ORIENT Volume 49, 2014

The Reception of the Marduk Prophecy in

Seventh-Century B.C. Nineveh

Takuma SUGIE

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

(NIPPON ORIENTO GAKKAI)
 The Reception of the Marduk Prophecy in
Seventh-Century B.C. Nineveh

Takuma SUGIE*

The Marduk Prophecy is a literary composition in the guise of prophetic speech by

Marduk. It is supposed to be written to praise Nebuchadnezzar I’s triumph over Elam
during his reign. However, all the three surviving exemplars of this text are from the
seventh-century B.C. Assyria: two from Nineveh and another from Assur. This article
discusses how the Marduk Prophecy was read and re-interpreted in Nineveh at that time.
Between the Marduk Prophecy and the royal literature during the reign of Ashurbanipal,
the following common themes can be recognized: (1) reconstruction of the Babylonian
temples, above all Esagil; (2) conquest of Elam; and (3) fulfillment of divine prophecies.
On the basis of these, the author proposes that in the seventh-century Nineveh the
Marduk Prophecy was regarded as an authentic prophecy predicting the achievements of
Ashurbanipal, and that this is the main reason why this text was read at his court.
Keywords: Marduk Prophecy, Nebuchadnezzar I, Ashurbanipal, Esarhaddon, vaticinia ex
eventu

I. Introduction
The Marduk Prophecy is a Babylonian literary composition.1 Although it is designated as
a “prophecy,” it does not show any indication of being the product of prophetic or oracular
activities. The title “Marduk Prophecy,” therefore, seems misleading. However, this conventional
nomenclature is retained here for want of better one.2
The text recounts Marduk’s visits to the lands of Hatti, Assur, and Elam in the guise of first-
person speech by this patron deity of Babylon. Then the text predicts that a new king of Babylon
will repatriate Marduk and vanquish Elam. Although the text makes no reference by name to
historical figures, Marduk’s travels can be correlated with real events in which the statue of
Marduk was taken from Babylon to a foreign country: the sojourn in Hatti can be correlated with
the raid of Mursili I in 1595 B.C., the visit to Assur with the conquest of Tukulti-Ninurta I in the
late thirteenth century, and the travel to Elam with the Elamite invasion under Kutir-Nahunte III
in the mid-twelfth century. By extension, the king coming to return Marduk to Babylon can be
safely identified with Nebuchadnezzar I, who marched into Elam and retrieved the statute of this
* Lecturer, University of Tsukuba.
1 The standard edition of the text was published in Borger 1971, and a new critical edition can be found in Sugie 2012,
24-54. For an English translation of the text, see Foster 2005, 388-391. Citations of the text follow Borger’s column
and line numbering.
All dates in this paper follow Brinkman 1977.
2 Some scholars propose avoiding the designation “prophecy” for the Marduk Prophecy as well as the other four
texts of the same kind: the Šulgi Prophecy, Text A, the Uruk Prophecy, and the Dynastic Prophecy. For example, M.
deJ. Ellis (1989, 146-148) introduces a general term “literary predictive text” for these compositions, but she still
designates each of them with the term “prophecy.”

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god. For these reasons, the Marduk Prophecy is supposed to be written to glorify Nebuchadnezzar
during his reign (1125–1104 B.C.). Some scholars go a step further and suspect that the text was
composed in the wake of Nebuchadnezzar’s triumph over Elam. In their opinion, the predictions
in the conclusion of the text are vaticinia ex eventu (literally “predictions after the event”).3
As far as is known to date, the Marduk Prophecy has survived in three manuscripts. Two
copies are from Nineveh, and the other is from Assur.4 All of them are written in Neo-Assyrian,
more precisely, the seventh-century Assyrian script. That means all the surviving copies of the
text were written in Assyria in the seventh century. This fact raises an intriguing question: Why
was the text, which aimed to praise Nebuchadnezzar I, copied several hundred years after his
death?
I previously tackled this question concentrating on the Assur exemplar. 5 This exemplar
belonged to a private library of an exorcist family. The members of the family served the Aššur
temple.6 Their library included no other text dealing with Nebuchadnezzar’s war against Elam,
but it did contain some cultic commentaries7 and a temple list8 which proclaim the superiority of
Aššur over Marduk. This suggests that the owner(s) of the Assur exemplar showed much interest
in theological reflection on the relationship between Aššur and Marduk, not in the triumph of
Nebuchadnezzar. Obviously, such a question regarding the relationship between the Assyrian
and Babylonian chief deities was induced by the destruction of Babylon and the abduction of the
Marduk statue under Sennacherib (689 B.C.).9
In this paper, I will concern myself with the Nineveh exemplars. It is highly possible that the
royals and courtiers in Nineveh were interested in the Marduk Prophecy in ways quite differently
than the clergy in Assur were.10
3 See Grayson 1975, 16. For a contrary view, consult J. J. M. Roberts (1977) and T. Longman (1991, 138-142). They
argue that the Marduk Prophecy was composed before Nebuchadnezzar’s Elamite campaign.
4 Borger 1971, 3. A list of the manuscripts (henceforth MSS) is as follows:
Siglum Museum Number Provenance Previous Publication
A K 2158 + 3353 + 8708 + Nineveh Borger 1971, 5-13
13678 + Rm 297 (+)
K 7065 + 12697 +
89-4-26,62 +
Ki 1904-10-9,242 (+)
K 13434
B Sm 1388 Nineveh Borger 1971, 6, 12
C VAT 20776 Assur Grayson and Lambert 1964, 27-28
With regard to MSS A and B, the Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative (http://cdli.ucla.edu/) offers photographs of all
the fragments.
5 Sugie 2010.
6 For details on the family and their library, see Pedersén 1986, 41-76; Maul 2010.
7 Livingstone 1989, 82-86 no. 34, 99-102 no. 39.
8 In regard to the temple list known as the “Götteradressbuch,” see George 1992, 167-184.
9 For an overview of the abduction of Marduk by Sennacherib and its aftermath, see Frame 1992, 52-59.
10 The Marduk Prophecy is followed by another predictive text, the Šulgi Prophecy. This is indicated by the fact that
the former, at least MS A, ends with the catchline of the latter. For the standard edition of the Šulgi Prophecy, see
Borger 1971. An English translation is provided by Foster 2005, 357-359, and a new edition can be found in Sugie
2012, 75-92. When we discuss the reception of the Marduk Prophecy, mention should also be made of the Šulgi
Prophecy. Nevertheless, due to the badly damaged condition of the surviving exemplars which makes the plot of
the text obscure, we have to be satisfied with mentioning the following point: references to the Hittites, Assyria and
Elam can be discerned in the Šulgi Prophecy. Especially among them, the reference to Assyria in this text seems to
be an allusion to Tukulti-Ninurta’s conquest of Babylon just the same as in the Marduk Prophecy. This suggests the
possibility that the two texts were read in connection with the reality of the Assyrian domination over Babylonia.

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II. The Date of the Nineveh Exemplars

In order to discuss the reception of the Marduk Prophecy in Nineveh, it is necessary to examine
the date of the two manuscripts from this city.
A colophon survives on the best preserved manuscript (MS A). It states that the tablet
was copied from an original in Babylon and it is Ashurbanipal’s property.11 The two-line label
claiming Ashurbanipal’s ownership (iv 18'-19') was engraved in a large and different script,
probably after the clay had dried hard.12 Given this fact, the possibility cannot be excluded that
the tablet made its way into Ashurbanipal’s possession secondhand. This makes it impossible to
determine the date of the tablet for certain, but the ownership label offers at least a terminus ante
quem; the tablet cannot have been written after the death of Ashurbanipal in 627 B.C. The script
on the tablet supports this date by and large. It is not so distinct from the lion’s share of the other
Assyrian tablets in Ashurbanipal’s libraries on the whole. Therefore, it can be concluded that MS
A was written in the seventh century, but not late.
As for MS B, there is no clue about its date except for the script itself, since it has survived
only as a small fragment without colophon. However, the script on this fragment is also seventh-
century Assyrian. This implies that its formation was roughly around the same period as MS A.
Indeed, perhaps MS B is a duplicate made for Ashurbanipal’s collection.

III. Were Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal Interested in the Marduk Prophecy?

Recently, Matthijs J. de Jong inferred that two Assyrian great monarchs in the seventh century,
Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal, had a particular interest in the Marduk Prophecy. 13 He draws
parallels between the Marduk Prophecy and the inscriptions of Esarhaddon. To take the most
striking similarity, the Marduk Prophecy iii 25'-30' foretells that an ideal king “will make the
great king of Dēr (šarra rabâ ša urudēr) stand up from a place not his dwelling … and bring
him into Dēr and eternal Ekurdimgalkalama (ana urudēr u é-kur-UD(dimx?)-gal-kalam-ma ša
dā[r]âti ušerrebšu).”14 This closely resembles a phrase recurring in Esarhaddon’s inscriptions,
which represents this king as the one who “brought the god Great-Anu (i.e., Ištarān) into his city
Dēr and his temple Edimgalkalama and had (him) sit upon eternal dais (danum rabû ana ālišu
dērki u bītišu é-dim-gal-kalam-ma ušēribuma ušēšibu parakka dārâti).”15 In addition to this, de
Jong lists the motifs shared by the Marduk Prophecy and Esarhaddon’s inscriptions: (1) ascension
of the Babylonian gods to heaven;16 (2) fulfillment of the days of absence;17 (3) renovation of
the Esagil temple in Babylon;18 (4) Babylon’s tax exemption;19 (5) gathering of the dispersed
Babylonian people;20 and so on. Furthermore, de Jong points out a community of themes shared
11 Borger 1971, 13 Marduk Prophecy iv 17'-19': (17') kī pī gišlē’i gabarī bābiliki šaṭirma bari (18') ekal maššur-bāni-apli (19')
šar kiššati šar māt aššurki “Written and checked according to a writing board in Babylon as an original. Palace of
Ashurbanipal, king of the world, king of Assyria.”
12 See Reade 1986, 219-220 and fig. 3.
13 De Jong 2007, 420-424.
14 Borger 1971, 12.
15 E.g. Leichty 2011, 272 Esarhaddon 133 ll. 20-21.
16 Borger 1971, 7 Marduk Prophecy i 25'; Leichty 2011, 196 Esarhaddon 104 i 43-46.
17 Borger 1971, 8 Marduk Prophecy ii 12; Leichty 2011, 245 Esarhaddon 116 obv. 18'-19'.
18 Borger 1971, 8-9 Marduk Prophecy ii 19-24; Leichty 2011, 214 Esarhaddon 106 iii 38-53.
19 Borger 1971, 9 Marduk Prophecy ii 24-25; Leichty 2011, 208 Esarhaddon 105 vii 36-38.
20 Borger 1971, 10 Marduk Prophecy Assur iv 5; Leichty 2011, 208 Esarhaddon 105 vii 18-22.

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between the Marduk Prophecy and Ashurbanipal’s inscriptions too; Ashurbanipal continued and
completed his father’s project to send back Marduk’s statue and restore Esagil. Ashurbanipal
also conducted several military campaigns against Elam. In the light of these parallels, de Jong
supposes that Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal were profoundly interested in the Marduk Prophecy,
and he proposes the possibility that the Marduk Prophecy was elaborated during the reign of one
of these kings.
To be candid, de Jong’s argument for links between the Marduk Prophecy and the
inscriptions of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal is not very conclusive, since the passages which
he cites as parallels do not bear so sufficiently literal resemblance to each other. Motifs such
as divine abandonment and return and tax exemption for privileged cities are ubiquitous in
Mesopotamian royal literature. They are not peculiar to the inscriptions of Esarhaddon or
Ashurbanipal. What is more, we have no exemplar of the Marduk Prophecy earlier than the
seventh century, so it is impossible to prove whether or not this text, as we have it, is a result of
redaction in this period.
My comments on de Jong’s argument may at first seem overly critical. However, I agree
with his basic point, and in what follows I adduce three pieces of corroborative evidence for
his thesis: First, some of the temples which are said to be renewed in the Marduk Prophecy
were actually rebuilt during the reign of Esarhaddon or Ashurbanipal. The Marduk Prophecy,
as far as it is preserved, refers to the four Babylonian temples: Esagil (ii 20–24), Egišnugal
(Assur iii 9'ff.), Egalmah (Assur iv 6–9), and Edimgalkalama (iii 25'–30').21 If a restoration of
É.KUR é-a[n-na] “the temple Ean[na]” is acceptable in ii 13', 16',22 Eanna can also be added
here. Among them, three temples are known to be restored by Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal:
Esagil,23 Edimgalkalma24 and Eanna.25 In addition, a governor of Ur at the time of Ashurbanipal,
Sîn-balāssu-iqbi discovered an old Sumerian inscription while searching for the ground plan of
Egišnugal.26 This indicates that this governor launched a reconstruction program of the temple.
With regard to Egalmah, the temple of Gula in Isin, we have no information about the building
activities of Esarhaddon or Ashurbanipal, but there is evidence that both of these kings rebuilt
other temples of the very same goddess Gula in other cities.27 Did Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal
rebuild the temples mentioned above with the intention of fulfilling the predictions in the
Marduk Prophecy? Or did someone during the time of these kings make additions to the text in
accordance with the pious deeds of contemporary ruler(s)? In the absence of proof, this question
must remain open. In any case, it seems an unlikely coincidence that the predictions about the
rebuilding of the temples in the Marduk Prophecy, at least some parts of them, and the building
activities of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal correspond with each other.

21 In the Marduk Prophecy, the names of Esagil and Edimgalkalama are written as é-kur-sag-gil/íl and é-kur-UD-gal-
kalam-ma, respectively. The reasons for these peculiar orthographies are unclear.
22 See Borger 1971, 19.
23 Leichty 2011, 204-207 Esarhaddon 105 ii 41-vi 27; Borger 1996, 138-140 T i 21-54.
24 Parpola 1993, 285 no. 349 rev. 11-29; Frahm 2009.
25 Leichty 2011, 272 Esarhaddon 133 ll. 30-33; Frame 1995, 226 B.6.32.19 ll. 22-24.
26 Frame 1995, 246-247 B.6.32.2016. For the date of Sîn-balāssu-iqbi’s governorship, see Frame 1992, 99, 125, 278.
27 See Leichty 2011, 259 Esarhaddon 127 ll. 18'-20', where it is stated that Esarhaddon restored “the [temple of the
goddess] Gula in Borsippa,” and Borger 1996, 194-195 J Stück 2 ll. 13-14, which mentions the reconstruction of
“Esabad (é-sa-bad), the temple of the goddess [Gula in] Babylon” by Ashurbanipal.

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 The Reception of the Marduk Prophecy in Seventh-Century B.C. Nineveh

Moving on to the second point, I note that texts commemorating Nebuchadnezzar I’s Elamite
campaign circulated in Nineveh.28 For example, several copies of a bilingual (Sumerian-Akkadian)
historical-literary text are from Nineveh.29 The text describes the desolation of Babylonia by
the Elamites and the return of Marduk from Elam in the time of Nebuchadnezzar. Some of the
copies preserve colophons which state that they were copied for Ashurbanipal. At the same time,
some literary works celebrating Ashurbanipal’s triumphs over Elam were composed during
his reign.30 Furthermore, two tablets from Nineveh, written in Babylonian script, include liver
omens concerning Ashurbanipal’s war against Tammaritu II, king of Elam.31 These historical
omens about Ashurbanipal’s victory over Elam recall a celestial omen series titled “When
Nebuchadnezzar smashed the land of Elam (kī mdnabû-kudur-uṣur māt elamti[ki] iḫpûni).”32
From these facts, it can be inferred that there was an intellectual attempt to liken Ashurbanipal to
Nebuchadnezzar as a great monarch who conquered Elam.33
The third piece of supporting evidence can be deduced from the motif of “old prophecy” in
Ashurbanipal’s inscriptions. This motif was recognized by Hayim Tadmor, who pointed out that
Ashurbanipal’s inscriptions justify his kingship and deeds—such as the rebuilding of the Ehulhul
temple in Harran and the return of the statue of the goddess Nanaya to Uruk from Susa—
through “old prophecies” uttered by divinities “from days of yore (ultu ūmē ruqūti).”34 According
to Tadmor, “Nowhere else in Assyrian royal inscriptions do we find a similar vaticinium ex
eventu.”35 This indicates that Ashurbanipal had a unique inclination to represent himself as an
executor of divine plans which had been ordained in the distant past. The Marduk Prophecy,
given its theme, such as the return of the Marduk statue and the defeat of Elam, as well as its
style of divine prophetic speech, seems to have served in such aspirations for this antiquarian
king.

IV. Conclusion
From the observations above, it would seem that the Marduk Prophecy interested Ashurbanipal,
who modeled himself on Nebuchadnezzar as a conqueror of Elam and regarded himself as an
executor of old divine ordinances. To Ashurbanipal and his contemporaries, the Marduk Prophecy

28 Frame 1995, 17-21 B.2.4.5-6, 23-31 B.2.4.8-9; Oshima 2011.

29 Frame 1995, 23-31 B.2.4.8-9.
30 Livingstone 1989, 48-52 nos. 20-22.
31 Bauer 1933, 85-87; Starr 1985.
32 The series itself is no longer extant, but its existence is testified in a Neo-Assyrian astrological report (Hunger 1992,
93 no. 158 rev. 5). The sender of the report is Nabû-mušeṣi, some of whose letters are dated at the 660s B.C.
33 As another reason for comparing Ashurbanipal to Nebuchadnezzar, it can be pointed out that Nebuchadnezzar
represented himself as a descendant of Enmeduranki, an antediluvian king of Sippar (Frame 1995, 25 B.2.4.8 l. 9-10).
A text found at Nineveh states that the gods Šamaš and Adad divulged the lore of oil and liver divination to this king
(Lambert 1998, 148-149 ll. 1-18). Given that Ashurbanipal prides himself on receiving “the art of diviner (bārûtu)”
from Šamaš and Adad and inspecting “cuneiform sign(s) on the stones from before the flood” in his inscription
(Streck 1916, 254-256 L4 i 9, 18; for a new English translation, see Zamazalová 2011, 315), it seems reasonable to
suppose that Ashurbanipal tried to trace his genealogy back to the antediluvian sage king by identifying himself with
Nebuchadnezzar.
34 Tadmor 1983, 49-51. Cf. Borger 1996, 57-58 A vi 107-124, 141-143 T ii 29-48. On the “old prophecy” motif, see also
Nissinen 1998, 40-41, where it is suggested that the writer of Ashurbanipal’s inscriptions had something similar to the
same genre as the Marduk Prophecy in mind.
35 Tadmor 1983, 50.

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would have looked like a composition which predicts the achievements of this monarch. As for
Esarhaddon, we cannot rule out the possibility that the text also served in his self-promotion as
the great restorer of Babylonia, as is suggested by the resemblance between the passages from
the Marduk Prophecy and in his above noted inscriptions.
Nonethless, it must be admitted that the predictions in the Marduk Prophecy are partially
at variance with reality as we know it in the seventh century. On the one hand, the Marduk
Prophecy predicts that Marduk will come back from Elam and that a Babylonian king will
vanquish Elam; on the other hand, in reality, the stolen statue of Marduk was sent back from
Assur, not from Elam, and the Assyrian, not Babylonian, king, Ashurbanipal, conquered Elam.
It is unlikely that the readers of that period could easily overlook such incongruities between the
text and reality.
However, on further reflection, these very discrepancies suggest that the Marduk Prophecy
was held in reverence as a genuine prophecy in the seventh century. As a divine revelation whose
credibility must be proven, this text was in need of revisions which would harmonize its contents
with the historical situation of its readers; at the same time, the numinous quality attributed to the
text probably had no small effect in restricting or minimizing emendation, with the ironic result
that the discrepancies between the predictions and reality could not be completely removed.
To sum up, if my view is correct, the Marduk Prophecy was given two interpretations by
the Ninevite royal scribes, and probably also by pro-Assyrian factions among the Babylonian
literati in the seventh century. First, the text was perceived to contain predictions which had
been fulfilled by Nebuchadnezzar I in the past, as the author originally intended. Second, the
description of an ideal king in this text was associated with Ashurbanipal and, to a lesser degree,
Esarhaddon. This means that the Marduk Prophecy still held prestige as an authentic predictive
text even more than 400 years after its composition; the readers of that period did not regard it
merely as vaticinium ex eventu, but as a divine message foretelling their contemporary realities
as well. I conclude that this is the main reason why the Marduk Prophecy was copied and read in
Nineveh during the seventh century B.C.

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