chapter11

Catequil
The Archaeology Ethnohistory, and
Ethnography of a Major Provincial Huaca

JouN R. TopIc, Turnns,q.LA.NcnToprc, AND

Arpnnoo Mnrry Crvn

INTRODUCTION

Despitethe fact that Andean life was intimately shapedby the worship of huacas,
therehavebeenfew holistic casestudiesof a particular,important,huaca.Often,
archaeologistsare forced to use historic information about religious practicesat
the time of the Spanishconquestto interpret cult objects dating centuriesearlier.
In thesecases,thereis a risk of imposing a structureof meaningon the pastthat
properly reflects the particular socio-political context dominatedby Incaic prac-
tice and the clash with SpanishCatholicism.
Pachacamac,on the central coastof Peru,is one well known huacafor which
there is both archaeologicaland historic information. It is clear from both the
historic information and from the size and nature of the archaeologicalsite that
Pachacamachad been a very important and influential huacafor centuriesbefore
the Spanish conquest.Pachacamacis mentioned in a number of different con-
texts,including the origins of domesticatedplants and the fishesof the sea.It is
most famous as an oracle and, moreover,an oracle that was adoptedand accepted
by the Inca elite. Partly under the sponsorshipof the Incas,Pachacamacwas able
to establisha number of branch oracles(Rostworowskide Diez Canseco1992;
Santillan1968)includingone which traveledwith the SapaInca (Patterson1985).
Becauseof its specialstature,Pachacamachas servedas the principal exampleof
the role played by Andean oraclesin the pre-Incaic past. Pachacamacinfluences
our understandingof the Middle Horizon (e.g.,Menzel 1911 53) and even the
Early Horizon (e.g.,Burger 1992: 193f0.

(
304 John R. Topic et al.

Other precolumbian oracles are known to have existed. One of these was
Catequil, the principal huaca of Huamachuco.Like Pachacamac,Catequil was
associatedwith origin myths, water, and a generalprinciple of renewal and fer-
tility. Catequil's cult was adopted and spreadby the Incas. In this chapter,we
review the archaeological,historical, and ethnographicinformation on Catequil,
drawing on information that we have gatheredduring three field seasonsin Peru
and Ecuador. We probe the multi-textured roles that an important provincial
huacaplayed in different geographicand historic contexts.This paper is basedon
researchconductedduring a field seasonin Peru in 1998, and a field seasoncon-
ductedin Ecuadorin 7999.Since writing this chapterwe have conductedanother
field seasonin Peru in 2001 which has provided interestingnew information on
Catequil. That information is not incorporatedhere. The new findings are not in
conflict with the data and interpretationspresentedherein.

CATEQUIL IN THE MAJOR HISTORICAL SOURCES

A number of publishedhistorical sourcesfrom the mid-16th to the mid-l7th cen-

turies mention Catequil,most of them only in passingand with contradictionsand
inconsistenciesin these early accounts.In some cases,Catequil is describedas
the principal huacaof Huamachuco,while in others it is claimed to be the huaca
of Cajamarcaas well as Huamachuco (Albomoz 1984; Sarmiento de Gamboa
1907), or even a huaca worshiped from Quito to Cuzco (San Pedro 1992: 174,
177). Arr:aga (1968) and Calancha(1974-1983) identify Catequil with a shrine
in the province of Conchucos,while also stating,rather vaguely,that the original
shrine was in Huamachuco.Huamachuco,in this context, could refer to the town
or the province.Within the provincial context, San Pedro (1992) placesthe huaca
at San Jos6 de Porc6n, while Albornoz (1984) places it at Uruchalla and Torres
(1651) specifiesCongayo as the location.
We beganour study of Catequil with a review of ethnohistoricsources.Our
first intent was to identify the huaca'sprobable location. But more importantly,
we reviewed the Spanish sourcesfor information about how Andean peoples,
especially Huamachuquinosand Incas, thought about this huaca. This type of
analysisentails two processes:first a historiographic evaluation of the sources
and second,a contextualinterpretationof the information to resolve the apparent
contradictionsbetween sources.The intent is not simply to decide which is the
"best" sourceand then follow it to the exclusion of the other sources.Rather,the
strengthsand weaknessesof the various sourcesmust be understood and that
understandingemployed to constructa compositehistory of Catequil.
The most detailed information on Catequil comes from the Relaci1n de los
PrimerosAgustinoswhich was probably written in Spainin 1560or 1561by Fray
Juan de San Pedro (San Pedro 7992;Topic and Deeds in press).The Relaci1n is
 Catequil 30s

based on a decadeof proselytization throughout the province of Huamachuco,

which at that time was the encomienda of Juan de Sandoval.The Agustinian
priests discovered and destroyed thousandsof huacas, the most important of
which was Catequil. Juan de San Pedro provides brief descriptionsof many of
these.Catequil is describedin the context of the creationmyth of which he is the
major protagonist,and his shrine was said to be located on a high hill with thlee
large cliffs near San Jos6 de Porc6n. The author of this Relaci6n was an active
participant in the eventsdescribed.
There are two sources that were written before the Relaci6n and which
undoubtedly refer to Catequil. While not mentioning Catequil by name, both
Juan de Betanzosand Molina ("El Almagrista") refer to a very important huaca
in Huamachuco.Moreover, they agree that this huaca was an oracle, respond-
ing through a priest to questionsput to it. The fact that these sourcescould not
have been based on the local documentation gathered by the Agustinians
in Huamachucomake them especially interesting.They probably representthe
understandingof Catequilthat was currentin Cuzco in the mid-l6th century.
The account of Juan de Betanzos (1987) is especially interesting in this
regard, since he was married to a wife of Atahualpa, spoke Quechua,and lived in
Cuzco among the colonial Inca elite. The geographicaldetails in his accountare
consistentwith the location of the huaca on a high hill in the generalvicinity of
San Jos6 de Porc6n. Moreover, he emphasizesthe destructionof the shrine by
Atahualpa.According to his account,Atahualpa was angeredby the responseof
Catequil, who told him that he should not kill so many people becauseit made
Viracochaangry.BetanzossaysthatAtahualpaconsideredCatequil an enemy,like
Huascar,and spentthree months at the shrine of Catequil supervisingits destruc-
tion. This took place during a crucial stageof the civil war with Huascar;while
Atahualpa devoted himself single-mindedly to the destruction of Catequil,
Huascarwas captured,his faction in Cuzco was massacred,and the news arrived
of Pizarro's landing at Tumbez. Clearly Catequil was consideredimportant by
membersof the Inca dynastyand this importancewas relatedto factional disputes.
Molina "El Almagrista" (1968) also describesCatequil in the context of the
civil war and the Spanish entrada, saying that Atahualpa destroyedthe oracle
becauseit predictedthe Christian victory. Molina had been in Peru for more than
a dozen years by the time he wrote his account,traveling through Peru and Chile
before taking up an ecclesiasticalpost in Lima. He was sympatheticto the plight
of the indigenouspeople and had informed himself of the eventssurroundingthe
conquest.While it is not clear who his informants were in regardto Catequil,his
accountis generally similar to that of Betanzos,though much briefer. It is inter-
esting that while both find the events surrounding the destruction of Catequil
noteworthy,neither mentions the name of the huaca and oracle.
The late 16th century sources(i.e., those later than Juan de San Pedro) that
mention Catequil include Sarmiento (1907) and Albornoz (1984). Sarmiento's

{
306 John R. Topicet al.

history was basedon information collected in the Jauja, Huamanga,and Cuzco

areas.Albornoz'experience in Peru was also largely confined to the bishopric of
Cuzco,ranging from Huamangato Arequipa. Neither providesextensiveinforma-
tion about Catequil,but the information that they do provide is neverthelessinter-
estingand somewhatparallel to earlier accounts.Sarmientomentionsthat Huayna
Capachad had "Cataquilla" with him in Quito, but sentthe huacato Cuzco with a
'Apocatiquillay."
captain;Albornoz uses a similar orthography,giving the name
The transformationof the name from "Catequil" in the Huamachucoversion to
"Cataquilla"or "Catiquillay" probablyreflectsa Quechuizationof an original Culle
name. Both also refer to Catequil as the huaca of Cajamarcaand Huamachuco,
rather than specifically Huamachuco,althoughAlbornoz immediately then refers
to it as the huacaof the "indios guamachucos"and calls it one of the most impor-
tant in the whole kingdom. The combining of Huamachucoand Cajamarcainto a
single unit reflects lnca administrativeorgantzatron(Cieza de Le6n 1984: 226,
234;Przarco1978:220-210,Topic 1998)which was then adoptedby the colonial
governmentwhen the corregimientoswere set up in 1565-66 (Millones 1990:
cronograma).Finally, it is interestingthat Sarmientomentions severalother hua-
casthat Huayna Capacalso had with him in Quito, and theseare also listed in the
Relaci6nof Albornoz.Therc is, however,no indication that Albornoz copied from
Sarmiento or even drew on the same detailed source. Instead, the similarities
indicate that informants in the Cuzco areain the late l6th century were aware of
the importanceof Catequil and its associationwith Huamachuco,that the name
had been Quechuized,and that there were storiescirculating that relatedCatequil
to the reign of Huayna Capac and his wars in Ecuador. By this time, too, the
Spanish understandingof Andean religion had advancedconsiderably,so that
the significance and relative importance of different categoriesof huaca were
beginning to be recognized;indeed, the recognition, classification,and descrip-
tion of the different types of sacredobjects was the explicit aim of Albornoz's
account.Catequilwas now recognizedby the Spanishas one of the more important
regionalhuacas.
The ratherodd accountof Lope de Atienza (1931 129-131) deservessome
discussion. Atrenzawas a priest in what is now Ecuador.From 1570 to l5l2 he
was the pastor of San Jos6 de Chimbo (Schmelz 1996: I l) where the Incas had
placedmitmaqkuna from Huamachucoand where there is still a hill called Cerro
Catequilla. He says that the term "Catequilla" applies to certain jonquils that
grow on infertile lands. This is mentioned in a section of his account with the
heading"Two RemarkableSuperstitions."He follows his definition of Catequilla
with a descriptionof the first "superstition" regarding eclipsesof the moon. The
second"superstition" has to do with lightning causingthe birth of twins. It is not
clear to what extenthe controlled the local indigenouslanguages(Schmelz 1996:
63), and there is reasonto believe that he has confusedCatequil (as thunder and
lightning deity) with the Quechuized "Catequilla," which can be translatedas
Catequil 307

"follower of the moon" (Andrade Marin 1954). The Ecuadorian historian,

Alquiles Pdrez(1982: 152, 156) also notesthat in the Chimbo area"quilla" has
the meaning"yellow" (the color of jonquils) and "quillin" refers to cangahua-
basedsterilesoils (seeTopic 1999).In a later sectionof his account,he againdis-
cusseseclipseswithout mentioning"Catequilla."In general,his accountis very
unsympatheticto indigenousculture which he seemsto have made little effort to
understand.
In the inforrnation collected by Francisco de Avila from Huarochirf at the
turn of the lTth century there is a brief mention of a huacacalled Cati Quillay
who is describedas an emissaryof the Inca (Salomonand Urioste l99l: 101) or
as having beengiven to the comrnunity of LlacsaTampoin Huarochirf by the Inca
(Taylor 1981: 293). Although this documentis clearly basedon local informants
rather than Cuzco Inca informants, it is probable that the name Cati Quillay is a
Quechuizedvariant of Catequil (cf. Salomon and Urioste l99I 101). Cati
Quillay is describedas a huacawho could force otherhuacasto talk, and the verb
tensesimply that Cati Quillay was locatedonly temporarily (and in the past at the
time of writing) in the community.Cati Quillay is creditedwith f orcing one of the
sonsof Pachacamac, Llocllay Huancupa,to speakup. An importantaspectof this
brief descriptionis the fact that, as an Inca emissary,Catequilwas not viewedjust
as a huaca,or even as an oracle,but as a huacawhich could make other huacas
speak.
There are three still later accountsthat mention Catequil.The first of these
is Arriaga's descriptionof the extirpationof idolatriescampaign(Arriaga 1968:
203). Much of his accountis basedon the activities of extirpatorsin the Callej6n
de Huaylasand Conchucosareasduring the years 1617 and 16l8 (Arriaga 1968:
2AQ).It is not at all clear that he was awareof the earlier descriptionsof Catequil
mentionedabove,and his accountis quite different.He mentionsthe destruction
of the shrine of Catequil in Huamachuco and attributes the destruction to
Huascar,"hijo de Topa Inga." When Huascarput fire to the shrine,the priestsres-
cued the idol and took it to Cahuana(modernCabanain Conchucos)where they
built a new temple for it. Later, Fray Francisco Cano destroyedthis shrine, but
Aniaga notes that some believed that the idol was removed to Tauca (also in
Conchucos),where it was still hidden. Fray FranciscoCano was active about
1575(Aniaga 1968:237), so the specificeventsrelatingto the destructionof the
shrine in Huamachucoby Huascarand the later destructionof idols by Fray Cano
were quite distant memoriesby the time Arriaga was writing.
The second account, by Antonio de la Calancha (Calancha 1914-82:
1062-1064),is basedon Arriaga's. This is surprising,sinceCalanchawas writing
a history of the Augustinian order in Peru and had accessto rnany of the papers
of Juan de San Pedro (Calanchal9l4-82:515). However,since the Relaci6nof
Juan de San Pedro was written, and left, in Spain, Calanchaprobably would not
havehad accessto that specificdocument,but one might expectthat Augustinian
 308 John R. Topic et al.

archives in Peru would have had other descriptions of idolatries in the

Huamachucoareabasedon the observationsof the sameeyewitnesses. In any case,
Calanchafollows the Jesuit Arriaga's account closely, using many of the same
phrases.Citing Arriaga's book, Calanchapoints out that Huascarwas the grandson,
not the son, of Topa Inca, and he then namesHuayna Capac as the destroyerof
the shrine of Catequil in Huamachuco.CalanchasupplementsArriaga's account
of the activities of Fray Cano, a Dominican, with the assertionthat Augustinians,
especially Fray Hernando Garcia and Fray Juan de Pineda, also attempted to
destroythe cult of Catequil in Conchucos.Fray Juan de Pinedawas first assigned
to Conchucosin l57l and, after returning from other assignments,was active
again in Conchucosin 1582 (Calancha 1974-82: 1084-1087). Both Arriaga and
Calancharefer to the huaca using the quechuizedname, "Catequilla."
Finally, Bernardo de Torres, another Augustinian historian, mentions a
sanctuarythat may also relate to Catequil. He saysthat the most celebratedsanc-
tuary was located on a high hill called Congayo, where the devil had located his
throne (Torres 1657: libro I, cap. XII: 4748), cited in Castro de Trelles 1992:
note78).
There is generalagreementin thesesourcesthat Catequil was avery important
huacaand that his shrine was destroyedby the Incas becauseof unfavorableorac-
ular prognostications.A closer examination of these sourcesrevealsCatequil to
be a multifacetedhuaca.The different characteristicsor identities of Catequil also
had different locational referentsat different times in its history.
First, Catequil was a thunder and lightning deity, the analogue of Illapa,
Tunupa,and Libiac (seealso Acosta 1940:221; Rostworowski 1983: 24 ff).In
this aspect,his cult is not necessarilylocalized in any specific place, but it may
be associatedwith high hills that attract lightning.
Catequil also was a culture hero or founding ancestor who dug out the
Indians of Huamachucofrom their paqarina (San Pedro 1992). This aspect of
Catequil is very closely associatedwith the Incaic province of Huamachuco.In a
previousarticle John Topic (1992) has analyzedtoponymsrelating to the creation
myth, showing the fit between the events in the myth and the boundaries of
the Incaic province of Huamachuco(Figure 11.1); the paqarinadefinesthe south-
ernmost point of the province, while places named after the Guacheminesare
located on descentsdown into the hot yungas and chaupiyungaslands on the
north and east.A river named after Cautaguanis located in the southwesternpart
of the province. It should be noted that this very close correspondencebetween
the creationmyth and the boundariesof the Incaic province of Huamachucomay
only date to the Late Horizon (Topic 1998).
Juan de San Pedro (1992) saysthat Catequil was adoredat Porc6n (modern
San Jos6 de Porc6n), four leaguesfrom Huamachuco.The shrine was located
on a mountaintop which had three cliffs. The cliffs were called Apocatequil,
Mamacatequil,and Piguerao. On the cliff called Apocatequil there was a stone
Catequil 309

a\
\on
D>J
GUACAP

.- \\
.'.S\

\
N
A

o 50km
r-trr-----r

Figure 11.1. Catequil, the creation myth, and the province of Huamachuco.The paqarinaof the
peopleo1'Huamachucois at Cerro Huacate,in the extremesouth of the province.Quebradasnamed
after the Guacheminesconlnremoratethe placeswhere Catequil drove theseformer inhabitantsof
Huamachucodown into the yungas.A river namedafter Catequil'snrother.Cautaguan,is in the south-
west part of the province,while San Jostide Porc6nwhere Catequilhad his shrineis in the centerof
the province.Llampa, Cuacapongo,Lluicho, and Andamarcaare the four guarangas,or socialunits,
that made up Huamachuco.

statuerepresentingthe huaca.Below the cliffs, Juan de San Pedro saysthat there

was a large "town" for the serviceof the huaca.We have identified this mountain
and the cliffs as the southeastface and top of Cerro Icchal, which rises to over
4150 m asl on the continental divide between the Condebambaand Tablachaca
drainages(Figure 11.2).The archaeologicalsite of Namanchugois locatedon a
small shelf or plain at the foot of thesecliffs. This location is also consistentwith
the description given by Betanzos (1987: 249), who says that the huaca was a
310 John R. Topic et al.

J4 \./ )\
L4,r\- ( -
\\ \ \ \ \t r
\- Z r->
\\\\R
1-r..\ \\t

Figure 11.2. Location of Namanchugo.The site is locatedon the plain at the foot of Cerro lcchal.
Palcoand Chulite are other archaeological
sites.Cuncallamay be identifiedwith the site of Congayo,
where Bernardo de Torres saysthere was a maior shrine.

stonestatuein the shapeof a man on a high hill. Albornoz (1984 210) saysthat
the huaca consistedof some high rocks on a plain near the town of Uruchalla.
There were two tambos called Uruchal (Topic 1993: ftg. 2.1) (Figure ll.2), the
closest only 12 km east of San Jos6 de Porc6n; looking across the site of
Namanchugoto the cliffs on Cerro Icchal, these would appearas tall rock out-
crops abovea plain.
Despite the mention of a carved stoneidol, the cliffs and the hill itself were
undoubtedlythe essenceof the huaca.Both Betanzos(1987: 250) and Juan de
San Pedro (1992: 117-178) emphasizethat during the destructionby Atahualpa
a large quantity of firewood was placed aroundthe mountain and aroundthe cliffs
to burn them. San Pedro (1992: 178) notes that after the idol had been destroyed,
the priests still worshipedthe cliff. Albornoz (1984 210) saysthat Catequil "was
some tall rocks on a plain, and as in the air above theserocks."
Catequil is sometimesgiven the title "apu" (Albornoz 1984:210; San Pedro
1992:176).Thetitle canjust mean"lord," but in modernQuechuathe title is also
used to refer to mountain spirits, generally characterizedas male and related
to fertility (Allen 1988: 4119; Gose 1994:299). The description given of ',apo
Catequil 311

catequil" suggestsan apu who, in exchange for the devotion of the people,
promisedto provide them with all that they needed,specificallyfood, llamas, and
children (San Pedro 1992: 176). Moreover, in modern Quechuaculture there is
overlap between the conceptsof mountain spirit, lightning, and "fathers" (Allen
1988:41; Gose 1994: 209,223), just as there is overlapbetweenthe aspectsof
Catequil as cliff/mountain, thunder and lightning deity, and founding ancestor.
While Catequil's position in the Huamachuco belief system as thunder/
lightening god may have been generally associatedwith high hills and while his
role as founding hero encompassesthe entire province, his role as apu and as
oracle are more specifically linked to one point on the landscape.The oracle was
locatedat Porc6n accordingto Betanzosand Juan de SanPedro.They identify the
oracle with the stoneidol on the top of the hill.
Catequil existed before the Incas conqueredthe Huamachucoarea,but his
fame spreadby associationwith membersof the Inca dynasty.San Pedro (1992
174, 177) twice specifiesthat Catequil was worshipedfrom Quito to Cuzco.
Sarmiento (1907 165-66) notes that Huayna Capac had Catequil and several
other provincial huacaswith him in Quito, and that thesehuacashad many atten-
dants with them. The Catequil who was in Quito with Huayna Capac may have
been the sameidol describedfor Porc6n,but it is also possiblethat it was a "son"
of Catequil: the Augustinian priests found and destroyed300 "sons" of Catequil
distributedin different towns (San Pedro 1992: 179-180). Huayna Capac sent
Catequil and the other huacasto Cuzco with one of his captains(Sarmiento1907:
165-166).Perhapsit was during this trip to Cuzcothat "Cati Quillay,"as an emis-
sary of the Inca, taught the huaca of Huarochirf, Llocllay Huancupa,to talk.
While Aniaga (1968: 203) and Calancha(1974-82: 1062-1063)associate
Topa Inca with Catequil, their source of information was distant from Porc6n,
was collected very late, and their attemptsat Inca genealogywere confusing.In
particular,they would have either Huayna Capacor Huascarbe the protagonistin
the destruction of the shrine. The earlier accounts all agree that Atahualpa
destroyedthe shrine and are quite detailed,referring to Catequil as the enemy of
Atahualpa, like Huascar (Betanzos 1987), or even as the huaca of Huascar(San
Pedro 1992). While it is possible that Topa Inca consulted Catequil, Huayna
Capac probably had a closer associationwith the huaca and with Huamachuco
in general.Guaman Poma (1980) notes that Huayna Capac had "houses" in
Huamachuco. San Pedro (1992) mentions that Huayna Capac also took
Casipoma,one of the nine principal huacasof Huamachuco,to war with him; that
anotherhuacawas adoredin conjunctionwith the weaving of clothing for Huayna
Capac; that Huayna Capac gave another huaca, "Magacti," to the people of
Huamachuco so that they would never lack water; and another huaca, "Xulca
Manco," was describedas a captain of Huayna Capac.
The most likely reconstructionis that Catequil was closely associatedwith
Huayna Capac.Catequil probably issuedoraclesthat were favorableor useful to
312 John R. Topic et al.

HuaynaCapacand,in return,was favoredby this ruler.Patterson's(1985) analy-

sis of the role that Pachacamacplayed in Inca factionalism is pertinenthere.Topa
Inca may have formed a deliberatealliance with Pachacamacas a counterbalance
to the influence that his father's faction had with the huacas in the immediate
Cuzco area after Pachacuti had systematizedtheir worship. In the same way,
Huayna Capacmay have used Catequil as a counterbalanceto the influence that
Topa Inca's faction had with Pachacamac.It is also likely that Catequil sidedwith
Huascar'sfaction during the civil war following Huayna Capac'sdeath.
The destructionof Catequil by Atahualpa is the most commonly mentioned
theme, and the sourcesagreeabout many of the details of that event. In particu-
lar, all the chroniclers who mention the event (Betanzos,Molina, San Pedro,
Sarmiento,Arriaga and Calancha)say that the destructionwas by fire. The choice
of fire as the meansof destructionmay have been mandatedby Catequil's asso-
ciation with torrential rains. Both San Pedro (7992: 177-178) and Betanzos
(1987:250) emphasizethe burning of the cliff and the hill itself, while Sarmiento
(1907:176) mentionsthat the hill was leveled.The destructionis thus portrayed
as an elementalbattle between supernaturalprotagonistsemploying the essential
elements,fire and water.The emphasison the hill itself confirms that the moun-
tain was the essenceof the huaca.Thesethree sourcesalso mention that the head
of the idol was cut off. Sarmientoand Betanzosmention that the high priest also
had his head cut off. Although San Pedro (1992: 177) saysthat a captainof the
Inca carried out the destruction,most sourcesmake the Inca himself the protago-
nist whether that figure is identified with Atahualpa,Huayna Capac,or Huascar.
Perhapsreflectingthe Cuzcotradition,Betanzos(1987: 250),Molina (1968:
78) and Sarmiento(1907: 176) imply total destructionof Catequil, describingthe
killing of all the priests,burning of both the idol and the high priest, the grinding
up of fragmentsof the idol and the bones of the high priest, and finally the scat-
tering of the dust and ashes into the air. Sources based on informants from
Huamachucoand Conchucos,however,view the destructionby Atahualpaas only
partially successful. SanPedro(1992: 171-179),for example,tells us that the idol
was only broken into pieces and thrown into a river, and that the priests and the
town for the serviceof Catequil still remainedundestroyed.After Atahualpaleft,
the priestscontinuedto worship the cliff and they also found the head and three
piecesof the body of the idol and placedthesein a new houseor temple.Calancha
mentionsa temple of cut and fitted stoneswhich he comparesto the Coricanchain
Cuzco,only smaller.Later, after the arrival of Christiansin the area,the priestshid
the fragmentsof the idol in a cavein a cliff, high up in the mountains(San Pedro
1992:178);thiscould well havebeenin the areacalledCongayo(modernCuncalla)
by Torres(1657). Two of the Augustinian priestsfound and destroyedthe temple
in Porc6n.Later they were also able to find the piecesof the idol which they took
to the monasteryin Huamachucowhere, after showing them to the PadreProvincial,
they were ground up and thrown into the river.
Catequil 313

But even then, the cult of Catequil continued in the Huamachucoarea. San
Pedro(1992:179-180)mentionsthat Indiansfound small stonesin the fields,which
they consideredto be sonsof Catequil.The Augustinian priestsfound and destroyed
hundredsof these,apparentlydistributedwidely throughoutthe encomiendaof Juan
de Sandoval.Arriaga (1968: 203) and Calancha(1974-82: 1062-10&), however,
report that the cult was still extant in Conchucosin the first half of the 17th century.
There is a clear conflict between their account of the destruction of the shrine in
Huamachuco and our other sources.The Arriaga/Calanchaversion says that the
priests courageouslyrescuedthe idol from the midst of the flames and brought it,
unbroken,to Cabanaand later to Tauca.However, since Fray Cano and Fray Pineda
were active in Conchucoonly after 1570, this cannotbe the sameidol found and
destroyedby the Augustinianpriestsin the 1550s,althoughit might be a "son" of
Catequil. Whatever the physical nature of this idol, the fact of its presencein
Conchucossuggeststhat Catequilwas worshipedthere also,but it is unclearwhich
aspectsof Catequil were transferredto Cabana.While Arriaga and Calanchaboth
discuss Catequil in Huamachuco as an oracle, they do not explicitly state that he
functionedas an oraclein Cabanaand Thuca.Although Arriaga (1968: 201) speci-
ficalIy mentionsthat Libiac was the nameusedfor lightning, it is not clear whether
this information appliesto Conchucosor to the more southerlyparts of the arzobis-
pado de Lima such as the Callej6n de Huaylas and Cajatambo (seeRostworowski
1983:53-56). Catequil might have retainedthe aspectsof a thunderand lightning
deity in Cabana.Although Cabanawas outsidethe encomiendaof Juande Sandoval
and hence, also outside the Incaic province of Huamachuco,Catequil might still
have retainedthe aspectof founding ancestor/culturehero since Conchucosis adja-
cent to Huamachucoand since there was a close relationship betweenthe Cabana
and Porc6n stonesculpturetraditions in the Early IntermediatePeriod (Topic 1998).
Catequil, then, had a number of overlappingidentities and locational refer-
ents.As thunder and lightning deity, Catequil's cult was not particularly localized
but may have included the Incaic provincesof Huamachucoand Conchucos.His
actions as culture hero provide a mythic explanation of the boundariesof the
province of Huamachucoin the Late Horizon, which was also co-extantwith the
encomiendaof Juan de Sandovalin the 16th century.As apu and oracle,Catequil
was associatedwith the cliffs of Cerro Icchal and a shrine at the foot of these
cliffs. As an emissaryof the Inca, Catequil was regardedas a mobile huaca that
could make other huacasspeak.

CERRO ICCHAL AND THE SITE OF NAMANCHUGO

The ethnohistoric information provides an essentialunderstandingof Catequil

and the history of his cult as well as a starting point for an archaeologicalinves-
tigation of the cult.
314 John R. Topic et al.

We focused our attention on the Porc6n area. Until recently, San Jos6 de
Porc6nwas an hacienda.In the late l6th century Porc6n was one of the estancias
of Dofra FlorenciaSandovaly Escobar(ARLL, Real Hacienda,Tributos, 1441538,
1583: 2r), encomenderaand the wife of Juan de Sandoval,encomendero.The
Augustiniansmention that Catequil had extensivelands and that they confiscated
animalsand cloth from the huaca(SanPedro 1992: 177-178).The Sandovalsmay
havebeen able to confiscatethe landsbecausethey had been owned by the huaca.
By the late 1700sthe haciendahad passedinto the handsof the Augustinians,prob-
ably as a donationfrom Juan de Sandovaland FlorenciaSandovaly Escobarwho
were major benefactorsof the order (Feyjoo 1984: 10, 68).
The haciendawas located on the slopes of Cerro Icchal. Viewing Cerro
Icchal from the former hacienda house, the central cliff, a massive vertical
expanseof grey stoneodraws the eye. It is flanked on the south by a srnallercliff
and on the eastby a longer,but lesspronouncedcliff. We suspectthat the central
and southerncliffs, with their upthrusting orientations,correspondedto the cliffs
describedasApo Catequil and Pigueraoby SanPedro (1992: 116),while the third
cliff representedMama Catequil.
Thereare extensiveruins on the top of Cerro Icchal,concentrated just above
the central cliff and also on the north and south flanks of the hill. They are built
usingordinary,double-facedfieldstonewalls, and no building standsout asbeing
exceptionally well constructed. Surface sherds date primarily to the Late
IntermediatePeriod and Late Horizon. While San Pedro (1992: 176) statesthat
the idol was placed on top of the hill before its destructionby Atahualpa,our sur-
veys have not identified a building likely to have servedas the sanctuary.Instead,
the scattersof wall basesare more likely to representstructuresusedrepeatedly
but temporarilyby pilgrims to the rnountaintop.
There are severalsites on the eastern,southeastern,and southernflanks of
Cerro Icchal that might correspond to the town for the service of the huaca
describedby San Pedro(1992: 177) and may all havebeen relatedto the cult of
Catequil.We haveconductedbrief surveysof thesesites(seealsoP6rezCalderon
1988).A frequentfind at thesesitesare small stonecarvingsin the "lif'elike" style
describedby Kroeber (1950: see also Horkheimer 1944: McCown 1945:plates
16, l7; Schaedel1952) and similar to stone and ceramic heads from Pashash
(Grieder I9l8: 141-142). As McCown's plates illustrate,there is considerable
variation in the style of thesetenon headsand they are found from at leastCabana
in the south to Huamachucoin the north. These sculpturesprobably date to the
Early IntermediatePeriod or Middle Horizon.
In 1998 we decided to focus our attention on the site of Namanchugo
(Figure 11.2).This site is an artificial mound on the southeastside of Cero Icchal.
The site is located on the edge of a small plain irnmediatelybelow the cliffs; the
mountainforms a broad U, enclosingthe plain on the north, northwest,and west,
with the main cliff in the "bottom" of the U and one cliff on each arm. The plain
Catequil 315

is locatedat about 3250 m asl and its soils are waterlogged,collectingwaterfrom

a number of small springs that have their origin below the cliffs. Becauseof the
wet conditions,most of the plain is usedtoday for herding ratherthan agriculture,
but crops are grown aroundthe edgeof the plain. Two springsare lukewarm thermal
springs,but theseare locatedabout 1 km northeastof the plain. The association
of Catequil with springs and flowing water is a recurring theme and reflects his
aspectas thunderand lightning deity as well as the aspectof apu.
The original shapeof the mound is uncertain.Today, it seemsto be about
50X 100m in area, with the long axis oriented almost precisely north-south
(Figure 11.3).The westemface appearsto be convexlyrounded,while the eastem
face is concave.Thus, the overall shapeapproximatesa large U shape,like Cerro
Icchal itself, but with an orientation that is rotated about 45 degrees.The average
height of the main body of the mound is about 2.5 m. There are higher areason
the north and south arms of the mound, but theseappearto be somewhatunsym-
metrical: the northern arm is longer but lower than the southernarm.
Despite the 45 degree rotation, the shape of the mound is similar to the
visible face of Cerro Icchal. The northern arm may correspond to the Mama
Catequil cliff, while the higher and more compact southernarm may correspond
to the upright outcrop of the Piguerao cliff. The main body of the mound,
althoughlower, hasthe sanctuaryof Catequilon it, which is describedbelow; the
centralbuilding of the sanctuary,the shrine,might havecorrespondedto the central
cliff on Cerro Icchal. Each arm is also associatedwith irnmenseboulders,mea-
suring as much as 5 x8 X3rn (Figure ll.4). Thesehuge rocks are fragmentsof
the cliffs on Cerro Icchal that have broken off and tumbled down to the plain.
They would have been draggedfrom the baseof the cliffs about 0.5 km from the
mound, an effort that reflects a desire to incorporatethe essenceof Cerro Icchal
into the artificial mound.
The mound was probably approachedfrom the east.An ancient road may
be locatedaboutabout0.5 krn eastof the mound.Moreoverthereare suggestions
of artificial terracingand small moundson the slopebetweenthe ancientroad and
the mound (Figure 11.3).One small mound, shown in the centerof Figure 11.3
near two modern buildings, had a cut in it that revealedthe artificial nature of
the fill, and this mound appears to be paired with another small mound to
the north (Figure I 1.3 on the 3235 m contour). Between the 3240 m and 3245 m
contoursthere is a gently sloping area that has been squaredoff and aligned
with the mound. Other small mounds are located south of the area covered by
Fi g u r e11. 3.
One of the featureswhich drew our attentionto Namanchugowas the presence
of numerouscut stoneblocks.Theseblocks, probably trachite,are most often ash-
lars that are squaredor rectangularin cross section(seeFigure I 1.5).A few, how-
ever,havean unusualcrosssectionthat approximatesa quartercircle. Threeblocks
had deep groovescut into almost the whole length of one surfaceand probably
 (r)

L'l

Figure 11.3. Generalsite map of Namanchugo.The main mound is at the west end of this rrrap,but thereare tracesof otherartificial moundsand
terracingextendingdown the slopeto the footpath(possiblyan ancientroad) refered to as "el Camino Real."
I

o
o
Catequil 317

F i g u r e 1 1 . 4 . T w o l a r s e b o r r l d c l s l o c a t c ' da t t h c n o l t h c a s t c n d o l ' t h e n o l t h c r n a l l l o l - t h c r n a i n n r o u n d .
T h c s e l a l g c b o u l d c l s r . l ' c r ed r a g g e c la c r o s s t h c p l a i n l k r r r r t h c l i x r t o l ' t h c n r o u r r l a i nt o t h c i r p l c s c r r t l r o s i -
t i o n . T h e n o l t h a r t n o l ' t h c r n o u n c l n r a v r e D r c s L - ntl h c c l i l ' f ' o n C c l l r l l c c h u l t h u t r . l ' a si r l c n t i f ' i c d w i t h
Catequil's mothcr.

servedas water spouts(gargoyles)to sheclwater off the top of a mound or build-

ing. The typesof stonesare alsofound at Malcahuamachuco, but alwaysin situa-
tions of reuseratherthan in a primary construction.At Namanchugo,too, these
stonesseemto havebeenreusedin at leasttwo successive phaseso1'construction.

Excavations Reveal Two Construction Episodes

The limited excavationsthat we conductedin 1998revealedtwo major episodes

of constructionin the main mound. The earlier episodewas associatedwith a
rectangularbuilding.After a period of use,this building was purposefullydemol-
ished,filled in, and the arealeveledfor the constructionof the late sanctuary.The
later episodeis associatedwith the late sanctuary.
The rectangularbuilding has external dimensionsof 7 m wide and more
than l0 m long (only part of the length of the building was exposed).Associated
ra dioc ar bondat es a re 1 2 8 0 -t-7 0 b p (A D 6 1 0 ' . GX 25l 2l l ), 1225-r70bp
(AD 725: GX 25112),and 1145-r70bp (AD 805; GX 25170).Ceramicswere
plentiful and includedCajamarcacursivesherds,local wares,and sherdsof shal-
low buff bowls.A numberof sherdshad organicmaterialsadheringto their inte-
rior surfaces.Analysis by Victor VasquezSanchezand TeresaRosalesTham,
318 John R. Topic et al.

- $riil. ,

4il,.,,'u,
Figure I1.5. Detailedview of the shrine.Just in front of the person'sfeet is the curtain wall that pre-
venteda direct vie-winto the shline; the personis standingin the inner patio. The right door jamb is
fbrmed by a reusedcut stonewith a triangularor quarter-roundcross-section. A gap in the masonry
may be where the idol was placed.Just in fiont of this gap is a receptaclefor libationsthat still has
sorneriver rolled stonesin it. Encirclins the shrineis the northernlooo of the oracularcanal.

Universidadde Trujillo, showedthat in most casescorn starch was present,at

times accompaniedby marzepericarp,mammal hair, and, in one case,unidenti-
fied tuber starch.Some sherdsalso had a red pigment adhering to their interior
surface; analysis by the chemistry department at the Universidad de Trujillo
showedthat this pigment containedboth iron and cadmium and was probably red
ochre. We also recoveredat least two fragments of very heavily used, concave
grinding stonesfrom the upper fill that may have been used for grinding maize:
there were also three manos made from river-rolled cobbles,and a ground stone
pestle with a flaring head and conical handle.The maize starch,the prominence
of serving bowls, and evidence of heavy grinding suggeststhe preparation of
sanco, a maize ponidge mentioned as a ritual food associatedwith the cult of
Catequil and other huacas(San Pedro 7992:171). Bones of either camelidsor
deer were common, but very poorly preserveddue to both burning and the high
humidity of the soil.
This major building was probably constructedtoward the end of the Early
IntermediatePeriod or during the Middle Horizon and was occupiedinto at least
the Middle Horizon. Even after rt was demolishedthe walls stood over 2 m tall.
The ground plan is similar to the Classic Niched Halls at Marcahuamachuco,
Catequil 319

which date to about the sametime period (Topic 1986).Those buildings have the
niched hall itself on the second storey,but there is no trace of a second storey
remaining on the early building at Namanchugo.Gargoylesand some pieces of
slatesuggesta fairly flat roof of packedclay similar to contemporarybuildings at
Marcahuamachuco.It is not clear,however,whether the gargoyleswere original-
ly part of this building; it is possiblethat they were made for a still earlier build-
ing, the evidencefor which consistsonly of isolatedbuilding blocks.
The late sanctuary is the structure that we interpret as the sanctuaryof
Catequil.It is a small compoundabout l0m on a side (Figures11.5,11.6).The
sanctuarycontainstwo patios and a small but massivebuilding that was probably
the shrineitself. There are also two miniature canal systemswithin the compound
(FiguresI 1.5, I 1.6).One was clearly designedto carry away offertory libations.
The other, we will arguebelow, was probably an "oracular" system involved in
the act of prognostication.
The number of cut stoneblocks suggeststhat this was the building described
by Calanchaas similar to the Coricancha.But while the stonesused in the walls
of the sanctuarywere predominatelyworked blocks, field stoneswere mixed in
and, moreover,the placementof the blocks indicatesthat they were reused,rather
than cut to measurefor the walls.
Almost the entire compound was excavated.The entrancewas on the west
side of the compound and enteredinto an L-shapedouter patio which was paved
with river-rolled stones.Pavementsof river-rolled stonesare common in colonial
architecture,but we had not seenone before in prehispanicarchitecture.Thepave-
ment stonesare about the size and shapeof the sling stonesthat we have found
on fortified siteson the coast,and we think that this is significant: Catequil used
a sling to make the thunder and lightning. Even today, people in the northern
highlands say that where lightning has struck, "piedras del rayo" can be found
and theseare describedas rounded stoneswith curative properties.
An interestingfeatureof the inner patio was the presenceof two receptacles
for libations along the eastwall. Each receptaclewas a small squarishstone-lined
pit 38-46 cm on a side connectedto the systemof libation canals.Each was lined
with trachite blocks on the sidesand had a slatebottom. On the west side of each
receptaclethere was a subterraneancanal opening 6-9 cm wide and 3.5 cm high.
On reachingthe west side of the patio, the canal from the southernreceptacleran
under the oracularcanal systemand under the west wall into the areaimmediately
south of the massivebuilding housing the shrine.
The shrinebuilding had walls about 75 cm thick and a very narrow doorway
only about 40 cm wide. One of the door jambs was constructedin part with one
of the blocks worked into a quarter circle cross section and the block laid on its
side; it is one clear example of the reuseof cut stonesthis late sanctuary.A short
curtain wall in front of the door preventeda direct view from either patio into the
shrine.There is only I X 1.5 m floor areain the sanctuary,and it is unlikely that
 320 John R. Topic et al.

i-)
o
oO

OuterPatio

Libationcanal

Oracularcanal n
Subsurface features

Excavationlimits

F i g u r e 1 1 . 6 . F i c l d t r t a po 1 ' t h cs a n c t u a l vr.v i t h t h c p a t i o s ,c a n a l s ,b e n c h e sa, n d l i b a t i o nr e c c p t a c l c s

i d c n t i fi e d .N o t e t h c d r a i na t t h c s o u t h w c sct o r n c rt h a tc a n b e o p e n e do r c l o s e col u t s i d et h e c o r n p o u n d .

more than one or two people could have entered at once. There was no pavement
inside the shrineand, indeed,the floor seemsto have been torn up. On the west
side of the shrinethere was a small spacebetweentwo large ashlarblocks, and
this might be where the idol itself was located.In front of this spacewas another
stone-linedreceptaclefbr libations,with a subterranean canal leading under the
southwall of the shrineand connectingto the systemof libation canals.
Catequil 321

Significantly. all three of these receptacleshad river-rolled stonesin them

and were probably originally completely filled with the stones.Here, the signifi-
cance of the stonesmay be related to rushing water, so that the libations flowed
over and through the river-rolled stonesjust as a river rushing down a mountain
slope flows through a bed of stones.The relationshipbetween Catequil as light-
ning deity and rushing water is well illustratedby the SantaCruz Pachacutidraw-
ing (Figure 77.7):the image near the bottom of the left-handside of the drawing
showsa lightning bolt striking near the baseof a three-peakedmountain,with the
Pilcomayo (red river or river in flood) rushing down from it.
Becauseof the destruction,the height of the walls forming the shrineand the
compoundcannot be accuratelydetermined.We assumethat the shrine itself was
roofed, probably using the slatesas roofing tiles over a corbeledvault or a struc-
ture involving woodenbeams,reedsand mats, clay and slate.The thicknessof the
walls suggeststhat the shrine was taller than the walls of the compound sur-
rounding it; it might have appearedas a squaretower, mimicking the massof the
central cliff on Cerro Icchal. The compound walls averageabout 60 cm thick and
were probably high enough to shield the interior from view. There is also a
single coursefooting wall, now poorly preserued,around the outside of the com-
pound on the east and south sides.The wall separatingthe inner patio from the
outer patio and the wall separatingthe inner patio from the unpavedarea on the
south side of the shrine averageabout 40 cm thick and might also have prevented
line of sight connectionbetweentheseareas.
The height of the walls is important in understandingthe role the "oracular"
canal may have played in prognostication.Partsof this canal were destroyedjust

Figure 11,7. Part of the Santa Cruz Pachacutidrawing that shows lightning striking at the base of
threepeakslabelled"pachamama"(motherearth),with the river "pillcomayo" (red river or a river car-
rying a heavy load of silt) running down from the foot of the peaks.The drawing is reminescentof
the three cliffs of Cerro lcchal, associatedwith the lightning deity, and the courseof the river Puma
Puquio that runs down from the foot of the cliffs.
7)) John R. Topic et al.

outsidethe door of the shrineand near the southwestcorner of the shrine,but it

is clear that it flowed through theseareas.The systemis configuredas a double
loop. The startingpoint for liquid flowing in the systemwould be at the southeast
cornerof the shrine.Liquid would flow west to a junction where it would split,
to flow to the north and the south.In the floor of the canal at the junction there
was a small stonethat would have helped to channelthe flow to both the north
and the south. The north loop flowed around the west and north sides of the
shrine,then tumed southand passedunderthe wall separatingthe inner and outer
patios.The lip of the canalin the northernloop was well made and level with the
pavernent.The southloop, in contrast,was coveredover,althoughonly two cap-
stonesare left, and hencewas less well built. It flowed south to the compound
wall where there was anotherjunction: one branch was a drain that flowed out
under the compoundwall, while the other branchflowed along the inside of the
compoundwall to emergeeventuallyinto the inner patio. The two loops come
togetheragain in the inner patio, and the lowest point in the two loops is just
insidethe inner patio wall from the startingpoint. While the floor of the canalis
preservedin only a few places,elevationstakenon thoseplacesand on the lip of
the canal confirm that there is a drop of about 7-8 cm in the bottorn of the canal
from start to finish and that the lip of the canal would contain the flow around
both loops.
The oracularcanalwas probablyusedto usedto announcethe prognostications
of Catequil.Liquid would have been poured into the start of the canal from the
inner patio; eitherthe wall separatingthe patio from the canalwas low enoughto
allow this or there was a window or other opening through the wall. The liquid
would flow westward and divide into two streamsflowing north and south. The
northernstreamwould be visible to observersin the outer patio, especiallyas it
flowed alongthe northernside of the shrine.The southernstreamwould not have
been visible from the outer patio, since it flowed underground.Moreover, the
flow of the southernstreamcould be manipulatedat the southwestcorner by
blocking or opening the drain that led out of the compound;this manipulation
could be performedby a personlocatedoutsidethe compound,out of the view of
participantsin the inner or outerpatios.If the channelwere blocked,liquid would
flow into the inner patio from both the north and the south,but if the channelwere
open the liquid would arrive only from the north. Only the participantsin the
inner patio would be able to see whether the liquid arrived from both directions
or only from the north.
This methodof announcinga prognosticationis similar to a methodusedby
Inca diviners and describedby Rowe (1946: 303). Diviners manipulatedthe
flames in braziersby blowing on the fire through a metal tube and the shapeof
the flames emergingfrom holes in the braziersratified oracular statementsof
spiritssummonedby the priest.The similarity consistsin using a physicalmani-
festationto confirm the oracularpronouncement.Another method of divining that
Catequil 323

is similar becauseit usesliquid as the medium is the practiceof spitting some

cocajuice into the palm of the hand with the two longest fingers extended.The
diviner watchedto seeif the juice ran down the fingers equally or unequally;if it
ran down both fingersevenly,the augurywas good (Rowe 1946:303).
It is unclear when the late sanctuarywas built, but it does seem to have
followed closely on the abandonmentof the earlier rectangularbuilding. That
building was filled in and the upper parts of the walls torn down. The wall tops
were completely coveredby the filIbefore the late sanctuarywas built. The radio-
carbon datessuggestthat this might have happenedanytirneafter the middle part
of the Middle Horizon. The archaeological evidence confirms the historic
accountsthat indicate that the destructionof the sanctuarywas purposeful and
extensive.Certain features,such as the libation receptaclesand parts of the canal
system south of the shrine, were especially targeted.The walls of the sanctuary
were dismantled, with the stones laid over the pavement and wall stubs; the
emphasiswas on burying the sanctuaryitself, rather than areasoutside the com-
pound walls. The historical sourcesdiscussedaboveindicate that this destruction
was carried out by the Augustinians in the mid-16th century, rather than by
Atahualpa.
Most of the artifactsin this excavationwere mixed into the destructionlayer
ratherthan being associatedwith the use of the sanctuary.Three groovedgargoyle
stoneswere found in the outer patio and anotherthree in the inner patio. These
may have been part of the roof structureof the shrine or may simply have been
reused in the walls. There were also fragments of concave (i.e. heavily used)
grinding stonesin the outer patio and one at least was reusedin the north wall of
the compound.One spindle whorl was found in the inner patio, along with colan-
der fragments and a piece of an aryballos rim. Another fragment of an aryballos
rim was found in the shrine.
Most interestingwere severalofferings, consistingof Spondylusshell, river-
rolled stones,and Late Horizon ceramic vessels.The Spondylus shells were
usually orientedwith the inner part of the valve facing downward and were individ-
ually burned.There was often a bit of charcoaland ash under or aroundthe shell,
but no indication of a general conflagration. Often, the Spondylus shells were
accompaniedby a few river-rolled stones,usually smaller than those used in the
pavement.While maintaining an association with lightning and with running
water,theseofferings of river-rolled stonesmay representthe stonesdescribedby
Cieza for the Huamachucoarea: "they worshiped some stonesas large as eggs,
and othersthat were larger and of various colors, which they kept in their temples
or huacasin the high plains and snowy mountains" (Cieza de Leon 1984:237).
Spondylusof courseis strongly associatedwith water and springs(Blower 1996;
Davidson 1980),but also with thunderand lightning. Pariacaca,the huacaasso-
ciated with thunder and lightning in Huarochirf, askedspecifically for Spondylus
shellsto eat (Salomonand Urioste 1991).
 324 John R. Topic et al.

The offerings were placed into the destructionlevel and are evidencethat the
cult of Catequil continuedeven after the sanctuaryhad beendestroyed.The offer-
ings were often placed over important parts of the sanctuary.Four were placed
near the northwest corner of the shrine over the canal and two were in the area
just south of the shrine where the libation and oracular canalsran underground.
A small late Chimu incurving bowl was in the oracular canalalong the south wall
of the compound and a fragment of a small aryballos was found near the
Spondylusoffering placed almost over the canaljust west of the inner patio.
Offerings were also found outside but near the compound. Along the east
side of the compound,there were sevenofferings of burned Spondylusand river-
rolled stones in the uppernost fiIl of the rectangular building near the outer
compound wall. Near the southeastcorner of the compound a small blackware
Chimu-Inca aryballos was found in fragments.Another aryballos and two more
Spondylus offerings were found near and just outside the south wall of the
compound.
Small testsconductedoutside the north and the west sidesof the compound
confirmed that a pavementwas not present.The excavationof the early rectan-
gular building on the eastalso confirmed that there was no pavementand that the
stonesresulting from tearing down the walls were selectivelyused to cover the
sanctuaryitself. A large horizontal exposurein the area south of the compound
provided similar information. This large exposurealso produced many artifacts
including colanderfragments,sherdsfrom shallow buff serving bowls, a mortar,
two well-made polished stone pestle fragments,a spindle whorl, and a gargoyle
reusedin a wall. Sherdsof aryballosrims and strap handleswere also recovered.
This areamight have been a serviceareafor the sanctuary,but we were unable to
securelyidentify a floor level, so dating is still uncertain.However, the prelimi-
nary analysissuggeststhat heavy grinding, perhapsof maize,and large numbers
of colandersand shallow buff serving bowls are characteristicof all phasesof
occupationfor which we have evidence.

CATEQUIL IN ECUADOR

While working in Ecuador in the early 1990s,we noted sevenlocations with the
place name "Catequilla" (Figure 11.8),all locatedin the Incaic province of Quito
(from modern Chimborazo province north to the frontier of the Inca empire);
most are locatedin the hanan,or upper part, of Quito from Chimborazo to Quito.
Three of the places called Catequilla are hills; four other toponyms occur as
springs near the modern towns of Latacunga, Tisaleo, euero, and Chambo.
WaldemarEspinozaSoriano (1988a,b), the Peruvian ethnohistorian,arguesthat
Catequil in Ecuador is a pre-Incaic manifestationof a pan-Andeanthunder and
lightning cult. Various Ecuadorian colleagues are also working on Catequil
 Catequil 32s

Figure 11.8. Location of the seven "Catequilla" toponyms in Ecuadoq all located in the Incaic
province of Quito (from modern Chimborazo province north to the frontier of the Inca empire) and
most located in the hanan, or upper part, of Quito from Chimborazo to
Quito. Three of the places
called Catequillaare hills (at Chimbo, San Antonio de Pichincha,Guachal6:numbers l, 6, 7). Four
other Catequilla toponyms occur as springs (near the modern towns of Chambo, Tisaleo,
euero,
Latacunga:numbers2,3, 4, 5).
 -

326 John R. Topicet al.

(Costaleset al. 1996,Yurevich 1995; Crist6balCobo, personalcommunication;

Gustavo Guayasamin,personal communication; Rodrigo Eraso, personal com-
munication).The issueis whetherCatequil was a folk cult or whetherit was a
consequenceof Inca political indoctrination. For example, the cult of Catequil
might havebeenbrought to Ecuador as a folk cult by mitmaqkunafrom areaslike
Huamachucoand Conchucos;thesenew settlersmight simply have brought their
regional huacas and associated traditions with them. Alternatively, if the
toponymsoccur in areasof Ecuador which were not repopulatedby mitmaqkuna
from Huamachucoand Conchucos,the diffusion of the cult might well have been
a deliberateInca policy. Also, the date of the diffusion of the cult was important:
was this a general Inca policy or was it more likely to have been a particular
policy of Huayna Capac?
The archivalinformation, which is more extensivelysummarizedand cited in
Topic (1999),providesa glimpse of the sociallandscapeat the time of the Spanish
Conquest.By plottingplacenameson a map (circlednumberson Figure 11.8),we
seethe toponym Catequilla in areasin which there is also evidencefor the reset-
tlement of mitmaqkunaunder curacasof middle and high ranks.There were also,
of course, indigenous "Ecuadorian" groups in or near all these areas,some of
whom were led by their own caciquesmayores.Whether by confirming the local
nobility or by introducing mitmaqkuna, the social and political landscapein the
areasin which we find the toponym "Catequilla" underwent a major reshaping
under the Inca. The mitmaqkuna came from various places,including Cuzco, but
only in one casewere they from Huamachucoitself. The diffusion of the cult of
Catequil was likely part of Inca political policy, rather than a folk cult brought to
the north by settlersfrom Huamachuco.The introduction of the cult of Catequil,
then, reflects a reshapingof the ideological landscapeas part of Inca policy.
The cult occursin the areasbrought into the empire during the reigns of both
Topa Inca and Huayna Capac.However,the toponyms occur in areaswhich were
consolidatedinto the empire only during the reign of Huayna Capac,while areas
south of Chimborazo province (especially Azuay, Cafrar,and Loja), which had
been consolidatedduring the reign of Topa Inca, lack the toponym. This distrib-
ution confirms the close relationship between Huayna Capac and Catequil that
the historic information from Huamachucosuggests.
Our archival work was followed up by field visits to the areasin which the
toponym occurred.After the excavationsat San Jos6 Porc6n, we expectedthat
Catequil in Ecuadormight also be associatedwith high hills, cliffs, water sources
and symbolism like river-rolled stonesand Spondylusshell, and perhapsartificial
platforms or even shrinessimilar to the one we had excavated.The field survey
tended to show an associationof Catequil with major springs, but these were
unassociated with built shrinesdatingto the Inca occupation.In most cases,these
are places where water flows out of the ground with exceptional force and,
indeed, becauseof their size and importance many of these springs are now
 Catequil 327

public utilities. The smallestand the best preservedwere a pair of springson the
outskirts of the city of Latacunga.Informants told us that the springsthemselves
were called Catequillaand that peoplebathetherefor curing purposes.They leave
offerings of fruit, play money,cigarettes,candles,and flowers at the springs.The
water is said to flow warm during the night, and cold during the day, bubbling as
it emergesfrom the ground. The spring located just outside Chambo (No. 2 on
Figure 11.8) was an especiallyinterestingcase.There the spring called Catequilla
now is coveredby a chapel (Figure 11.9).The caretakertold us that about 90
years ago there was a woman who came to the spring every day with her young

Figure 11.9. The spring of Catequillain Chambo flows out from under the heart-shape'd gardenon
the stepsof the church of La SantisimaVirgen de la Fuentedel Carmclo.The spring is completcly
canalizednow and is not visible in the photograph.The church was built in the 1960s,but the legend
soesback about 90 vears.
328 John R. Topic et al.

son to wash. Whenever anyone approachedthe spring, the woman would move
back into the brush that coveredthe hill above the spring, calling out to her son
"Cati cati huambraquilla" which means"Hurry up,lazy boy." And that is why, it
is said, the spring is called Catequilla. One day a mute woman from the village
saw the pair at the spring and followed them into the brush, where she saw the
woman disappearinto a large rock. Later, a stonecuttercame to quarry stone at
the rock but, when he struck the rock, blood flowed from it and the image of the
Virgin appearedon the rock. This rock is now incorporatedinto the rear wall of
the church behind the altar.The spring that flows from the foot of the rock is con-
sideredto have miraculouscurativepower. It is also said to have bubblesin it and
to flow warrn at dawn. Now it is the main water supply for the town of Chambo,
and this is just one of severalspringsin the areaof the church.

CATEQUIL AT HOME AND ABROAD

Scholars who have commented on the successof Inca statecraftin uniting an

extensiveand diverseterritory into a relatively cohesivepolitical unit have often
pointed to religious toleranceas one of the factors by which the Inca easedthe
incorporationof subjectpeoplesinto the empire. It was Inca policy to allow local
peoplesto continueto worship local deities and to celebratethe rituals associated
with them, but they were expectedto add appropriateobservancesof Inca deities
and rituals to their calendar,under Inca supervision.
Our study of Catequil was undertakenin large part to expandthe sampleof
provincial huacasto which Andeanistscould turn for information, and it is impor-
tant to review what we have learned from our study of Catequil. The historical
sourcesabout Catequil are brief and contradictory.Nevertheless,they reveal a
multifacetedhuacawith a complex history.
Moreover, important provincial huacashad many overlapping identities. A
single huaca could present many different faces or personalitiesand could be
associatedwith multiple attributesor responsibilities.This is an important point,
not just becausethe multiplicity of roles augmenteda huaca'ssignificanceby cre-
ating multiple scenariosin which people would wish to interact with him, at vary-
ing levels of inclusivity, but also becausethe overlapping identities allowed a
huaca to transcenda limitation that is characteristicof Andean huacas,that of
tight associationwith a particular landscape.
Catequil's multiple personaeare clearer and the archaeologicalevidencesup-
ports considerabletime depth to his worship. Especially clear is the intricate inter-
lacing of his identitieswith the political and sacredlandscapeof the Huamachuco
region.His role as founding ancestoris implantedon the landscapein place names
which recall his eviction of the previousoccupantsof the land and his substitution
of huamachuquinosas the legitimate residentsof the territory. He was worshipped
Catequil 329

over a wide region, but his cult was particularly focused on the Cerro Icchal
complex,where his associationwith the mountainis made concretein many ways.
The shapeof Cerro Icchal in, on, and around which Catequil as apu was considered
to be especiallypresentis a powerful visual embodimentof Catequilascentraldeity
with his mother and brother as supporting characters.This set of relationships is
replicatedin the shapeof the artificial mound at Namanchugoon which the sanc-
tuary of Catequil is located. The hilVapu was a powerful point of interaction
betweenthe deity and the people, where petitions for favor and for abundancemust
have beenconsideredespecially likely to yield positive results.The fertile potential
of the hill is manifest in the numerous springs below the cliff, as the mountain
"bleeds" life-giving water onto the plain on which the sanctuaryis located.
The sanctuaryitself in its last stagepulls togethermany strandsof the rich
multivalent symbolism that surround Catequil's various aspects, linking the
shrine, the hill, and the god. The river-rolled stonesof the sanctuary'spavement
and in the receptaclesfor libations were carefully selectedand transported.They
evoke both sling stonesof Catequil as thunder god, and the rushing water that
streamsdown mountain sides in times of rain. As pavement,the stonesare the
ground on which the sacredacts of offering and prognosticationtake place. The
flowing of liquids beneath the ground and above the ground is the material
expressionof the deity's interaction with his worshipers,providing not just the
meansby which material well-being is assured,but information by which deci-
sionscan be made.River-rolled stonesmake a poignant reappearancein the post-
destructionphase,buried with Spondylus shell by local believers who are still
drawn to the twice-destroyedhuaca.
The use of the small canal systemfor prognosticationis, so far as we know,
unprecedentedand raises the interesting question of whether the huaca also
"spoke." The "voice" of an oracle was consideredvery important in Andean tra-
dition, and Spanishaccountsgive us considerableinformation on how the speak-
ing was carried out. Since Catequil is describedin Huarochiri as a huaca who
could force other huacasto speak,it seemsevident that he must also have had
voice, and that his shrineat Namanchugowas doubly powerful in presentingmes-
sagesverbally and visually.
We have learneda greatdeal in recent yearsabout the importanceof oraclesto
the Inca, and understandnow that important regional huacaswith oracular abilities
were not simply "tolerated,"but were adoptedby Inca rulers and came to wield con-
siderableinfluence.Patterson's(1985) study of Pachacamacdrew attentionto the
importantpolitical role that could be playedby an effectiveoracle.Gose(1996)has
stressedthe relianceof the Inca king on oracularpronouncementsin all mattersgreat
and small, emphasizingthe power of the mummies of dead kings and the panaqa
intereststhey embody.Gose also explored the role of the provincial huacasin offer-
ing adviceand predictionsbasedon regionalperspectivesand interests.Oracleswere
clearly a focus of political agencyduring the Inca era and no doubt before.
330 John R. Topic et al.

There was considerablevariability in the ways in which provincial oracles

were co-opted and made operativewithin the Inca state.The detailed case study
of Catequil allowed us to better understandthe complexity of the relationships
that underlay an oracle's power and identity. We studied Catequil's role in his
home province, within the highest ranks of Inca administration, and in the
annexedterritory to which his cult was transplantedin the final decadesof the
Inca empire.Our approachhas combineda close examinationof publishedhis-
toric sourcesand archival material, excavation at the oracle's main shrine, and
survey of the area of central Ecuador in which toponymic evidenceof the cult's
spreadis found. This multi-faceted approachhas improved our understandingof
Catequil on severalfronts.
Studying the effect on the local area of the Inca's adoption of Catequil, we
find significant differencesto Pachacamac.There is a relatively light Inca pres-
enceat Namanchugo.The Inca did not embellish the shrineand no new structures
were built. A small amount of rather ordinary Late Horizon pottery is found, but
thereis little archaeologicalevidencethat the shrinehad a royal patron.This mir-
rors the situationin Huamachucoitself, where the Inca built only a minor provin-
cial center and architecturaland artifactual remains of their occupation are few
and unelaborate.Huamachucowas not a major power in the Late Intermediate
Period and seemsto have enteredvoluntarily into the Inca state,and may have
requiredlesspaybackto assurelocal allegiance.
Despitethe limited Inca presenceat Namanchugo,therecan be no doubt that
Catequilbenefitedfrom Inca patronage.Catequilin his oracularaspectmay sim-
ply have been more "portable" than his counterpartsin other parts of the Andes.
Various chroniclersmention that Catequil was transportedto widespreadlocales
in the empire, appearingin Ecuador,in Cuzco, and in Huarochiri, and the mater-
ial evidenceof his alliance with the Inca king may havebeenportable also,rather
than linked to the location of his shrine at Namanchugo. It is intriguing that
Atahualpa,to destroyCatequil utterly, did in fact go to Cerro Icchal, but seemsto
have concentratedhis attentionless on the shrine and more on the summit of the
mountain where Catequil was embodiedmost fully.
The adoption of Catequil by Huayna Capac createdfew visible changesin
Huamachuco/Namanchugo,but the diffusion of his cult to Ecuadorproducedsig-
nificant transformations in the huaca's expression there. The re-location of
Catequilwas selective,with some aspectsof his identity emphasizedand trans-
formed, and others apparently reduced in importance or eliminated. Catequil's
link to thunderand to sling stonesis lost, but his associationwith water contin-
ues strong in Ecuador as in Huamachuco. Catequil is identified with major
springs that even today are consideredto have medicinal value, are involved in
curing rituals, and may also be involved in initiation rites for community leaders.
Catequil was also strongly linked to water in Huamachuco.There is consid-
erable water svbolism in the sanctuaryat Namanchuso and much actual water
Catequil 331

issuing from the foot of the cliff which embodies Catequil. The associationof
Catequil with springs is consonantwith his identity as apu, as founding acestor,
and as oracle, conforming closely to patternswithin Andean cosmology.
But it is interesting to note that Catequil's role as a warrior armed with a
sling who makes the thunder and lightning was minimized in the introduction of
his cult to Ecuador.This role was not entirely lost; some of the springsdescribed
are near pucaraes(fortessesor strongholds,especially near Guachal6)and most
of the mitmaqkuna arrived originally as warriors. The downplaying of the war-
related thunder and lightning aspectprobably reflects the need to fit the major
provincial huacainto the Inca pantheon,but without infringing upon Illapa.
Part of the Inca strategyof rule in Ecuador,as in other parts of the empire,
was the tranformation of the social, political, and sacredlandscape.The appro-
priation of severalkey locales in northern Ecuador and the attribution of their
power to an imported huaca is evidenceof this strategyin action. Points on the
landscapewhich were associatedwith power and with particular beneficence
came to be associatedwith a non-local deity introduced by the Inca, at the same
time as the importation of clustersof mitmaqkuna createdintricate new webs of
relationshipsamong newcomers.indigenousgroups,Inca administrators,and the
landscapethat had to be both a spiritual and an economic basefor the new social
order.
It is significant that the evidence now available indicates that Catequil's
oracular power was not transferrredto the Ecuadorianlocations that came to be
identified with him. It is likely that this power was consideredto reside only in
the idol itself, and perhapsin any significant "sons" it might have had.
We have attempted to clarify the geographical extent of the spread of
Catequil'scult. Juan de San Pedro emphasizesthat Catequil was adoredfrom
Quito to Cuzco, but the extant information suggestsa more limited areaof influ-
ence.The cult was particularly important in the Incaic province of Quito, an area
that was closely associatedwith the reign of Huayna Capac,who was also closely
associatedwith Huamachucoand Catequil. But Huayna Capac ruled the entire
empire and was considered to be an exceptionally capable and active ruler
throughoutthe realm. Still, the distribution of toponymsis restrictedto a specific
area in the empire: they do not, to our knowledge occur in Peru, Bolivia, Chile,
or Argentina. Even in Ecuador the distribution is restrictedto what was consid-
ered hanan and hurin Quito, which is to say only the central and northern part of
Ecuador.
Catequil's adoption into imperial circles seemsto reflect a personal rela-
tionship between Huayna Capac and the huaca, and the distribution of place
namesin Ecuadorsupportsthat view. But Catequil,becauseof his multiple over-
lappingidentities,was also a huacathat was amenableto being coopted.It would
be difficult for the Inca to coopt a huaca that was narrowly defined as only a
founding ancestorof a conqueredprovince, or a huacathat was only a homologue
332 John R. Topic et al.

of their lllapa. The identities of Catequil were sufficiently malleable to allow the
transformationof the regional huaca into a political tool. It was as oracle that
Catequil attractedthe attentionof the Inca and came to have influence beyond the
Huamachucoarea,following the precedentset by Topa Inca and Pachacamac.
Not all oracles were coopted to the same extent that Pachacamacand
Catequil were. We have pointed out the similarities between Catequil and
Pariacaca,on the one hand, and Wari Wilka, on the other. These other regional
huacaswere also important under the Incas,but there is no evidencethat the Inca
actively diffused their cults. The spreadof the cults of Pachacamacand Catequil
were probably due to the idiosyncraticrelationshipthey maintainedwith particu-
lar Inca rulers. But even then, they had to transcendthe physical landscapeswith
which they were associatedon the regional level. Pachacamactranscendedits
central coastregional associationby establishing"wives," "sons," and "brothers"
asbranchoraclesin neighboringcoastalvalleys as well as in the highlands.While
Catequil also had "sons," it does not seemthat the springsin Ecuador were con-
sideredto be either "sons" of Catequil or oracles;all we know for certain is that
Catequil was identified with specific springs in the Ecuadorian landscape,and
that thesespringswere associatedwith power and with abundnace.
There is considerably more work to be done with provincial huacas to
understandthe roles they played in their pre-Incaic context, and how they were
changedby the Inca conquest.Ethnohistoric accountsand archival sourcesare of
critical importance in this endeavor,but the value of traditional archaeological
work must be acknowledged.

Acknowledgments

Our researchhas been generouslyfunded by the Social Sciencesand Humanities

ResearchCouncil of Canada and Trent University. Permission to conduct the
study was provided by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura del Peru and the Instituto
Nacional de Patrimonio Cultural del Ecuador.The researchin Ecuador was assisted
by FernandoTamayo and facilitated by the personnelat the Archivo Nacional de
Historia, M6nica Bolaflos, Myriam Ochoa, Ernesto Salazar, Crist6bal Cobo,
Gustavo Guayasamin,Byron Cummings, Oscar Manosalvas,and David Brown.
Sandra S6nchezV6squez and Rebecca Pickford assistedin the excavationsat
Namanchugo.Don Luis Castillo providedaccessto the site as well as the hospi-
tality of his house.The Salazarfamily provided food and friendship, and the peo-
ple of SanJos6were extremely welcoming and trusting.Additional analyseswere
provided by Victor VasquesS6nchez,Teresa Rosales Tham, and Jorge Flores
Franco, all at the Universidad de Trujillo. Walter Ippaguiereprovided the facili-
ties to videotape the site and broadcast the research to the community of
Huamachuco. Segundo Moreno provided valuable bibliographic assistance.
Dennis Davies has servedas a capable,patient, and supportiveresearchassistant
Catequil 333

in Canada;he helped prepare many of the illustrations. There are many other
people who made the researcha truly enjoyable experiencein many small but
very appreciatedways.

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very appreciatedways.

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 Ande&nArchaeologyI
Variationsin
SociopoliticalOrganization

Edited by

William H. Isbelt
StctteIJniversitt,of New York at Binghamton
Binghamton, New york

and

Helaine Silverman
Universitv- of IIlinois at (Jrbana-Charnpctign
U rbuna-Chompaign, I ll ino is

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Andean archaeologyI: variationsin sociopoliticalorganization/edited by William H.

Isbell and Helaine Silverman.
p. cm.
InclLrdesbibliographicalreferencesand index.
rsBN 0-306-46112-0
l . I n d i a n so f S o u t hA m e r i c a - P e r u - A n t i q u i t i e s . 2 . I n d i a n so f S o u t hA m e r i c a - A n d e s
R e g i o n - A n t i q u i t i e s . 3 . P e r u - A n t i q u i t i e s . 4 . A n d e sR e g i o n - A n t i q u i t i e s . I . I s b e l l ,
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xlv Contents

Chapter 9. The Huaro Archaeological Site Complex:

Rethinking the Huari Occupation of Cuzco 267
Mary Glowacki

Chapter 10. The Archaeology of Inca Origins: Excavations

at Chokepukio, Cuzco, Peru 287
Gordon F. McEwan, Melissa Chaffield and Arminda Gibaja
Chapter 11. Catequil: The Archaeology Ethnohistory, and
Ethnography of a Major Provincial Huaca 303
John R. Topic, TheresaLange Topic and Alfredo Melly Cava

PART IV. SOLVING PUZZLES OF THE PAST

Introduction 339
Chapter 12. Tracking the Source of Quispisisa Obsidian
from Huancavelica to Ayacucho 341
Richard L. Burger and Michael D. Glascock

PART V. CONCLUSION
Chapter 13. Writing the Andes with a Capital 'A' 371
William H. Isbell and Helaine Silverman

Index 381