hebrew)", Encyclopaedia of Religion
and Ethics, reprint, vol. V , 1960,p. 867 ; Burnaby, Elements of the Jewish and
Muhammadan Calendars, London, 1901,p. 186.Cf. al-Bayruni, Athar, pp. 277 and
330. (Al-Bayruni writes Kibkr, i.e. Kippur).
9. See, e.g. A.J. Wensinck, " 'Ashura' ", Encyclopaedia of Islam. New ed., Leiden,
1960, vol. I, p. 705; Cf. al-Bayruni, Athar, p. 330.
10. Athar, p. 330.
11. A.J. Wensinck, op. cit., p. 705. Wensinck points out that in the Old Testament
(Lev. XVI, 29). this word ('Asor) has been used for the Great Day of Atonement.
12. Bukhari, vol. I, p. 498. Cf. Musnad, Ahadith nos. 2644 and 2832; Mrrslim,
Ahadith nos. 2518-2521 ;Ibn Maja (b. 2071822-3;d.2751888-9), Sunan. Egypt.
137211952 (hereinafter Ibn Moja). Hadith no, 1734 (vol. Is p. 552); Al-Dgrimi
(d. 2551868-9), Sunan. Damascus, 1349 A.H., vol. I1 (hereinaftzr Darimi), p. 22.
13. Muslim. Hadith no 2522; cf. Hadith no. 2523.
14. Bukhari, vol. I, pp. 482-483 and 497-498; Muslim, Ahadith nos. 2499-2504;
Darimi. p. 23.
15. E.g. Al-Waqidi apud al-Zurqani(Sharh aCMawahib, vol. I, p. 407); Abu Hatim
apud al-Samhudi (Wafa al- Wafa, p. 276); Ibn 'Abd al-Barr (AI-Durarf i Ikhti~rir
al-Mag&zi wa al-Siyar, Cairo. l386/1966, p. 105).
16. Ibn Maja, Hadith no. 1735.
17. Buklrari. vol. I, p. 498. Cf. Muslim, Hadith no. 2530, and, Darimi, p. 22.
18. Muslim, Hadith no. 2533.
19. Musnad, Hadith no. 2058 (from Waki' from Isrg'il or someone else from Jabit
from 'Ikrimah from Ibn 'Abbas).
20. Burnaby, op. cit., p. 23.
21. Ibid, p. 186.
22. Wafa al-Wafa, p. 245.
DATE OF HIJRAH 323
23. Apud Ibn al-Jawzi, AI- Wafa, p. 517. AlSamhudi says that in his AI-Ghiliiniyiit.
(Ahmad b. 'Amr) al-Baz z l r (d. 2921905) carries a tradition that the Prophet
used to like to break his fast with fresh dates in the season for fresh dates and
with dried dates when there used not to be fresh dates ;see, Wafa al- Wafa,p. 72.
(Al-Samhudi does not say from whom al-Bazzar had carried this tradition.)
24. Bukhari, Vol. I, pp. 497-498; Muslim, Ahadith nos. 2499-2512; Darimi, pp. 22
and 23
25. Muslim, Hadith no. 2506; Darimi, pp. 22-23. Zbn Maja. Hadith no. 1737.
26. Al-Azraqi, AkhbrIr Makkah, Mecca, 1352 A.H., vol. I, p. 167.
27. Burhan. LIII (July - December 1964), p. 9.
28. Athar, p. 330.
29. Wafa al-Wafa, p. 215.
30. Bukhari, vol. 111, p. 48.
31. Wafa al- Wafa. p. 249.
32. Ibn Abij L;Iatim al-Razi (d. 3271938-9). Kitib al-Jirh waaGTa'dil, Hyderabad
(Deccan), 137211952, vol. 11, Part I, p. 132.
33. Ibn Abu Hatim, op. cit., vol. 11, Part 11, p. 373.
34. Tabaqat, vol. I,p. 230.
35. Muhammad b. Isma6.ilal-Bukhari, Kitib al-Ta'rlkh al-Kablr, Hyderabad (Deccan),
vol. 11, Part 11, 1st. ed., 1364 A.H., p. 29.
36. Kitib al-Jirh wa al-Ta'dil, vol. 11, Part I ,p. 132.
37. Apud Ibn Hajar (Fathal-Bari, p. 98) and al-Samhudi (Wafa al- Wafa, p. 246).
38. Maghazi. pp. 2-8.