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This is less a book about history in its traditional sense than a con
tribution to the philosophy of history?an intervention in the debate
on how histories might today be written. It takes the form of a sus
tained reflection of history writing even as it seeks to recover the his
tories?in this instance?of a set of colonized peoples and practices.
Which, some might say, is the only way of doing good history today.
If the idea of provincializing Europe has been available for some
time, as one of the previews on the back cover of the book suggests,
Chakrabarty does an outstanding job of thinking it through and teas
ing out its implications. His discussion of the history of the Hindu,
upper-caste, male (the adjectives are all his) Bengali encounter with
modernity in the nineteenth century and after is an intrinsic?and
invaluable?part of the exercise.
Chakrabarty has three perverse propositions to argue, one or two of
which may by now (as a result of earlier writings by Chakrabarty and
others) be a little more familiar than the others: that "Europe" is not
only the land mass, the continent, and the peoples classified under that
label; that "history" is not a continuous, gradually unfolding story of a
game played out (as it were) on a level plane; and that "time" is far
more treacherous, unequal, and disjointed than we imagine. He pro
poses the provincialization of Europe by asking questions about the
universality of its experience, or rather how (aspects of) its experience
came to be represented as universal?through imperialism and through
the complicity of nationalisms.
He advocates the provincialization of history by recognizing its irre
ducible plurality and untameability. For this, he distinguishes between
two types of history that have arisen with the spread of capitalism and
the emergence of the modern world: "History 1-," that is, a past posited
by capital as part of its precondition (p. 63), and "History (or Histo
ries) 2," which do not belong to the life process of capital, which may
and workers, casual laborers and destitutes, who fill the pavements and
slums of Calcutta as much as they inhabit the villages of plains and hills
in the countryside; or for the Muslims against whom?as whose Other
?"modern Bengal" dreamt itself up. What would it require, in the way
of social location, political hopes, academic training, and so on, to pro
duce a history of historical, political, social, cultural difference within
Bengal/India?
Reading Provincializing Europe, I wondered also whether the separa
tion of the "universal history of capital" and the "politics of human
belonging" does sufficient justice to the enchantment of capitalism
itself and the many new forms and desires of belonging that it gives rise
to. In other words, History 2 is perhaps rather more implicated in His
tory 1 than it is allowed by the simple separation of the "life process" of
capitalism from that which does not belong to it?even with the qual
ification that the latter is not external to the former, but lives in inti
mate and plural relationships with it. There seems to be another irony
here, not unlike the irony that a critique of Enlightenment reason and
its aggrandizing history must (for the moment at least) be mounted
from a position within that reason itself, or the irony of a Bengali poet
(whom Chakrabarty quotes) writing of hunger, in an unforgettable
line, that: "In the kingdom of hunger the world is only prosaic."
GYANENDRA PANDEY
Johns Hopkins University