DECLARATION PAGE

I Ajit Kumar Sharma student of B.A.L.L.B. (First year) in Chanakya National Law
University declare that the research project entitled “III French Republic War” submitted
by me for the fulfilment of History course is my own work. This project has not been
submitted for any other Degree / Certificate / Course in any Institution / University.

Name of the candidate

AJIT KUMAR SHARMA

B.A.L.L.B (1st Year) Signature of Candidate

ROLL NO. 1303

1|Page
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT PAGE

I am highly elated to have worked on my research topic “III French Republic War” under
the guidelines of DR. PRIYADARSHANI, (FACULTY OF HISTORY ). I am very
grateful to her for his proper guidance.

I would like to take this opportunity to express my profound gratitude and deep regard to her
for his exemplary guidance, valuable feedback and constant encouragement throughout the
duration of the project.

Her valuable suggestions were of immense help throughout my project work.

Her perceptive criticism kept me working to make this project in a much better way. Working
under her was an extremely knowledgeable experience for me.

I would also like to thank all my friends and my seniors. Apart from all these I would like to
give special regard to the librarian of my university who made a relevant effort regarding to
provide the materials to my topic and also assisting me.

Finally I would like to thank my parents and brother for their immense support and presence
during this whole project work.

AJIT KUMAR SHARMA

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 CONTENTS

NAME OF CHAPTERS PAGE NUMBER.

DECLARATION …………….…………………………………… 1

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT………………………………………… 2

1.INTRODUCTION………………………………………………… 4-6

AIMS AND OBJECTIVE……………………………………,,,,,.... 7

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY……….…………………………… 7

LIMITATION OF RESEARCH ........................................ 7

SOURCES OF DATA……………………………………………… 7

2. FRENCH IN FIRST WORLD WAR ............................................ 8

3. PROBLEMS WITH THE FRENCH THIRD REPUBLIC ..................... 9-12

4. DOWNFALL OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC ........ 13

5. CONCLUSION……………………………………………………… 14-15

BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………… 16

END NOTES ....................................................................................... 16-17

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 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The French Third Republic, (in French, Troisième Republique, sometimes written as IIIème
Republique) (1870/75-1940/46), was the governing body of France between the Second
Empire and the Fourth Republic. It was a republican parliamentary democracy that was
created on September 4, 1870 following the collapse of the Empire of Napoleon III in the
Franco-Prussian War. It survived until the invasion of France by the German Third Reich in
1940.

In many ways it was an accidential and unloved republic, that stumbled from crisis to crisis
before its final collapse. It was never intended to be a long-term republic at all.

Napoleon III had become the second Emperor of France in 1852, following in the footsteps of
his uncle Napoleon I. However, the French Second Empire lasted only eighteen years
because of the emergence of another world power, one that was to profoundly transform the
balance of power in Europe - the German Empire.

Chancellor Bismarck of Prussia, who sought to bring his state to ascendancy in Germany,
realized that if a German Empire was to be created, the French Empire, which would never
tolerate a powerful neighbour at its borders, must fall. Through clever manipulation of the
Ems Dispatch, Bismarck goaded France into the Franco-Prussian War, which led to the
French emperor's defeat and overthrow. 
After Napoleon's capture by the Prussians at Sedan, France became a de facto conservative
republic, although the revolutionary Paris Commune held out until its bloody suppression in
May 1871.

In the aftermath of the collapse of the regime of Napoleon III, the clear majority of French
people and the overwhelming majority of the French National Assembly wished to return to a
constitutional monarchy.1 In 1871, the throne was offered to the Comte de Chambord, alias
Henry V, the Legitimist pretender to the French throne since the abdication of Charles X,
who had abdicated in favour of him, in 1830. Chambord, then a child, had had the throne
snatched from his grasp in 1830. 

In 1871 Chambord had no wish to be a constitutional monarch but a semi-absolutist one like
his grandfather Charles X. Moreover - and this became the ultimate reason the restoration
never occurred - he refused to reign over a state that used the Tricolore that was associated
with the Revolution of 1789 and the July Monarchy of the man who seized the throne from
him in 1830, the citizen-king, Louis Philippe, King of the French. However much France
wanted a restored monarchy, it was unwilling to surrender its popular tricolour. 

Instead a "temporary" republic was established, pending the death of the elderly childless
Chambord and the succession of his more liberal heir, the Comte de Paris.

In February 1875, a series of parliamentary Acts established the organic or constitutional

laws of the new republic. At its apex was a President of the Republic. A two-chamber
parliament was created, along with a ministry under a prime minister (named "President of
the Council") who was nominally answerable to both the President of the Republic and
1
Becker, Jean Jacques. The Great War and the French People (1986), 12

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parliament. Though out the 1870s, the issue of monarchy versus republic dominated public
debate.

On May 16, 1877, with public opinion swinging heavily in favour of a republic, the President
of the Republic, Patrice MacMahon, duc de Magenta, himself a monarchist, made one last
desperate attempt to salvage the monarchical cause by dismissing the republic-minded prime
minister and appointing a monarchist duke to office. He then dissolved parliament and called
a general election (October 1877). 

If his hope had been to halt the move towards republicanism, it backfired spectacularly, with
the President being accused of having staged a constitutional coup d'etat, known as le seize
Mai after the date on which it happened.

Republicans returned triumphant, finally killing off the prospect of a restored French
monarchy. MacMahon himself resigned on January 28, 1879, leaving a seriously weakened
presidency, so weakened indeed that not until Charles de Gaulle eighty years later did another
President of France unilaterally dissolve parliament.2 To mark the final end of French
monarchism as a serious political force, in 1885 the French Crown Jewels were broken up
and sold. Only a few crowns, their precious gems replaced by coloured glass, were kept.

Though France was clearly republican, it was not in love with its Third Republic.
Governments collapsed with regularity, rarely lasting more than a couple of months, as
radicals, socialists, liberals, conservatives, republicans and monarchists all fought for control.
The Republic was also rocked by a series of crises, none more notorious that the Dreyfus
Affair in 1894, when a Jewish officer in the French Army was wrongly jailed on charges of
spying for Germany.3 

This claim played on all the fears and perspectives of all sides. Monarchists and right-wing
Roman Catholics, many of whom were anti-semitic, and in some cases blaming a "Jewish
plot" for the triumph of republicanism, immediately attacked Dreyfus and refused to consider
the possibility that he was innocent. 

Others on the left, still fighting the 'monarchy versus republic' battle, championed his cause,
irrespective of his guilt or innocence. When it became clear that he was indeed totally
innocent and the victim of a conspiracy, the state itself failed to accept his innocence straight
away, and even when he was released from his exile, whispering campaigns still suggested he
was actually guilty. 

In the aftermath of the affair, when the truth finally did come out, the reputations of
monarchists and conservative catholics, who had expressed unbridled anti-semitism were
severely damaged. So too was the state by its unwillingness to right what had clearly been a
major wrong visited on an innocent and loyal officer.

Despite this turmoil, the midpoint of the Third Republic was known as the belle epoque in
France, a golden time of beauty, innovation, and peace with its European neighbors. New
inventions made life easier at all social levels, the cultural scene thrived, cabaret, cancan, and
the cinema were born, and art took new forms with Impressionism and Art Nouveau. But the
2
www.britannica.com/topic/Third-Republic-French-history,2016/4/24,20.00
3
, G.P.Gooch Franco-German Relations 1871-1914 (1923),51

5|Page
glory of this turn-of-the-century time period came to an end with the outbreak of World War
One.

Throughout its seventy-year history, the Third Republic stumbled from crisis to crisis, from
collapsing governments to the appointment of a mentally ill president. It struggled through
the German invasion of World War One and the inter-war years. 
When the Nazi invasion occurred in 1940, the Republic was so disliked by enemies on the
right - who sought a powerful bulwark against Communism - and on the far left - where
Communists initially followed their movement's international line of refusing to defend
"bourgeois" regimes -that few had the stomach to fight for its survival, even if they
disapproved of German occupation of northern France and the collaborationist Vichy regime
established in the south.

When France was finally liberated, few called for the restoration of the Third Republic, and a
Constituent Assembly was established in 1946 to draft a constitution for a successor,
established as the Fourth Republic that December.

Adolphe Thiers, the first president of the Third Republic, called republicanism in the 1870s
"the form of government that divides France least." France might have agreed about being a
republic, but it never fully agreed with the Third Republic. France's longest lasting régime
since before the 1789 revolution, the Third Republic was consigned to the history books, as
unloved at the end as it had been when first created seventy years earlier. But its longevity
showed that it was capable of weathering many a storm. 

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AIMS AND OBJECTIVE

The researcher aim is to find out the:-

(i) The role of French in first world war.

(ii) To study the problem with third French republic.
(iii)

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The researcher used doctrinal method of research and had taken the help of books, websites
and concerned teachers also.

LIMITATION OF RESEARCH

The researcher had a time limit. He had to finish his research work within two weeks.

SOURCES OF DATA

The researcher had collected the data from the books that were in the library and also
collected data from websites.

CHAPTER II
7|Page
 FRENCH IN FIRST WORLD WAR

France entered World War I in alliance with Russia to defend against German invasion.
Germany sought to win a quick war in the west before Russia fully mobilized its armed
forces. The French victory at the Battle of the Marne in September 1914 ensured the failure
of Germany's strategy to avoid a protracted war on two fronts.
Many French intellectuals welcomed the war to avenge the humiliation of defeat and loss of
territory to Germany following the Franco-Prussian War of 1871. At the grass roots, Paul
Déroulède's Patriots League, a proto-fascist movement based in the lower middle class, had
advocated a war of revenge since the 1880s. The strong Socialist movement had long
opposed war and preparation for war. However when its leader Jean Jaurès, a pacifist, was
assassinated at the start of the war, the French socialist movement abandoned its antimilitarist
positions and joined the national war effort. Prime Minister Rene Viviani called for unity—
for a "Union sacrée" ("Sacred Union")--and France had few dissenters.4
As in other countries, a state of emergency was proclaimed and censorship imposed, leading
to the creation in 1915 of the satirical newspaper Le Canard enchaîné to bypass the
censorship. The economy was hurt by the German invasion of major industrial areas in the
northeast. While the occupied area in 1913 contained only 14% of France's industrial
workers, it produced 58% of the steel, and 40% of the coal. 5 In 1914 the government
implemented a war economy with controls and rationing. By 1915 the war economy went
into high gear, as millions of French women and colonial men replaced the civilian roles of
many of the 3 million soldiers. Considerable assistance came with the influx of American
food, money and raw materials in 1917. This war economy would have important
reverberations after the war, as it would be a first breach of liberal theories of non-
interventionism.
In order to uplift the French national spirit, many intellectuals began to fashion patriotic
propaganda. The Union sacrée sought to draw the French people closer to the actual front and
thus garner social, political, and economic support for the French Armed Forces.
The French army defended Paris in 1914 and stopped the German offensive; the war became
one of trench warfare along theWestern Front, with very high casualty rates and (until spring
1918), almost no gains or losses one way or the other. Georges Clemenceau, whose ferocious
energy and determination earned him the nickname "the Tiger", led a coalition government
after 1917 that was determined to defeat Germany.

CHAPTER III

PROBLEMS WITH THE FRENCH THIRD REPUBLIC

4
Supra1
5
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/French_Third_Republic,2016/04/24,9.15

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From its very roots, the French Third Republic had its problems. Following the

defeat at the end of the Franco Prussian War, a temporary republic was instituted in 1870

which was to serve as an intermediate between the crushed Second Republic and the new

monarchy but one problem persisted; who was to take the throne? The divisions that

developed among the monarchists were between the legitimists who pushed for the Count

of Chambord to take power, the Orleanists who demanded that the Count of Paris be put

on the throne, and the Napoleanists who wanted an heir of the great Napolean Bonaparte

to reign. Because of the Republican unity during the Monarchist quarrels, the

Republicans put the Monarchist MacMahon in power as president in 1871. The

Monarchists, still having the majority in the Parliament, were able to control the design of

this Third Republic to give a great deal of power to this president. The Monarchists

viewed the Republic as a monarchy in the making. In the task to empower a premier,

MacMahon and the Parliament were at great odds.6 MacMahon elected the Duke of Paris

after rejecting consecutive choices by the Senate for Gambetta and Dufaure for premier.

Due to strong opposition by the Senate, MacMahon was lead to dissolve the Parliament

and call for new elections in the hopes that, because of the people’s Monarchist majority,

a Monarchist Parliament would take power. MacMahon’s strategy backfired leaving him

with an even stronger Republican Parliament essentially forcing him to quit. Because of

the division between the Monarchists, a republic was empowered against the people’s

wishes. Because of MacMahon’s opposition to this new republic, the position of

president was weakened thus destroying all chances of the French Third Republic’s

evolution into a monarchy.7 By the end of 1871, the French citizens were left with a

government unrepresentative of the political majority.

The French people were put in opposition with the rulings of the French Third

Republic early on. The French general Boulanger whom they loved was put in the

6
Supra3
7
ibatpv.org/projects/france/third_republic/third_rep_problems.htm,2016/04/24,21.12

9|Page
position of Secretary of War following the Franco-Prussian War.8 Boulanger frightened

members of the Parliament as he strongly encouraged militarization. These fears were

confirmed in 1889 when a French officer was arrested crossing the German/French

border and Boulanger’s immediate response was to declare war. The French Senate

quickly removed him from office before he was able to make an assault on the Germans

as any attempt would have resulted in a sure failure. This action by the Senate, however

responsible it was, angered French citizens as Boulanger carried the highest approval

rating among French politicians at the time.

The Dreyfus Affair, which began in October of 1894, proved to be another one of

the problems that plagued the French Third Republic as it amplified the differences

between various political and social groups, and created conflict between them. Alfred

Dreyfus, who was falsely accused and convicted for espionage, served as a pivotal point

for controversy and conflict.9 The country was divided into basically two groups: the

Dreyfusards and the anti-Dreyfusards. The Dreyfusards consisted of people such as the

intellectuals, liberals and extremists from the left and the right, while the anti

Dreyfusards were made of groups such as the Roman Catholic Church and the army.

One of the primary results of the Dreyfus Affair was the conflict between right and left

wing political and social groups. When Dreyfus (being Jewish) was first found guilty,

anti-Semitic groups quickly responded by spreading anti-Semitic propaganda, much of

the anti-Semites coming from the French Army. However, cover-ups made by the

French General Staff gradually became more apparent. As Picquart, the new head of

French Intelligence, revealed Dreyfus’ innocence (by revealing Esterhazy’s guilt), and

was later arrested in July of 1898 for doing so, Liberal groups and other Dreyfusards then

had something to protest. The right wing groups, specifically the Roman Catholic

Church and the French army remained in support of the court decisions concerning

8
Jackson, Peter (2006). "Post-War Politics and the Historiography of French Strategy and Diplomacy
Before the Second World War". History Compass 4(5): 870–905 [pp. 874–80].
9
Supra9

10 | P a g e
Dreyfus. The army did so in order to maintain appearances, not wanting to look foolish

for falsely accusing one of their own. Writers such as Anatole France, who wrote

L’histoire Contemporaine (an analysis of the negative effects of the Dreyfus Affair), and

Charles Peguy, led the intellectuals and the liberals, denouncing the position of the right

wing groups.

Anti-Semitic movements also flourished as a result of the Dreyfus Affair, aside

form mere propaganda. Much of this came as the result of Emile Zola’s article J’Accuse

which accused members of the government and the army of anti-Semitism and

conspiracy. January 14, 1898, a day after Zola’s article was published in the newspaper

L’Aurore, anti-Semitic protests begin throughout France, lasting for three days. The

French-ruled Algerians began to persecute and kill Jews10. Over a month later, Zola was

put on trial and found guilty of libel, but escaped to England. These sorts of conflicts, the

conflict between the right and left and anti-Semitism, arose from the Dreyfus Affair, thus

causing it to be another problem for the French Third Republic.

From 1879 to 1899, the conflict between church and state became a major issue

and thus another problem for the French Third Republic.11 The republicans felt that under

the Concordat and the Organic Articles, the Roman Catholic Church had too much

power. The Chamber took several measures to limit the church’s power, thus damaging

the church and state relationship, and contributing to the problems of the French Third

Republic.

One of the ways in which the laic laws affected France and the Roman Catholic

Church was the reform of education. Many of the reforms made were anti-clerical, and

all of them in one form or another undermined the authority of the Catholic Church. Lay

teachers replaced several nuns, who formerly had always taught in schools. After passing

a law excluding any religious instruction in 1882, the Chamber, while considering the
10
Jackson, Julian (2003). The Fall of France: The Nazi Invasion of 1940. New York: Oxford
University Press. p. 38.
11
 Larkin, Maurice (2002). Religion, Politics and Preferment in France since 1890: La Belle Epoque
and its Legacy. Cambridge University Press. p. 3.

11 | P a g e
budget, voted to reduce the number of chaplains in the primary schools by a vote of 375

to 95. The Republicans considered the Catholic control of the school system limiting to

education; thus they took the control out of the church’s hands. This fact served as a

source of tension between church and state relations.

The Chamber even went so far as to attack the Concordat itself. In 1881, the

separation of church and state ranked fifth among the deputies as far as importance. Two

hundred and thirty three deputies shared their view on this topic, the majority of which

were in favor of it. In 1885, the elections for the separation of church and state were

held. In the first vote it failed, but when Planteau and Michelin proposed it again in the

December of that year, it was approved in June of the following year. In this way,

relations between the church and state were badly wounded, further complicating the

problems of the French Third Republic.

CHAPTER IV

DOWNFALL OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC

12 | P a g e
The looming threat of Nazi Germany was confronted at the Munich Conference of 1938.
France abandoned its military allyCzechoslovakia, and with Great Britain, appeased the
Germans by giving in to their demands. Intensive rearmament programs began in 1936 and
were redoubled in 1938, but they would only bear fruit in 1939 and 1940.12
Historians have debated two themes regarding the unexpected, sudden collapse of France in
1940. The first emphasizes the long run, highlighting failures, internal dissension, and a sense
of malaise. The second theme blames the poor military planning by the French High
Command. According to the British historian Julian Jackson, the Dyle Plan conceived by
French General Maurice Gamelin was destined for failure since it drastically miscalculated
the ensuing attack by German Army Group B into central Belgium.13The Dyle Plan embodied
the primary war plan of the French Army to stave off German Army Groups A, B, and C with
their much revered Panzer divisions in Belgium. However, because of the over-stretched
positions of the French 1st, 7th, and 9th armies in Belgium at the time of the invasion, the
Germans simply outflanked the French by coming through the Ardennes. As a result of this
poor military strategy, France was forced to come to terms with Nazi Germany in
an armistice signed on 22 June 1940 in the same railway carriage where the Germans had
signed the armistice ending the First World War on 11 November 1918.14
The Third Republic officially ended on 10 July 1940 when the parliament gave full powers
to Philippe Pétain, who proclaimed in the following days the État Français (the "French
State"), which replaced the Republic.
Throughout its seventy-year history, the Third Republic stumbled from crisis to crisis, from
dissolved parliaments to the appointment of a mentally ill president. It struggled
through World War I against the German Empire and the inter-war years saw much political
strife with a growing rift between the right and the left. When France was liberated in 1944,
few called for a restoration of the Third Republic, and a Constituent Assembly was
established in 1946 to draft a constitution for a successor, established as the Fourth
Republic (1946 to 1958) that December, a parliamentary system not unlike the Third
Republic.

CHAPTER V

CONCLUSION

The French Third Republic rose out of the ashes of Napoleon III's Second Empire after its
defeat in the Franco-Prussian War. The Third Republic was a parliamentary republic, often

12
Shirer, William L. The Collapse of the Third Republic: An Inquiry into the Fall of France, New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1969
13
Doughty, Robert A. Pyrrhic Victory: French Strategy and Operations in the Great War (2008),
592pp
14
Ibid,14

13 | P a g e
unstable and constantly seeking legitimacy. By the end of the 1870s, the Third Republic
found its home in the center of the French revolutionary and democratic tradition. The
government enacted legislation aimed at solidifying the common identity of all Frenchmen:
compulsory schooling, centralized curricula, civics education, mandatory military service,
and the central control of all media and government information from Paris. But it was the
Boulanger Affair and the Dreyfus Affair (so commonly known that the latter simply became
known as "The Affair") that, for better or for worse, gave the French Third Republic
before World War I its own historical identity.

General Georges Boulanger was a popular figure who captured the imagination of the French
press. He found total army support when he reorganized the military as minister of war; he
received business support when he led troops to end worker strikes. Most importantly, the
agrarian poor were enchanted with this horseback riding hero as the preeminent French
patriot. In 1889, Boulanger decided to use his popularity for his own advancement in the
political arena: Boulanger hoped to establish a dictatorship in France on the heels of his
election to the presidency by mass mandate. Through skillful manipulation of the media and
popular symbols, Boulanger's campaign associated the would-be military dictator with
patriotism, military victory, honor, constitutional reform, democracy, social welfare, and a
whole litany of policies that gave each constituent group something to look forward to in a
Boulanger administration. He was able to amass a large enough group to scare the Third
Republic, but failed to gain the support he needed. His effort failed when he lost the election.

However, it was the Dreyfus Affair that truly galvanized and held the attention of the entire
French nation. In 1894, Alfred Dreyfus, an Alsatian Jewish army officer accused of passing
French military secrets to the Germans, was convicted of treason. His trial provided an outlet
for virulent French xenophobia and anti-Semitism. Sentenced to exile to Devil's Island,
Dreyfus maintained his innocence in the face of a French public captivated by scare tactics
from the radical right. Eventually, the evidence crucial in cementing Dreyfuss' conviction
was shown to have been forged and fabricated. When the illegal activities and forged
evidence came to be known in the mass press, the entire country divided into two camps: the

14 | P a g e
pro-Dreyfusards (usually political allied of the left and the Third Republic) who supported
Dreyfus's innocence; and the anti-Dreyfusards (usually allies of traditionally conservative
institutions such as the Church and the army, alongside rabid anti-Semites) who maintained
his guilt in the name of French honor, national integrity, and racial purity. The entire country
organized into leagues of small groups--intellectuals, workers, soldiers, clerics, leftists, et
cetera--all in the name of their position on "The Affair". Dreyfus was eventually exonerated
in the press and in the court after conclusive evidence unearthed by the media determined that
it was one of Dreyfus's colleagues on the General Staff who leaked the secrets and framed the
Jewish scapegoat.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOK

15 | P a g e
 (i) Brogan, D. W The development of modern France (1870–1939) (1953)
(ii) Bury, J. P. T. France, 1814–1940 (2003) ch 9–16
(iii) Hutton, Patrick H., ed. Historical Dictionary of the Third French Republic,
1870–1940 (Greenwood, 1986)
(iv) Shirer, William L. The Collapse of the Third Republic: An Inquiry into the
Fall of France, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1969
(v) Becker, Jean Jacques. The Great War and the French People (1986)
(vi) Gooch, G.P. Franco-German Relations 1871-1914 (1923)

WEBSITE

(i) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/French_Third_Republic
(ii) www.britannica.com/topic/Third-Republic-French-history
(iii) www.historyhome.co.uk/europe/3rd-rep.htm
(iv) ibatpv.org/projects/france/third_republic/third_rep_problems.htm
(v) www.french-at-a-touch.com/French_History/first_to_third_republic.htm
(vi) www.sparknotes.com › ... › History Study Guides › Europe 1871-1914

END NOTES

Becker, Jean Jacques. The Great War and the French People (1986), 12

Ibid
Supra 1
www.britannica.com/topic/Third-Republic-French-history,2016/4/24,20.00
, G.P.Gooch Franco-German Relations 1871-1914 (1923),51
Supra1
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/French_Third_Republic,2016/04/24,9.15
Supra3
ibatpv.org/projects/france/third_republic/third_rep_problems.htm,2016/04/24,21.12
Jackson, Peter (2006). "Post-War Politics and the Historiography of French Strategy and Diplomacy
Before the Second World War". History Compass 4(5): 870–905 [pp. 874–80].
Supra9
Jackson, Julian (2003). The Fall of France: The Nazi Invasion of 1940. New York: Oxford
University Press. p. 38.
 Larkin, Maurice (2002). Religion, Politics and Preferment in France since 1890: La Belle Epoque
and its Legacy. Cambridge University Press. p. 3.
Shirer, William L. The Collapse of the Third Republic: An Inquiry into the Fall of France, New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1969
Doughty, Robert A. Pyrrhic Victory: French Strategy and Operations in the Great War (2008),
592pp
Ibid,14

16 | P a g e
17 | P a g e