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Zenana Missions and Christian Missionaries 1
Zenana Missions and Christian Missionaries:

Some Reflections of the ‘White Woman’s Burden’
and Imperialism in the Nineteeth Century Bengal
Dahlia Bhattacharya
Women’s education and emancipation became a dominant issue in the

nineteenth century Bengal. It was a crucial part of the socio-religious reformation
programmes and the cultural changes. The British cultural impact had educated
the Bengali men but the women of their households were not affected by the
western education and culture. The early British liberal thinkers like James
Mill had identified the Hindus as ‘backward’, uncivilized and incapable of
becoming the ‘brown-skined’ Englishman because of their backward treatment
to women 1. The colonial administrators and the British Christian missionaries
echoed the same thought and gave attention to the women’s education in India.
They applied the ideological basis of Rudyard Kipling’s poem ‘The White
Man’s Burden’ (1899) and sent female missionaries during the second half of
the nineteenth century to India. The ‘white woman’s burden’ brought a group
of female missionaries, teachers, nurses and doctors, who devoted themselves
to educate the antarpurbashini or women in seclusion in the nineteenth century
Bengal.The female missionaries became a part of the imperial design to penetrate
into the interiors of the household under the pretence to civilize the uneducated
and uncultured Indian women.
The objective of the paper is to understand the reasons to reach the women
in the household by the missionaries, the perception of the white women about
their Indian counterpart or ‘zenana’ as well as to sketch the cultural imperialism
and racial superiority involved in the operation of the system.It attempts to
assess the religious motives engaged in the process. It tries to assess the success
and failure involved in the operation of the system in educating the women in
seclusion.
2 Exploring History
Women’s Education in the Pre-Colonial Phase

During the ancient, education had a very high place in Indian culture and
the then society. Radha Kumood Mukherjee puts it that, ‘women had free acces
to education and training in their learning and participation in religious
ceremonies and functions. However, it appears that the prevalence of learning
among women were restricted to upper elite class and the Brahmins 2. In Vedic
period among the higher section of society, the sacred initiation (upnayan) of
girls was common and they used to go through a regular course of education.
Some attained distinction in the realm of theology and philosophy and a
considerable number of women used to follow the teaching careers 3. In the
medieval times the female members of the upper class elites received education
and inside the home in Persian, Arabic and Vedic religious texts . Apart from
daughters of the nobles and princesses there were courtesans and concubines
who possessed good knowledge in vedic literature and poetry. Among group
of women, many of them became well known in poetic verses. The education
was therefore, uniformed and such non-institutional education based on religious
scriptures imparted by governesses could be afforded by only well do
families.The girls of not so well to do families did not receive education 4.
During the nineteenth century the Indian women suffered from contraints
of kulin polygamy, early marriage, early widowhood, sati system, ignorance
and superstition due to lack of education. Furthermore , there was a superstitious
belief among the majority of the Hindu families in Bengal , that if a girl taught
to read and write will soon became a widow after marriage 5. Rashsundari
Debi in Amar Jiban, the earliest examples of the autobiographical sketch in
Bengali mentions that “people used to despire women of learning .... Infact,
older women used to show great deal of displeasure if they saw a piece of
paper in the hands of a women 6. Haimabati Sen, wrote in her memoirs that
“But I had no right to education. Though I lived like a boy in every respect, in
matters of education I remained a women. It is a popular superstition in our
country that women, if educated, have to suffer widowhood; hence that path
was entirely closed for me.”7
The female during the early nineteenth century both for Hindus and Muslim
upper class families were restricted to religious text and some basic mathematical
calculations taught by a family member or tutor. In some upper-class vaishnavite
families the women learned to read puranic literature. The female literacy rate
was very low up to 6 percent in Bengal and 20 percent in Deccan. The male
education was also well not developed and organised. Thus female education
was informal and women from upper class elite could read vernacular literature
and classics. On the whole their access remained within the household and its
work 8. There are evidences in the nineteenth century of young girls attending
the elementary schools or village pathsalas but in very few number. Thus
women’s education was not completely absent in the nineteenth century.9
Female schools and Christian missionaries
The pioneer of western education for women were the Christian
missionaries who were allowed to operate in India by the East India Company
after the Charter Act of 1813. Robert May of the London Missionary society
(LMS) were probably the first to start the first girls school in Chinsurah in
Bengal in 1818 with fourteen girls. In 1819, the Calcutta Baptists opened the
Calcutta opened the Calcutta Female Juvenile Society for Education of Native
Females.But for nearly twelve months,not withstanding the most strenous
exertions , the number of scholars did not exceed more than eight .At the end
of two years , the number amounted to thirty –two and in three years or more
the schools had increased to six, in which there were 160 scholars 10. Within
two years Calcutta Baptists established three day-schools for girls in Calcutta
with seventy six pupils. However, the students were mostly girls of the poorer
classes whose parents didnot have the conservative attitude of the affluent classes11.
Rev. William Ward of the Sreerampur Missionaries appealed to the women
in British women to arrive to India for missionary works. In May 1821 the
British and Foreign School Society despatched Miss Mary Ann Cooke to Bengal
to teach Bengali girls under the auspices of Calcutta Book Society. However,
the society on her arrival had declined to take up the work of female education.
Therefore, Miss Cooke started her work under the patronage of Church
Missionary Society. By March 1823 she succeeded in establishing in Calcutta
fifteen schools with three hundred student. In 1824, her work was transferred
to a new organization, the Ladies Society For Native Female Education in
Calcutta and its vicinity. This organization ws presided by Lady Amherst, the
wife of Governor –General 12.The success of Miss Cooke inspired the other
missionaries like the London Missionary Society to establish schools at
Kidderpore, Chinsurah and Berhampur while the Baptist missionaries
established schools at Suri, Katwa, Chittagong, Dacca and Jessore. The Church
Missionary Society established similar schools at Kalna, Bankura, Krishnanagar
and Burdwan 13.In 1828 Miss Cooke after her marriage with Rev. Isaac Wilson,
C.M.S. missionary opened a school for girls in Calcutta with the financial
assistance of an affluent zamindar, Raja Buddhinath Roy named Central School.
Hannah Marshman , the wife of Rev. Joshua Marshman similarly opened school
in Sreerampore for girls 14.
The schools for girls were not so successful at first. Mrs Wilson engaged
female servants or Hurkurahs to gather students for her day school. The hurkurah
was invested with some money out of which she gave some to the pupils who
agreed to go to the schools. The poor parents of the female wards were thus
inspired by the profit motive of sending their daughters to school 15. These
schools mostly attracted girls of the depressed classes and of prostitutes. They
belonged to the castes of Bagdis, Tantis, Haris,Chandals, Kurmis and other
backward castes.The upper class bhadralok community of Bengal were reluctant
4 Exploring History
to send their girls to schools which were frequented by children of prostitutes16.

The caste –prejudice also played a firm role in not sending their daughters to
school with girls from the depressed classes. Furthermore, the economic
incentive provided for the lower classes were neither present nor lucrative for
the upper caste men.Moreover, there was he fear of conversion prevailing among
them.
The boys were sent to the missionary schools from the upper castes because
the education would provide some employment in the new administrative set
up of the British Government. The upper class women could not be expected
to work in the early nineteenth century as their main work lay in marriage and
rearing children. The girls of the lower classes were also married at early age
of ten to twelve and they did not continue to go to school. Hence, the girls and
women from upper class elite families were not allowed to go out to school
from the purdah. The upper class women or zenanas were not sent to the
missionary schools for day education 17.
Introducing home education for upper class women

Zenana is a Persian word for women. Prior to the birth of the term
‘bhadramahila’, the upper class elite women were referred to as ‘zenana’’ and
the place where they lived was called ‘zenana mahal’.In Bengal, before the
term bhadramahila came into use , zenana was referred to the upper class
ladies as counterpart of English gentlewomen.The missionary writings refer to
zenana as ‘the place for women’, ‘untuppoor’ or into which are consigned the
females of a Bengali household 18. The zenana was described by Anne Katherine
Elwood as a small dark apartment, with unlarged windows closed by wooden
shutters.19 Ellen Etherington in a pamphlet in 1877 wrote that, “zenana generally
a gloomy , confined and comfortless dwelling ,is practically the world of its
inmates for they seldom leave it”20. The lives of women in ‘antarpur’ or zenana
mahal largely consist of infrequent interactions with men, devoted to religious
rituals. They were ignored of education from upper class families elite were
not allowed to go out to school from the purdah 21. Thus the only alternative
lay in the visit of female teachers in the homes of the upper class women.The
missionaries, thus, intended to introduce women of India a wider conception
of the world through western education and to broaden their minds beyond the
cramped walls of the zenana. The missionary women would go door to door
teaching and enlightening women.
There were differences of opinion and some resistance were faced from
within the Christian missionaries regarding the door to door method of teaching.
In 1840 Dr. Thomas, a missionary of the United Free Church of Scotland
submitted a proposal for a scheme of door to door education of Indian women
which was turned down by other missionaries considering it unrealistic. 22His
plan received warm support from Mrs Wilson and Rev Krishna Mohun
Bannerjee of the Anglican Missionary. In the same year, a committee of
European gentlemen, manned by Messers Macfarlane and Hawkins along with
Rev. Macdonald and Rev Dr. Charles invited educated native men to an essay
competition enumerating their views on women’s education. A prize of Rs 200
was offered for the best essayist and it was won by Rev Krishna Mohun Banerjee
who suggested to provide teachers and aged governesses to young girls of upper
classes 23. Beside the publication of the essay , the urban elite class of Calcutta
discussed that the best possible way to provide education to the upper class
women was through home tution. The idea of building schools for providing
women of the upper class with education did not seem to be have been very
popular with the respectable Hindu bhadralok of Bengal.Furthermore, in a
conference of the missionaries in Calcutta in 1855 while discussing about female
education , it was felt a necessity by Mrs. Fordyce, wife of Rev. Fordyce and
Mullens supported it 24. The proposal for Zenana education was finally accepted,
and immediately seven organizations of London Mission and Baptists started
the work.
In its initial stage Mrs Trawin , the wife of an L.M.S. ( London Missionary
society) missionary was allowed by an upper class gentleman named Kali
Shankar Ghosal to teach women in his house at Kidderpur , her success was
impermanent , as unable to sustain the ridicules aand caste obligations from
the native Hindu community.Kali Shankar was finally forced to terminate his
contract with Mrs. Trawin 25.However, with the gradual progress of time the
old prejudices against native females receiving education in upper class homes
began to change and by late 1850 the western educated Bengalis particularly
educated among the younger generation were willing to have their womenfolk
be educated at home,though they failed to sent them to schools.
This encouraged the Christian missionaries to arrive in India to preach
the gospel of women’s upliftment. There were arrival of number of British
women like Hanna Marshman, Mary Carpenter Annette Akroyd and Isabella
Thoburn to alleviate the position of women in colonial India. Most of these
missionary women were single, educated and wanted to escape from the post
industrial society of Britain which signified emotional and spiritual bareness26.
The Scottish Free Church Mission started the first zenana mission in
Calcutta in 1855 with the assistance of a single lady, English missionary named
Miss Toogood, but the women credited with the first teaching women in zenanas
on a large scale was Hannah Catherine Mullens, who is considered as “the
Apostle of the Zenanas.”27 There was a story that H. C Mullens ‘opened the
zenanas at the point of her embroidery needle’ when an Indian male invited
her to teach his wife this art after admiring the slippers for her husband that
Mullens was decorating.Many Indians civilized zenana education became of
its evangelical content and a few well-publicized comersions to Christianity.28
There is another opinion by E.R. Pitman that in 1856, a Vaishnavite native
6 Exploring History
doctor in Bhawanipore, a suburb of Calcutta, died, leaving a family of dependent

women penniless and then Mrs. Mullens had visited the house to comfort the
survivors. She met his daughter , a twenty-five year old widow and only child
who had been thoroughly educated in her youth by a traditional Indian pundit.
Mullens, was, impressed with the young woman’s intelligence and hired her to
teach a small class of students in the widow’s own house. The school quickly
grew to accomodate twenty-three students who ranged in age from eight to
twenty. Among them , several were married and at least one was a mother , but
they were all, according to Mullens, the daughters of ‘respectable Hindu
householders.’Mullens and other missionary women visited them on regular
basis and its reputation grew.29
The zenana missions and education would be that a missionary women
would visit periodically a small group of girls, usually relatives or friends from
the surrounding neioghbourhood, in the women’s quarters at the home of an
upper-class Hindu male. The education consisted of reading, writing and simple
arithmetic necessary to oversee household accounts, but it also includes
compulsory Bible stories and sometimes needlework 30.
The Motives for Missionary Zeal

In both America and Britain , there was a whole cult of missionary work ,
highlighting the ‘romance of missions’. Magazines ,popular novels and poetry
on women’s work among ‘heathen’ women were in abundance , there were
journals like , “The Heathen Women’s Friend’, “Women’s Work for Women
and Helping Hand” and books like “Life and Light for Heathen Women” were
published by the Women’s Board of Missions. The popular novels were aimed
to the theme of missionary adventureand to work for Christianity 31.
There were numerous motives of the Christian Missionary women from
England and America which was not always evangelicanism and humanism.
The social and economic life of England had contributed in many ways for the
recruitment of as missionary women and take the quest for the an unknown
country like India.One of the English missionary woman, Annetic Akroyd
mentions that life in England was “a boring life of moral classes, ragged school
collections, balls, social engagement visits, journeys to London and yearly taps
to the seaside 32 She wanted to escape from the ‘blankness’ and ‘dreariness
inexpressible’ so she came to Bengal in search meaningful existence. The arrival
of the female missionaries in India , hence , had a social and economic
background prepared in England. There were quite a large number of educated
women in England during the second half of the nineteenth century to whom
England could not provide employment and material benefits . A middle class
women had a limited option either to become a factory girl or a governess or
finding a suitable matrimonial match 33. Moreover, missionary work would
also satisfy the racial supremacy of civilizing the uncivilized race under honour
of self-sacrificing themselves under the mission of the church.
Missionary societies began to plea and call the women who could not get
the opportunities and had an ability to take to adventure on the ground to serve
humanity with superior racial identity. Irene Petrie, a young woman from an
upper-middle-class background, had come to Kashmir in 1894 as a missionary
of the Church Missionary Society and died after three years later in Tibet.
Irene Petrie’s biographer Carus-Wilson give details of the motive of Petrie in
taking up such suffering of life in the colonies. Carus-Wilson, puts it that the
imperialist ideology of the supremacy of the white race and their mission of
civilizing the ‘uncivilized’ race as the call of duty and purely a sense of humanity
that motivated the educated women of Victorian England to sacrifice their lives
in the service of the Church 34. But for the Victorian women, missionary work
not only provided avenues for independent adventure, it also created
opportunities to forge matrimonial relationships, opportunities which had not
been available at home. The missionary historian C.P. Williams shows that,the
missionaries discouraged the women to marriage and they were to sign an
agreement for five years 35. But those who left before the agrred time were to
repay the cost of training, outfit and travel.Nevertheless, a sufficiently large
number did get married, which, was referred in the World Missionary
Conference of 1910 held in Edinburgh as a ‘grave problem’ 36.Another reason
for attraction was the salary of approximately 100 pounds sterling per annum
along with accommodation. Such salary was not offered in other profession so
frequently. Further , it is true that during the nineteenth century there were
good number of women in England and America who had a missionary
background and were prepared to take the risk of an unknown land for self-
sacrifice and evangelicanism.Most of these women were from the upper class
and upper middle class who were not interested in the job of a factory girl or of
a governess. Along with the prospect of a secure employment and attractive
salary the educated women in England joined the missionaries to civilize the
uncivilized world 37.
The Function of the Zenana Missions

In 1844 , a female Christian missionary , Miss Bird, successfully broke
through the seclusion of several native upper –class homes at Calcutta and
commenced Zenana education of these upper class females. She instructed
these women on variety of scientific and religious. A large number of women
evinced a strong desire to learn , as was reflected by several most encouraging
incidents. Gradually , the zenana system of missions spread to localities near
Calcutta , namely, Chinsurah, Bhowanipur, Kidderpur, etc. This system received
much encouragement and impetus from the practice of some well to do
employing female governesses to train their girl children in their houses 38.
8 Exploring History
Nevertheless,the progress of educationg affluent native Hindu women was

very slow and often frustrating for the Christian Missionaries. In 1846 , Miss
Margot , the missionary woman in Chinsurah of the Native Female School
Society , described her failure in trying to educate a wife of an affluent and
educated gentleman of the area. At the same time , there were a missionary
woman who pseudonymed as Mrs. D , in the Female Missionary Intelligencer
of 1863 , acquired a fair success in her devotion of training the upper class
native zenanas of Calcutta 39.
As early as 1834, Prasanna Kumar Tagore of the Tagore family employed
a Christian missionaries to educate his daughter. His example was followed
by the other members of the Tagore family and as the family was the cultural
and professional standpoint of Bengal in the early nineteenth century , its attempt
in providing its female member with home education through the zenana mission
provided great support to the Christian missionaries.Mr. Hodgson Pratt, a senior
official of the Bengal Education Department had an access to the upper class
native families and he convinced them on the benefits of the domestic instruction
to native women 40.
Towards the close of the nineteeth century zenana education and its mission
had become popular in Bengal as one of the fundamental mission in extension
of female education. The British Governent provided financial assistance to
many of the Zenana missionary agencies in Bengal through the grants-in-aid
sstem. During 1885-86 there were a number agencies who received Government
assistance namely, American Zenana Mission Agency, Church of England
Zenana Mission, Free Church Zenana Mission , C.M.S. Zenana Mission, Church
of Scotland Zenana Mission and others 41.
Evangelicalism and proselytization

Instruction in literacy in zenana missions were organized around various
tracts, pamphlets and readers produced in the printing press of the missionary
society. There were lessons on solar system, germ theory and the Christian
concept of good life. The lessons were designated to provoke discussion about
the subjects of the lessons, the primers were to the appreciation of the greatness
of the Christian god and the superiority of Christianity 42. The Zenana Reader
(1869), a lesson in English language curriculum consisted of two main
components, instructions in reading and training in needlework. Drawing on a
long standing European association between needlework and femininity, western
women missionaries felt that sewing, embroidery, knitting and lace work would
inculcate in the Indian women a particular style of genteel femininity 43. Miss
Greenfield in her speech in missionary conference 1882 remarked that women
missionaries filled the hands of Indian women with knitting needles would not
be occupied with idolatrous objects such as charms or flowers for the worship
of gods 44.The missions were primarily aimed at creating Indian women as
good mothers and good wives solely concentrating on the household activities
training them both in hand and in mind.
The emphasis on needlework had received criticism from the educated
bhadralok community. Judge Bulloram Mallick condemned the emphasis paid
to “fancy work” in the zenana missions, considering it pointless to diversion
from women’s attention to household duties. He wrote, “what is wanted is
knowledge that will fit her companionship, for bringing up children, for nursing
her family and for taking an interest in the welfare of all women.”45 Yet, they
supported the zenana system which would give education to respectable women
while presenting their good name.Actually, sewing played a very crucial role
in the very moulding of Christian women, in the construction of a particular
moral demeanour.As Malathi de Alwis comments in her study of Christian
boarding schools in colonial Sri Lanka that it was a practice that insisted on
neatness, orderliness, concentration, patience and precision 46. In addition,
missionaries saw the instruction in sewing as an incentive offered to Indian
women so that the western women could gain access to the zenana and preach
the gospel 47.
The proselytization and evangelical methods often surpassed the education
of needlework and reading in zenana education. Mrs. Capron of the AMM
reported that she taught no needlework in the zenanas, but relied “Solely on
God’s word.”48 Amy Carmichael, another missionary women who suggested
to attract more women to hear gospel of the Bible by teaching them to knit 49.
Thus, it seems clear that the zenana educations were clearly evangelical and
concentrate more on Bible study.
The lessons in book or pamphlets were designed to provoke discussion
about the subjects of the lessons , the primers were to guide readers and listeners
to an appreciation of the greatness of Christian God and te superiority of
Christianity.One of the English Language lesson named The Zenana Reader
(1869) written by Charlotte Tucker under the pseudonym A. L. O. E. which
was a fictional dialogue between young muslim wife (Sukara Bibi) and a western
women missionary (Miss Ada). For example , a lesson on the rotation of planets
which describes the wonder of Sukana Bibi at the marvels of creation and its
creator-”Great –Glorious –Most wonderful Being,who made all the suns, moons
and planets , who sends them all on their courses,and never lets them go wrong
or fall.” 50 Miss Ada answers the questions of her student with patience and at
one point sticks a knitting needle through a ball of yarn to demonstrate the
way the planets rotates on its axis.Like all good pedagogoues she moves from
the known to the unknown,from the common spherical of the ball of the yarn
to the cosmic vision of the planetary world rotating in the heavens. But one
wonders how believable a real life Miss Ada might have been if she had to use
Miss Tucker’s lesson 51.
10 Exploring History
In one lesson Sukara Bibi expresses some confusion over the Crucifixion
of Jesus. Miss Ada attempts to clarify this crucial element of Christian theology
through a tale: There was a Maharani who wanted a tower built that would
look to the East to the rising sun , but not to the West to the setting sun, for that
depressed her. She wanted to see the South to the view of a river flowing but
not North to where the desert was”.Miss Ada patiently explains to her student
how impossible it would be to build such a structure and then goes on to compare
the necessary four walls of this imaginary tower to the components of God’s
nature. She writes that “God’s nature is to be composed of four parts; Love,
Holiness, Justice and Truth. But you can’t have one aspect without the other .
When God saw that Mankind was full of sin, he knew that he was worthy of
death,His Justice pronounced sentence upon us ;His truth required that that
sentence should be carried out.But if One as pure as God Himself could be
found to endure the punishment of death for others, Justice would be satisfied,
Truth be maintained and Love could receive the sinner. The Son of God preferred
Himself for this great work which He alone could perform. Christ stood in our
place. He met our doom, He paid our debt with His blood.” 52The symbolic and
allegorical schemes used in this lesson seem to be memorizing devices and no
effort has been taken to make the ignorant to understand in simplier methods.
By the artificial reference of the Maharani, Miss Ada does not create a bridge
between the student and her own assumed truths as well as her student. She
rather creates a confusing and complicated image of God with an inaccessible
tower 53.
The women missionaries sometimes recorded their experiences in memoirs.
One such memoir by Mary Weitbreicht records that: In October 1859 Mrs.
Wylie writes that I visited a zenana, consisting of one small room, no ventilation;
yet the place was not devoid of comfort, .....The wife an interesting lady of
about 20 years possessed the New Testament, from which she slowly made out
a part of a chapter of St. Matthew’s Gospel in Bengali while describing another
house of zenana.54 In the memoir the women missionaries makes Christainity
synonymous to modernization. She again describes a house where she visited
“Then I began to tell them of Jesus, and they listened attentively.”55 The attention
paid by the women in the household was a success on the part of the woman
missionary and she writes with great pleasure that the gospel could attract the
Hindu women.
Sometimes the appreciation of God led to the degrading and undermining
the religion followed by the native. While describing a visit to a Hindu house
by Mary Weitbrecht , one of the missionary , she mentions that the native
woman had expressed her faith in Hindu Goddesses Durga. Mrs Weitbrecht
writes that, “I said to her,Well you believe in the power of your cruel Durga ,
while I am fully convinced of the mighty of our loving Jesus , and do not
believe in Durga’s having any power whatever”. She, further, notes down that
“On several rocks and stones were daubs of red paint , showing that some poor
creatures had there offered that homage to stones which belongs to god alone .
Red paint converts any object into God”.56
The proselytization and spread of Christianity was reacted by the reformers
of Bengal to start schools on women’s education during the nineteenth century.
Gaurmohan Vidyalankar’s Strisikhshabidhayak in 1822 clearly uphold the
women education in the ancient India. It was published by Calcutta Book
Society. The social reformers like the Young Bengal in Hindu College as well
as Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar opened as many as 35 schools for girls in southern
Bengal and fought hard to get them aided by the Government. One of the most
important schools opened for girls was the Hindu Balika Vidyalaya in 1849 by
J.E. Drinkwater Bethune , a legal member of Governor-General’s Council and
President of Council of Education. The education was secular and the medium
was Bengali. The Brahmo Samaj in 1865 supported female education with
religious instruction, sewing lessons and discussions of social issues.The Arya
Kanya Vidyalaya and Mahakali Pathsala in 1890 and 1896 respectively were
in sharp contrast to the missionary schools and their aim was to educate the
“girls on strictly national lines in the hope that they might regenerate Hindu
society” 57.
Mediators and Native teachers

The Christian missionaries mostly Europeans felt the need for more trained
female teachers in Christain girl’s schools and zenana missions and this led the
missionaries to look to their native female students as potential instructors.
Boarding schools and orphanages were opened by mid –nineteenth century
Bengal to board the native Christians and orphans. These orphans were the
victims of frequent famine and cholera epidemics of nineteenth century
Bengal.The work of boarding began greatly from 1833, a year of storms , wide
spread flood and disease in Lower Bengal.58
The Church Missionary Society maintained an orphanage at Agarpara
founded by Mrs. Wilson and most of them were composed mainly of women
native and girls converts of the Church of England Zenana Mission . Another
orphanage was at Kristapur near Dum Dum which were mostly composed of
Tiyar fishermen. 59
Boarding schools and orphanages presented their primary goal as raising
young native girls in a purely Christian environment , and recruit among them
the prominent as instructors for the spread of good Christian education. Mary
Weitbrecht, one of the prominent missionaries sent to Bengal by the Church
Misssionary Society (CMS) boarding school and orphanage in Burdwan to
serve as domestic servants in her home, insisting that “by training these dear
girls, both morally and religiously,...... at the same time they became active in
domestic concerns turn(s) out the best wives and mothers of the whole
number.”60 Weitbrecht implied that learning to serve the European family would
ideally train native girls to learn to serve their own families . By blurring the
line between education and labour , Weitbrecht was able to justify the racial
and class heirarchy in which Indian Christians were meant to serve , and
European Christians were meant to be served.For Weitbrecht, the close proximity
to a missionary family and the opportunity to observe the familial relationships
in a European household were the best training that the young women in the
boarding schools and orphanages could hope for 61 .
The misionaries since 1860 did feel the importance of native instructors
in the zenana schools and missions and they felt that being a native they could
bear the heat of the climate better , understand the feelings of the people and
their modes of life than an European.Thus the Baptist Missionary Society
established three boarding schools and orphanages in Calcutta, Entally and
Barisal.The zenana missions employed native women as teachers in Calcutta
and eastern part of Bengal.One such instance was Miss Giribala Biswas who
worked under the supervision of the Baptist Zenana Mission (BZM), Dhaka,
for which the government sanctioned a monthly grant-in-aid of Rs. 76 to the
Mission. Before Miss Giribala was appointed, six households belonging to the
Subarn Banikya caste were being taught by Miss Shemoyoni Mondol under
the supervision of Miss Williamson of the BZM. The age structure of the pupils
in those centres ranged from ten, eleven, twelve year-olds to twenty, thirty-six,
thirty-seven, thirty-eight and to forty-four year-old ladies. They were taught
the Lower Primary and Upper Primary Science Reader, Saral Shikha and Balya
Shikha,easy mathematical problems, tables, plain sewing, and simple drawing.62
The missionaries gave training to the native Christian girls mostly Anglo-
Indians, tribals and lower caste Hindu converted to Christainity to be become
teachers. The Baptist Missionary Society described the training as, “The
education is such as it fits them for the station of life which they will hereafter
fill, as wives and mothers,and as teachers. They receive careful instruction in
their own language in grammar ,arithmetic, in geography, in
needlework,........(and) in domestic cookery” 63.The missions, thus, had set their
targets to produce good mothers and good wives during the nineteenth century.
The missionaries saw that the means of civilizing the Bengali Christian girls
was to keep them away from their natal homes, families and communities in
order to teach the beliefs, works and behaviour of a true Christian.They always
preferred orphans and abandoned girls.Francis Hebron,the headmistress of the
Scottish Free Church Orphange preferred taking infant and young abandoned
girls in her orphanage.She wrote to the Home Committee, “We could get a
great many children who have parents , but that is not the object of the
Institution.Our orphans do not leave us till they marry,but children who have
friends could be removed any time;so we wish to make it purely an orphanage”.64
Though the missionaries had set strict parameter on the native parents in their
children’s lives yet training the orphans would mean that no one would claim
them except the teachers and missions. The native teacher would , therefore,
be dedicated to the mission and its work. The native Christian girls turned into
teachers ‘civilized’by Christianity and its education were shown as a role model
for the others demonstrating the transformative capacity of Christianity in their
personality.
There was another category of native converts called the Bible women.
They were to assist the European teacher in her door to door services. The
Bible Women were employed to overcome the vast racial , religious and cultural
difference that separated the western missionary women from their students 65.
Yet they occupied a low position in the heirarchy of the missions. They were to
carry out the labourious day to day tasks of teaching while the missionary
European women would come once a week or every two weeks to evaluate
and supervise their progress. The missionaries of the zenana mission strongly
encouraged the training of the Bible women to relieve themselves of the
physically uncomfortable work of walking around in the sun from house to
house or village to village 66.
Conclusion
Although the earlier zenana missions were not so successful, the success
of the education began with the Government support towards the close of the
nineteenth century. The zenana education got considrable support in the Indian
Education policy of 1904 by including some important provisions as the
appointing of an Inspectress of Schools from England; recruiting zenana
teachers belonging to the middle class conservative Hindus and Muslims; and
by the opening of training classes for the zenana teachers particularly the
widows and school-masters’ wives. 67 In 1907 it was decided that scholarships
were to be provided to the girls which will help to prevent the girls from erly
marriages. But this initiative came to an end with the beginning of the First
World War. The war forced women of England and America to go in the
factories and fields at home. Women no longer looked towards the missioaries,
a profitable source of income. Moreover, the First World War in Europe changed
the socio and economic structure of England completely.
The Hindu Revivalist movement which began in the 1870s which led to
the loss of the popularity of Christian missionaries. Their evangelican work
were criticised. Moreover, in the early decades of the twentieth century there
were growth of numerous schools for girls in Bengal. With the end of the First
World War , there were educational institutions in different parts of Bengal.
Meanwhile, the spread of modernist ideas and the further growth of English-
educated Bengali men , the purdah system gradually weakened. The anti colonial
movements helped in removing the purdah and seclusion of the women. The
upper class Hindus started to send their girls to school. Further,the school
eduucation became less expensive than zenana teacher.Finally, in 1933 the

zenana education was abolished by the Government and its funds were diverted
to other projects.Due to the changing economic, social and political situation
by that time the zenana education was cosidered as highly unpopular and
fruitless.
The white woman through the zenana education introduced by the
missionaries could thus work her share of ‘burden’ in civilising the natives
through proselytisation and evangelical methods. The education for women
was in creating better halves and better mothers with sewing and neddleworks.
Sometimes they taught to serve tea and dinner etiquette in the European style.
They recruited native women as their intermediaries to continue the work but
the racial superiority and imperialist attitude was maintained. The ground work
in the heat and dust was for the convert native Christians yet they were placed
in the lower level of the church hierarchy. However, the Christian missionaries
and zenana workers should be credited for taking the pain in the earlier days to
take up limited education awareness among the upper class Hindu families
despite of ridicules and sometimes even threats from conservatives.
Notes & References :

1. David Arnold (ed.) Colonizing the Body: State Medicine and Diseases in
the nineteenth century India, Berkeley, 1989, p. 256
2. Radha Kumood Mukherjee, Ancient Indian Education Brahmanical and
Buddhist, New Delhi , 2003,pp. 1-2
3. A. S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, New Delhi,
11th Reprint, 2014, p. 15.
4. Aparna Basu, Essays in the History of Indian Education, New Delhi,
1982, pp 31-32.
5. Report on the State of Education in in Bengal (1836), cited in Geraldine
Forbes, Women in Modern India, New Delhi, 1998, p. 33.
6. Tanika Sarkar, Words to Win: The Making of “Amar Jiban”: A Modern
Autobiography, New Delhi, 1999, p. 73
7. G. Forbes & T. Roychaudhuri, The Memories of Dr. Haimavati Sen from
child widow to Lady Doctor, New Delhi, 2002,p. 15;Indrani Sen, Resisting
Patriarchy , Complexities and Conflicts in the Memoir of Haimabati Sen,
Economic and Political Weekly, Volume 47, No-12, March 2,2012, p-56
8. Geraldine Forbes, op. cit., p. 35; Aparna Basu, op cit, p-31-32
9. Gouri Srivastava, Women’s Higher Education in the Nineteenth Century,
New Delhi, 2000, p-47
10. James S Dennis, Christian Missions and Social Progress, Volume 2, pp-
89-90
11. Rosemary Seton, Western Daughters in Eastern Lands: British Missionary
Women in Asia, California , 2013, p-118
12. Abhijit Dutta , Nineteenth Century Bengal Society and the Christian
Missionaries, Calcutta , 1991, p-131
13. M.A.Laird, Missionaries and Education in Bengal 1793-1837, Oxford,
1972, p-134
14. Abhijit Dutta, op cit, p-132
15. Ibid.
16. Rosemary Seton, op cit, p-120
18. Mrs. Mary Weitbrecht ,The women of India Christian work in the Zenana,
Edinburg and London, 1875, p.- 93
19. Indira Ghosh, (ed.), Memsahibs Abroad. Writings by women travellers in
the nineteenth century India, New Delhi, 1998, p. 144-45
20. Mrs. Etherington of Benaras,Zenana Mission, The Purdahnasheen System
of India, London, 1877, p-5
21. Mrs. Mary Weitbrecht, op cit, p-93-94
22. Benoy Bhusan Roy, and Pranati Roy, Zenana Mission: The Role of
Christian Missionaries for the Education of Women in Nineteenth Century
Bengal, Delhi, 1998, p. 19
23. Mayauk Das , Reverend Krishna Mohun Bandopadhyaya, Kolkata, 2013,
p-44
24. Benoy Bhusan Roy, and Pranati Roy, op cit, p-19
26. N. Barbara Ramusack ,Cultural Missionaries Maternal Imperialists,
Feminist Allies: British Women Activist in India, 1865-1945, in Nupur
Chaudhuri and Margaret Strobel (eds.) Western Women and Imperialism:
Complicity and Renaissance, Bloomington,1999, P. 120-136
27. Emma Raymond Pitman, Heroines of the Mission Field, London, 1880,
Reprint 2013, p-90-91
28. Barbara N. Ramusack, Severs women in South Asia, USA, p. 50,
29. Eliza F. Kent, Converting women : Gender and Protestant Christianity in
Colonial South India, New York , 2004, p-142
30. Gouri Srivastava, Women’s Education in India Issues and Dimensions ,
New Delhi, 2005, p-116
31. Kumari Jayawardena, The White Woman’s Other Burden: Western Women
and South Asia During British Rule, U.K., 2014, p-93
32. Qouted in David Kopf, The Brahmo Samaj and the Shaping of the Modern
Indian Mind, Princeton , 1979, p. 35
33. Michael Sanderson, Education, Economic Change and Society in England,
1780-1870, Cambridge, 1995, P. 56
34. A Carus-Wilson , Irene Petrie , Missionary to Kashmir, (Hodder &
Stoughton) , London, 1901, cited in Fiona Bowie, Deborah Kirkwood
and Shirley Ardener (eds) , Women and Missions : Past and Present :
Anthropological and Historical Perceptions , London , 1993, p-61-62
35. Williams, C.P., ‘The Recruitment and Training of Overseas Missionaries
in England between 1850 and 1900, with Special Reference to the Records
of the Church the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, the London
Missionary Society and the China Inland Mission’, University of Bristol
MLit (1976), cited in Bowie, Kirkwood and Ardener (eds.), Women and
Missions, p. 62
36. World Missionary Conference, 1910 (n.d.), Report of Commissions, 10
Vols,(Edinburgh: 1910), cited in ibid.
37. Greg, William Rathbone, Why Are Women Redundant , London,1869, p.
12.
38. The History of Native Female Education in Calcutta, n.d.p-45
39. Female Missionary Intelligencer, Vol. VI, London, 1863, p-135
40. Abhijit Dutta, op cit, p-138-139
41. Eleanor Jackson, ‘From Krishna Pal to Lal Behari Dey: Indian Builders
of the Church in Bengal ,1800-1894’, Dana L.Robert(Ed) ,Converting
Colonialism , Visions and Realties in Mission History, 1704-1914, USA,
2008,p-166-205,p-172
42. Eliza F. Kent, op cit, p-138
43. Rozeika Parker, The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Making of
the Feminine, London, 1984, p-227
44. Eliza F. Kent, op cit, p-140
45. J.Murdoch, The Women of India and What can be done for Them: Papers
on Indian Reform, Madras, 1888, p-52
46. Malathi de Alwis, ‘The Production and Embodiment of Respectibility :
Gendered Demeanours in colonial Ceylon’, Micheal Roberts (Ed) Sri
Lanka : Collective Identities Revisited, (Marga Institute ,Sri Lanka Centre
for Development Studies), Columbo, 1997, p-119
47. Mary Chamberlain , Fifty Years in Foreign Feilds: A History of Five
Decades of Woman’s Board of Foreign Missions Reformed Church in
America , New York, 1925, p-28
48. Henry Stanley Newman, Days of Grace in India: A Record of visits to
Indian Missions, London, n.d. , p-315
49. Elizabeth Eliot, A Chance to Die: The Life and Legacy of Amy Carmicheal,
USA, 1987, p-103
50. A.L.O.E. Charlotte Tucker,The Zenana Reader 1880, Madras, 1880, p-
14-16
51. Eliza F. Kent,op cit, p-144
52. A.L.O.E. Charlotte Tucker, op cit, p-16-17
53. Eliza F. Kent,op cit, p-145
54. Mrs Mary Weitbrecht, op cit, p-.97-100
55. Ibid, p-150
56. Ibid, p-156, 161-162
57. Geraldine Forbes, op cit, p-37-39
58. Parna Sengupta, Pedagogy for Religion: Missionary Education and The
Fashioning of Hindus and Muslims in Bengal, California, 2011, p-115;
Marthal Nalini, ‘Gender Dynamics of Missionary Work in India and its
Impact on Women’s Education: Isabella Thoburn (1840-1901): A Case
Study, Journal of International Women’s Studies , Volume -7, Issue -4,
Article 18, 2008, p-266-289, p-275
59. L.S.S.O.Malley, Bengal District Gazetteer, 24 Parganas ,1901, New Delhi,
Reprinted 2009,p-81
60. Mrs Mary Weitbrecht, op cit, p-64
61. Parna Sengupta, op cit, p-116
62. Asha Islam Nayeem, Breaking the Myth of the ‘White Woman’s Burden’:
Female Missionaries in Bengal and the Institutionalisation of Zenana
Education, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (Hum.), Vol. 59(1),
2014, pp. 1-30,p-20-22
63. Parna Sengupta, op cit, p-116
64. James Elisha Taneti, Caste, Gender and Christianity in Colonial India:
Telegu Women in Mission, New York, USA, Introduction, p- 1-22, 2013
65. Eliza F. Kent , Tamil Bible Women and the Zenana Missions of Colonial
South India , Journal of History of Religions, Volume -39, Issue 2,1999,
p-117-149,p-130
66. J.C. Aggarwal, Landmarks in the History of Modern Indian Education,
Noida, 2009, p-27-29
Interrogating “Staying Alive; Women, Ecology

and Survival in India”: Applicability of
Vandana Shiva’s Eco-feminism on the
Lepcha Women in Colonial Darjeeling
Taithi Sarkar
While understanding Vandana Shiva’s alternative critique on eco-feminism,

the present study is restricted to the seminal Book, “Staying Alive …”, and
attempts to (re)present the principal arguments in establishing her claims that
women and nature are intrinsically linked with each other and play a continuous
mutually corroborative role in their eternal struggle for survival against
exploitation, marginalization and extinction. The principal thrust of the book,
identifying the pivotal position of women in relation to nature – the forests, the
food-chain and water supplies with reference to India and their unique survival
strategies based on ecological path of harmony, sustainability and diversity,
constituting a non-violent and humanly inclusive alternative to the dominant
paradigm of contemporary scientific and development thought, has been
attempted to be interrogated both conceptually and empirically on a specific
historical space and time span. Finally, Shiva’s principal propositions, while
applied to struggling indigenous Lepcha women lived in and with the nature in
Darjeeling hills under colonialism, have not been proved totally validated in
the wake of colonial development replacing primordial /feudal mode of
production by capitalist mode of production projected through capitalist
agricultural farming replacing tradition based shifting cultivation. At the end,
it has been argued that if the struggle for femininity is a struggle for a certain
basic principle of perceiving life, the cog of the conviction of Shiva can serve
not just women but all human beings. The experience of Lepcha women in
colonial Darjeeling convincingly approves Shiva’s conviction with this qualifier.
Taking three important most interrelated issues of principal concern,
development, ecology and gender, Shiva’s book, under introspection, argues
Interrogating “Staying Alive; Women, Ecology & Survival in India” 19
for the inexorable undercurrent of relationship between the marginalization of
woman and the degradation of nature caused by economic development, in
Shiva’s word “mal-development”. The degradation of women would eventually
lead degradation of nature. The basic ingredients constituting un-development
are science, technology and politics van guarded by patriarchy which exerts
influence and exploitation in every area of human activity. Such ever active
notion has always a tendency to marginalize and burden nature. Shiva argues
that there is only one path to survival and liberation for nature and women and
that path is the ecological one, “of harmony, sustainability and diversity, as
opposed to domination, exploitation and surplus.” She explores unique place
of women in the environment of India in particular, both as its saviors and as
victims of mal-development. Shiva’s enticing analysis is a unique statement of
the challenge that women in ecology movements are creating and how their
efforts constitute “a non-violent and humanly inclusive alternative to the
dominant paradigm of contemporary scientific and development thought.”
With a foreword presented by none other than Professor Rajni Kothari
and with a short introduction depicting the principal purpose, Shiva’s book
contains seven chapters. In her introduction to the Book, Shiva Writes, “Seen
from the experiences of the Third World Women, the modes of thinking and
action that pass for science and development, respectively, are not universal
and humanly inclusive, as they are made out of to be : Modern Science and
development are projects of male, western origin, both historically and
ideologically. They are the latest and most brutal expression of a patriarchal
ideology, which is threatening to annihilate nature and the entire women species.
The rise of a patriarchal science of nature took place in Europe during the
fifteenth and seventeenth centuries as the scientific revolution. During the same
period, the closely related industrial revolution laid the foundations of a
patriarchal mode of economic development in industrial capitalism.
Contemporary science and development conserve the ideological roots and
biases of the scientific and industrial revolutions even as they unfold into new
areas of activity and new domains of subjugation”.1
Arguably, Shiva’s Introduction goes beyond a statement of women as
special victims of the environmental crisis, it attempts to capture and reconstruct
those insights and visions that Indian women provide in their struggles for
survival, which perceive development and science from outside the categories
of modern western patriarchy. These oppositional categories are simultaneously
ecological and feminist; they allow the possibility of survival showing how
ecological destruction and the marginalization of women are not inevitable,
economically and scientifically.
Shiva argues that “everyday struggle of women for the protection of nature
take place in the cognitive and ethical context of the categories of the ancient
world view in which nature is Prakriti, a living creative process, the feminine
principle from which all life arises. Women’s ecology movements, as the
preservation and recovery of the feminine principle, arise from a non-gendered
based ideology of liberation, different both from the gender based ideology of
patriarchy which underlies the process of ecological destruction and women’s
subjugation and the gender based responses which have, until recently, been
characteristic of the west.2
While dealing with ‘Development, Ecology and Women’, Shiva traces
the historical and conceptual roots of development as a project of gender
ideology, and analyses how the particular economic assumptions of western
patriarchy aimed exclusively at profits, have subjugated the more humane
assumptions of economics as the provision of sustenance, to make for a crisis
of poverty rooted in ecological devastation. Shiva has viewed ‘development’
as a new project of western patriarchy which undermines feminine principle.
Shiva claims, “the recovery of the feminine principle allows a transcendence
and transformation of these patriarchal foundations of mal-development. It
allows a redefinition of growth and productivity as categories linked to the
production, not the destruction of life.”3
Shiva addresses to the myth of the neutrality and universality of modern
science tracing its beginnings in the scientific revolution which, on the one
hand, subjugated nature, and on the other, excluded women as knower’s and
experts. In her deliberations on “Science, Nature and Gender” she takes the
stand that modern science is also a patriarchal project which endangers ecology
and purposefully divides natural and unnatural. The structure and methodology
of modern science is reductionist. Shiva has shown how reductionism as a
patriarchal mode of knowing is necessarily violent to nature and women.
Chapter III, entitling “Women in Nature”, describes the world that Indian
women inhabit, both philosophically as a world view, and in their daily practice
in the production and renewal of life. For the women who are leading ecological
struggles, the nature they protect is the living Prakriti. It is the awareness of
nature as a living force and of themselves as partners with her in the production
of sustenance that guides their ecological struggles. These movements depending
on women’s insights are not based on a gender ideology, and make for an
oppositional category. To Shiva, “Prakriti” is a popular category, and one through
which ordinary women in rural India relate to nature.4
While understanding “Women in Forest”, Shiva argues for Aarnyani
(forests) as the feminine principle and has shown how colonial masculinity led
forestry has underestimated women and brought tragedy of the commons as
well as caused harm to diversity. With Indian experience, Shiva argues here
that scientific forestry is actually a narrow reductionist view of forestry that
has evolved from the western bias for maximization of profits. Shiva views
‘Chipco Movement’ and the role of women as a response to this paradigm. To
Shiva, “destruction of forest eco-system and the displacement of women who
generate survival through the forests are structurally linked to this reductionist
paradigm of forestry.” She further affirms, “Women’s initiatives at forest
protection and regeneration always remain sustainable and just, recovering both
the diversity of forests as well as sharing the wealth that they produce.”5
In her discussion on “Women in the Food Chain”, Shiva views Green
Revolution as a western paradigm which displaces women from food
production. From Green Revolution to the application of Biotechnology and
from White Revolution to Hybridization and paste control have largely caused
adversities to soil, nature and women. Shiva analyses the food crisis as rooted
in masculine’s agricultural science and development which have destroyed
nature’s capital and have excluded women as experts and producers of food.
The violence inherent in the green revolution for food-crops and the white
revolution for dairying is located and lined to shifts in the perception of food as
a commodity, produced and exchange for profit.6 On the issue of “Women and
the Vanishing Waters”, Shiva argues that water crisis is threatening the survival
of the plant, animal and human life on a cataclysmic scale. It is related to land
and water use for profit. Land and water are diverted from survival needs to
the imperative of profit maximization. Water sources have been growingly
disappearing. The reductionist view of water and water management is
contrasted with the holistic knowledge women have for conserving and using
water for survival.
Shiva’s conviction has been rightfully reflected in “Terra Mater: Reclaiming
the Feminine Principle”, where at the end Shiva recapitulates the rationale
behind the dominant science and technology and development paradigm that
is responsible for the current economic and ecological crisis, and posits the
reclaiming of the feminine principle as a non-violent, non-gendered and humanly
inclusive alternative. Women of the third world have conserved those categories
of thought and action which make survival possible. Shiva convincingly
concludes that “Ecology movements, women’s movements and peace
movements across the world can draw inspiration from these categories of
western patriarchy which rule the world today in the name of development and
progress.”7 Indeed, millions of women in India have been struggling for a life
that is ecologically sustainable, peaceful and just.
Professor Rajni Kothari argues, “By establishing an intrinsic relationship
between Nature and Famininity, Shiva takes both ecology and women as natural
allies. They form part of larger struggle for endogeneity in a world threatened
by the homogenizing thrust of modernity. While the former respect diversity,
the latter undermines and destroys diversity”.8 Unlike the older vintage of
feminists, cultural feminists and radical feminists, imploring the state to treat
them on a footing of ‘equality’ with men, Vandana Shiva has searched for
deeper meanings of femininity and Prakriti and asserted them as far more
humane and natural than the dominant ‘scientific’ paradigm which is essentially
macho in its conception. A larger implication may be drawn of Shiva’s effort to

organically relate the concerns of ecology with the feminine principle. While
doing so, she has broadened both the areas of environment and the feminist
movements and has given a composite intellectual meaning to both.
Shiva’s principal propositions have not remained uncontested. To Rajni
Kothari, “the issue of class is central to the historical process as are the issues
of femininity, ecology and ethnicity. Such a large spectrum of women hood
generally (including in the agricultural sector), and in particular in the wake of
the new national and international division of labour, is exploited by the capitalist
mode of production. But it is not just a question of women. It is a much larger
issue of a new technological basis of economic and cultural exploitation which
is crying for a new spirit of democratic resistance against what is undoubtedly
a considerably changed (trans-nationalized, corporate, computerized, militarized
and televised) model of capitalist growth and integration.”9 Kothari further
argues, “The feminist movement will continue to be castigated as petit bourgeois
in its thrust unless it comes out of its present uni-dimensional derailing and
make a common cause with the struggles of the world proletariat and the
proletarianised lower classes of all societies.”10 It is, therefore logical to argue
that any approach to the liberation of any segment of society that is based on a
polarized view of social reality (men versus women, majority versus minority,
centre versus state) is at once unreal and to create a dualist situation. If the
struggle for femininity is a struggle for a certain basic principle of perceiving
life, the philosophy can serve not just women but all human beings. Femininity
may be conceived as an all encompassing value and be viewed from shared
perceptions of gender, class, ecology, ethnicity, and here lies the future for the
feminist movement. Feminist and social ecologist Janet Beihi has criticized
Shiva’s ecofeminism for focusing too much on a mystical connection between
women and Nature and not enough on the actual conditions of women.11
Rosemary Radford, Rucher joined Janet Beihi in critiquing this overemphasis
on mysticism as made by Shiva.12
Despite criticisms and contestations, Shiva’s argument remains presciently
relevant, and illuminates how women, more than surviving the crises brought
on by development, are creating and safeguarding vital sources of knowledge
and vision on not only how to stay alive, but why primarily one. Shiva’s analysis
is an innovative statement of the challenge that women in ecology movements
are creating and she shows how their efforts constitute a non-violent and
humanly inclusive alternative to the dominant paradigm of contemporary
scientific and development thought.
Shiva’s propositions, when applied in colonial Darjeeling, to understand
the struggles of Lepcha women for existence and subsistence despite destitution
and repeated displacement in the face of colonially crafted new land holding
rules, new modes of settled cultivation replacing shifting cultivation, infusion
of capital in expanding tea plantations by clearing forests, restrictions and
prohibitory rules to live in forests in the name of scientific forest conservancy,
roads and railways and corresponding urbanism developed through colonially
cherished modernity, technology and missionary led education, would have us
believe that the women in Lepcha society had been staying alive and had been
contributing to protect nature and were protected by nature for their subsistence
and existence. However, history suggests that such struggle of Lepcha women
for staying alive was never taken place in isolation of their male counterparts
in the families and clans across gender. Such an observation needs a little
elaboration of the Lepcha society and Lepcha women in particular in Darjeeling
under colonialism.
British historiography informs us that Lepchas have been the original
indigenous people of Darjeeling and Sikkim Himalayas.13 In pre-colonial
Darjeeling, the Lepchas used to live in their “Mayel Lyang” meaning “Land of
Hidden Paradise” or “Delightful Region on Abode”.14 Their land was situated
on the vast forested tracts in the Eastern Himalayan region covering the middle
and the up hills of Sikkim, Sub-Himalayan Bhutan, a part of eastern Nepal and
the entire hilly tract of Darjeeling originally belonging to Sikkim.15
Lepchas being autochthones of Darjeeling and Sikkim are claimed to be
the children of nature. They used to live in and live with nature and natural
forests belonging to the property of the commons. Lepchas were semi nomadic
people (it was the British who ascribed them as the tribe for administrative
convenience) used to live in forests or in adjacent forests with each family clan
in specified geographical location.16 Unlike indigenous people living in western
hills forests (Shiva’s experimental zone), Lepchas of Darjeeling did never belong
to Hindu religious and cultural folds. On the contrary, Lepchas were animists
and their god was mother earth.17 The fact is that the Lepchas had to succumb
to cultural invasions both in pre colonial and colonial period. Firstly, the Tibetans
forced Buddhism into them. Secondly, the missionaries infused Christianity
and Thirdly, outnumbering the minority Lepchas, the immigrated majority
Nepalese infused Hindu folk culture and traditional practices into the Lepchas.
Despite cultural invasions and economic onslaughts, the Lepchas had not totally
assimilated with the majority Nepalese settled in Darjeeling and preserved their
identity.18
Lepchas have never been a warrior race. They form an egalitarian society,
as Foning writes, “Lepchas have no class, creed and ranking among
themselves.”19 Such a society, an admixture of matriarchal and patriarchal
values, did have no gender oppression or inequality among genders. While
endorsing the view of Fonning, that all Lepchas are equal, Tamsang argues,
“they assembled and appointed a strong leader to guide, protect and defend
them… and conferred upon him the title of “Pano”, which means king. And
thereafter again two divisions of social classes came into existences among the
Lepchas called Rangboo and Mangboo , which means the Patricians and the
Plebian’s. The Patrician Lepchas belonged to the nobility and settled
permanently in the cleared forest zone. On the other the Plebian’s belonged to
the common Lepchas who were mostly farmers, some potters, carpenters etc.”20
The pre colonial history of the Darjeeling forested tract as drawn by
Chambell suggests that the Lepchas were principally agriculturist and they
depended on a unique method of agriculture production called Jhum cultivation
or shifting cultivation. They used to restrict their cultivable ground for not
more than three years and find different zones of cultivations by clearing forests
and bushes.21 Money economy was a misnomer to them and they lived on
subsistence agriculture, animal husbandry, hunting, fishing and on such other
forest based resources. Lepcha women used to participate in shifting cultivation,
domestic works and food-gathering. They took active part in cleaning,
ploughing, leveling, pulverizing, ridge making, transplanting, mud-playing,
weeding, harvesting, threshing, and drying, plucking, weighting, carrying,
stacking, cede conserving and storing. Women had the art of collecting fuels
from forest woods and conservation of water without causing harm to Nature.
Lepchas, especially women, knew the use of various plants for various purposes,
some for food, some for medicines and some for making poisons for making
arrows.22
In general, women used to be respected and honoured in the Lepcha
society. This coupled with the institution of “Mun”- the female priest being
more powerful than the “Hongthing” i.e., the male priest implying that there
was the prevalence of matriarchal society among the Lepchas. Furthermore,
unlike Hindu society, the widows in Lepcha society enjoyed greater freedom
and better social status. Widows could remarry without any inhibitions. In
Lepcha society marriage being a perpetual bond and divorce was an alien
concept.23
Lepchas, in general and women in particular, had to pay heavily to the
colonial system of governance in Darjeeling since 1835. The colonially settled
new land rules divested the Lepchas at large. They became unwanted people in
their own land and forests. The absolute proprietary hold of the British over
Darjeeling tract provided the colonizer to adopt colonially cherished policies
of resource use. Despite codified assurances in the land rules that indigenous
people would not be disturbed, Lepchas became marginalized and had to face
continuous displacements due to growing expansion of capitalist farming in
tea plantation industry and extension of town areas. The massive rate of
clearance of forests for expansion of tea gardens, construction of urban
infrastructure including roadways and railways communication networks had
forced indigenous Lepchas, primarily, to inaccessible forested tracts. The
Lepchas received further jolts when colonial scientific forestry and forest
conservancy were initiated during 1860’s in Darjeeling along with prohibitory
rules for the use of forest resources. To add further to their plight, in the name
of forest conservancy, the colonial authority put ban on shifting cultivation
which perhaps fundamentally altered the basic life vision of the Lepchas and
they had to accommodate settled agricultural farming. The majority of the
Lepchas under British rule,had to shift to Kalimpong sub-division, few under
Darjeeling Sadar and Kurseong sub-division principally in Mirik area.
As a result of reservation of forests and prohibitory rules 24 on the use of
forest based resources, the very basic socio-economic life of the Lepchas did
underway a tremendous metamorphosis which had its adverse impact on the
relationship between nature and the women. The colonially patronized notions
of development and application of colonial science and technology in
modernizing Darjeeling- an imperial project of “civilizing the savages”,
marginalized the minority Lepchas and so their women. Thus, it was not just a
question of Lepcha women, who along with Nature were heavily impacted
only negatively, it was rather a larger issue of colonial resource, extraction and
exploitation, which cutting across gender and ethnic boundaries had impacted
negatively in a holistic way. However, in their struggle for existence, the majority
of the Lepcha agriculturist women living in and around forests maintained an
intrinsic relationship with Nature in perceiving life through their indigenous
natural form of everyday resistance. In this process of struggle for existence,
women stay alive and help Nature to sustain.
Precisely, this article has attempted to disclose the fact that if the struggle
for femininity is a struggle for a certain basic principle of perceiving life, the
cog of the argument of Shiva under reference can serve not just women but all
human beings. The history of Lepcha women in colonial Darjeeling convincingly
approves Shiva’s propositions with such qualifiers keeping in mind the unique
form of experience of colonial modernity in Lepcha society. Gender inequality
in Lepcha society did exist even prior to colonial period, however, colonialism
accelerated the pace of inequalities in the natural social order. Lepcha women
were largely restricted to domestic household activities and maintenance of
everyday sustenance. Such feminization of work was the result of colonial
notions of making use of forced labor ( ‘begar’) for colonially cherished
development projects for the making of Darjeeling hill station that pulled Lepcha
males out of villages and into wage labor through the system of outmigration.
Lepcha males were compelled to be associated with new economic livelihood
and culture. With their cash source accrued through physical labors, Lepcha
men were enabled to purchase resources according to their capacities instead
of gathering resources from nature. On the contrary, Lepcha women were left
with subsistence livelihood amidst mounting restrictive pressures of colonial
prohibitory rules on the use of forest resources. Thus colonization with all its
accompanied factors and forces undermined the role of Lepcha women in
nurturing nature and nurtured in return, which ushered in a dichotomy between
nature and culture in the social order of the Lepchas in colonial Darjeeling.
Notes and References :

1. Shiva Vandana, Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and Survival in India.(New
Delhi, 1988, p. XII
2. Ibid. p.XVI
3. Ibid., p.13
4. Ibid., p.44
5. Ibid., p. 67
6. Ibid., p. 114
7. Ibid., p. 215.
8. Ibid., pp. X-XI
9. Ibid. p. IX
10. Ibid., p. VIII
11. Biehi, Janet (1991), Rethinking Eco-Feminist Politics, Boston, P.156
12. Ruether Rosemary Radford (2003), Heather Eaton and Lorentzen, ed.
Eco-feminism and Globalization, New York, PP. VII-XII.
13. Gorer.G.,(1938),The Lepchas of Sikkim, Reprint,1996, Delhi.P.21.
14. Hunter, W.W., (1876), A Statistical Account of Bengal, Vol. X, Trubner &
Company,London, Reprint, 1984, Delhi. P.22.
15. Lepcha, S.W., (1979), The Process of Destabilization of an Indian Tribe
and the Problems of Modernization: A Sociological Study of the Lepchas
of Darjeeling District, Unpublished Ph. D Thesis, Bhagalpur University,
Bihar. pp. 23-27.
16. Roy, D.C., Lepchas: Past and Present, (2012), Siliguri, p.286
17. Lepcha, Dennis, Indigenous Lepchas: Philosophy of Life and Worldview,
Salesian Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences, Vol. III, No. 2,
December, 2012. pp. 76-84.
18. Dozey, E.C., (1922), A Concise and Complete History of the Darjeeling
District since 1835 With a Complete Itinerary of Tours in Sikkim and the
District, Varanasi, Reprint, 1989, Darjeeling. PP. 24-75.
19. Foning. A.R., (1987), Lepcha: My Vanishing Tribe, Delhi.P. 26.
20. Tamsang, K.P., (1983), The Unknown And Untold Realities of the Lepchas,
Luen Sun Offset Printing Co. Ltd. Hong kong, Reprint, 1998, Kalimpong,
P.20.
21. Chambell, A., (1840), Note on Lepchas of Sikkim, Journal of Asiatic
Society of Bengal, Vol. IX, Part I, Calcutta.
22. Ghosal, S., (1990), Lepchas of Darjeeling and Sikkim: A Study in Cultural
Ecology and Social Change, Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, North Bengal
University, West Bengal, pp.126-132.
23. Das, A.K., & Banerjee, S. K., (1962, The Lepchas of Darjeeling District,
Tribal Welfare Department, Calcutta. p.34.
24. Joseph, K.J., British Forest Policy in Darjeeling (1864-1947), Unpublished
Ph.D. Thesis, (2010), Madras University, pp. 91-92.
French Travellers and Adventurers’ Narratives 27
French Travellers and Adventurers’ Narratives of

North Indian Cities and Commercial Centers
Shakul Kundra
The French travellers and adventurers of the seventeenth and eighteenth

century have highlighted the importance of several cities in northern India which
were commercial significant for the French East India Company and its
merchants. These narratives were really invaluable for the establishment of
French in India during these two centuries. During the seventeenth century
many French travellers such as Pierre-Olivier Malherbe, Francois Pyrard de
Laval and Francois Martin de Vitre, Augustin Hiriart, Jean Mocquet, La
Boullaye le Gouz, Francois Bernier, J.B. Tavernier, Abbe Carre, Chardin and
Thevenot were attached with French state directly or indirectly to aid in the
commercial expansion of French in Orient world while in the following century
many French adventurers such as Polier, Claude Martin, Boigne, Chevalier,
Perron and others directly participated in Indian mercantile activities. These
voyagers have highlighted the importance of several Indian cities which had
not been fully researched, thus in this article had tried to evaluate the
observations made by them in their travelogues, memoirs, papers, letters and
original French primary sources for the commercial benefit of the French state.
It seems that all these voyagers had a patriotic approach who worked as
informers, spies, agents and investigators of French in the Oriental world.
1. SURAT
The trade in India during XVII century attracted the traders of all parts of
the world. They were attracted to Surat, great commercial centre during Mughal
period. This city was a great commercial centre where men of all the countries
gathered for commercial business. Surat establish trading relations with
countries like China, Japan and Europe where its ships exported cotton, saltpeter,
indigo, species to the foreign countries and in return get silver and gold. French
first settled in Surat in 1666 and continued there for more than a century.1 In
the 1670’s, the Mughal Empire was at the height of prosperity, Surat was bring
million of gold and coins in exchange of various products shipped from the
port.2 Surat has a role of commercial warehouse, trade between Red Sea and
Indian Ocean, between Europe and Asia, it maintained a flourishing trade with
the coast of Malabar coast, Bengal and with China.
Pyrard de Laval wrote a chapter on Diu, Cambay and Surat, he said the
trade of Cambay which the Portuguese, by means of their fort at Diu, compelled
to pass through their hands at Goa, must have then been enormous in bulk. The
merchant fleets under convey, were in the habit of coming south to Goa twice
or thrice a year, numbering in the aggregate 300 or 400 vessels, bringing chiefly
indigo, wheat, vegetables etc, in fact, the provisions of Portuguese Goa.3
Boullaye described Surat was the large commercial city of India; also its
richness had to some extent become proverbial.4 He described about the
extremely fine cotton which comes from Gujarat and fabric of silk and other
fabric made of herbs and sewing cotton, dishes of porcelain of various kinds
much of the drugget, spices and precious stones.5 Tavernier describes the
declining trade of Cambay partly due to the rise in the trade of Surat and partly
due to silting up of the gulf and the rushing tide which does not allow vessels
to come close to the port.6
Francois Matin de Vitre described about the indigo as a commercial
commodity. In Gujarat named Indigo Galli or Nil, it is a herb which believed
as the Romarin, having these flowers of the colour resembling to those of the
Barbajouis, they came from seed as the other pasture and when one gather it,
one cuttlefish it and then one wet it again many times, making to rough cuttlefish
it. In the starting it is extremely green and at the end it becomes blue. The
Indian are in good state because it served them in all their dyeing, it is Anil
owed to be soft and well coloured, and so one burn it, it must not leave any
sand, but covered farina untitled.7 Tieffenthaler describes the commercial
importance of Gujarat and Brodara where one says that one made cloth of
cotton which is exported to other countries.8
Thevenot said the governor of Gujarat which came under Mughal
dominance in 1565 and its most important commercial towns were Surat and
Cambay whose ports were great commercial value.9 The Great Mogol held the
Surat jurisdiction, was represented by Governor. The Governor of the Surat
was named by Great Mogol and he was very powerful. The governor maintains
a great pageantry and his jurisdiction extended in fact in the entire province.
As to the governor of the fortress, he answered only of his action to that Mogol
himself and was absolute in his castle. Tavernier gave a list of the commodities
which are obtained from India. The most important ones were the silk, cloths,
cottons, spices and other merchandise products.10
In the Surat Port the merchandise is conveyed from one place to another
either by cart or by boat, as large vessels cannot enter the river at Surat until
after they are unloaded, on account of the sandbanks at the mouth.11 Tavernier
described the customs house and revenues which were collected while entering
Surat. He also described the customs, money, exchange, measures and weights
of India.12 The English and Dutch companies paid less custom duties in Surat
as compared to private individual who paid as much as 4 to 5 percent duty on
all their goods. But the cost of deputations and presents given by European
companies every year to the court which make their custom duties almost equal
to private individual.13
Boullaye said the traffic of Surat is very large and collected revenues from
the extraordinary customs, because of the quantity of ships that are loaded
there from various parts of the world, according to the tides, seasons and winds.14
The goods that one transports from there are cambresines, alajas, bastas, chites,
turbans, musk, indigo, cotton yarn, saltpeter and diamonds. Those which one
brings there, gold silver, pearls, yellow and gray amber, emerald and some
clothes. The Nawab was to be paid two percent on the entry of silver and four
percent for the gold, he made to search those which arrive and not to pass
something from smuggling.15
English had established their factory at Surat in 1612, and Dutch established
there in 1616. Thevenot describes it was inhabited by Hindus, Mahometens
and Parsis, he said the people of Surat were quite rich and one of his Bania
friend Vargivora or Virji Vohar was a richer merchant and banker of those time.
Regarding the commodities import and export from Surat. Thevenot said “all
sorts of stuffs and cotton-clothes that are made in the Indies, all the commodities
of Europe, nay and of China, also, as Purceline, Cabinets and Coffers adored
with Torqueises, Agats, Cornelians, Ivory and other sorts of embellishments.
There are diamonds, rubies, pearls and all the other precious stones which are
found in the east to be sold there: musk, amber, myrrh, incense, manna, sal-
armoniac, quick-silver, lac, indigo, the root roenas for dying red and all sorts
of spices and fruits which hare got in the Indies and other countries of the
Levant, go off here in great plenty and in general all the Drogues that Foreign
merchant buy up to transport into all parts of the world”.16
Then Thevenot tells about the various kinds of weights and measures found
at Surat and the port of Surat was exactly the Bar of Surat. It was here the ships
come is not a port because the banks of sand hinder the ships from coming
farther in. He said the truth is “ there was little water there, that though the
vessels be unloaded, the ordinary tides are not sufficient to bring them up, and
they are obliged to wait for a Spring tide, but then they come up to Surat”.17
The real port of Surat was 12 miles from this bar which was called Suvali
where prohibition was made to anchor the ships of other nations except the
Dutch and English who laid their ship’s anchor because they had guns with
them. This port was extremely advantageous which provides the English and
Dutch a fair opportunity of getting ashore what they please custom free and
goods could be carried out easily.
Pyrard de Laval said the merchandise from Surat and Cambay goes to
Goa consist of indigo, diamonds and rubies, rock crystal, iron, copper, rock-
alum, a vast quantity of the best wheat in the world, they bring vegetables,
endless variety such as peas, beans and lentils, medical drugs, butter, oils of all
sorts, sugar, conserves, paper, wax, honey, opium etc. But the principal riches
consist of chiefly the silk and cotton stuffs. He said the merchants were cunning
and crafty race. All their manufactures were both of good workmanship and
cheap.18 In short, he could never make an end “of telling such a variety of
manufactures, as well in gold, silver, iron, steel, copper and other metals, as in
precious stones, choice woods, and other valued and rare materials”.19 Tavernier
said in the province of Gujarat, Cambay which was earlier an important port
had lost much of its commerce partly due to the silting up of the Gulf and
partly because of its competition with Bombay and Surat.20
Further Pyrard de Laval told that Cambay has its own king, who is the
vassal of the Great Mughal, a Mohometan by religion, though most of his people
are Gentiles. Cambay was a famous city for its commerce and traffic and the
principal race there were the Banianes. These banianes of Cambay were found
in every port and market in India, along with the Gujarat, who are Mohometans
of Surat and other lands. They are well versed in sciences, mathematics,
astrology and were well habited. They know a lot about pearls, precious stones
and they have their own streets and shops in Goa. The town of Cambay is one
of the most and richest of all the coast of India, where merchants resort from
all quarters of world.
But Tavernier also criticize this city was its lack of beauty. Tavernier said
about this city as “a poor size accompanied by a malicious fortress under which
it is necessary to pass either one comes by water, or one comes by land”21 In
the field of safety, it is extremely badly protected and attacked due to lack of
defense. Tavernier mentions that city was ruined several times, Shivaji had
attacked it twice in 1664 and 1670. The fort does not have anything regular
and would not be able to resist if besieged by some nation of Europe. It was a
constant feature of the landscape of India that these city fortresses are interrupted
periodically, the lack of care taken to the fortification is noted by all the travellers.
Thevenot confirms that “when I arrived there, the walls were only of soil and
almost all ruined, but one started to build some from brick”.22 Modave said
regarding Surat trade that “Surate was in this happy time the most important
city of Hindoustan and, with Bengal and Sindh, its only outlet towards the sea.
In addition to this advantage, it was in possession by the extent of its navigation
to transport in Gedda has almost all the Moslems of the Indies who wanted to
visit the holy places. Surate was during hundred years one of the most opulent
seaboard towns of the ground”.23
Law de Lauriston described about the Surat where French established
their first establishment in India. But there were not much successful to flourish
their trade in Surat. Other loges of French which were of little political
importance were Calicut at the coast of Malabar, Mazulipatam at the coast of
Orissa, Balassore, Jougdia, Cassimbazar, Patna and Deccan in Bengal. Apart
from the lodges, French still had in Bengal certain places named harams, where
French maintained the workmen for manufacture fabric which was the main
object of their trade. These harams were at Kerpaye, Canicola, Choupour and
Monnepour.24
Joseph Tieffenthaler describes the commercial importance of Surat, he
said “Surate called Surat (or Sourat) by the inhabitants, is a city of largest and
most populated; very famous by its trade; located on bank. East of Tapti, at 5
miles of France of the edge of the sea; girded brick walls, except side of the
river. It is defended by a citadel, large but strong, not furnished with a ditch
and triple row of cannons. Considerable decorated buildings; the foreign nations
frequently come there.... The Dutchmen, English and François have foreign
posts here. The greatest place on the market, where all strong of goods are
exposed on sale, is in front of the castle, near to the river bank”.25 Then
Tieffenthaler explains commercial importance of Surat and Cambay. He said
that “the trade flowered there parallels, but it languishes today, it is even extinct
almost entirely. Because only one ship, loaded with goods of India brought
from Cambay and Surat, left from this port, towards the beginning of January
or February, it returns to Mozambique, Portuguese colony of Africa, from where
it returns loaded with a great quantity of gold and ivory and other invaluable
goods which then sell it at high price at Surate”.26
Modave also described about Gujarat. He said “Guzerates are peaceful
and large merchant. That are them who on the coast of Persia are so known
under the name of banians. They pass for large calculators. They are spread on
all the sides. There is hardly big places of trade where one does not find these
Guzerates. I saw some at the coast of Coromandel, in Bengal and in other
places of Hindoustan and there is in Persia and until in Moscoviae”.27He further
described about the naval construction at Surat, which was of high quality and
the ships made in Surat lasted four to five times more than the other ships.
This advantage was due to the quality of wood used in its construction. “One
employs there the teak wood which one draws, for the best part, from the
forests which are around Daman where the convenience of the rivers makes to
arrive these wood at the sea. They embarked them and one transport them in
the workshops of Surat by going up to the river of Tapti”.28
Anquetil gave invaluable testimony on the merchants of Surat and the
commercial decline of the city. Describing the end of the prosperity of the
mughal port, he presents several of the big Masters of the trade of the time:
members of the powerful Chellabi family, Turkish origin, Khoja Vartan,
Mancherji Kharsedji Seth, broker of the Dutchmen. 29Anquetil-Duperron

described the richness of Surat, he said Surat was one of the biggest city of
India and most populated although it has been pilled several times by the
Marathas. It was situated advantageously for the trade of the peninsula of India
and for the Gulf of Persia and Arabia.30 It acquired some immense richness in
became the reason of attack of Marathas in 1666 under Shivaji. Due to greed
of its trade the Portuguese, Spanish, French and English tried to establish control
over Surat thus they had quarrels among them. Marathas were aware of the
region and its weakness so they robbed it time to time which in 1731 led to
decrease in its commerce.31 But it was a common trait of competition among
the traders but after the ruin of other competitors it made great progress. Surat
had soon repaired its looses and state of poverty, had took over the trade of
Ahmadabad and Goa under the rule of Tegbakht Khan.32
2. AGRA
Thevenot mentioned that Agra was one of the largest provinces of Mughal
dominant area and its capital town. Before Akbar this town was like a little
castle and had no privilege over other neighbourhood areas so after Akbar
came to power he joined several villages and gave them the form of town by
other buildings which he raised, and called it called it Akbarabad or Agra.33 He
establishes here his seat of power. Many merchants, traders and dealers came
there to trade the goods. Akbar made the Castle there with palaces, other
buildings in it and fortified the ditch. Modave gave description of kingdom of
Agra was conquered by the Muslims under the reign of Akbar which put Jats
under the subordination. Whenever their arose the confusion in the state of
Mughals, these people seized again their ancient patrimony.34 According to
him all this country have abundant saltpeter which could be easily exploited
and became an object of great trade.
Vital information was given by Bernier about the appropriate sites where
the French could have setup their factories, and, also identified the position of
the other European factories in India. He said, “the Dutch have a factory in
Agra; formerly they did very well out of it in scarlet, looking glasses, in plain,
gold, silver laces and in ironmongery; as in indigo, which is gathered there
right in the neighbourhood and principally at Biana, at two days distance from
Agra…they complain that there is not much profit in it, owing probably to the
competition of the Armenians or to the great distance between Agra and Surat;
none the less they will not, I think, abandon this factory as the English have
done, were it only on account of their spices which they sell there very well,
and for the advantage of having some people close to the court who watch over
their business, as it is impossible but that some trouble or other should always
arise in one or other of their factories because of the tyranny of the governors
and of their hungry officials, who may have committed an act of injustice or
tyranny in any of the Dutch establishments in Bengal or at Patna, Surat or
Ahmed-abad”.35 Tavernier, Bernier and Thevenot mentioned the Dutch have a
factory in Agra.36
Then it was suggested by Bernier that it would not be advisable to establish
a factory at Agra because, “if indigo is wanted, it can always be got in Surat; or
we may do like the Armenians and as the English have done at times, that is to
send there from the factory one or two persons for the season of the cutting of
the ennil (indigo plant)”. 37 Bernier advised the Frenchmen needed to settle in
advance for Bengal and approach the ambassador of Golkonda and then establish
their factory in Masulipatam.
Modave highlighted that there were manufactures of cloth or fabrics at
Agra. Other kind of goods and weapons were also produced in Agra, some
offensive and defensive weapons such as sabers, lances, knife or draggers,
helmets, coats of stitch and all the rest of military equipments of use were
manufactured.38 Embroiders work and filigree work was quite famous in this
region, it was so beautiful and delicate. Copper were converted into all kinds
of utensils and painted to the extreme till the skills of hand can reach. One also
makes there some vases of white marble and of furnished alabaster in invaluable
stone of a great delicacy.39
Law de Lauriston said “One manufactures fabrics in Agra and a species of
velvet which resembles that of the China. Dutch had formerly the trading post
that they gave up, because it was charge of them”.40 Joseph Tieffenthaler said
Agra became the city under the reign of Akbar which one called Akbarabad.41
He described its architecture structures of Tomb of Akbar Sikandera, tomb of
Shah Jahan, Fatehpursikri. He described that the dye cloth was imported from
Surat to Agra formerly the Dutch and by the Armenians, made trade in Agra.42
Some places of Agra produce cotton and work of Iron which are exported.43 He
described the extraction of iron ore in the region Dhoa in Agra region, where
he said that there ‘mines of magnet, of which one extracted great quantity of
iron and stones from magnet. One made here, some of these stones or iron that
one had drawn, from the pots of which one can make to burn milk without that
it spread, the bubbles rise, but do not spread. These magnetic pots thus prove
that the magnet is a mixed body, interfered magnetic and metal stone, that by
means of fire one draws from the iron or the steel of the best species”.44 He
further said “One finds on the route which leads to Anteri a quantity of magnet,
partly accumulates in heaps, partly consistent in very large pieces which leave
the ground. One can notice that the stone of magnet, while she believes and
mature takes (initially) a red color, after which it becomes little by little black
like iron: thus the black and heavy magnet is of the best kind; the red does not
have any value”.45 He said that the rains destroyed the iron used in fortresses
which is corroded and it is ruined due to lapse of time. Joseph Tieffenthaler the
commercial activities of the Farrochabad in Agra, where he said its main road
where “remain the merchants, bankers and the other… it is a merchant place
where selling of goods of all kinds brought from Delhi, Kashmir, Bengal and
Surat”.46
Modave described the commercials aspect of the city of Agra. He said
“One manufactures in Delhi and Agra of the cloth tissues of gold and silver,
the white cloth, some painted fabrics and in the last of these two cities, the
offensive and defensives weapons in use in this country, like sabers, lances,
arcs, arrows, of dimensions of mesh, helmets and the remainder of the military
rule composed of small chains of steel artistically related the ones to the others
and which, not being in a position to resist our firearms, are at least very strong
to return the arrows and the blows of saber without effect”. Regarding Factories
of Agra Modave tells that “I saw various works at Agra in gold, silver, alabaster
encrusted with invaluable stones which appeared to me marvelously well
worked. Undoubtedly that this industry was of a large product in the time of
opulence since yet today it is of some consideration. This city has moreover
much of other branches of trade which point out its old prosperity. Dutch also
maintained there during long time a factory to buy and to sell which they gave
finally when the internal disorders returned from there the expensive
conservation…. In addition to these factories of the town of Agra, its territory
produced also from the considerable richness. One collect lots of cotton there.
What the manufactures of the country cannot exploit it is being transported in
Bengal where cotton always finds a flow assured. One conveys some
enormously by the way of Ganga and Gemna. This country is also extremely
abundant in saltpeter. But it does not manufacture enough of them to provide
some to the neighbouring regions by the fault to people of the country which
undoubtedly could be as surely if they wanted to give the full, to make some
great amount to convey to Bengal. “47 Modave noticed that cotton was produced
in the kingdom of Agra which provides to the trade of considerable quantity.48
He also gave suggestion that if this country can make peace and controlled
well that it would be the very rich and happy region but it almost enjoys no
peace period during the time when Modave pass through this region.49
The most invaluable product in the trade provided by Agra as described
by Modave was the “indigo plant or indigo which we look in Europe like the
best of the ground and which advantageously supports competition in our
markets against all the other kinds. It is manufactured in paragana of Bayana
which is at 20 thimbles in the south of Agra, between Dolpour and Kumbher.
This only enriched object the inhabitants of Agra so peacely restored in their
country enabled them to give to his culture the extension of which it is likely”.50
The travellers of eighteenth century who visited in north, note that Delhi
and Agra have lost its power and Mogol empire has became helpless and less
powerful to the feudatories such as nawab of Awadh, prince of Jats, Rajputs
and the Marathas. In the south they described about the Haider Ali or Tippu
Sultan, Nizam of Hyderabad, Raja of Travancore as each of them acted as
independent sovereign. They speak about the confusion or anarchy in the Mogol
empire.51 In the eighteenth century many new commercial centers rose in India
such as Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, Pondichery, Chandernagor and Cochin.
3. DELHI
Next commercially significant city which is described in detail by the
travellers and adventurers is Delhi. Tavernier mentioned Delhi was a large
town which was preferred in comparison to Agra because it has more temperate
climate.52 Bernier described about the two commercial avenues of Delhi,
Chandni Chowk and Faiz Bazar. The streets of this bazaar had open shops,
where during the day artisans and bankers do their business and merchant exhibit
their goods. They have a warehouse where they deposits their goods in the
night. The houses of merchants were built over these warehouses. Then he
goes on to describe the city of Delhi come alive when merchants, professions
and trade corporation with their various activities does their business. He also
describes the Meena Bazar when the Emperor Shah Jahan came as a mere
merchant buying from the great ladies of the court in the disguise of sellers of
all kinds of goods.
Thevenot said Delhi is crowded when the emperor is at Delhi, all the great
men of the empire with the retinue, servants, army with their family and their
masters, great number of merchants and other trading people and others.53 He
said the capital city which is very fertile, wheat and rice were grown in plenty.
Excellent quality of sugar and indigo was produced towards the Chalimar or
Shalamar Garden near village Haidarpur.54Thevenot also described the
Caravansearai built by Jahanara Begum at the south of Chandni Chowk.55 This
was meant for the caravans coming from Iran and Central Asia, to be lodged
comfortably and safely in the city.
Joseph Tieffenthaler described in details the province of Delhi, which is
the capital of India and named Indraprastha in the ancient monuments. The
Persians named Shahjahanabad56 after his founder Shah Jahan, the more
powerful raja of the Mughal kings. He then describes that the exterior of the
city was not beautiful but the interior was magnificent and very adored. There
were three principal roads, one very long and spacious which drove from the
red door to the Lahor and in which was placed in the equal intervals the houses
of the merchants, bankers and jewelers, in the middle of the road is occupied
by a canal constructed of the stone. The second road is the one which go to the
door of the castle, named the door of Delhi, towards the half, until the door of
the city named also called the door of Delhi. The third named Pahargans,
decorated with beautiful buildings.57 While the other roads were narrow, unequal
and filled with rubbish. Tieffenthaler compared the cities of the India were
inferior to that of the Europe in the magnificence and in regard of the height
and the symmetry of the houses and the equality of the roads. Near each road
there were market of spices in great number. Tieffenthaler explained that Delhi
is formed of seven different cities. The royal residence is a magnificent castle
built in the red stone on the side of the river. It resemble much to the architecture
to the castle of Agra, but it surpassed by the symmetry and elegance.58
The commercial importance of Delhi declined after the fall of Mughal
empire which was reflected in the adventurers records of the eighteenth century.
Madec said that Delhi was more beautiful and more rich of the Hindustan. But
he noted that Delhi is in a more bad state than Agra, it had only some mausoleum
which remained in their entirely, but which felt in ruin due to fall of maintenance.
The emperor palace is in the fort and which is in a bad state. All the Indians
had been under the obedience of Mughal emperor. Nadir Shah started to ruin
this empire and the richness that he carried when he invade was innumerable.
Since then the Mughal emperor had been dethrone by their own subjects or by
their neighbours.
Finally, Modave said regarding Delhi that “Formerly when Delhi was the
seat of splendid and opulent Court, the trade succeeded in this city as at its
center. It was the principal place of the pay from abroad. One transported there
from all parts a multitude of food products or goods of which debit was always
assured. It enters yet well for his portion the general trade of Hindoustan, but
the consumption which made is decreased considerably there, by a necessary
continuation of the decline of the empire. Delhi drew from Guzerate and Surate
all kinds of fabrics where gold and the silver are employed, as well as cloths
and other goods of Europe and the caffe of Arabia. The caravans carried several
times each year from Surate to Delhi. They employed 46 days in their journey
and their effects were being charged on carts and camels. The convenience of
Gemna and Gange procured him from the most important relations and atleast
expense with Bengal from where it drew, in addition to the goods of Europe
and the productions of this rich country, silk trade of China, grocers of
Molucques, the cinnamon of Ceylon and fabrics of Orissa and Coromandel
which it needed”.59
4. AWADH AND FAIZABAD

Thevenot said Awadh was very fertile area, it produced for the Great
Mughal the revenue more than ten million.60 As this country was remote from
the sea so no European share the revenue with them and Great Mughals draw
considerable revenue from this place. Eighteenth century adventurers showed
the rise of Awadh as a commercial centre after the decline of Mughal empire.
Modave said, Awadh was formerly a one of most powerful cities of the Hindu.
It remains still in part to a place below Fez-abad on same river of Gagra. It
does not have anything of his ancient splendor, but the history of the country
in content of the wonders. It is the cradle of their religion. Awadh is one of
most famous and ancient cities of the Indies and consequently of the rest of the
world. Lucknow today is more famous because it is the seat of the government,
that his territory is filled with factories and that it is the warehouse of a big
business. We know scarcely Fez-abad since the connections that Sujah-daulat
maintained with Europeans.61 Joseph Tieffenthaler gave the information that
Awadh produced the fabric of fine cotton, other commodities of trade were
cardamom, Haldi, horses of small tail but big and robust.62 He also mentions
other places in Awadh such as Balzora which is dwelled and a place of market,
that frequently during the two month of the year the mountain dwellers and the
Indian merchants and where the first transport of the horses, long pepper, falcon
and other things were sold.63
Modave stayed in Faizabad, new capital of Nawab of Awadh he made
description observation about its large market, he says “it consist of large street,
more than 80 feet…the sides of the streets have full of small shops where the
merchant worked with effect. The others spread out in the middle of the street
in the small huts of bamboos covered with thatch, or under steady fabric of
four rods or all only in open air. The goods are of various varieties. They are
white and painted fabrics of different kinds, carpets, potteries, grains, meat
pieces evenly cut, fruits and grass for the horses. There is such a hurry from ten
in the morning till four in evening from where it is difficult to cross. In evening
the scene changes, one lights small lamps on all the sides and these small flying
shops resemble by a great number of frameworks or bedstead, that one would
believe to be in the room of some large hospital. With all that, Faizabad feels
the advantage that it has to be the place of residence of one of the principal
officer of the Mogol Empire. So many people go there for their business that
the movement is unceasingly increased by it”64. This shows the development
and prosperity in India as there were rise of market cities around the court of
the nawabs and Rajas who became independent from the authority of Delhi.
There one can witness increase in the cultivated grounds and they maintain
great commercial relations with similar cities. The prosperity of the city
mentioned by Modave lasted till the death of Shauja ud daulah as his successor
changed his capital to Lucknow.
Lucknow since a long time has been the residence of a most numerous
viceroys of the Mughal empire. Lucknow is famous for its trade. One
manufactures in this territory lot of cloth of good quality and which does big
business with Bengal. The most important production of the territory of
Lucknow consists of great quantity of sugar. The refinery was done to make it
while and polished but it missed some flavor.65 The work of copper at Lucknow
was also quite famous. There were work of bronze, engraving and painting it
in numerous manners. Modave saw large number of vases and especially
beautiful houkas.66 Claude Martin presence in Lucknow proved beneficial for
the commercial transactions. Martin also revitalized trade, by creating new

markets in Europe for Indian goods, such as indigo and printed fabrics.
Law de Lauriston described the Lucknow which is 80 miles in the north
of Allahabad. He said country is beautiful and of a great fertility. Most part of
Awadh was exhausted by the wars of the Abul Mansur Mirza Muhammad
Muqim Ali Khan Safdarjung (1739-1754) and left it in debt and empty treasure.
His successors, Shuja-ud-Daulah tried to improve the situation by administrative
changes. The problems would have been repaired by Shouja-ud-Daula by his
good administration and changes but the evil against which human prudence
cannot do nothing completely led to lose. But under his reign there were several
years when there were no rains which ruined the harvest and devastation was
made by insect attack.67 The state of people of Lucknow which was the residence
of Nawab was also not better than Awadh. Modave described the city of
Lucknow as a large and unpleasant city located on the small river Gomti. The
city was only remarkable for its building like the palace of nabab. It is a large
building made up of several buildings without order and connection with each
other. The mosques are small and do not have anything which announces the
splendor.
5. BENGAL
Most of the French travellers and adventurers have strongly pointed out
the economic dynamism of the Bengal. This area attracted the all the traders of
whole world due to its fertile ground and mass production of cotton fabric and
silk trade of great quantity and quality. Large amount of revenue is generated
by the commercial activities done in Bengal during that period. The economic
dynamism of Bengal was made of rural communities of reliable dimension,
with specialization of the tasks, recutting the castes there where they existed.
Bernier pointed out the importance of Bengal in his answer to the enquiry
of Jean de Thevenot (1633-1677). He wrote that Bengal “produces rice in
such abundance that it supplies not only the neighbouring but remote
areas…exported to Ceylon and Maldives;… it provide sugar to Kingdoms of
Golkonda, Karnatic, Arabia, Mesopotamia and Persia;.…sugar, sweetmeat,
fruits…article of considerable trade”.68 Thus, he stated, “Bengal abounds with
every necessary of life; and it is this abundance that has induced so many
Portuguese, half-castes and other Christians, driven from their different
settlements by the Dutch, to seek an asylum in this fertile kingdom. The Jesuits
and Augustins, who have large churches and are permitted the free and
unmolested exercise of their religion,…the rich exuberance of the country,
together with the beauty and amiable disposition of the native women,”69
attracted the Portuguese, English and Dutch towards Bengal.
Further Bernier said that Bengal possessed large amounts of valuable
commodities which attracted foreign merchants; these commodities were sugar,
cotton and silk. He mentioned that large quantities of cotton cloths, of different
types and colours were exported by the Hollanders to many countries, especially
to Japan and Europe. For the silk stuff, he mentioned that large quantities were
drawn from Bengal for supplying to the entire Mughal Empire and many foreign
countries. Another commodity of importance was saltpeter, which was imported
from Patna70 to Bengal, from here Dutch and English sent large cargos to many
parts of India and to Europe. Bernier advised that it was in this fruitful kingdom,
that the best lac, opium, wax, civet, long pepper, and various drugs were obtained
and butter was exported to a number of places. According to Bernier, Bengal
was the store house of merchandise for the India, Europe and other countries.
Bernier said Bengal exported large amount of products and varieties of clothes,
silk trade, indigo, saltpeter, opium, wax, pepper and rice. Among other products,
one finds them dyewood, camphor, ginger, fruits,
Finally, Bernier suggested that “it will nevertheless be expedient for us to
build our first factory at Kasimbazar, because that is the spot where all the silks
(Dutch and English, silk factory had eight hundred native employees at
Kasimbazar) and other merchandise come together, and that from Hugly, where
the big ships come, there is a canal which goes from Kasimbazar, on which
little boats can go, and that by land one can go there comfortably in three
days”.71 A small warning given by Bernier, to the persons going to Kasimbazar
“must make up their minds from the first to be badly lodged”.72 These
suggestions must have helped Colbert to establish French factories at Surat
(1668), Maulipatam (1669) and at Pondicherry (1673).
Thevenot also describes the commercial importance of the several towns
of Calcutta like Pipli in Orissa, Satgaon in Hooghly district, Patna the chief
city of Bihar, Kassimbazar a town in the Murshidabad district and Chittagong
were very rich. Patna was a large town where the Dutch have a factory.73 Joseph
Tieffenthaler describes the importance of Kassimbazar as a trading place, where
English have built building based on European architecture where they preserve
the goods and around these areas were other places where Dutch and Armenian
merchants who have their buildings and trading centers; French also have their
trading post their situation on the bank of the river.74 Tavernier described about
the important town of Kasimbazar in the kingdom of Bengal. This area produce
large quantity of silk which was exported by Dutch to either Japan or Holland.
All the silk was brought to the Kingdom of Gujarat mostly in Ahmadabad and
Surat where they are woven into fabrics and made carpets, satins, patoles and
other goods. This was a profitable investment of the Dutch who do not permit
any member of their Company to engage in this private trade. They are exported
to the Philippines, Borneo, Java, Sumatra and other neighbouring countries.75
Anquetil Deperron gave the description of richness of Bengal. He said,
“This region is the richest province of the Indoustan. It produces the necessary
and the pleasant. Teak, excellent wood construction and of piece of furniture,
is in abundance in the forests of Soundri [Sundarbans]”, between Daka [Dhaka]

and Scbandernagor(Chandernagor). Patna provides best saltpeter and best the
opium. One manufactures with the silk of Cassimbazar and the surroundings
of rather pretty fabrics. The country also produces some cotton without speaking
about that of Surate as one put there in work and who gives among the other
fabrics the beautiful plain muslins and doreas (striped) that one does not
embroider nowhere with such an amount of delicacy….This trade was in all its
brilliance when Mr. Dupleix commanded in Chandernagor . One said to me in
the country that by made sendings with time , funds employed with matter, it
had makes miss several times the anglois and hollandois counters, Bengal is
thus a gold mine which it is question of only exploiting skillfully, but always
with care not to remove, by exhausting it, the germ of new richnesses”.76
During Aurangzeb epoch Patna was the place where all the importance of
the trade was concentrated. Modave tells us that the security in Patna helped
Bengal trade to expand neighbouring areas. Aurangzeb favoured the strangers
and assuring the facility of communication in the interior of the country. He
accorded “to the Europeans and in general, to all the navigators of highest
privilege and introduced a police force so severe and so vigilant that one could
traverse in his time throughout Hindustan with such ease and security as one
could do from Paris to Marseille”.77 This security helped Bengal to discharge
foreign merchandise within the vast territory through the help of Ganga. The
merchandise were brought at the end of the river which were brought by the
European vessels and these merchandise was transported through waterways
in small boats, came finally to Patna where it was deposited.78 The merchants
came there from Agra, Delhi, Lahore, Kashmir, Kandahar, Kabul, Multan, Tibet,
Assam, Lasha and from the places far away from the sea, it acted as an universal
warehouse. This grand trade declined after Aurangzeb due to the assaults of
the anarchy and foreign attacks followed by Anglo-French rivalry which was
disastrous for this region.79
Importance of Bengal as the biggest center of commerce in Asia was
highlighted by Modave.80 This region has great fertility which can produce
almost everything that one needs. Wheat grows in the upper region and rice is
everywhere the major cultivation, but the main object for its richness comes
from her manufactures of textile fabric and muslins. A good amount of silk is
gather and manufactured there which was transported to Europe and Japan.
Europe gets saltpeter and Opium from Bengal whereas other parts of India get
rice, oil, butter, sugar and other necessary articles of food.81 There was a decline
of Dutch trade in regard to opium in Bengal, which was taken by English.
There was a large number of export and import from Bengal where all nations
of Europe visited be it Spain, Portugal, English or French. All the European
established in Bengal, except that of the Danes. It is towards the end of October
that almost all the vessels which trade are assembled in the Ganges, the largest
number of which stops at Calcutta. The vessels which return to Europe are
assuredly of the smallest number and despite the abundance of their cargo
whereas the Red Sea and the Gulf of Persia which procure for her the largest
market of rice, sugar, jam and many other articles of food consumption are
carried together with linens and muslins through Bassora and Syria and
Mesopotamia. Arabia, Egypt and the two Turkeys receive through the Red Sea
an incredible number of muslin and other linens manufactured in Bengal.82
Bengal was famous for its richness and fertility. But the villages offers a
spectacle of deepest misery he says, “No remarkable building, of unpleasant
land houses, thatch glazes, of absolutely abandoned vast campaigns, filled with
a strong and thick grass and which rises with the height from 5 to 6 feet. These
sad loneliness which one names jungle occupy a country which could to be
exploited very advantageously, because the fertility of the soil accused
everywhere the idleness of the inhabitants or old defects of a oppressive
government”.83Modave explains the Europe is not the largest market of
commerce of Bengal but it is the Red Sea and Gulf of Persia which has the
largest market for products like rice, sugar, jam together with linens and
muslins.84 Regarding Dacca city he said that it is from there one gets the largest
quantity and the most beautiful quality of mousselin which forms the most
important articles of commerce of Bengal.
Gentil explained the history of Bengal under various kings and finally in
1765 English seized it and obtained it from Shah Alam II on a tribute of 26
Lakhs of rupees. Gentil said when finally Bengal passed entirely under the
English domination, Calcutta became the capital. This capital contains large
number of objects which excited the curiosity and admiration. There exist
fewer cities more beautiful and where one finds gathered and reunited much of
the richness of much of the objects of luxury and all which made the ease and
the pleasures of the life. Its vast houses are much of sumptuous palace by their
ordinance, by their simple and noble style.85
6. PATNA
The significance of Patna as a commercial center was mentioned by
Modave. He said “Patna is a considerable city at a rate of the trade of which is
the warehouse. In addition to the affluence from abroad who come there to
remove the goods of Europe which one brings by Ganga in this city, two other
invaluable productions will always preserve a real splendor to him. It is in its
territory that is best the saltpeter of the world, and one cultivates there in the
season an extraordinary quantity of poppies from which one draws the best
part of the opium which is consumed in Asia Eastern”.86 Modave goes on to
explain Bengal has the facility to navigate through river Ganga, “for discharging
foreign merchandise within the vast territory. Down the river the merchants
brought those goods which the European vessels brought there and those
merchandise, always transported by waterways in small boats, came finally to

Patna where those were deposited”.87 Patna was a universal warehouse where
merchants came from Agra, Delhi, Lahore, Kashmir, Kanadahar, Kabul, Multan,
Samarcand, Tibet, Assam, Lasha and other parts of Asia.88 But the war had
diverted the course of this grand trade and parties do not come to Patna anymore.
After the assault of anarchy, “the horrible confusion visited the country during
the last forty years( after the invasion of Nadir Shah in 1739) and the affairs of
the Mogol Empire stifled even the least trace of all the good things that
Aurangzeb did for commerce”.89
The area around Patna enjoys a remarkable prosperity due to saltpeter and
to opium that the English purchased from them.90 Modave said “It is impossible
to see a more beautiful country than the surroundings of Patna. I traversed
them with as much attention as of pleasure at 8 or 10 thimbles at the round.
There is not a lost inch of ground; all is made profitable for the culture. This
territory is very well sprinkled and there is everywhere an air of life and freshness
which seizes imagination agreeably. I did not fail to visit the quartering of the
English troops in Denapour. I will not locate here what I say elsewhere”.91
Details of salt as commercial product in Patna was described by Modave.
Salt is the large food product which is carried in Patna. “It comes for the majority
from the coast of Coromandel and Orissa. The quantity that one conveys there
on Ganga is almost incredible. It is output in the vast portion of Hindoustan
which extends from left bank of the river to the mountains and especially in
Tibet and the other valleys of these mountains. I am persuaded that by the only
outlet of Patna, it is not sold less than two million mans weighing this food
product so necessary to the human life, which makes about 160 million salt
pounds. One still sends from it an enormous quantity from Calcutta to Dacca
to be carried by the large river of Barampoutra in valley of Assam from where
it is spread until Lassa and in Barantola, two Tartar cities which belong to
Dalai Lama. But this object like the general trade of Bengal and the particular
trade from Patna found there place in what I said above from the actual state of
Bengal’92 Ganga river contribute to fertilize it. The countryside offers a beautiful
sightseeing. This beautiful province provides to Bengal much of the necessary
food products for its subsistence, various kinds of fabrics, saltpeter and opium
etc. Anquetil-Duperron also mentioned that Patna provides best saltpeter and
opium.93
In Patna English played a substantial role and engaged in trade. Modave
described this new city, “that Patna was built by the Patanes or by any other
people of Indoustan… I will say simply that it is a city situated on the right
bank of Ganga at 25 degrees and a some minutes of latitude. That it is enough
large and more unpleasant that I knew to represent. It has only two broad streets
and the other are only tortuous and muddy paths, that in the rainy season changed
almost whole city into a cesspool. One sees there some brick houses but nine
tenth are on ground. The even walls of the city only are that cluster of ground
drawn from the very small ditch surround them. It is impossible to make the
turn as their construction is irregular and degraded. It goes about the city a
small fort which is not of any consideration”.94
Joseph Tieffenthaler describes about the diamond mines in Patna. He said
“this place is famous by diamond mines. Because in a ground space of
approximately two miles, one digs a red sand, at the depth of 4 or 5 Indians
ounce, and one forms heaps of them. One then passes it to the riddle, and if one
notices there small shining stones which are detected by their glare one puts
them on side, to polish them. But this kind of diamond cannot be compared
neither for fire nor for hardness to those of Orissa and Ruhilkhand”.95He goes
on to describe the commercial worth of Patna, where he said, “Patna is a vast
and the noble city, very commercial and where many ships approach coming
from Bengal. Its extent in length, the suburbs comprise there, is of approximately
3 miles; the width, of one mile. European trading posts, knowledge those of
the English and the Dutchmen, and the houses of people of distinction, make
splendid buildings, located on the exterior bank of Gange, built of brick and
plaster of the manner of Europe”.96
Patna developed in a new trading city and development its bazaars. Modave
arrives there in 1774 was impressed by the immense richnesses that he saw the
English drawing from Bengal. The English made of Patna their principal trading
centre: they oblige the shipping which goes up Ganga since Calcutta and
Chandernagor to discharge the goods intended for the countries there from
high Ganga, to impose to them taxes.
CONCLUSION
Narratives of commercial importance of the cities such as Surat, Agra,
Delhi, Awadh, Faizabad, Bengal and Patna were highly useful for the French
East India company to formulate their commercial policies and helped to
comprehend the nature of commercial underpinnings in India. Their indirect
warning to the French state about its weak commercial policies in comparison
to his other European competitors was really invaluable to improve their policies
in the first half of eighteenth century which further could be witnessed by
Dupleix and Bussy’s commercial and political success in India. But after 1761,
the French showed a negligent attitude towards the French diplomatic project
of governors and adventurers who wanted to reestablish the French authority
in India. Eighteenth century adventurers’ records helped to understanding their
personal participation in commercial enterprises of India and the amount of
benefit they extracted from the lucrative trade of several commercial ventures.
Thus the role of these travellers and adventurers become paramount in drawing
a sketch of picture of mercantile relations between the French state with Indian
counterpart.
Notes & references :

1. Aniruddha Ray, Merchant and State: The French in India, 1666- 1739,
Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd, Delhi, 2004, p. xix.
2. Ibid., p. xxix.
3. Albert Gray and H.C.P Bell eds., The Voyage of François Pyrard of Laval,
to the East Indies, the Maldives, the Moluccas, and Brazil, Hakluyt
Society, London: Hakluyt Society, 1915, vol. i., p. xiii.
4. Henri Castonnet Des Fosses, “La Boullaye le Gouz : sa vie et ses voyages”,
Extrait des “Mémoires de la Société nationale d’agriculture, sciences et
arts d’Angers”, 1888. p. 159.
5. Denys Lombard, “Martin de Vitre. Premier Breton a Aceh (1601-1603)”,
Archipel, Vol 54, 1997, p. 8.
6. Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Travels in India, 1640-67, (Trans.)V Ball, iii vols.,
New Delhi: Oriental Books, 1889; 1977. p 57.
7. François Martin de Vitré, Description du premier voyage faict aux Indes
Orientales par les Français, Laurens Sonnius, Paris, 1604, 2009. p. 151.
8. Joseph Tieffenthaler, Description historique et géographique de l’Inde ,
(ed.) by Jean Bernoulli., Berlin, W. Faden, 1786-1789, p. 394.
9. Thevenot, Travels of Thevenot and Careri, ed by S.N. Sen, New Delhi,
1949, p. 8.
10. Tavernier, Travels in India, Vol 2, Book II, p. 2
11. Ibid., Vol. 1. p. 5.
12. Ibid., Vol. 1. p. 7.
13. Ibid., Vol. 1. p. 7.
14. Francois de la Boullaye le Gouz, Les Voyages et Observations du Sieur
de la Boullaye le Gouz, 1653; rpt. Paris, 1657. p.135.
15. Ibid., p.136.
16. Thevenot, Travels of Thevenot and Careri, p. 25.
17. Ibid., p. 37.
18. Albert Gray, The Voyage of François Pyrard of Laval, p. 249.
19. Ibid., p. 249.
20. Tavernier, Travels in India. Vol. I, pp. 56-57.
21. Ibid., Vol.1, p. 4
23. Comte de Modave, Voyage en du Comte de Modave 1773-1776, edited
by Jean Deloche, Ecole Française d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 1971, p.324.
24. Law de Lauriston, Etat Politique de l’Inde en 1777, Ed. Alfred Martineau,
Paris, 1913., p. 33.
25. Joseph Tieffenthaler, La géographie de l’Indoustan, p. 403.
26. Ibid., p. 406.
27. Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, 1773-1776, p. 404.
28. Ibid., ,p 352.
29. Anquetil Duperron, Zend-Avesta, Ouvrage de Zoroastre, (Replica of 1771
edition by N.M. Tilliard, Paris) Elibron Classics, 2001, pp. 278, 283, 286-
287.
30. Guy Deleury’s Les Indes Florissantes : Anthologie des voyageurs français,
1750-1820, Paris : Laffont, 1991 p. 141.
31. Ibid., p. 141.
32. Ibid., pp. 141-142
34. Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, p. 189.
35. Sir Theodore Morison, JRAS. Jan (1933), p. 15. This information is also
corroborated by Bernier in his travel records pp. 292-93.
36. Thevenot, Travels of Thevenot and Careri, p. 50, Bernier, Travels, pp.
293-94; Tavernier, Travels in India, Vol. 1, p. 87
37. Sir Theodore Morison, JRAS. Jan (1933), p .15; Bernier, Travels, pp.292-
93.
38. Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, p. 202-203.
39. Ibid, p. 202-203.
40. Jean Law de Lauriston, Mémoire sure quelques affairs de l’Empire Mogol
(1756-1761), p. 358.
41. Joseph Tieffenthaler, La géographie de l’Indoustan, p. 160.
42. Ibid., p. 172.
43. Ibid., p. 179.
44. Ibid., p. 181.
45. Ibid., p. 187.
46. Ibid., p. 196.
47. Comte de Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, 1773-1776, p.
325.
48. Ibid., p. 208.
49. Ibid., p. 208.
50. Ibid., p. 325.
51. Ibid., p 277, 301.
52. Tavernier, Travels in India, ,Vol. 1, p. 78.
53. Thevenot, Travels of Thevenot and Careri, ,p. 61.
54. Ibid., p. 68.
55. Ibid., p. 59.
56. Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, p. 230. Modave describes
the commercial opportunities and geographical position of Shahjahanabad.
57. Joseph Tieffenthaler, La géographie de l’Indoustan. p. 125.
58. Ibid., p. 127.
59. Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, p. 323.
60. Thevenot, Travels of Thevenot and Careri, ,p. 87.
61. Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, p. 17562 Joseph

Tieffenthaler, La géographie de l’Indoustan, p. 261, 262.
63. Ibid p. 286.
64. Comte de Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, 1773-1776,
p.143
65. Ibid, 184
66. Ibid., 184
67. Jean Law de Lauriston, Mémoire sur Quelques Affaires de l’Empire Mogol
1756-1761, publiée par Alfred Martineau, 1913, Paris, pp. 212
68. Bernier, Travels, p.438.
69. Ibid, p.439.
70. Bernier, Travels, p 440, ft.2. One of the principal refineries of saltpeter
was at Chaprah about 25 miles from Patna, where the French, Dutch and
Portuguese had their factories. (Ibid., p. 440).
71. Sir Theodore Morison, JRAS, Jan (1933), p. 21.
72. Ibid., p. 21. Tavernier, Travels in India,.vol-II, p.34. Tavernier suggested
that “private trade should not be allowed, as it harmed the interest of the
French company. He stated that the company should forbid the merchants,
sub-merchants, the scribes, who serve under the commanders, and the
brokers, and also these superior officers, to carry on any trade on their
own private accounts because having communication with all the artisans
and obtaining by correspondence from the other factories as to the articles
of merchandise which will be saleable in the following year, they do not
fail to purchase them on their own account and ship them to the vessels
of the company to the addresses of their correspondents, who share the
gain. …this injuctions against the private trade cannot be too strictly
imposed because when these officers arrived in India, and see a prospect
of obtaining some good employment, they marry as quickly as possible,
and trade secretly in their wives’ names; this is not always permitted.”(
Ibid, p.34)
74. Tieffenthaler, La géographie de l’Indoustan. p. 453.
75. Tavernier, Travels in India,Vol 2, Book II, p. 3
76. Anquetil Duperron, Zend-Avesta, Ouvrage de Zoroastre, pp. 110-111.
77. Comte de Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, 1773-1776, p.
66.
78. Ibid., p. 67.
79. Ibid, p. 67.
80. Ibid., p. 60.
81. Ibid., p. 60.
82. Ibid., p. 61.
83. Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, ,p. 129.
84. Ibid., p. 60.
85. Jean-Baptise Gentil, Mémoire sur L’Indoustan ou Empire Mogol, Paris,
1822. p. 199.
86. Comte de Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, 1773-1776, ,p
132
87. Ibid., p. 66.
88. Ibid., p. 66.
89. Ibid., p. 35.
90. Ibid., p. 61
91. Ibid., p. 133
92. Ibid., p 133
93. Guy Deleury, Les Indes Florissantes, p. 182.
94. Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, 1773-1776, ,p 132
95. Joseph Tieffenthaler, La géographie de l’Indoustan. p. 246.
96. Ibid.,p. 419.
The Indian National Congress and Course of

Nationalism in India: A Study with Special
Reference to Education, 1885-1910
Nirmala Shah
Abstract:
The article attempts to understand the emergence of nationalism in India
during the colonial period and the contribution of Indian National Congress
(INC) from its inception in 1885 to 1910. The INC occupies a very important
place in the history of modern India as it was the first political party with an
All-India character and even today stand as one of the major political parties of
the country. Recently it has completed 125 years of its existence. During the
late nineteenth century India was struggling for its identity, social, political
and economic unification. In this scenario education provided a very important
stimulus. So the present study tries to analyse debate on its origin, the
contribution made by the leaders of INC towards education and the role played
by education in spreading nationalism.
Keywords: Indian National Congress, National Movement, Nationalism,

National Education.
Introduction
“Few other Nationalist organizations in Africa and Asia can match
the long history of the Indian National Congress or rival its
political sophistications and even fewer have survived so
successfully the ending of imperial rule.”
–Gordon Johnson1
The course of nationalism in India is connected with the history of the

Indian National Congress (INC). The INC was formed in 1885 to focus on the
Indian public opinion and to represent the wants and wishes of the Indian people
The Indian National Congress & Course of Nationalism in India 49
to the government. It provided the widest possible forum where Indians can
discuss their grievances and raise demands. Originally, conceived and shaped
by an Englishmen Allan Octavian Hume2, it was nurtured by Indian leaders
who were English educated and wanted country’s development. It was therefore,
unique and exclusive in its evolution and in its role. In the beginning its activities
were mainly confined to bringing Indian grievances to the notice of the
authorities in India and England. There were other important aspects as well.
One was to bring together men from different provinces so as to establish
nationalism on an All-India basis. In the early days its activities were more or
less confined to an annual gathering, in which a number of important resolutions
were passed. It became an organization for the formulation of political demands,
working on ‘lawful’ lines. The Congress was founded with explicit political
motives. Its object, in the beginning, was to agitate on constitutional lines. But
within a few years, the movement assumed a militant tone, and started aspiring
for the political emancipation of the country.
The leaders of the Indian National Congress were the products of English
education. So they were aware of the importance of education for the
development of a country. Many of them had visited England for their education,
and hence they knew how education can transform an individual and the country.
It is because of this reason that they began to give importance to education.
From the very third session the leaders began to make demand for education.
Afterwards in almost every session, government was urged to provide education
and to promote educational efforts.
This study seeks to understand the debate over the origin and growth of
INC. It examines the growth of national consciousness in India and the role of
INC in it. Also the views and activities of the leaders in the field of nationalism
and education are analysed. The area of education, though of significant
importance has, nevertheless, attracted very little attention in historical research.
The study deals further with the British response to these activities, and also its
achievements and failures. Finally the nationalist articulation of education is
analysed.
The Origin of the Indian National Congress

The formation of INC in 1885 was preceded by a long period of evolution
of national consciousness. In this the means of communication, press, education,
etc played vital roles. The English educated middle class also fostered the
development of national consciousness. They were influenced by the western
thought and ideas and names such as Burke, Bright, Macaulay, Carlyle,
Gladstone were common to them. They were influenced by the English literature
and history. This has produced in them a basic confidence in the English sense
of justice. The revolt of 1857 marked a turning point. After its failure, it took
the educated Indians about a decade to realize the practicability of agitating for
the political advancement of the country by constitutional methods. The

necessity of establishing political organizations was felt by the Indian leaders
for the purpose of attracting the attention of the British Government to the
grievances of the people. Even before the foundation of the Indian National
Congress the phenomenon of nationalism had begun to take organizational
shape in rudimentary form in India. A number of associations, aimed at securing
the interests of Indian ‘fellow-subjects’, and presenting their grievances before
the British parliament had been established. The British Indian Association
was started in Bengal in 1851 and remained active for nearly half a century.
Dadabhai Naoroji, then popularly known as ‘the Grand Old man of India’
founded in England the East India Association in 1866 with a branch in
Bombay.3 In 1870, he, Pherozeshah Mehta and others revived the Bombay
Presidency Association which had disintegrated during the uprising of 1857.4
In the same year the Sarvajanik Sabha was organised in Poona with which
Ranade was closely associated subsequently.5 In 1876 Surendranath Bannerjee
established the Indian Association in Bengal.6 Thus societies were established
in important centers by educated Indians primarily for the political advancement
of the Indians.
An organization of far greater importance was the INC. Allan Octavian
Hume is credited with its formation. It is believed that he had seen reports
relating to the idea of revolt hatching in different parts of India and that political
unrest was growing.7 He visualized that the possible result could have been not
an organized outbreak of another revolt on an all-India scale but the beginning
of lawlessness which in course of time could have taken the form of a national
uprising.8 Taking this into his consideration, Hume decided to open a ‘safety
valve’ (or a safe outlet to the growing discontent among the educated Indians)
for the growing discontentment so that a possible onslaught on the British
authority in India might be averted.9
As early as 1859, Hume started a vernacular paper called the People’s
Friends. He conceived the idea that the leaders of Indian public opinion (though
public opinion was still in a very weak and nebulous state) should meet and
take up the work of social reform in earnest and try to impress on the Government
and the people the necessity of such reform. Hume discussed his plan with
Dufferin on his arrival in India. But Dufferin wanted him to go further and
wanted the Indian leaders to take up political questions in earnest instead of
confining their activities merely to social reforms, and his advice was accepted.
So they thought that it would provide them a forum where the prevailing views
and discontent of leaders can come to the front. To quote Mr. W.C. Bonerjee,
“it will probably be news to many that the Indian National Congress, as it was
originally started and as it has since been carried on, is in reality the work of
the Marquis of Dufferin and Ava when that nobleman was the Governor-General
of India. Mr. A.O. Hume, had in 1884 conceived the idea that it would be of
great advantage to the country if leading Indian politicians could be brought
together once a year to discuss social matters and be upon friendly footing with
one another.”10
The British Government also was by no means antagonistic at the outset.
They thought that it would afford a valuable safety valve and source of
indispensable information regarding native opinion. Lastly, the spread of English
language itself supplied the common medium of communication which had
hitherto been lacking. It was because of this background and these impulses
that a group headed by Mr. Hume and Surendranath Banerjee issued in March
of 1885 the call to hold a meeting of representatives from all parts of India at
the then coming Christmas. The result was a circular letter dated 1 March 1883
to the Graduates of the Calcutta University. Hume made a promising start in
this letter: “constituting, as you do, a large body of the most highly educated
Indians, you should, in the natural order of things, constitute also the most
important source of all mental, social and political progress in India. Whether
in the individual or the nation, all vital progress must spring from within, and it
is to you, her sons, that your country must look for the initiative.”11 Hume
added a strong warning to this appeal: “if you, the picked men, the most highly
educated of the nation, cannot scorning personal ease and selfish freedom for
yourself and your country, more impartial administration of your own affairs,
then we your friends are wrong and your adversaries right, than are Lord Ripon’s
noble aspirations for your good fruitless and visionary, than at present at any
rate, all hopes of progress are at an end, and India truly neither lacks nor deserves
any better government than she enjoys.”12
As a result towards the close of 1884 ‘Indian National Union’ was formed.
It decided to hold an All-India Conference in the following year in Poona. A
Reception Committee was constituted which made admirable arrangements
for the reception of the members. It was further decided that looking at the
national importance of the gathering and the wide support it had received from
all parts of India, the Conference should formally assume the title of the ‘Indian
National Congress’. But as cholera broke out in Poona, the seat of the gathering
was changed to Bombay. There, on 28 December 1885 the first session of the
Congress commenced in the Gokuldas Tejpal Sanskrit College. The session
lasted for three days. Henceforth, the Congress met annually in some important
town of India and took up important discussions in the cause of the country.
The leading politicians who were well acquainted with the English language,
from all parts of Bombay, Bengal and Madras Presidencies were invited to
attend the conference, whose objects according to Hume were stated to be “(i)
to enable all the most earnest laborers in the cause of national progress to
become personally known to each other; and (ii) to discuss and decide upon
the political operations to be undertaken during the ensuing year.” It was also
stated that subject to the unswerving allegiance to the British sovereign, “the
Union would oppose by all constitutional methods all official acts or measures
opposed to those principles which were laid down by the British Parliament.”
Lastly, a hope was expressed that “indirectly this Conference will form the
germ of a native Parliament and, if properly conducted, will constitute, in a
few years, an unanswerable reply to the assertion that India is still wholly unfit
for any form of representative institutions.”13
“No Indian”, said Mr, Gokhale in London in 1913, “could have started the
Indian National Congress. Apart from the fact that anyone putting his hand to
such a gigantic task had need to have Mr. Hume’s commanding personality,
even if an Indian had possessed such a personality and had come forward to
start such a movement, embracing all India, the officials could not have allowed
it to come into existence. If the founder of the Congress had not been a great
Englishmen and a distinguished ex-official, such was the distrust of political
agitation in those days that the authorities would have at once found some way
or the other of suppressing the movement.”14 This view has been generally
accepted as accurate. Undoubtedly Mr. A.O.Hume was the driving force, and
the name “Father of the Congress”, which has been sometimes given to him, is
fairly correct. Some of the leading Congressmen and staunch nationalists like
R.C. Dutt, Surendranath Banerjee, Lal Mohan Ghosh and others praised the
British for their efforts and made an appeal to treat Indians on equal footing.
The aims and objects of the Congress can be categorized as “the promotion
of personal intimacy and friendship amongst all the more earnest workers in
the country’s cause in the various parts of the Empire”.15 It also aimed at the
fuller development and consolidation of the sentiments of national unity. From
an intellectual and ideological sphere, nationalism was thus brought down to
the practical and operative level. The founders of the Congress were full of
praise for the British rule, but side by side, they proclaimed their aspirations
for a new era, and became critical of many existing anomalies in Indo-British
relations.16
The Character and Objectives of the Congress

The INC was organized to focus on the Indian public opinion and to
represent the wants and wishes of the Indian people to the government. It
provided the most organized forum to ventilate the grievances and raise
demands. To S.S. Dikshit, three things are remarkable about the nature of the
INC. First, it was a truly national organization; secondly, it was predominantly
a political organization; and thirdly, it was purely a non-violent organization.17
As its name indicated, it was a national organization from the very start and
has remained national to the present day. It was a national, not a sectional,
sectarian or communal body, because it claimed to represent all interests and
all communities, and to speak in the name and on behalf of the Indian nation as
a whole. It represented no particular community, no particular class, and no
particular interest. Several factors have contributed to impress this national
character on it. No single community and no single province can claim it as its
exclusive possession. Since its inception in 1885, members of different
communities and persons belonging to different parts of the country have helped
it become what it is today, or at least what it was till the advent of national
independence. Its membership was open to all who were prepared to work and
suffer for India. As is stated above, it was conceived in the brain of an
Englishman, A.O. Hume, who is known as its Father. People from different
communities worked for it. In the beginning it had the support of Pherozshah
Mehta and Dadabhai Naoroji, the noble and patriotic Muslims like Badruddin
Tyebji, and of eminent Christians like W.C. Bonnerji. So, one can see that the
persons who conceived it and helped it grow, belonged to different communities
and came from different provinces. Also they had an All-India outlook. Even
today the norms and traditions which had been led down by the earlier leaders
are still persisting.
Further its annual sessions have rotated from place to place. The leaders
assembled at different places each year. This shows that it was not confined to
a specific area and had an all India character. At the start its objectives were
very modest. Its aim was to discuss public opinion in the country on questions
of national importance and the removal of public grievances in a constitutional
manner. It talked about all the issues dealing with the country’s development.
Reforms and expansion of the legislative councils, the recruitment of Indians
to the Indian Civil Service, the holding of the Civil Service competitive
examination simultaneously in India, the separation of the executive and the
judiciary, the reduction of the expenditure on military, the abolition of the Indian
Council of the Secretary of State of India and the repeal of Arms Acts were
among the topics that figured prominently in the discussions of the Congress
sessions and the resolutions passed at them.
Between 1885 and 1905 the INC was guided by ‘liberals’ or ‘moderates’
as they were called. The leading among them were Surendranath Banerjea,
Dadabhai Naoroji, K.T.Telang, M.G.Ranade, G.K.Gokhale, Pherozeshah Mehta,
Rash Behari Ghose and others. The basic approach of these leaders was
influenced by their Western education and their understanding of the Western
democratic traditions. They had complete faith in the British, and followed the
constitutional approach in their struggle for reforms. The moderates believed
that the best way to secure concessions from the British administration was by
appealing to it and not through other means. The moderates dominated the
Congress politics till the end of the nineteenth century and there seemed to be
no challenge to their supremacy. Yet, by the twentieth century, radicalism
emerged in states like Maharashtra, Punjab and Bengal. Among the radical
leaders, who were also known as the ‘Extremists’ were Bal Gangadhar Tilak,
Aurobindo Ghose, Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai. Their ultimate aim
was the welfare of the country, but they differed violently on their methods.
The extremists believed that the techniques of appeal and petitions adopted by
the moderates were futile and dishonourable.
The character of the Congress in the opening decades of the twentieth
century is best summed up in a description by Jawaharlal Nehru at one of its
annual sessions which he described in his Autobiography. “I visited, as a
delegate, the Bankipore Congress during Christmas 1912. It was very much an
English knowing upper class affair where morning coats and well-pressed
trousers were greatly in evidence. Essentially it was a social gathering with no
political excitement or tension.”18 But during 1920s with the coming of Gandhi,
the base of the Congress expanded and the masses began to contribute directly
and indirectly. In the session held in 1922, Mr. Braja Kishore Prasad in the
welcome address pointed out, “so long as the masses do not lend their whole-
hearted and intelligent support to our movement, our efforts can never be
crowned with success.”19 So people in towns and village were enrolled as
members of the Congress. A network of organization was organized to make
various village, union, taluka, district and provincial committees effective and
active institutions.
Growth of Nationalism (National Consciousness)

The rise of nationalism in India is a modern phenomenon. A number of
factors led to its growth. With the advent of British rule, a number of activities
began which ultimately led to unification of the country. For example, the
introduction of a uniform currency system, the operation of a new judicial
system drawing inspiration from the democratic conception of the equality of
all citizens before the law, and a centralized political administration. The
emergence of modern means of transport and communication, such as railways,
roadways, steamships and telegraph further helped in consolidating the people
of India into a modern nation. With the development of infrastructure, industries
and education, new middle classes of capitalists, intellectuals, industrial and
transport workers, agricultural laborers, tenants and so on emerged mainly in
the important places like Bombay, Madras and towns which in course of time
became the subsidiary centers of British commercial enterprise and
administration.20
Another important factor which led to the awakening of the national
consciousness was the western education imparted in the Indian educational
institutes. The chief characteristic was that unlike the former education system,
it was secular in character, liberal in content, and open to all, no matter whatever
caste or religious or philosophical creed.21 It is important to note that through
this education the Indians got to know the secrets of modern Western rationalism
and democratic ideas. McCully shows that the Western education produced a
class which led the nationalist movement.22 The growth of modern education
and the new social classes led to the emergence of the press in India. The press
proved to be the most significant medium of mass communication and hence
the intelligentsia began to recognize it as a vehicle for revolutionary change
mainly because of its effect in revealing new ideas before the public mind.
Also with the press, the exchange of views on an extensive, swift and perpetual
basis among the various communities residing in the different parts of the country
became possible.
Along with all these developments, the emergence of INC in 1885 by the
efforts of western educated Indian middle class, with the assistance of a few
English liberals, on an all India basis for the first time, contributed to the growth
of nationalism. The Congress provided a common platform to the Indians to
raise demands and discuss the grievances. Gradually they began to throw
challenge to the British regime. Although the British officials refused to show
any inclination towards integration with the Indian people, they realized that if
the will of the ruled is ignored then it will result in protest and resistance.
Therefore the assemblage of Congress was an event of great significance.
Therefore this national assembly was, at least in theory, a representative national
gathering, a non-official parliament, composed of the representatives of the
entire Indian subcontinent. Before the formation of Congress also, organizations
and associations were in existence but they were regional and represented certain
areas and were not concerned about the problems of other areas. The Congress
for the first time represented the national sentiment, and hence it was an
important step in the direction of awakening Indian national consciousness.
Nationalist Articulation of Education

It is important to note that from the beginning the nationalist thinking
began to challenge the colonial approach to education. In the late nineteenth
century, the nationalist intelligentsia began to blame colonial policies as the
source of educational ills facing India. Bhattacharya points that this
‘contestation’ was marked by ambivalence.23 To the beneficiaries of ‘English
Education’ in the colonial regime, education became means of economic
advancement chiefly through employment in the service of the state and its
allied agencies. Deepak Kumar points out that, ‘total acceptance of the western
episteme was not held desirable, while its rejection was almost impossible.
There was no clear cut solution.’24 So education became a contested area where
some wanted English education while others oppose it.
Gooroodas Banerjee, the Indian Vice-Chancellor during his Convocation
Addresses (1890-1892), drew public and government’s attention to the numerous
deficiencies of the existing system of University education. Among other things,
he suggested the introduction of mother tongue as the medium of instruction,
University Fellowships for the promotion of original researches and adequate
arrangements for technical education. The University which was an examining
and not a teaching body was regarded as a failure. This was mainly because the
Indian University hardly succeeded in drawing to itself a body of learned men
who devoted their time and energies wholly to the cause of original research in
every department of learning or knowledge.25 Therefore the need for the
expansion of research work especially original work was felt.
During the mid nineteenth century the Nationalists like M.L. Sarkar, S.C.
Chuckerbutty, Dadabhai Naoroji, Surendranath Banerjee, J.C. Bose, P.C. Ray
and others began to realize the importance of English education but at the
same time emphasized the importance of vernacular as medium of instruction.
In June 1855, S.C. Chuckerbutty26 at a lecture at Calcutta on the appointment
of ‘natives of India’ to the Indian covenanted services said, “education, in its
intellectual sense, means the drawing out, disciplining, strengthening, and
refining the powers of the understanding; and no language is more calculated
for this work in the present state of our country than English...it has made us all
independent thinkers and some of us independent actors.”27 Here it is evident
that exposure to new education turned some Indians into ‘independent thinkers’
and to some extent ‘independent actors’ as well. But as the years rolled by, the
complexities and benefits of this encounter with the west was intensely debated.
But towards the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, education began
to take an important place in the minds of the nationalists who began to see
education as the most effective vehicle for the assimilation and gradual diffusion
of new ideas.
During this time it was realized that for the spread of education, funding is
required. But the government funding in this regard was regarded insufficient
and therefore, national leaders were highly critical of the British government’s
policy of giving education a low priority among the items of public expenditure.
The resolutions proposed by leaders such as K.T. Telang, G. Subramaniya Iyer,
Heramba Chandra Maitra and Gopal Krishna Gokhale in the INC sessions urged
the Government that ‘more revenue ought to be spent on education.’28 By the
turn of the century the Congress rhetoric became more strident and the main
charge against the government was that it was avoiding its responsibility.
In 1888 K.T. Telang reminded the government of its “duty of fostering
and encouraging education.”29 The leaders argued that even in the most advanced
countries like Germany, where education has been organised and developed,
probably, more than in any other part of the world, the Government accepts the
duty of fostering and encouraging education, both technical and general in all
its branches. So they argued that it is the duty of the British government in
India to promote education. Further pointing to the recent resolution of the
Government whereby they declared that as soon as they find local bodies to
take over the management of schools, they will themselves withdraw from
them, the leaders argued that the government should not withdraw completely,
rather they should continue for some time and provide the model institutions
on which the other institutions under private management could function.
The other problem which attracted the attention of the government was
regarding the amount of expenditure which the Imperial Government said it
will incur for purposes connected with education. The amount spent on
education was not more than one percent of the Imperial revenues and still the
government claimed that it can’t spend more money on it. The government
was criticised for the fact that “the government which finds money for the very
varied activities in which it is engaged in this country, ought not to say it has
not enough to pay for education...”30 Here the ‘very varied activities’ means
the expenses on perpetual wars and expeditions, frontier railways, defense and
so on. The Tribune (Lahore) of September 21, 1906 emphasised on the state
responsibility to expand education. It points that “a careful study of the Indian
educational problem shows that the Government of India does not spend on
education what it should. Compared with the grants made towards education
in Europe and America, the total outlay on education of all kinds in India
incurred by the State is infinitesimal.” It continues, “it is very much regretted
that the British rulers of India do not sufficiently realise the importance of
education to good government... They do not understand that if more money is
spent on education, the outlay on jails, on the police and criminal administration
of the country generally will be less.”31
In 1892 the following resolution was passed in the INC session:

“That this Congress is of opinion, that it is highly in expedient in the
present state of Education in the country, that Government grants for High
Education should in any way be withdrawn, and, concurring with previous
Congresses, affirms in the most emphatic manner, the importance of increasing
the public expenditure on all branches of education, and the expediency, in
view to the promotion of one of the most essential of these branches, i.e., the
technical, of appointing a mixed Commission to enquire into the present
industrial condition of the country.”32
The congress urged that it is an important duty of the State to encourage
higher education as well as primary education. Further the congress said that it
is the imperative duty of the State not only to educate the masses but also to see
that provision ought to be made for manual training and for instruction in
agricultural and similar other industries.
Again in 1906 an urge was made by Ambalal Desai in the following words:
“This Congress repeats its protest against the policy of the Government in
respect of high and secondary education as being one of officialising the
governing bodies of the Universities and restricting the spread of education.
The Congress is of opinion that Government should take immediate steps for
(1) making primary education free and gradually compulsory all over the country,
(2) assigning larger sums of money to secondary education (special
encouragement being given, where necessary, to educationally backward
classes), (3) making the existing Universities more free from official control
and providing them with sufficient means to take up the work of teaching, and
(4) making adequate provision for technical education in the different Provinces,
having regard to local requirements.”33
This resolution focuses more on two matters: first of all, to providing
sufficient means for extending education; secondly, to freeing education from
official interferences and control. It was officially accepted that the question of
extending education was mainly a question of funds. It was pointed that the
Government has plenty of money for making expedition into the country of the
innocent neighbours; it has money for official pageants; it has money for
providing for the partitioning of provinces and setting up costly administration;
but it has no money for primary education. It was demanded that more funds
shall be set apart for purposes of primary education. Another of the demand
made by Congress was that it shall be given freely, that no fees shall be levied
from the scholars. Happily, the experiment of giving compulsory free education
has been tried in Gujarat by one of the most illustrious rulers of modern India,
the Maharaja of Baroda. Along with this the demand was made for adequate
provision for technical education. The progress in arts and industry was seen
as connected to the progress of the country and hence necessary for reduction
of poverty. The Government was urged to establish technical schools everywhere
suitable to the condition of each province. And lastly, the Government was
asked to remove official control over High Schools and Universities. In the
time of the late Viceroy, measures were introduced for officialising education.
It was held that under the name of discipline, rules were introduced which
restricted secondary education and, in the name of introducing better teaching,
a new Universities Act was passed, which by actual experience, was found to
be directly impeding the cause of higher education.34 Therefore the Government
was asked regularly to increase expenditure on education in all the branches of
education- primary, secondary and higher.
National Education Movement

The National Education Movement was a significant experiment in the
realm of protest. The essence of the movement was to provide national education
on ‘national lines and under national control’35 as an alternative to colonial
education. The National Education Movement was led by leaders like Aurobindo
Ghose, Bipin Chandra Pal, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Lala Lajpat Rai. It was a
part of the Swadeshi Movement which was a protest against the partition of
Bengal into East and West Bengal. According to Nationalist historians ‘it marked
the beginning of an open and organised protest of a self-conscious subject
nation, against an alien ruling power.’36 The slogan ‘Vande Mataram’ inspired
the people to wage a struggle against the British on the political front. On the
economic front, the Indians aimed to fight against the British by trying to revive
Indian indigenous industries through the Swadeshi Movement.37
Towards the end of the nineteenth century greater importance was attached
to education. The British government was aware of the importance of education.
In 1902 Governor General Curzon introduced the University Bill in the Imperial
Legislative Council. It was believed that Curzon realised that in India education
was required as the key to employment, and not as an instrument of culture or
the source of learning. Curzon, therefore, wanted to bring the Indian education
system under the control of the government. It created agitation amongst both
the leaders and students. Governor General Curzon, while proposing the
Universities Reform simultaneously came into confrontation with the national
aspirations of the Indian people in the educational field. The recommendations
of the University Bill were heavily criticised. One of its recommendations was
the abolition of inefficient second grade colleges. But it was believed that a
‘depreciated degree’ was better than no degree. It was believed that Curzon’s
university reforms represented an attempt through legislation to reduce the
number of Western educated Indians. The issues of conflict between him and
the Indian people were many. Curzon wanted the qualitative improvement of
education; advocated strict official control and supervision over educational
institutions for raising their efficiency. Curzon wanted all higher posts in the
educational departments to be filled by Englishmen. He also advocated the
policy of promotion of the study of western literature and sciences, along with
the teaching of English.
Bipin Chandra Pal points out that ‘Curzon had started the University and
educational reforms with the view to the cultivation of loyalty to the present
Government of India.’38 It was believed that they wanted to keep the light of
modern education and science away from this country. It was held that they
were afraid lest the Indian people, educated in western science and western
literature, brought up on Western history, might gradually demand, to quote
Lord Dufferin, ‘to ride in the chariot of the sun’; might be led to demand those
free political institutions that are the most glorious heritage of the western
nations.39
Due to the inherent weaknesses in the colonial system of education, efforts
were made to develop a scheme of national education. The Indian National
Congress within a few years of its inception tried to tackle the problems which
had become the chronic maladies of Indian society. Among these problems,
the problem of education was considered to be a vital one by the leaders. There
was a realization among the national leaders that ‘education plays a most
important part in national regeneration.’40 They felt that the official system of
education, introduced in the country by the British, suffered from serious defects
and was quite unsuited to the needs and interest of the Indian people. So, the
leaders concentrated a good deal of their attention on the problem of education.
In the 1906 session, the resolution giving its cordial support to the National
Education Movement of the Swadeshi period was passed.41
The scheme of national education received cordial support from all quarters
of Indian society. The various newspapers of the time supported the National
Education Movement. In an article on ‘National Education’ published in the
Indar (Lahore) on 24th August, the writer Lal Nigam of Delhi emphasised on
the importance of education to better the morals and improve the mode of life
of its recipients, and to teach the people their rights and duties rather than
merely regarding it as a means of earning one’s livelihood. It also pointed that
a feeling was spreading that national education was needed for our own
enlightenment. 42 The newspaper Desabhimani pointed out that ‘we Indians
need to work for national education ourselves.’ It said,
‘The English are not to blame for our miserable condition, because we
have to clearly understand that they have not come here out of pity, to educate
us, but to enrich themselves by means of the produce of our country. It became
possible for the English to despotically rule India, a continent in itself, because
we are steeped in ignorance. We must establish national schools to impart what
education is necessary for us. Our young men after successfully passing degree
examination are only fit for service in some office and are quite incompetent to
lead an independent life. The English who framed the Education Acts are solely
responsible for such a result. We need not blame them on that score. Realising
our miserable condition, we must ourselves establish schools teaching several
arts and industries and ourselves remove our ignorance and incapacity.’43
So an effort was made in the national schools to provide for such education.
National Council of Education (NCE) was established in Bengal and
subsequently in Madras, Bombay and other places. Its aim was to take care of
the spread of education along national lines and under national control. Other
institutions like Society for Promotion of Technical Education (SPTE), Bengal
National College and School (BNC), Bengal Technical Institution (BTI), Andhra
National Council of Education (ANCE), etc were also formed. It was argued
that the vernacular should be the medium of instruction. It is true that English
education was held desirable for securing government jobs, but a section of
society was of the opinion that the best way to properly educate the people was
to instruct them through the medium of vernaculars. Over the question of
employment it was argued that these graduates will have ample scope for
exercise of their abilities in national factories and other industrial concerns.
For the funds required for the establishment of a National University in the
country, it was believed that if the leaders and other influential persons were to
take the matter in hand they would not find it difficult to collect the money
needed.44
As we have seen national education meant the development of education
in all possible spheres. Emphasis was also laid on technical education. There
was an increase in demand for technical and industrial education.45 Lala Lajpat
Rai, G.K.Gokhale and others strongly supported the promotion of technical
education. Lajpat Rai said that a good deal of technical education in the country
is important to make Swadeshi Movement a success. He also pointed out the
need is to go in for technical education ourselves under the national system of
education. He further argued that this will resolve the problem of unemployment
as the government services and the learned professions are overcrowded. Finally
he said by ‘furthering the cause of education, we shall be removing the cause
of poverty and thereby we shall be doing a double service to the motherland
which, at the present moment suffers, from so many causes of poverty and
ignorance.’46
Although the National Education Movement could not succeed, it was not
a complete failure. By 1910, National Education had started to decline. There
were many reasons for its decline. Many eminent personalities who had offered
their services during the first years of the movement, but between July 1909
and June 1910, more than 12 professors and other officers resigned from the
National College. Also from the beginning, National Education had been closely
tied to the politics of the Swadeshi Movement. When the partition of Bengal
was annulled in 1911 by Hardinge, there was a drastic fall in people’s interest
in political struggle. This had an adverse effect on the emotional urge for the
National Education Movement. Later the SPTE was merged with the NCE and
a central national institute was set up to administer both the Bengal National
College and School and the Bengal Technical Institute. It could not attract a
sufficient number of students to its courses.47 After 1911, the National College
and schools in other parts had also started declining.
It is during this time that Aurobindo Ghose (first as Principal from the
college in August 1907 and then as lecturer in history and politics in 1908) and
Satish Chandra Mukherjee (December 1908) took retirement. In due course,
the party politics also made its appearance in the National Council and in the
National College. Further, the constant pressure of the police was another
important cause of the decay. The government adopted the policy of repression.
For example, Rashbehari Ghose, the Secretary of the National Council, was
pressurized to see that anti-British propaganda was not carried on in the national
schools. As a result of this, the secretaries of National Council issued circulars
asking national schools not to associate in political activities. Financial problems
were yet another reason. The National Schools received inadequate grants from
the National Council of Education. But despite its failure, National Education
Movement was successful in providing the required enthusiasm for the spread
of nationalism and creating awareness and efforts on the part of Indians to
work for the country.
Conclusion
The second half of the nineteenth century witnessed the full flowering of
national political consciousness and the growth of an organized national
movement in India. This was also a time of consolidation of British rule in
India. The British government had gradually introduced a uniform and modern
system of government, uniform currency system, transportation, law and
governance, education, etc. for their benefits but Indians used it for the
unification of the country. Let us consider the case of education. As a result of
spread of modern western education and thought, a modern rational, secular,
democratic and nationalist outlook was fostered. Modern education had also
created a certain uniformity and common interest among the Indians. Now
English began to a play a role of the connecting link. People belonging to
different regions, religions began to communicate in a common language. They
began to raise and discuss issues of national importance.
It is in this scenario that in 1885 INC was formed with the efforts of Hume.
But very soon the Indians used it as a platform to redress their grievances.
Politically conscious Indians came in contact with each other at a common
platform to discuss the problems. Here it is important to note that the efforts
made by British government in the field of spreading education among the
masses cannot be ignored. The British government’s efforts for the growth and
development of nationalism in India are of great importance. But the question
arises: were the efforts of national leaders sufficient? Did they succeed in their
objective of bringing men together and redress their grievances? What attempts
were made by leaders for the growth and development of the country? The
INC remained as an institution only where issues were discussed or efforts
were made to bring solutions? Here one needs to remember that the time we
are talking about is when India was still under the British control. So whatever
was done, it was done under a constraint. However, the role played by INC in
the spread of idea of nationalism is very important and education provided the
insight needed.
Reference :
1. Banerjee, S.N. A Nation in Making, Calcutta, 1963.
2. Bhattacharya, S. ed., The Contested Terrain of Education: Perspectives
on Education in India, Delhi, 1998.
3. Choudhary, Sukhbir. Growth of Nationalism1857-1918, Volume. I, New
Delhi, 1973.
4. Das, M.N. The British Policy versus the British 1885-1918, Vol. 1, Delhi,
1978.
5. Dikshit, S.S. Nationalism and Indian Education, Jullundur, 1966.
6. Johnson, Gordon. Provincial Politics and Indian Nationalism, Cambridge,
1973.
7. Karve, D.G. Ranade: The Prophet of Liberated India, Poona, 1942.
8. Masani, R.P. Dadabhai Naoroji: The Grand Old Man of India, Mysore,
1957.
9. Mazumdar, R.C. History of National Movement in India, Vol. I, Calcutta,
1997.
10. McCully, B.T. English Education and the Origins of Nationalism, New
York, 1940.
11. Mukherjee, Haridas. A Phase of Swadeshi Movement, Calcutta, 1953.
12. Nair, Sankaran. Role of Students in Freedom Movement, Delhi, 1990.
13. Nehru, Jawaharlal. An Autobiography, London, 1936, Reprint New Delhi,
2004.
14. Native Newspapers Report (NNR), Bengal, Madras, Punjab (selected
issues available in National Archives of India, New Delhi)
15. Pal, Bipin Chandra. Swadeshi and Swaraj: The Rise of Patriotism,
Calcutta, 1954.
16. Raina and Habib, Domesticating Modern Science, New Delhi, 2004.
17. Report of the Proceedings of the session of Indian National Congress.
(1885-1910)
18. Sitaramayya, P. The History of the Indian National Congress, Vol. I, Delhi,
1969.
19. Wedderburn, W. Allan Octavian Hume, London, 1913.
20. Zaidi, A.M. ed., Congress Presidential Addresses, New Delhi, 1986.
21. Zaidi, A.M and S.G.Zaidi. eds., The Encyclopaedia of the Indian National
Congress, New Delhi, 1980.
Endnotes :
1. Gordon Johnson, Provincial Politics and Indian Nationalism.
2. A.O.Hume was born on June 6, 1829. He was educated at Haileybury
and London. Entering the Indian Civil Service in 1849, he had a
distinguished career in India. After his retirement in 1882, he devoted
himself to furthering the aspirations of the Indians. He died at Norwood
on July 31, 1912.
3. R.P.Masani, Dadabhai Naoroji: The Grand Old Man of India, p. 35.
4. Ibid, p. 224.
5. D.G.Karve, Ranade: The Prophet of Liberated India, p. xx.
6. S.N.Banerjee, A Nation in Making, p. 38.
7. P.Sitaramayya, The History of the Indian National Congress, Vol. I, p. 8.
8. Ibid.
9. W. Wedderburn, Allan Octavian Hume, p. 77.
10. W.C.Bonerjee’s Presidential Address, 1885, Bombay, in Report of the
Proceedings of the INC.
11. Wedderburn, Hume, p. 51.
12. Ibid, p. 52.

13. R.C.Mazumdar, History of National Movement in India, Vol. I, p. 397.
14. Wedderburn, Hume, p. 63.
15. W.C.Bonnerjee’s Presidential Address, 1885, in Zaidi. ed., Congress
Presidential Addresses, Vol. 1, p. 18.
16. M.N.Das, The British Policy versus the British 1885-1918, Vol. 1, p. 41.
17. S.S.Dikshit, Nationalism and Indian Education, p. 137.
18. Jawaharlal Nehru, An Autobiography, p. 30.
19. A.M.Zaidi and S.G.Zaidi, eds., The Encyclopaedia of the Indian National
Congress, p. 88.
20. Sukhbir Choudhary, Growth of Nationalism1857-1918, Volume. I, pp. 8-
9.
21. English education was introduced in India by Macaulay in 1935. Although
at that time it was criticized but later it was realized that in a country like
India with regional, religious, sectional, structural and linguistic variations,
English language can provide a unifying link. The schools established by
British emphasized on equality as it was open to all irrespective of caste,
class, religion and other differences.
22. For a detailed study on the role of English towards growth of nationalism
in India refer to McCully, English Education and the Origins of
Nationalism.
23. S. Bhattacharya, ed., ‘Introduction’, The Contested Terrain of Education:
Perspectives on Education in India, p. 3.
24. Ibid, p. 20.
25. Ibid, pp. 11-12.
26. S.C.Chuckerbutty (1824-1874) was one of the first Indians to receive
higher education in western medicine, and the first to complete successfully
for the admission to the Indian Medicine Service.
27. Deepak Kumar, “Educational Ideas of Bengali Scientists from 1850-1920,”
in S. Bhattacharya, ed., The Contested Terrain of Education, p. 303.
28. Presidential address by W.C.Bonnerjee, 1892 Allahabad, in Zaidi (ed.),
Congress Presidential Addresses, Vol. I, p. 137.
29. Report of the proceedings of INC held in 1888, pp. 70-71.
30. Presidential address by Surendranath Banerjee, 1895, Poona, Zaidi (ed.),
Congress Presidential Addreseses, p. 269.
31. State and Educational Responsibility, Tribune (Lahore), 21 September
1906, in Native Newspapers Reports ( hereafter NNR), Vol. XIX, No. 38,
received for the week ending 22 September 1906, Punjab, p. 240. (available
in National Archives of India, New Delhi)
32. Proceeding of Congress held in 1892, in Bhatacharya, eds., The Contested
Terrain of Education, p. 70.
33. Proceedings of Congress in 1906, ibid, p. 73.
34. Report of the proceeding of INC held in 1906, p. 90-91.
35. The phrase was first used in the resolution passed at the Education
Conference at the Bengal Landholders’ Association on 16 November 1905.
It was repeated in the Constitution of the National Council of Education
adopted on 11 March 1906, and in the resolution on National Education
passed at the Calcutta Congress of December 1906.
36. Haridas Mukherjee, A Phase of Swadeshi Movement, p. 9.
37. Sankaran Nair, Role of Students in Freedom Movement, p. 31.
38. Bipin Chandra Pal, Swadeshi and Swaraj: The Rise of Patriotism, p. 258.
39. Ibid, p. 259.
40. INC proceedings, 1906, p. 98.
41. Ibid.
42. National Education, Indar (Lahore), 24 August 1908, NNR, Punjab.
43. National Education, Desabhimani, 16 November 1907, NNR, Madras.
44. National Education, Indar (Lahore),24 August 1908, NNR, Punjab.
45. Alleged negligence of technical education by Government, Vyapari, 7
May 1911, NNR, Bombay.
46. INC proceedings, 1906, pp. 111-112.
47. Raina and Habib, Domesticating Modern Science, p. 136.
Historicising Ancient Indian Theatre Workers’

Mind and Mentality in the Light of Natyasastra
Malyaban Chattopadhyay
Natyasastra is a text which carries the reflections of the mind and mentality
and emotions of the theatre workers of ancient India. This text depicts a clear
picture of a section of people’s mind of ancient India, those who had performed
several characters of the dramas of Bhasa or Kalidasa and others. Before going
to understand the mind and mentality of the theatre workers of ancient India it
is important to state who were the theatre workers or people related to the
theatrical performance of ancient India. In the thirty fifth chapter of the
Natyasastra, there is a list of members of a theatre group, which helps us to
understand about the people who were considered as theatre workers or theatre
related persons in ancient India. A theatre group(according to Natyasastra)should
have persons specialized in seventeen types of works like ,Bharata (stage
manager or producer or a person who can perform everything related to a
production,a multidimensional person),Vidusaka(person to make fun i.e. Jester),
Tauripta( Person skilled in music, expert in all musical instruments.),
Nata(person perform as an actor-Dancer), Sutradhara(person specialized in
applying the songs and music during the performance) , Natyakara(one who in
accordance with the Natyasastra expresses the various rasa-s ,bhava-s natural
to the people though different character), Nandi(person praising in Sanskrit or
Prakit), Nayaka(person engaged in directing dance during a
performance),Mukutakara,( person engaged in making head-gears for every
character),Abharanakara(person engaged in making ornaments for a
performance), Malyakara (person engaged in making garlands for the characters
of a perfromance),Vesakara(person engaged in making costumes for a
performance), Chitrakara(person engaged in painting for
performance),Rajaka(person engaged in cleaning the costumes ),
Karukara(person engaged in decorating hall with wooden idols or
sculpture),Kusilava (person who can dance and play musical instrument during
Historicising Ancient Indian Theatre Workers’ Mind & Mentality 67
performance. M.L Varadpande1 transliterated the term Kusilava as actor-dancer
also. Apart from this list Natyasastra also mentioned that the person helping
the performance in another way, should be honoured as a member of a theatre
group.2This list helps us to understand the components of a theatre group.
Interestingly Natyasastra not confining itself to the discussion of the work of
acting, includes name of each and every allied works considered necessary for
a performance. For that reason the Rajakas or Malyakaras were honored as a
member of a theatre group, although they were not directly related to the
performance.Those who are doing this can be symbolized as a theatre worker
or persons related to the theatrical performance. Natyasastra was written to
clarify the Natyaveda which was considered as a manual for the theatre workers
to help the performers of ancient India.3 So it can be said that Natyasastra also
says something about people’s mind and mentality, their problem, their needs
and their sorrow too which I will try to unearth in this article.
Like the Indian epics and other texts of antiquity, the task of assigning a
particular date for the composition of Natyasastra is impossible and we can at
best get an approximate idea about the period of its composition by way of
examining the contents of the text.
M M Ghosh, well-known for his translation of Natyasastra argued that
Natyasastra was written before Kalidasa as Kalidasa had used the name of
Bharata(related to the text Natyasastra)in his plays which shows that he was
familiar with the works of Bharata.4 In the play Vikramavarsia, the name of
Bharata was mentioned and there is a conversation which proves that Kâlidâsa
had also accepted Bharata as a master in the field of dramaturgy.5 Since by all
token, Kâlidâsa was a poet and a play-writer of fourth/fifth century A.D. and
attained a reputation as one of the literary masters by the seventh century, as
indicated by the presence of his name along with the name of Subandhu and
others in the Aihole inscription(634 A.D) as a famous poet,6it can be assumed
that Natyasastra predated Kâlidâsa’s time. M M Ghosh further argues that
Natyasastra was written before Bhâsa and does not accept that Bhâsa was
much earlier than Natyasastra .It is interesting to note that Bhâsa did not follow
the play structure, which was mentioned in the Natyasastra in his plays but
this as M M Ghosh feels is not adequate to prove that Bhâsa was an author of
pre- Natyasastra India, as it was not mandatory for every play writer of India
to follow Natyasastra’s structure of play writing and there were no such uniform
rules as such. Manmohan Ghosh says that even though Bhasa did not follow
the structure of Natyasastra, there are various similarities between Bhasa’s and
Natyasastra’s concept regarding the concept of gesture and dance. He dated
Natyasastra around the second century A.D whereas Bhâsa as a poet was
placed by him in the third century A.D.7 However it is important to note even
though Natyasastra can be placed, on tangible grounds, before Kalidasa’s
time, Dr.Ghosh’s assumption regarding Bhâsa’s time is not well accepted. It
has been reasonably argued by Anupa Pande that Kâlidâsa’s several plays
accepted Natyasastra’s tradition and thus Natyasastra can be placed as a pre-
Gupta text because Kalidasa, who was a poet of Gupta era, mentioned
Natyasastra as an earlier text8 but historians find it difficult to accept Dr.Ghosh’s
argument in placing Bhasa after Natyasastra in the field of Sanskrit drama
related writing. There is a debate regarding the date of Bhasa as well and critics
like V.Venkatachalam says that Bhasa was the earliest play writer of Sanskrit
language and even though he was aware of adebate, there is a debate in
conclusion he says, “It will therefore, be safe to conclude until any decisive
proof to the contrary is unearthed by future research that Bhasa lived
somewhere between the two clear landmarks ,Buddha and Kautilya, nearer the
former than the latter.” For a conclusion he mentioned that Bhâsa did not live
before fifth century B.C9 and added that there are several things prevalent in
Natyasastra which actually depict the footprints of Bhasa’s style upon
Natyasastra So Natyasastra, in his view, was not written before Bhasa’s plays.10
So it can be said that according to Venkatachlam, the Natyasastra was a text
written after at least fifth century B.C. To get the answer regarding the time of
Natyasastra, some scholars tried to compare the grammatical texture of
Natyasastra’s language with PâGini’s(fifth century B.C)11 grammar . The
antiquated usage and the pre- Paninic remnant in the Natyasastra, as Bharat
Gupt argues, only confirm that its writer was a close successor to Panini.12
Sukumari Bhattacharji mentioned that drama is the earliest known classical
literary type of poetry, a modified and different type followed close behind.
The early drama was a combination of mime, poetry, prose, dialogue, humour
songs and occasionally also dance and that with the time the use of songs and
dance gradually disappeared .13 In the Natyasastra drama is Natya, while
examining the meaning of Natya, Adya Rangacharya mentioned that in
Natyasastra the term Natya is used to depict a performance with dance &
music 14 and it can therefore be said that Natyasastra is a creation of the early
days of Sanskrit language . Natyasastra describes Natya not merely as a set of
dialogues but of music and dance too. In the introduction of the book Approaches
to Bharat’s Natyasastra, Amrit Srinivasan mentioned that this text was not written
after second century A.D.15 After dating the Natyasastra, it is also important to
get an idea regarding the authorship of the text. It is difficult to get a definite
idea about the individual identity of the ancient Indian scholars as they had
shown an apathy to divulge their own identity and Kapila Vatsyayan rightly
says that it is evident from our scholastic tradition which started from the
earliest time, that “I-ness” is not reflected in the works our ancient scholars.
They were interested to place their knowledge within the ambit of wider
perspective of universe.16 It is mentioned in the Oxford Companion to the
Theatre and Performance that Natyasastra is the earliest known Sanskrit
collection on Indian theatre attributed to the sage Bharata.17 In The New Grove
Dictionary of Music and Musician Bharata is depicted as a sage (muni) in
ancient Indian legend.18 So it is difficult to get an idea regarding the identity of
that ‘sage’. Kapila Vatsyayan tried to read this problem in a different way. In
this context she took a linguistic approach. She mentioned that ‘Bharata’ is
only an acronym or eponymous for the three syllables Bha(bhava),
Ra(raga),Ta(tala). So it is possible that Bharata is a symbolic name , depicting
symbolically a community devoted to the performing arts. It is correctly
mentioned by Vatsyayan that before Natyasastra, the term Bharata was not
used to symbolize the theatre person/persons 19. In Natyasastra we can also
find the definition of the term Bharata. In the thirty fifth chapter of Natyasastra
we find a list of theatre workers where the role of each persons in the theatre
was mentioned and Bharata was mentioned here as a general actor, a person
able to play musical instruments, a stage manager who can provide accessories
for a play production. Here we also get the names of other members of a theatre
group. 20 It is evident, therefore, that in the Natyasastra the term Bharata was
portrayed as a multifaceted theatre-worker. The manner in which Natyasastra
uses the term Bharata make him either a part of the theatre group or identifies
him with the producer or a person of a super personality, who can provide
everything important for a performance. It is mentioned in the Natyasastra that
Bharata was an authority in the field of theatre but Natyasastra nowhere
mentioned that Bharata was the author of this text. Natyasastra is such a text
where everything was depicted during the course of a long conversation
between a sage and Bharata and it can be said that Natyasastra is a representation
of a community’s way of thinking like Therigatha or Therogatha. The
arrangement of the chapters in the Natyasastra also indicates that a common
wave of thinking was present in the entire text So it is clear that Natyasastra is
not a work of several authors of different ages. 21 But following Adya
Rangacharya one can also state that Natyasastra was written at different times
and that this process was active till the seventh/eighth century, creating a
possibility of its being affected by contemporary developmemts also.22
It is reflected in the Natyasastra that the theatre workers of ancient India
had an urge to satisfy the audience. For that reason they tried to decorate the
theatre hall, tried to use music and emphasised upon acting to make a
performance successful and were interested also to schedule the performance
on the basis of the mood of the content of the performance. Prem Lata Sharma
in her essay has clearly mentioned the mentality of Natyasastra regarding the
use of music and dance for a better performance. She had mentioned that
Natyasastra had treated music much more essential than dance.23Except from
the time of prayers, meals and at the noon and midnight, a play can be performed
at any time of a day or night (early morning, forenoon, afternoon, and evening).
According to Natyasastra, a performance could be done at a period of day or
night which was most appropriately suitable to communicate, the mood of the
performance. For example it can be said that a play based on virtue should be
performed in the forenoon while a play evoking erotic sense ,based on Kaisiki
mode of acting, full of dance ,instrumental music and songs, should be performed
in the evening, although it was further mentioned that theatre may be performed
at any time of the day, on the basis of the patron or the producer of the
performance.24 The theatre workers of ancient India were also interested to
understand the mind of the audience and it was mentioned in the Natyasastra
that the response from the audience was important to measure the success of
performance. Natyasastra mentioned that the ideal spectator should be a good
critic of the performance. After mentioning Natyasastra also tried to depict the
psychology of the audience of different age groups and insisted that the
performers should keep in mind the psychology and the mentality of the audience
as on the basis of their mentality, audiences from different age groups react to
different types of acting and scenes. According to Natyasastra, to cite one
example, young spectators were usually interested in the portrayal of love
,devout in the philosophical and religious aspects. However, unlike the younger
generation, the aged audience would enjoy the tales of virtue and the Puranic
legends. The seekers of money would enjoy dramas in which the way out to
achieve prosperity is described, whereas the heroic persons would delight in
the terrible and horrible rasas generated through the scenes of the battles and
combats. Natyasastra, while mentioning the choice of the children and the fools
regarding performance, took ‘common women’ within the same category and
mentioned that these types of audience would like comic situations, appreciate
good costumes and good make up.25 So it is clear that theatre workers of ancient
India wanted to understand the psychology of the audience to fulfil that.
To understand to quality of acting the theatre workers of ancient India
were comfortable to rely upon the judgment of audience. As a part of this aim
Natyasastra in the twenty-seventh chapter mentioned how performers would
be able to understand that they had made a successful performance( i.e. Siddhi)
also. There it was stated that a theatre production can achieve two types of
success, human and divine success. If the audience, influenced by the acting,
lough or get upset and then express their emotion vocally(by saying s dhu or
god, aho or wonderful ,Kastam or alas, pravrddha nada or loud applause etc.)
or physically (for example throwing garland or rings on the stage)then the actors
could say that they achieved the human success.26 It was mentioned in the
Natyasastra that a performance would achieve divine success when it would
be free from any noise, disturbance, calamity and when the auditorium would
be full.27 It is clear from this that Natyasastra emphasised on the perfect acting
skills to make a production successful and the reaction of the audience is the
parameter to measure the success of the performance.
A good performance could be done with the help of good acting only. The
theatre workers of ancient India had their own idea regarding acting, which
helps us to understand their way of thinking towards acting and their mentality
towards woman also. In the case of Natyasastra or ancient Indian tradition, we
have to keep in mind that to the ancient people meaning of acting was something
different from the modern one. To a modern spectator performance of a drama
(except dance and music dominated tradition Indian theatres like Yatras28etc.)
is a dialogue based performing art and therefore meaning of acting(in the theatre)
is mainly confined to the dialogue and its representation. But the concept of
acting at the time of Natyasastra was quite different from the modern perspective.
Acting is understood in contemporary idiom to symbolize a communication
where an actor suitably represents the words of the playwright taking them
as an artistic unity complete in itself with appropriately spontaneous gestures
, movements, facial expressions and use of voice speech. Unlike that, the term
Abhinaya in Natyasastra suggests a much more complex process of an actor’s
art which was highly systematized and exactly worked out.29 The definition of
the term Abhinaya(acting), as given in the Natyasastra ,says us about that ancient
concept. The term Abhinaya was etymologically explained by Natyasastra
According to Natyasastra Abhinaya is that which carries the performance of
the audience and that was highly systematized, where the use of several parts
of an actor’s (male and female) body were mentioned. According to Natyasastra
there were four types of Abhinaya which are Angika (Body movements),
Vachika(spoken expression),Aharya(communicating through ornaments and
dresses),Sattvika(the emotive expression).30
While explaining the term Abhinaya, Adya Rangacharya usually translated
it as ‘acting’ but according to Bharata it is not correct. He says that the term
Abhinaya is derived from the term ni(to carry) with a prefix Abhi(meaning of
the play) and thus the term ‘Abhinaya’ is something which is carrying the
meaning of the play.31 So whenever the performers tried to say something on
acting they actually depicted their mind and mentality . The detailed
stratification of Abhinaya also helps us to construct a history of the methodology
of abhinaya(acting) and the history of the nature of performance of the ancient
Indian theatre. This helps us to understand their mind and mentality towards
men and women which was reflected in the thirteenth, twenty fourth and twenty
fifth chapters of the Natyasastra where stage works and nature of several
characters were mentioned. Theatre is a part of society and in the modern
context while Rudraprasad Sengupta in an interview mentioned the crisis of
the existence of theatre, he also mentioned that theatre is an integral part of the
society and therefore for the survival of the theatre a social support towards
theatrical arts is necessary.32 Taking his point of view it can also be said that as
because theatre is a part of society it may be a mirror of the society also. While
discussing the Natyasastra, Anupa Pande has mentioned that this text also
gives us a detailed picture of the society,33 which, in turn, helps us to understand
the view point of the Natyasastra or the theatre workers of ancient India towards
society, towards the status of men and women respectively. There is a distinct
division of men and women into superior, moderate, and inferior categories in
the twenty fifth chapter Natyasastra Natyasastra divided women into three
categories i.e. superior, middling and inferior and men into five categories i.e.
clever, superior, medium, inferior and novice.34 If we do a comparative study
of the qualities denoted to the superior category of the men and women, then
we will find that in case of woman attractive physical qualities and mental
tolerance towards any situation and the liveability of women were considered
as important qualities of a woman of superior category. It was mentioned that
woman from this category should be modest also. However, in case of men of
superior category, their intellectual qualities were mentioned as an important
attribute of their nature. The medium type of men according to Natyasastra,
should be known by their pleasing nature ,business wisdom, sociability,
knowledge in practical arts. While mentioning the medium type of women
Natyasastra says that these type of women should be clearly marked by some
of the characteristics of the men of this group, but only in limited manner and
would have only slight imperfections. While analysing these statements,
Bishnupriya Dutt and Urmimala Sarkar Munshi have rightly mentioned that ‘it
is essential to note here that the men in the higher two categories are
distinguished by their skills, knowledge, and also genteel behaviour, the women
in these categories are attributed natural womanly virtues and skills born out
of their noble descent and their gender socialization. They are controlled being
…’35 It is revealed from the Natyasastra that women were treated as an inferior
being. For that reason women of the same category were treated as inferior
than that of the men. In this connection it can be said that in some cases women
were compared with the low characters also. Natyasastra has mentioned eight
Sthayi Bhavas.36
While describing Disgust & Fear , two Sthayi Bhavas, Natyasastra
mentions that these emotions were expected from the female and the low
characters only.37 While mentioning another restrained Sthayi Bhavas, soka
,Natyasastra had mentioned that some calamity and discomfort produces
sorrow and distress in women and lower characters- who cry loudly, while
the high and medium characters(male) can control it.38 Interestingly the tears
of jealousy is only expected from a woman, not from a man.39 There are twenty
three types of women mentioned in the Natyasastra’s twenty fourth chapter,
which had been categorised according to their nature.40 Except this classification,
Natyasastra also gives another classification of woman on the basis of their
social position. According to this, there are three types of women, Abhyantara
(a woman of good family),Bahya (a courtesan), Bahyabhyantara (a mixture of
two, these type of women is mentioned by Natyasastra as pure). King may only
have an affair with an Abhyantara woman and never with any Bahya women,
as that act would be an unacceptable social practice.The only courtesan who
may be counted as acceptable is the divine one , in which case the king’s affair
with her is not socially unacceptable.41
In this way Natyasastra tried to portray a woman, where her intellectual
attributes were totally unnoticed. While explaining the above mentioned three
types of women (according to their social status) Bishnupriya Dutt and Urmimala
Sarkar Munshi have mentioned that the concept of Abhyantara and Bahya
continues to plague women performers even today. In the renewed acts of
establishing the clear distinction between the private and public woman, the
society still imposes value system whereby the female performer who occupies
a public place during her performance, is considered to be an entertainer. By
being the centre of and enjoying the attention of multiple persons at a time,
even if from a distance, she is considered as the Bahya woman. The act of
enjoying public attention even during a performance , was dubbed as lack of
character and light-hearted nature of a woman, thereby downgrading her to the
category of public woman where one can see the roots of the attitude about
performing in theatre and dance in latter times.42 If we read the autobiography
of Binodini Dasi(1862-1941 A.D), a renowned female actor of the late
nineteenth century Bengali theatre professional, we will find that she was
deprived of her legitimate rights just because she was a woman. In her
autobiography she had expressed her deep anguish and unfulfilled desires.43
Natyasastra’s mentality towards a female actor, as discussed by Bishnupriya
Dutt and Urmimala Sarkar Munshi, unravels the manner in which female actors
were treated with utter disregard by the entire society and the fellow male
actors. In case of ancient India we do not have memoirs of female actors but it
is clear from the Natyasastra, that they were considered as inferior who
possessed dubious character.
Natyasastra tells us the Indian identity of the Indian theatre. It is interesting
to note that in the case of Indian theatre, we have a concept of indoor theatre
from the time of Natyasastra,but in case of the European theatres, we find the
concept of indoor theatre only as a by-product of the renaissance.44 These
information also helps us to trace the originality of Indian theatre because these
features of theatre had developed much earlier in the Indian context than
Europe and consequently cannot be regarded as a result of imitation from
Europeans. This Indian identity is reflected in the concept of construction of
indoor stage which is mentioned in the Natyasastra In the second chapter of
the Natyasastra, concept of stage& theatre hall along with its importance and
the methods of its construction were described which also helps us to understand
the mind and mentality of the theatre workers of ancient India. Natyasastra had
described a ‘story’ regarding the necessity of the theatre hall. It was mentioned
in the Natyasastra that to protect the theatrical performance from the disturbance
during the first performance, created by Demons, Bharata muni requested
Brahma for protection ,who called Vivakarma to construct a theatre hall. That
the first performance actually depicted the defeat of the Demons in the hands
of Gods. 45 We cannot give any historical explanation of this mythical ‘story’
but it can be said on the basis of this mythical narration, that to protect a
performance from any evil force or disturbance, the ancient India theatre
workers decided to construct a theatre hall. The stage was an important part of
the theatre hall and its shape is also clearly described in the second chapter of
the Natyasastra which proves that our ancient ancestors had their own way of
thinking towards the shape of stage and the theatre hall. Three shapes of the
theatre hall were mentioned in the Natyasastra’s second chapter which are
oblong (Vikrsta),square (caturasra) and triangular (tryasra) which were again
sub divided into another three types. These are large (Jyestha) ,middle
(Madhya),small (Avara). Natyasastra also gives us the measurement of these
theatre halls. The length of the large hall should be 108 hasta and the middle
one should be 64 hasta long and the small one should be 32 hasta long. In this
way Natyasastra gives us an idea of the shape of the theatre hall of ancient
India.46 So technically Natyasastra is saying about 9 types of theatre hall. While
explaining this measuring unit, Adya Rangacharya says that four hasta maybe
taken as equivalent to one danda,47 R.P Kulkarni48 and others also supported
Rangacharya’s decision. Following Natyasastra, it can be said that 8 angula is
equal to one hasta and 4 hasta is equal to one danda.49 Analysing the measuring
units as mentioned in the Natyasastra, Tarla Mehta tried to give a measurement
of the theatre hall in modern parameters.50 In the second chapter of the
Natyasastra we have the description of the Madhya type theatre hall but it was
not clearly mentioned which Madhya(Vikrsta,caturasra or tryasra) type it was.
In the last part of the second chapter, two other types of theatre hall(caturasra
and tryasra) were described separately which help us to think that the
description of the Madhya type theatre hall is the description of the
Vikrstamadhya theatre hall. It is clear from the Natyasastra that it suggested
Vikrstamadhya type theatre hall as an appropriate hall for any human being
because it would help audience to listen to the dialogues clearly and to watch
the actor clearly. It is mentioned in the Natyasastra that a large theatre hall
maybe helpful for the Gods but in the case of human being. Vikrstamadhya
type theatre hall is appropriate because it helps the actor to communicate with
the audience vocally and physically.51 This logic proves that the theatre workers
of ancient India had an urge to communicate with the audience. If the theatre
hall became too large, it would be impossible for each and every audience to
recognize the actor’s role. It is interesting to note that like India, Greeks also
faced this problem but unlike Indian theatre workers, to solve this they decided
to use large coloured musk’s which actually helped each and every audience to
recognize the actor’s role in the performance.52 But Indians were not interested
to use masks, they decided to decrease the size of the theatre hall only. This
proves that Indian theatre workers tried to think in their own ways. Actually art
is a human activity where one man consciously, by means of certain external
signs, hands on to others feelings he has lived through, and others are affected
by these feelings and also experience them.53This mentality of Leo Tolstoy
regarding the art of communication can also be seen in the concept of
Natyasastra in which we come across attempt to touch the mind of the
audience(i.e. to appreciator of art).
Natyasastra also gives a detailed description regarding the decoration of
the theatre hall. It is mentioned that the wall of the theatre hall should be
decorated by the wall painting and the painting of wall should be done after
doing the wood-work and many beautiful sculptures of women can be placed
within the theatre hall and several features may be sculptured on the columns
of the theatre hall.54 These depict that the theatre workers of ancient India had
an urge to make the theatre hall attractive. While describing the seating
arrangements it is interesting to note that Natyasastra had suggested to arrange
the columns or pillars and the seats of the audience in such a way that it would
not disturb the vision of the audience.55 This again proves the urge of the theatre
workers of ancient India to satisfy the audience.
If we look at the Natyasastra, we will find that a group of people, who
belong to the theatre community, thought about the concept of entertaining
theatre, which will be able to satisfy the audience properly. The tradition of
Acting certainly predated Natyasastra but these type of conscious thinking
regarding theatre-communication to make an effective communication with
the audience was not depicted before Natyasastra A relevant question which
strikes our mind is the possible reason that might have led a group of people to
think so much about the need of theatre and in this context, the social demand
theory of art comes up. Devangana Desai, while discussing the factors behind
the composition of a series of Silpasatras (during c.10th and c.12th century)
mentioned that the demand for temple construction was responsible for that.56
Natyasastra is a text which can be placed between c.500 B.C and c. 200A.D.
and if we look at the economic scenario between c.200 B.C and c.300 A.D, we
will find that India during this period witnessed massive development in the
field of trade and commerce. Romila Thapar observes in Early India that, ‘The
Mauryans had begun to explore the potential for activities ,not only in various
parts of the subcontinent but also in areas situated in the western part of the
India. The need to extend the horizon and considered participation in new
ventures was recognized by the successor states’. During this time the Kushanas
and the Shakas tried to control the trade roots approaching west Asia. During
c.200 B.C and c.300 A.D, we can see the development of Indo-Roman trade
which was immensely profitable for India. Romila Thapar has also referred to
the Greek historian Pliny’s argument who had mentioned that trade with the
East caused a serious loss for Roman economy. The frequency of hoards of
Roman coins in southern India and the Deccan help us to realize that this trade
played a very important role in Indian economy and resulted in the emergence
of several urban trade centres like Muzirish ,Barygaza Arikamedu etcetera .
North India also witnessed economic change during this time with the help of
the Arthashastra and Pliny’s text, Romila Thapar has argued that costal shipping
was very common in India during this time and like western coast, eastern
coastal economy was also influenced by the Indo-Roman trade which resulted
the development of several urban trade centres like Tamralipta.57 As a
consequence of the economic advancement, India, as Professor Thapar argues,
witnessed the development of urban culture and the demand for a total
entertainment package in the form of the theatrical performance was indeed a
consequence of this changing urban milieu. To meet urban need of the urban
clientele, the theatre workers were compelled to think sincerely of ways to
make a theatre much more attractive but this explanation too has proved to be
inadequate. In this context it is important to discuss in brief the nature of the
religious development in India during this period which witnessed the rise of
Buddhism and Jainism and their ever-growing popularity resulting in a marked
transformation in the religious life of the common people. Consequently the
challenge posed to Brahmanical region made it imperative that they look for
possible ways to win over those who had been drawn to the liberal Buddhist
philosophy and one useful means to combat the new threat was to communicate
with them through the performance of theatre where everyone, irrespective of
their caste and social hierarchy, would be given entry. There are certain
references in the Natyasastra which point to the fact that theatre had undoubtedly
become an instrument in the hands of the Brahmanical leaders to communicate
with those who had been disgraced and deprived during the heyday of
Brahminism.58 In Natyasastra’s first chapter when Bharata Muni was describing
the origin of theatre, he had mentioned that once Mahendra as the leader of all
deities approached Brahma and requested him, ‘please give us something which
would not only teach us but be pleasing both eyes and ears. (True) the Vedas
are there but (some like) the Sudras are prohibited from listening to (learning
from) them. Why not create for us a fifth Veda which would be accessible to all
the varGa-s(castes)?’59 So it is evident that there was a need of Brahmanism to
communicate with those who were Sudras and their aim was to state the
philosophy of Veda to the Sudras (who were not allowed for a long time to
listen to or read the Vedas) and by opening the theatrical performance for all,
Brahmanical religion, in all likelihood, used theatre as a device to communicate
with the neglected and downtrodden.
Theatre workers of ancient India were not only used they were controlled
too. Arthasastra says that the performers (Kusilavah) should be controlled and
‘they may hold their performance to the liking in accordance with the producer
of their country…’.60 So there is a silent dictation in Arthasastra that the
performance should be controlled. But Natyasastra was not interested to control
performers mind. Last chapter of Natyasastra says ,‘Things which are not
stated here should be learnt by attentively watching the talking and behaviour
of the people and should be used in the performance.’61 So, it is evident that
Natyasastra was not interested to say the last word regarding the performance
. The mentality of the theatrical performers was not to set some rigid rules
regarding performance for their successors but to encourage successors to
innovate new trajectories to satisfy the audience.
Endnotes :
1. Varadpande, M.L. Religion and Theatre,New Delhi,1983,p.7.
2. Rangacharya, Adya (translator). The Natyasastra :English Translation with
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010,pp.339-340( chapter 35,Hymn no. 88-
108)
3. Ibid. ,pp.1-2,(Chapter.1,hymn 1-20).
4. Ghosh, M.M (translator).The Natyasastra ascribed to Bharata-Muni,Vol.1,
1951,p. LXXIII.
5. Rajan, Chnadra (translator). The Complete Works of Kalidasa, vol.2,
Delhi, 2002, p.160.
6. Singh, Unpinder. ‘The Power of a Poet: Kingship ,Empire and War in
K lidasa’s Raghuva A ’,Indian Historical Review, vol.38,number.2,
December 2011,p.179.
7. Ghosh, M.M, The Natyasastra ascribed to Bharata-Muni, vol.1,1951, pp.
LXXXIV-LXXXVI.
8. Pande, Anupa. A Historical and Cultural Study of the Natyasastra of
Bharata, Jodhpur,1992, p.2.
9. Venkatachalam, V. Bhasa, New Delhi,1995,P.26.
10. Ibid., pp. 45-46. Bhattacharji, Sukumari. History of Classical Sanskrit
Literature, Calcutta,1993,p.4.
11. Majumder, R.C. Ancient India, Delhi,1994,p.190.
and
Bhattacharji, Sukumari. History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, Calcutta,
1993, p.4.
12. Gupt, Bharat. Dramatic Concepts :Greek and Indian, New Delhi, 1994,
pp.19-20.
13. Bhattacharji, Sukumari. History of classical Sanskrit Literature,
Calcutta,1993, pp.5-6.
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010,p.1(Chapter.1,Hymn.1-20).
15. Srinivasan, Amrit .ed., Approaches to Bharat’s Natyasastra,
Delhi,2007,p.1.
16. Vatsyayan, Kapila. Bharata:The Natyasastra, New Delhi,2001,pp.2-5.

17. Panikkar, Kavalam N. on Natyasastra - Kennedy, Dennis.ed.,The Oxford
Companion to Theatre and Performance, New York,2010,p.420.
18. Katz, Jonathan. on Bharata - Sadie, Stanly. ed., The New Grove Dictionary
of Music and Musicians, vol.3, New York,USA,2001, p.503.
19. Vatsyayan, Kapila. Bharata:The Natyasastra, New Delhi,2001, p.6.
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010, pp.399-340(Chapter 35,Hymn 88-108).
21. Vatsyayan, Kapila. Bharata:The Natyasastra, New Delhi,2001, pp. 6-7.
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010, p.xvii.
23. Sharma, Prem Lata. “Is Music and Dance an Integral Part of Natya?”,-
Srinivasan, Amrit. ed., Approaches to Bharat’s Natyasastra, Delhi,2007,
pp107-119.
24. Rangacharya, Adya(translator). The Natyasastra :English Translation with
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010, pp.216-217(Chapter 27,Hymn no.91-
98).
25. Ibid.,pp.215-216 (chapter 27 ,Hymn no.50 -62).
26. Ibid., p.213(chapter no.27,hymn no.4-15a).
27. Ibid, p214(chapter no.27,hymn no. 15b-18a).
28. For detail discussion on the history and origin of Yatra, See Vatsyayaan,
Kapila. Traditional Indian Theatre: Multiple Streams ,New Delhi,2007,
pp.133-143 (chapter on Yatra).
29. Mehta, Tarla. Sanskrit Play Production in Ancient India, Delhi, 1995,
p131-132.
30. Ghosh, M.M (translator). The Natyasastra ascribed to Bharata-Muni, vol.1,
Calcutta,1951,p.149(Chapter.8 ,Hymn no. 8-9 ).
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010,p.185 (footnote on Abhinaya).
32. Interview of Rudraprasad Sengupta, Anandabazar Patrika (Kolkata
edition, date 11/12/12), p.4.
33. Pande, Anupa. A Historical and Cultural Study of the Natyasastra of
Bharata, Jodhpur,1992, p.83.
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010, p.205 (chapter 25 Hymn no.36-42) and
p.206 (Chapter25 Hymn no.54-63 ).
35. Dutt, Bishnupriya & Sarkar Munshi , Urmimala. Engendering Performance
:Indian women Performers in Search of an Identity , New Delhi,2010,
p.171.
36. Description of eight sthy bhva-s is given in the chapter number seven of
the Natyasastra.
37. Ghosh, M.M (translator).The Natyasastra ascribed to Bharata-Muni, vol.1,
1951, pp.124-125 (chapter 7 , translator’s note on fear and disgust)
38. Ibid., p.122,(Chapter 7 Hymn 14 ).
39. Ibid., p 122 (chapter 7 Hymn 13).
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010,pp190-193(chapter 24 Hymn 99-147).
By analysing several types of women mentioned in the text Natyasastra
Bishnupriya Dutt and Urmimala Sarkar Munshi created a table also which
helps us to understand the viewpoint of Natyasastra.
40. Dutt, Bishnupriya & Sarkar Munshi, Urmimala. Engendering Performance
:Indian women Performers in Search of an Identity, New Delhi,2010,
pp.177-178.
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010, p.93(chapter 24 Hymn 148-158).
42. Dutt, Bishnupriya & Sarkar Munshi, Urmimala. Engendering Performance
:Indian women Performers in Search of an Identity, New Delhi,2010,
op.cit.,p.189.
43. Dasi, Binodini. ‘Amar Jibon’, in A. Bahttacharya, eds, Nati Binodini
Rachana Samagra (Writings of Actress Binodini Dasi), Kolkata,1394
Bangabda.p.5.
44. Gillette, J. Michael.Theatrical Design and Production:an introduction to
scene, design and construction, costume and make up, California (U.S.A),
1997. pp.38-39.
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010, p.3( chapter.1, Hymn no. 64-75.).
46. Ghosh, M.M (translator).The Natyasastra ascribed to Bharata-Muni,
vol.1,1951,p.19 (chapter.2, Hymn no.7-11).
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010, pp.7-8.
48. Kulkarni, R.P .The Theatre According to The Natyasastra of Bharata,
Delhi,1994,p.20.
49. Ghosh, M.M (translator).The Natyasastra ascribed to Bharata-Muni,vol.1,
1951, p. 20(Chapter.2,Hymn 12 -16.).
50.
Here she mentioned that in the traditional measurements one angula is

equal to 17.86 mm. (according to Vishnudharmattara Purâna) & twelve
angula can make one Tala.
Mehta, Tarla Sanskrit Play Production in Ancient India, Delhi,1995,p.44&
p.65.
1951, pp. 20 -21(Chapter.2,Hymn no.18-23).
52. Gupt, Bharat. Dramatic Concepts :Greek and Indian: A Study of the Poetics
& the Natyasastra,New Delhi,2006,p 131.
53. Tolsty , Leo .What is art? And Essays on Art,(translation by Aylmer
Maude), London,1962,p.123.
1951, pp.28-29(chapter .2 Hymn 75-80).
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010, p.10(chapter.2,Hymn89-100).
56. Desai, Devangana. ‘Social Dimensions of Art in Early India’, Social
Scientist, Vol. 18, No. 3 (March,1990),New Delhi,1990, p. 21.
57. Thapar,Romila. Early india, New Delhi,2003, p.209 &pp.235-244.
and
Thapar,Romila. ‘Cultural Transactions and Early India’, in History and
Beyond,New Delhi,2001,pp.28-29.
58. Byrski, M.C .‘The Myth of the Origin of Theatre and its Socio-Historical
Import’,in Amrit Srinivasan,eds, Approaches to Bharata’s Natyasastra,
Delhi,2007,pp.172-174.
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010, p.1(chapter .1).
60. Shamasastry, R(translator).Kautilya’s Arthasastra, Mysore,1961, p.231
(chapter 4).
Critical Notes, New Delhi,2010, p.344.
Revisiting Delhi: The New Capital of Colonial India 81
Revisiting Delhi: The New Capital of

Colonial India (1911-1919)
Biresh Chaudhuri
The transfer of capital from Calcutta to Delhi was a significant move taking
into consideration the political developments that followed subsequently. On
12th December, 1911, King George announced the transfer of the seat of
Government of India from Calcutta to the ancient capital of Delhi.1 It was
indeed a matter of pride for the Delhi people as now they felt that their city had
regained its lost place in Indian history. Even the people of the nearby provinces
would have been pleased with their proximity to the power centre. In the wake
of this transfer of capital, Delhi turned into nucleus of political activity.
Except Bengal, the news of the transfer had been received with considerable
satisfaction in the other parts of the country. On 15th December 1911, the day
when the King Emperor laid the foundation stone of Delhi, the Viceroy Lord
Hardinge made it clear to the people that the decision to shift the capital had
been reached after thoughtful consideration.2 The Delhi province at that time
stretched over an area of 1300 square miles. Initially it was assumed that the
new capital would be built near the Civil Lines area, including the ridge which
was identified with the British raj. But the town planning committee headed by
Edwin Lutyens had other ideas. They wanted to build the new capital south of
Shahjehanabad, the walled city.3 Hence they chose the site in the vicinity of the
Raisina region, where the New Delhi area (the imperial capital) lies in modern
times. After 1912, Shahjehanabad came to be known as Old Delhi.4 But it
needed to be ensured that the new capital should not be in any way affected by
the old city, had improvements had to be given the topmost priority. After the
transfer, the Delhi province was reorganized and a few additional areas were
incorporated into it from the nearby tehsils. Mehrauli was taken from
Ballabhgarh tehsil. 65 villages in Meerut district on the eastern bank of Yamuna
river were transferred to Delhi. Also some territories were transferred to
adjoining districts, thereby altering the demographic structure of Delhi.5 The
population of Delhi which stood at 6.57,000 in 1911 decreased to 4,88,111 in

1921. Majority of the population (71%) comprised of the Hindus, followed by
the Muslims, Jains, Christians, Europeans and Sikhs.6 Talking about the city
administration, with the increase in expenditure, the Government was unwilling
to give grants-in –aid to the newly formed Municipality of Delhi and due to the
increase in municipal finances, which were bound to increase following the
shift of the capital, the lower classes had to bear the brunt of extra taxation.7
Also the shift led to dramatic increase in the cost of living which was further
aggravated by the First World War. Prices of property and cost of labour nearly
skyrocketed. What is striking is that the increase occurred in the prices of
European goods and in meat, while the local products like foodstuffs and cotton
had actually become cheaper. A Committee appointed by the Deputy
Commissioner, H.C. Beadon, consisting of people like Ajmal Khan, Girdhar
Lal, Amba Prasad etc to probe into the matter accused the European firms for
indulging in indiscriminate hoarding of grains. The rising prices had alarmed
the Indian merchants who started voicing their protests and soon all these came
to be linked with the nationalist politics. The inhabitants of Delhi had by now
come into contact with the national level politicians, and were now ready to
play an active role in the nationalist politics. Slogans and ideologies that had
formed a part of nationalist politics now began to be used for voicing local
grievances.8 Prior to the advent of Gandhian Nationalism, struggle for freedom
in Delhi found expression in various forms, best manifested by revolutionary
terrorism that had followed the Swadeshi Movement in 1905-06 and had again
raised its head this time around. The revolutionaries did not welcome the idea
of the shift of capital and in reply, an attempt was made to assassinate the
Viceroy, Lord Hardinge on 23rd December 1912, who narrowly escaped, but
turned deaf after the incident.9 This incident became famous as the Delhi-Lahore
Conspiracy Case. The mastermind behind this incident was Rash Behari Bose.
This incident was bitterly criticized by loyalists and various socio-religious
groups, and people did not react favourably to this incident. The press too
condemned the event. Among those convicted for this Conspiracy case were
Awadh Behari, Amir Chand, Balraj and Hanwant Sahai. While the first two
received death sentence, Balraj and Hanwant Sahai were sentenced to
transportation for life.10 What is striking here is that inspite of the feeling of
revulsion against political violence, the local people demonstrated a feeling of
sympathy for the revolutionaries and the death sentences evoked strong
resentment from the local populace.
Revolutionary activities did not stop here only. In 1913, the Sikhs in USA
formed a revolutionary organization, known as the Ghadar Party, aiming to
overthrow the colonial rule in India by carrying out revolutionary activities.
Their plan of action involved looting of treasuries, breaking of jails, procuring
arms, manufacturing of explosives and recruiting young men for revolutionary
activities. The organization planned out an armed uprising during the First
World War but was unsuccessful. Many Ghadarites were hanged subsequently.
Inspite of the fact that extremist nationalism never received any substantial
support in Delhi, all these incidents ultimately prepared the ground for the
freedom struggle in Delhi.
Nationalist politics underwent a change following the establishment of
the Home Rule League on 25th September 1915. It in a way marked a turning
point in the history of national movement. On February 1917, branch of the
League was set up in Delhi also. But with the arrival of the Secretary of State
for India, Edwin Montague in November 1917, matters got complicated. The
authorities prohibited the entry of nationalist leaders like Lokmanya Tilak into
the city, in order to avoid any law and order problem. With the efforts of the
Home Rule League, this ban was withdrawn however. But various other
restrictions were imposed as well. No one was allowed to hold procession or
public meeting without the prior permission of the police.11 During Montague’s
stay, Delhi became the hub of political activities. The frequent visits of many
regional and national leaders led to the increase in political consciousness in
the people. The month of December 1918 witnessed unprecedented political
activity in Delhi as both Indian National Congress and All India Muslim
League held their annual sessions in Delhi.12 On account of the harsh treatment
meted out to the Ottomon Sultan by the European powers in the wake of First
World War, the Indian Muslims condemned the evil intentions of the British
and their allies who sought to dismember the Ottomon empire. The Muslim
League decided to join hands with the Congress against the British rule. This
was to be seen as a mark of Hindu-Muslim unity. All these factors widened the
political horizons of the citizens of Delhi and henceforth they started voicing
their opinions on various matters of local and national importance. Their voices
found expression in the press and public debates. The newspapers enjoyed a
great deal of patronage. In addition, there were 13 volunteer organizations that
played a crucial role in influencing the public opinion. Most notable among
them were Indraprastha Sewak Mandali, Home Rule League Volunteer Corps,
Moslem league Volunteer Corps, Arya Sewak Mandali, etc.13
These organizations were instrumental in mobilizing the masses thereby
ensuring a large turnout of people and therefore, Delhi was ready launch a
satyagraha, once the Rowlatt Act was enacted.
Upon finding the existing law machinery inadequate to cope up with the
unsavoury situation that had been created due to the rising discontentment
with the British Rule, the government appointed a committee under Justice
S.A.T Rowlatt to curb political agitations any revolutionary activity that may
have been precarious for the British raj. These bills were vehemently criticized
by the Indian members of the Imperial Legislative Council when it was brought
before it for consideration. Gandhi termed this measure as an open challenge
to Indians and sought to involve the people in a nationwide agitation. Hence

on 24th February 1919, Gandhi signed the satyagraha pledge to refuse openly
to obey these laws and affirmed to abide by the twin principles of truth and non
violence during the agitation. He also informed the then Viceroy, Lord
Chelmsford of his decision to launch a satyagraha against the so called act.
Fifteen persons including Swami Shraddhanand, Dr. Ansari, Hakim Ajmal Khan,
Hasrat Mohani, Shankar Lal etc took a pledge to organize the satyagraha in the
Satyagraha Sabha held on 7th March 1919. Hence even before the enactment of
the Rowlatt Act, the ground for the satyagraha had been laid.
The Rowlatt Act was passed on 18th March 1919. One of the bills called
the Anarchical and Revolutionaries Crimes Act of 1919 armed the provincial
governments with executive powers to arrest any suspicious person without
warrant or imprison anyone without a trial. It also provided for quick trial of
offences by a special court with no right to appeal. This unpopular legislation
also provided for stricter control of the press. As mentioned earlier, Gandhi
had given a call for satyagraha in February itself and Delhi played a pivotal
role in this agitation. The Rowlatt Satyagraha started on 30th March 1919. On
this day, the shopkeepers in Delhi were asked to keep their shops closed. It
lasted for twenty days, till 18th April. D.W. Ferrell divides this period into three
phases:
First Phase (30-31 March 1919) – Witnessed a Hartal in Delhi
Second Phase (1-9 April 1919) – Aftermath of the Hartal
Third Phase (10-18 April 1919) – Violent Turn14
During the first phase, the hartal was a success. Both Hindu and Muslim
traders joined it. Senior Superintendent of Police, Mr. Marshall, and Additional
Superintendent of Police, Mr. Jeffreys wanted the deployment of troops in certain
densely populated areas like Chandni Chowk, Sadar Bazar, Ajmeri Gate etc.
but the atmosphere in these areas remained somewhat peaceful.15 But it was
the railway station which witnessed a chaos. Some of the satyagrahis in their
bid to persuade the railway contractor to stop serving eatables, entered into
heated arguments with the railway officials. Two satyagrahis were arrested in
this regard but it enraged the agitators and the refusal to release the two
satyagrahis further complicated the matters. Soon tensions arose between the
masses and policemen, resulting in police open firing and heavy casualties.
The crowds dispersed but the situation had indeed become tensed. The hartal
continued the next day as well, 31st March. After these violent incidents, Gandhi
published a letter in the Bombay chronicle dated 3rd April 1919 in which he
warned the satyagrahis not to indulge in any such act that goes against the
pledge of satyagraha. Under no circumstances should the satyagrahis forcibly
demand the release of those who had been arrested. They ought to abide by the
laws and peacefully carry on the struggle until the withdrawal of the unjust and
unfair Rowlatt Act.16
The second phase which lasted from 1st to 9th April, witnessed less political
activity. The masses attended the funerals of those satyagrahis who had lost
their lives in the police firing. The vernacular newspapers like Vijaya and
Congress too condemned the March 30 incident, terming the British rule as
‘Nadir Shahi’ and highlighting the sacrifices made by the people thereby
denouncing the police repression.17 But the authorities considered the people
involved in the hartal as ‘foolish’ and ‘Badmashes’(hooligans) and wanted to
ensure peace in the city at any cost. On 4th April a prayer meeting was held at
Jama masjid in memory of those killed. Swami Shraddhanad was invited to
address the gathering from the pulpit of the mosque.18 This event clearly
demonstrates the Hindu-Muslim unity against the British raj. On 6th April there
was another hartal that was observed in the city in which two prominent leaders
Swami Shraddhanad and Dr. Ansari addressed meetings at Daryaganj, Edward
Park and Fatehpuri mosque. It seemed that the entire adult population of Delhi
attended these meetings. This shows that the popularity of these leaders was
increasing day by day, and this was indeed a matter of grave concern for the
colonial authorities. The peaceful hartal on 6th April proved that the firing on
March 30th was absolutely unnecessary.
Talking of the third phase (10-18 April), the Delhi leaders invited Gandhi
to pay a visit to the city which he agreed to do, but the Government, sensing
danger, prohibited the entry of Gandhi in Delhi and Punjab. His train was stopped
at Palwal and he was sent back to Bombay.19 This left the people of Delhi
highly disappointed. As a mark of protest the local satyagraha sabha called for
a hartal on 10th April. A large meeting was held on the banks of the Yamuna
which was addressed by Swami Shraddhanand, who read out the message of
the Gandhi to the gathered masses. He asked the people to boycott the official
enquiry into the riots of 30th March as well as law courts but urged them to end
the hartal on 12th April. But inspite of his pleadings, the hartal in Delhi continued
unabated. The local leaders, encouraged by the positive response of the people
persuaded the local government officials, bank employees, domestic servants
etc to join in. the Chief Commissioner met the local leaders on 14th April to
persuade them to call off the hartal. They were ensured of a peaceful hartal by
the leaders.20 But the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre on 13th April, where General
Dyer opened fire on a peaceful gathering at Amritsar, worsened the matters. In
the public meetings that followed subsequently, the people started using violent
tactics like beating up of police officials. The leaders now, on being again
urged by the Chief Commissioner asked the people to call of the hartal and by
17th April most of the shops and banks had resumed business.21 There prevailed
some amount of peace following the turbulent agitations. But sadly, such state
of affairs did not last long. The leaders had advised the Senior Superintendent
of Police as well as the Deputy Commissioner against the deployment of police

force in the markets as such a move could infuriate the people. But their advice
was ignored. In Chandni Chowk, a constable was assaulted by an angry mob
which resulted in a severe backlash from police who opened fire in retaliation.22
All these developments frustrated the Delhi leaders so much so that they decided
to call of the hartal on 17th April because they felt that the Satyagraha movement
that was based upon the principle of non-violence was lacking direction. During
the Rowlatt Satyagraha in Delhi, five men were killed and fourteen were
injured.23 It was pioneered by Gandhi and carried forward by leaders like Dr
Ansari, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Swami Shraddhanand etc. Hence Delhi was linked
to the mainstream nationalist politics. The Rowlatt Satyagraha, even after its
premature end, went a long way in preparing base for future course of action.
And in this sense, it acted as a launching pad for nationalist agitations in future.
And in the subsequent period, Delhi was to play a major role in Khilafat, Non
Cooperation and Civil Disobedience Movements. As the Deputy Commissioner
of Delhi, H.C. Beadon puts it, Delhi had undergone a transition from a simple
mofussil town, with no political agitation, no real political participation, into a
centre of political unrest.24
So we can conclude that ever since the transfer of capital, Delhi witnessed
an increase in political activity. The city attracted various political figures as
well as various political organizations and hence a platform was created for the
mobilization of masses which the leaders were able to do to a considerable
extent. But the violent nature of masses on particular instances left the leaders
dejected and frustrated, as was the case with the Rowlatt Satyagraha, when the
leaders were forced to call of the hartal on the grounds that masses often crossed
the limits of non-violence and became aggressive which gave the authorities
an excuse to come down heavily upon the agitators. But it cannot be denied
that all these events led to the emergence of political awakening among the
masses and we shall see in the subsequent chapters how the people of Delhi
rallied to the call of Gandhi and the various leaders during the subsequent
nationalist movements.
Notes and References :

1. Govt of India, The Hst. Rec. of The Imperial Visit to India,1911
(London,1914)
2. Harold Nicolson, King George V (London,1952), p 171
3. Narayani Gupta, Delhi: Between Two Empires, 1803-1931 (Delhi,1981),
p 178
4. CCO Home (Pol), No. 185-86B, Apr 1913 (DSA)
5. Home (Jud) A, No 284-87, Mar 1914 (NAI)
6. R. Kumar(ed) ‘Essays on Gandhian Pol., chp by D.W. Ferrell, The Rowlatt
Satyagraha of 1919’ (London,1971), p 203
7. CCO, For (Pol), No. 86-90B/ May 1914 (DSA)
8. Narayani Gupta idem, p 196
9. Charles Hardinge, My Ind. Years (London,1948), p 81
10. Home (Pol) A, No. 1-2, July 1914 (NAI)
11. DPSA, No. 43, 3rd Nov 1917 (DSA)
12. Reva Dhanedhar, Str. for Freedom: Role of Delhi 1919-1934, p 9
13. Home Conf, No 227, Dec 1918(DSA)
14. R.Kumar(ed) idem
15. Home (Pol) B, No 141-147, May 1919 (NAI)
16. P.C. Bamford, Hist. of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements
(Delhi,1974), pp. 7-8
17. R.Kumar(ed) idem, p 221
18. Home (Pol) B, No. 268-73, May 1919 (NAI)
19. Home (Pol) A, No. 455-472, May 1919 (NAI)
21. Sangat Singh, The Freedom Mvt. in Delhi 1857-1919, (Delhi,1972), p
274
23. R.Kumar(ed) idem, p 192
24. Home (Pol) B, No 119-120, May 1919 (NAI)
Bibliography :
PRIMARY SOURCES
1. OFFICIAL PUBLICATION
Government of India, The Historical Records of The Imperial Visit to
India, 1911 (London, 1914)
2. ARCHIVAL RECORDS
Delhi State Archives (DSA)
a) Chief Commissioner Office Records, Foreign Department, Political
Branch, Home Department, Political Branch
b) Delhi Police Secret Abstract(DPSA)
c) Home Confidential
National Archives of India (NAI)
Files related to Home Department, Political Branch, File A and B and
Judicial File A
SECONDARY SOURCES
1. Bamford, P.C. History of Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movement, Delhi,
1974
2. Dhanedhar, Reva. Struggle for Freedom: Role of Delhi, 1919-1934,
Dehradun, 2011
3. Gupta, Narayani. Delhi: Between Two Empires, 1803-1931, Delhi, 1981

4. Hardinge, Lord. My Indian Years, London, 1948
5. Kumar, R. ed., Essays on Gandhian Politics, London, 1971
6. Nicolson, Harold. King George V, London, 1942
7. Singh, Sangat. The Freedom Movement in Delhi, 1857-1919, Delhi, 1972
Mass Nationalism as a Communicable Act 89
Mass Nationalism as a Communicable Act:

Gandhian Discourse, 1920-1922
Saurav Kumar Rai
The present article examines the Gandhian discourse during the Non-Co-
Operation Movement – viz. 1920-1922, which gives us rich insights into the
Gandhian way(s) of mass mobilization. This article explores the unique way(s)
in which Gandhi was trying to bring the mass into the nationalist struggle which
was hitherto dominated by a few elites. Besides, it also looks at the necessities
of the effective communication in a mass movement of such grand scale.
Communication was essential not just to mobilize the mass, but also it was
crucial due to various other reasons which have been discussed in the present
article. Incidentally, Gandhi suffered from poor health throughout the period
of the Non-Co-Operation Movement, still he nowhere compromised with the
communicative aspect of the mass nationalism. His ways and techniques of
communicating with the mass is something to reckon with in an era of
democratic mobilization of the early twentieth century. In fact, it was his
communicative skill and ability to establish rapport with the mass which made
him one of the greatest mass mobilizers of Indian history.
‘Mr. Chairman and Brethren- I am very sorry that my voice cannot

reach all brothers..... you will excuse me for my inability to speak
standing.’
This was one of the commonest ways in which Gandhi started most of his
speeches at various places in the United Provinces (present day Uttar Pradesh/
U.P.) between October 1920 and August 1921. Out of thirty speeches which
Gandhi delivered in the United Provinces during this period, he uttered the
similar kind of statement on fifteen occasions.1 In fact, if we follow Gandhi
closely between February 1920 and March 1922, he was writing extensively,
trying to respond each and every letter received by him, making extensive tours
throughout India, addressing a wide range of audience despite failing voice

and poor health. One of the following schedules of Gandhi gives us a sense of
how extensively he was engaged in touring the length and breadth of the country
during this period [The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (hereafter CWMG),
Vol. XVIII: 213].
Aug 10, 1920 Left Bombay
Aug 12-13 Madras
Aug 14 Ambur and Vellore
Aug 15 Madras
Aug 16 Tanjore and Nagore
Aug 17 Trichinopoly
Aug 18 Calicut
Aug 19 Mangalore
Aug 20 Salem
Aug 21 Salem and Bangalore
Aug 22 Madras
Aug 23 Bezwada
Aug 25 Bombay
Aug 26 Ahmedabad
To quote Gandhi: ‘We could not stay continuously for twenty-four hours
at any place except Madras. Even in Madras, we did so only when we first
arrived there……..invitations poured in from all over and we did not feel it
proper to reject any. There was also a desire, of course, to convey our message
to as many places as we could manage’ [CWMG, Vol. XVIII: 213].
Now, the point is why Gandhi, despite all odds and poor health, went
ahead with such an exhaustive schedule of touring and continuous writing?
What was the need to respond everyone and address everyone? One way to
answer this is to say that mass nationalism is a communicable act and what
Gandhi was trying to do during this period was to communicate with the mass.
However, this leads us immediately towards another question – what was the
necessity to communicate with the mass so extensively? Was it merely to
mobilize people and rally them behind the leaders or there were some other
specific concerns involved in it? Also, there is need to examine the ways in
which communication was established by Gandhi. The present essay attempts
to examine some of these issues.
To begin with, both historically as well as historiographically, the era of
Gandhian politics has been popularly referred to as the phase of mass nationalism
in India. The nationalist movement in India before the arrival of Gandhi has
been mostly described as ‘politics of studied limitations’ [Brown, 1972: 28] or
‘a movement representing the classes’ as opposed to the masses [Kumar, 1971:
4]. Nevertheless, the first grand experiment in this mass level nationalism was
carried out in the form of Rowlatt Satyagrah (April 1919), followed by the
Khilafat agitation, finally giving way to the Non-Co-Operation Movement to
redress the ‘wrongs’ done to Khalifa, Punjab wrongs, and to attain swaraj.
Now, for carrying a mass movement of such a grand scale as the Non-Co-
Operation was, communication with the masses became necessary for many
reasons. That is why we see that Gandhi during this period addressed the
meetings of almost each and every class at various places in India – be it students,
teachers, lawyers, merchants, peasants, workers, weavers, women, or even
sadhus.2 At the same time he kept on responding numerous letters personally
during this period. Interestingly, he responded to some anonymous letters as
well [CWMG, Vol. XIX: 387-88].
In all these speeches and writings Gandhi tried to establish rapport with
the class he was addressing. For this he resorted to unique methods. For
example—while addressing the mass of peasantry and weavers, Gandhi on
more than one occasion, identified himself as a peasant (kisan) or a weaver
(julaha).3
Similarly, Gandhi frequently used the popular metaphors of Rama, Sita
and Ravana, and the story of Ramayana to reach his audience and to convince
them.4 In fact, Gandhi re-imagined the entire story of Ramayana where the
British rule became ‘incarnation of Ravana’ and Indians ‘heirs of Rama’.
Similarly, the Non-co-operators came to be regarded as Sita, who despite several
temptations offered by Ravana (here British rule), refused to enter into any
agreement with Ravana [CWMG, Vol. XIX: 252]. Also, the women were urged
by him to adopt Swadeshi (especially hand spun clothes) and give up their
attraction towards fineries just like Sita who went on to manage with the bark
of trees and did not accept any gift from Ravana.
Similarly, at one place, Gandhi compared spinning wheel as ‘cow’ and
spun yarn as ‘milk’ that would make India self-sufficient – a necessary condition
of attaining swaraj [CWMG, Vol. XXIII: 12]. Thus, Gandhi, in order to establish
communication with the mass, frequently tried to show that he was from among
them. Instead of showing sympathy, he frequently attempted to convince the
people that he along with mass was living through the ‘wrongs’ done by the
British government to Indian people. He adopted their way of life, he adopted
their language, he adopted their metaphors, thereby mingling with them and
establishing direct communication with them.
Now, moving towards the necessities of this communication, the first
necessity was ‘disciplined mobilization’. What Gandhi wished was not just
‘mobilization’ but ‘mobilization in a specific manner’. And because of this his
speeches and writings were often loaded with Do’s and Don’t’s. He drew a
thin line of distinction between democratic mobilization and, what he termed
as, mobocracy [CWMG, Vol. XVIII: 240]. A single act of deviation might lead
the mobilized one to the other side of the plank i.e. on the mobocratic side. For
him, the greatest thing in the campaign of non-co-operation was to evolve order,
discipline, and co-operation among the people and co-ordination among the
workers [CWMG, Vol. XVIII: 93]. In fact, he went on to compare the band of
non-co-operators with that of a ‘non-violent army’ fighting for swaraj. According
to him, a ‘non-violent army’ demands, or should insist upon, greater discipline,
self-restraint and orderliness than what are necessary in an army equipped with
arms [CWMG, Vol. XXI: 140]. In fact, for Gandhi, self-control in speech, in
action, and in thought were essential characteristics to become a ‘Vaishnava’.5
Gandhi repeatedly warned people that if they ever loose temper or resort to
violence, then in that case it would be for him a choice of evil, and evil though
he considered the contemporary government to be, he would not hesitate for
the time being to help the government to control disorder [CWMG, Vol. XVIII:
96].
Gandhi laid so much emphasis on order and discipline that he did not just
condemn the acts of violence or loot by the mobilized mass; rather he also
wanted complete order on railway stations, at meetings, etc. In fact, he had
nightmare experiences at many railway stations6 and meetings7 owing to over-
enthusiasm of the mass. That is why he went on to issue several guidelines in
this regard [CWMG, Vol. XVIII: 242-44]. However, the people rarely followed
these guidelines and often overstepped them in their enthusiasm despite frequent
condemnation by Gandhi.
Thus, Gandhi throughout this period experimented with ‘disciplined
mobilization’ by communicating with people, setting guidelines for them,
condemning their undisciplined unruly behavior, etc. How much he succeeded
in this is, however, a matter of debate. Some historians have regarded it as
‘imperfect mobilization’ [Pandey, 1978], whereas some other have argued that
there could never be a perfect mobilization as Gandhi’s messages and speeches
got tremendously metamorphosed while reaching the mass because of the pre-
existing prejudices, interests and mentality of the mass [Amin, 1984: 1-61].
Whatever the case was, one thing is clear that Gandhi at least attempted for
‘perfect mobilization’; it is different thing that whether he could achieve that
or not. And in this attempt of ‘perfect mobilization’ communication gained
tremendous significance.
Further, as argued earlier, communication was necessary to establish rapport
between the leaders and the masses and for this Gandhi personally responded
to many of the letters and questions of the mass and tried to convince them
somehow or other regarding his tactics to attain swaraj. In these correspondences
Gandhi displayed extreme pragmatism in some cases. The best example of this
was his opinions regarding the use of khaddar/khadi (hand woven cloth).
Gandhi, during the Non-Co-Operation Movement, laid central emphasis on
using hand spun and hand woven cloth made inside the country as a way to
achieve swaraj. However, the ways in which he tried to convince people to use
khadi were unique.
He emphasized on khadi not so much for its political utility (i.e. attaining
swaraj) but he continuously associated it with the economic and moral well-
being of the Indian mass. He continuously argued that by adopting khaddar
India can save 60 millions of Rupees from being annually drained out of the
country which would then be distributed among the countrymen, thereby
uplifting poverty [CWMG, Vol. XVIII: 176].8 He also talked about the benefits
of khadi being the alternative source of income for the peasants especially
during famines. Also khadi had moral benefits as it could safeguard Indian
women from falling into the clutches of the mill-owners and immoral overseers,
contractors, etc. And if people would follow all this, they would ultimately get
swaraj as well. So, Gandhi propagated khadi in such a way that swaraj appeared
as a distant/long-term charm associated with khadi; before that, there were
many immediate economic benefits which were associated with it. In fact, for
the masses swaraj was more welcomed in its economic sense rather than in its
political sense.9 Gandhi was responding to this by making swaraj a condition
for freedom from hunger and cheap cloth.
Similarly, Gandhi knew that it may be difficult for many people to suddenly
discard the fineries and adopt rough khadi, hence he advised that those who
could not use khaddar as their outer costume, they can use it for making
underwears. And even if one was not inclined to use it for personal wear, it
could be used for making caps, towels, wipers, tea-cloths, satchels, bed sheets,
beddings, holdalls, carpet prices, cushions, covers for furniture, etc. Those
who wanted to use coloured khadi, so that it would not get dirty soon, they
could get it dyed Turkey red in swadeshi dye [CWMG, Vol. XVII: 354]. Also
khadi could be used to make school bags and hammocks for children. Chairs,
couches and other articles of furniture could be covered with it [CWMG, Vol.
XVII: 341]. All this clearly shows Gandhi’s pragmatism to make khadi popular.
In the later stages Gandhi even advocated ‘pandals’ (canopies) of meetings to
be made up of khadi [CWMG, Vol. XIX: 456].
In the heyday of the Non-Co-Operation Movement, when Gandhi wished
people to use khadi even for personal wear, even then Gandhi took cognizance
of the poor people and their practical problems. He knew that it was hard for
poor people to suddenly throw away all of their cheap foreign mill clothes and
buy new expensive handmade khadi clothes. To solve this Gandhi suggested
that poor people for a time being may manage merely by using loin cloth of
khadi. To set an example he himself renounced all clothes and started managing
only with a loin cloth and chaddar [CWMG, Vol. XXI: 180-81].
Also, in order to popularize khadi, he frequently flashed the examples of
some prominent personalities using khaddar. Most frequently uttered examples
were that of Sarla Devi Chowdharani,10 Mrs. Mohani,11 Madan Mohan Malviya’s
commitment to persuade ranis (queens) and rajas (kings) to spin, etc.12 Gandhi
was flashing these examples as India at that time was still a deeply hierarchical
society and nobility was considered as ‘natural leaders’ or ‘mai-baaps’ by the
masses to a great extent. Thus, Gandhi was exploiting the traditional channels
of communication to popularize khadi. All-in-all, Gandhi brilliantly used
communication to convince people regarding khadi and to popularize its use.
Similar kind of Gandhian pragmatism can be seen on another issue. When
a correspondent asked that if teachers of national institution should have strong
moral character then does this not mean that a teacher who smokes and drinks
should be kept out of such institutions? Replying this Gandhi argued that in
case of drinking ‘we have certainly risen to a high enough level to be able to do
without a teacher who drinks’, but in case of smoking, he argued: ‘I dare not
say the same thing with regard to smoking. I know from experience that a
person who smokes may be upright in other ways’ [CWMG, Vol. XXI: 327].
This was probably because in the Indian villages smoking, especially a peculiar
form of it ‘hukka’ was quite popular;13 and Gandhi knew this thing. So, here
again one can see Gandhian pragmatism while communicating or responding
There was an economic aspect also associated with Gandhi’s extensive
touring and communicating with people. In many meetings, Gandhi urged the
audience, especially the women, to contribute money in the Swaraj Fund by
giving jewelleries etc. For example, Gandhi, after addressing a women’s meeting
at Calcutta on Jan 25, 1921, in the end, spread his chaddar and urged the ladies
to part with what they loved most. Eventually there was a shower of gifts which
literally filled up his chaddar [CWMG, Vol. XIX: 275]. Similarly, in many of
his correspondences he urged people to actively contribute in the Tilak Swaraj
Fund. Here also he often gave examples of so and so contributing this much, in
order to encourage others. In one of his speeches he even urged people that
those coming to station platforms to hear him or to have his darshan should
bring money with them [CWMG, Vol. XX, 112]. So, economic aspect was also
attached with touring, meetings, etc.
At the same time communication was also necessary to assure the people
against misappropriation of funds. For example, responding to a letter where
the correspondent had doubted that what would happen to fund once Gandhi
would not be there to exercise control over it such as in the case of his sudden
arrest; Gandhi argued that there was a full record being maintained by the
Provincial Committees, of all kinds of donations etc., that he used to collect at
various places and there was no chance of misappropriation [CWMG, Vol. XX:
80-81]. Elsewhere, he also assured a correspondent that leaders like Ali brothers
were not using fund for their personal comforts [CWMG, Vol. XX: 385]. So,
communication also gained significance to clear the doubts of the people and
to cultivate among them faith on the leaders.
Communication was also necessary to do away with the rumours associated
with Gandhi and his powers. In one of his notes Gandhi clearly denounced of
his being the messenger of God [CWMG, Vol. XX: 385]. In fact, there were
instances where Gandhi and other leaders were represented as Krishna and
Pandavas. Gandhi criticized all such things and called it ‘blasphemy’ [CWMG,
Vol. XX, 361]. Similarly, in one of his notes Gandhi condemned the superstition
of asking ‘mannat’ in his name [CWMG, Vol. XXI: 325].14 He clearly stated
that wherever people are found using my name in this way, they should be
dissuaded from doing so [CWMG, Vol. XXI: 326]. However, Gandhi himself
found that the more he repudiated these things, the more they were practiced
[CWMG, Vol. XXI: 353, question no. 3]. In fact, subaltern historians, like Shahid
Amin, have dealt with a whole lot of rumours attached with the mystical powers
of Gandhi as ‘Mahatma’ [Amin, 1984: 1-61]. Nevertheless, Gandhi through
communication continuously attempted to do away with these rumours.
Also, communication gained significance to counter the governmental
propaganda and bogus advertisements that were floating in the air during the
Non-Co-Operation Movement. As far as the governmental propaganda is
concerned, we have evidences of several governmental circulars being issued
during the Non-Co-Operation period to counter the effect of the movement
and to convince people that the entire movement will ultimately harm India.
For example, in Bihar, one of the official circulars stated that: ‘All officers
subordinate to the Collector and District Magistrate are desired to take steps to
make people realize, that in as much as India produces less than her population
requires, a boycott of foreign cloth and its destruction or export must inevitably
lead to a serious rise in prices, which may lead to a serious disorder and looting,
and that these consequences will be the result, not of any action on the part of
the Government but of Mr. Gandhi’s campaign’ [CWMG, Vol. XXI: 32]. In the
similar vein, the Bihar Government Publicity Bureau issued leaflets in
Hindustani giving ten reasons why foreign cloth should not be boycotted
[CWMG, Vol. XXI: 385]. Following were the stated reasons –
i. Cloth manufactured in India is not sufficient for our needs.
ii. People having used to wearing fine cloth for a long time find it heavy to
wear garments made from Indian yarn.
iii. Even Indian mills use foreign yarn for the fine cloth they weave.
iv. If we give up foreign cloth, we shall be in the same plight we were in
1905, when owing to swadeshi agitation Indian mills sent up prices and
drained our wealth. Thus, mill-owners will fatten themselves on our ruin.
v. So long as foreign cloth is imported, there is competition between Indian
cloth and foreign cloth, and thus the mill-owners cannot raise prices very
high.
vi. There are not enough mills and handlooms in India for the cloth required.
vii. Hand-spinning is not profitable because it yields no more than two annas
per day.
viii. Handlooms produce very little; therefore much cannot be produced from
them.
ix. By such boycott there will be great unrest and commotion, and India’s
progress will be greatly arrested.
x. By the rise in the price of the cloth the poor will suffer much and discontent
will spread all over.
In the wake up of these counter-propagandas carried out by the government
to reduce the effect of nationalist propaganda, the need of communication and
reaching to common people became necessary for the leaders to convince the
mass. Again, Gandhi responded to this in his typical way of communication -
viz. by using popular metaphors. For example, in one of his writings handling
the issue of misrepresentation of things by the Government and newspapers,
he argued: ‘It would never have been possible for Ravana to carry off Sitaji if
he had appeared before her as the demon which he was. He could do so only
by assuming the form of a Sadhu. When saintliness is thus used as a cover,
destruction soon overtakes the man’ [CWMG, Vol. XXI: 141]. Obviously, here
‘Ravana’ has been used metaphorically for the ‘government’ and ‘saintliness’
or ‘disguise of Sadhu’ for the counter-propaganda carried out by the government
to misguide the ‘innocent people’ represented here as ‘Sita’.
Not only this, many Indians were also using bogus advertisements during
this period to reap handsome profits by taking advantage of the swadeshi
atmosphere. For example, Gandhi repeatedly received information about forged
mill-made rough cloth being sold as khadi or some ‘swadeshi store’ selling
cloth made up of foreign yarn; and in each case Gandhi issued several guidelines
to identify the genuine khadi [CWMG, Vol. XX: 385-86, 405-06, 520-21; CWMG,
Vol. XXI: 52-53]. Similarly, bad spinning wheels were reported to be sold by
saying that it could yield more yarn in less time. In this regard also Gandhi in
one of his notes issued guidelines to test the spinning wheel before purchasing
[CWMG, Vol. XIX: 523-24].
Not just khadi, Gandhi even came across the incidences of unlawful use
being made of his name to sell any product or to collect fund. For example,
once Gandhi came across an incidence of a tobacco company using his name
to sell cigarettes which were called ‘Mahatma Gandhi Cigarette’ [CWMG, Vol.
XIX: 216]. Similarly, he got information about a girl claiming herself as Gandhi’s
daughter [CWMG, Vol. XIX: 216; CWMG, Vol. XXII: 314]. Similarly, a person
called Motilal Puncholi hailing from Udaipur claimed himself as Gandhi’s
disciple to preach temperance. However, Motilal Puncholi used to preach
temperance in grossly ‘un-Gandhian’ manner. He was reported to be surrounded
by an ‘armed’ crowd of admirers and establishing his kingdom or some other-
dom wherever he went. He also claimed to have miraculous powers [CWMG,
Vol. XXII: 315]. Similarly, instances were reported where Muslims were forced
to abstain from meat eating and vegetarianism was preached in the name of
Gandhi [CWMG, Vol. XX: 110, 146]. So, communication was necessary to
overcome all these instances of misuse of Gandhi’s name.
Last but not the least, as the movement progressed need of communication
increased manifold to keep the people non-violent and pacified. It should be
noted that despite all efforts being made by Gandhi to keep people non-violent,
instances of people resorting to violence came to be reported again and again
during the entire course of the Non-Co-Operation Movement. One should not
think that Chauri Chaura violence, after which Gandhi rolled back the entire
movement, was the first incident of violence as it generally appears to be in
popular perception. Conversely, it was the last instance of violence during the
Non-Co-Operation Movement. Before that there were major riots in Malabar,
Bombay, Arrah and elsewhere. Also there were instances of people looting the
bazaars, etc. in their over-enthusiasm. Gandhi was well aware of all this and
that is why during the last three-four months of the Non-Co-Operation
Movement he repeatedly urged for maintaining peace and order and not to
resort to violence. In fact, these instances appeared to him as indicators not to
launch the civil disobedience phase of the Non-Co-Operation Movement.
CONCLUDING REMARKS:
To sum up, it may be said that with the onset of the era of mass nationalism,
communication gained tremendous significance due to a variety of reasons.
That is why we see that most of the major nationalist figures of this period
were probably the best orators and writers of their time and they knew well
how to establish communication with the common people. This phenomenon
of mass nationalism as a communicable act was probably best epitomized by
Gandhi. During his lifetime he wrote so much and gave so many speeches that
when it was finally compiled it ran through as many as one hundred thick
volumes (entitled as The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi or popularly
referred to as CWMG). In fact, Gandhi had perhaps anticipated the necessity of
establishing communication with the mass way back in 1909 when he wrote
his landmark booklet Hind Swaraj. This is evident from the fact that he presented
his ideas in this booklet in a dialogue form, as if he was responding to someone.
Actually, Gandhi’s peculiar ways of communicating with people and convincing
them played a crucial role; firstly, in bringing mass into politics and secondly,
in Gandhi’s own rise to power.
Notes :
1. For the speeches see Trivedi, Rekha (ed.), Gandhi Speaks on Non-Co-
Operation in U.P. Lucknow: Department of Culture, U.P., 1998.
2. As for example, for students, see CWMG, Vol. XIX: 259, 293; for teachers,
see CWMG, Vol. XIX: 248; for merchants, see CWMG, Vol. XIX: 248,
CWMG, Vol. XX: 387; for peasants, see Speeches given at Pratabgarh,
Fyzabad, Gorakhpur in Trivedi, (ed.), Gandhi Speaks, 1998; for weavers,
see CWMG Vol. XIX: 147-48, CWMG, Vol. XX: 394- 395; for women,
see CWMG, Vol. XVIII: 23, 319-20; for Sadhus, see CWMG, Vol. XIX:
250, 257-58.
3. For example, look at the Speech given at Pratabgarh on 29 October 1920:
‘You are probably not aware that I have been from before a kisan (in my
life)………You can for that reason address me as Kisan (cultivator), jolaha
(weaver)’ [Trivedi, 1998: 75]; Speech at Weavers’ Conference, Nagpur,
25 December 1920: ‘True, I am not a weaver by profession, but I regard
myself as a farmer-weaver. In the court also I have stated this as my
profession’ [CWMG, Vol. XIX: 147]; Also, when Gandhi was arrested
under section 124 A on charges of sedition, Gandhi, before the Magistrate,
on 11 March 1922, described himself as ‘farmer’ and ‘weaver’ by
profession [The Great Trial, 1965: 8].
4. For example, see CWMG, Vol. XIX: 252, 274-75; CWMG, Vol. XXI: 127,
141, 453-54.
5. See Narasinh Mehta’s famous song which set the criteria for a ‘true
Vaishnava’ [Marks of a Vaishnava Jan, point no. 5, 6, 7, CWMG, Vol.
XXI: 72]. Gandhi was so fond of this idea of ‘Vaishnava jan’ that even
just before his arrest under section 124 A, before leaving ashram, he urged
the ashramites to recite this song of Narasinh Mehta [The Great Trial: 5-
6].
6. For example, Gandhi experienced the unruly mob at the railway station
during his visit at Karachi on 22 July 1920 [CWMG, Vol. XVIII: 80-81].
He criticized severely this kind of unruly behavior of mob at railway
platforms in his article entitled: ‘Democracy versus Mobocracy’ published
on 8 September 1920 in Young India. In fact, in this article he issued
certain guidelines to the volunteers to control the mob at the railway
stations [CWMG, Vol. XVIII: 240-44]. However, he went on experiencing
the same unruly mob at the railway stations again and again, especially
during his visits to the United Provinces in the year 1921. In fact, one of
his journeys from Gorakhpur to Kashi in February 1921 was a real
nightmare for him when he could not sleep for the whole night because
people at various intermediate stations gathered in huge numbers, shouting
slogans, insisting on darshan, peeping through windows and even making
ironic remarks, and were not ready to keep quiet even on the request of
Gandhi himself [CWMG, Vol. XIX: 373-75].
7. Gandhi experienced similar kinds of unruly behavior of mass, out of their
love for him, even at several meetings. For example, in a meeting at
Calcutta, he got his feet crushed as he was passing through the mass of
people and was irritated by the slogan shouting. It took him twenty minutes
to reach the rostrum and devoted almost one-fourth of his speech to the
need for remaining quiet at meeting, preserving peace and making room
for the leaders to pass [CWMG, Vol. XXI: 140]. Gandhi had similar kind
of bitter experience while touring Madras and the Ceded Districts during
September-October 1921. In the Ceded Districts, during meetings, the
volunteers used to carry seven feet long bamboo sticks for forming chains
to protect the guests from the crowds rushing towards them. Despite that
Gandhi was in danger of having his eyes hurt more than once due to
tremendous hustling [CWMG, Vol. XXI: 243].
8. Gandhi, in fact, developed entire economics of khadi to show how much
people can earn simply by spinning and adopting khadi. According to
Gandhi, one boy could, if he worked say four hours daily, spin 1/4 lb. of
yarn, 64,000 students would, therefore, spin 16000 lbs. per day and
therefore feed 8000 weavers if a weaver wove two lbs. of hand spun
yarn. As per Gandhi, he even discussed this economics with many mill-
owners, several economists, men of business and no one has yet been
able to challenge this [CWMG, Vol. XIX: 365]. Elsewhere he argued about
importance of spinning in revolutionizing the ideas of financing education.
According to him, every school can manage its financial needs merely by
encouraging its students to spin [CWMG, Vol.XIX: 316-17].
9. To quote Gandhi: ‘I am being asked everywhere whether, if we get swaraj,
food will become cheaper and the prices of cloth will come down’ [CWMG,
Vol. XIX: 258].
10. CWMG, Vol. XVII: 339-40, 442; CWMG, Vol. XVIII: 20.
11. CWMG, Vol. XVII: 429, 442.
12. CWMG, Vol. XVIII: 70-71.
13. Hukka smoking is a common practice in the Indian countryside till today.
Mostly, people smoke hukka collectively while chatting.
14. Here Gandhi has referred to an example of a person from Surat who gave
him ten rupees saying that the gift was in fulfilment of a resolution he had
made [CWMG, Vol. XXI: 325].
List of References :
1. Amin, Shahid, ‘Gandhi as Mahatma: Gorakhpur District, Eastern UP,
1921-22’ in Ranajit Guha (ed.) Subaltern Studies: Writings on South Asian
Society and History, Vol. III, Delhi: 1984, pp. 1-61.
2. Brown, Judith M., Gandhi’s Rise to Power: Indian Politics, 1915-1922,
Cambridge: 1972.
3. Kumar, Ravinder, Introduction to Essays in Gandhian Politics: The
Rowlatt Satyagrah of London, 1971.
4. Pandey, Gyanendra, The Ascendancy of the Congress in Uttar Pradesh,

1926-34: A Study in Imperfect Mobilization, New Delhi,1978.
5. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (CWMG), Selected Issues, 1st
edition, Delhi: 1956-1994.
6. The Great Trial, Ahmedabad, 1965.
7. Trivedi, Rekha (ed.), Gandhi Speaks on Non-Co-Operation in U.P.,
Lucknow: Department of Culture, U.P., 1998.
Science & Environment: Origins & Core Issues 101
Science and Environment: Origins and

Core Issues in Contemporary India
Akhil Ray
The purpose of this paper is to highlight the recent development of science

and environmental history and to explain something of this community of
historians that most closely share the interests of ecological economists. We
could hope that the diverse nature of science, environment, and ecology will
be explored and our understanding will be concrete in the following decades to
come. We should remember that both, after all, are young fields within elderly
discipline. Both are, in some respects, heretical innovations. So, despite their
diverse methods, their different concepts of rigour, their different academic
subcultures, science, environmental history and ecological identity share their
most central intellectual concerns, and are thus made for each other. There is
an urgent need to integrate environmental perspectives with the existing
discourses on history of science. Both are complimentary to each other and
share a common space.
In recent times, the study of the history of science has undergone critical
changes before its tilt towards the social dimensions of the making of science.
The history of science, as modern discipline, has its routes to the ancient Greek
and Arabic scholarly traditions. The chronicle of ideas and development of the
human mind saw the progress of the sciences. Along with that, mathematics in
particular and human development in general saw steady growth during this
time. The scientific world and the intellectual fraternity started to transcribe
this history and they sought to give us universal canvas, which consider the
sciences of other cultures and civilizations as well. Thus, the discipline of science
developed in the non-Western world before it actually came into prominence
in the Western countries. Towards the second half , and in particular the last
decades, of the 18th century, as the identity of modern nation states commenced
stabilizing in Europe, the discourse on the sciences was, among other factors,
steered as much by the progress of institutionalization of science, and the
cognitive and institutional differentiation that characterised it. In addition, there

existed the need to circumscribe national identities themselves, and the priority
dispute became its most significant marker. Science in these European nations
came to be considered the degree of advancement of a nation.1 The history of
science as it developed in the West from the renaissance onwards entered its
subject matter with an ideal of scientific knowledge produced by individuals
of nationality and genius situated in isolated towers of learning, such as the
sites for modern production of knowledge. According to Dhruv Raina,
Sociologists of knowledge have done much to establish a picture that looks
upon the process of knowledge generation visualised as the collective production
of knowledge.2 Western notion of producing superior knowledge gave birth to
the idea of scientific knowledge. Consequently, the social order and politico-
economic factors and zeal of scientific enquiry adequately helped in nurturing
this environment. As a result, we see the establishment of scientific and
technological research networks around the Western world.
The history of science and environment in south Asia has become a
dominant theme in the academic world in recent times. Though, few years
back this is known to be an alien subject of research. Now, it is not to be
considered different discipline rather it draws, inspires and shapes it concern
from unique and different divergent regional traditions and histories that prevail
in the region. It even tries to draw its routes from diverse social sciences and
main stream sciences as well. The south Asian techno-scientific tradition has
its long history, which developed over the years and evolves as a dominant
theme in the 21st century. It might be said that this techno-scientific environment
has been a syncretistic and progress as result of socio-politico and cultural
interactions through the ages. Later, the colonial period in south Asia inspired
the environment of this field and indigenous process started developing its
knowledge. So, the field is much wider and definitely belong to the mainstream
socio-cultural debates in history.
This kind of interdisciplinary work to move beyond their settle frame work
has recently dominated the academic world. though, south Asia hardly allows
this kind of interdisciplinary work. It was due to some of the best work on this
field that challenged the existing notion and proved effective for further study
on this. Though, the significance of History of Science and Environment are
recognised all over the world.3 The growing field may not a very popular form
but its concern has reflected and its contents have been found place in academic
curricula and research agenda. The Government even sanctioned funds for
doing considerable research on this field in south Asia. As we know every
region has its own history, culture, environment and various other paradigms.
Regional history at the same time received its due respect out of the mainstream
history. This trend also helps to understand various regions as distinct entity
and that further aggravated to investigates its various unexplored fields. Last
decade, onwards academics are trying to go beyond the conventional fields
and are addressing hitherto unexplored area of research. Among them, the history
of science and environment are the most sought after issue.4 These academic
areas developed through its interdisciplinary nature. It borrows and benefits
from different discipline such as Philosophy, History, Sociology, Economics,
Anthropology, and Political Science etc., provide valuable insights.5
The expansion of the history of science has been marked by a culmination
of diverse methods and perspectives in the last fifty years. Helge Kragh has
identified at least six grounds of justification for the study of history of science
but is fully satisfied with none.6 It is often informed, especially the scientists
historians of the science, that the subject, when properly studied, may have a
beneficial influence on science itself. So one could identify that the critical
understanding of scientific methods and analytical approach combined together
to develop the proper knowledge of science. Still, there is considerable confusion
among the experts whether the history of science has a direct relevance to
science. The history of science is stated to function as a background to related
fields such as the philosophy and sociology of science. The links between the
philosophy of science and the history of science have become steadily stronger
in recent years. Yet, this is a complex relationship, far from fully understood.
Some scholars prefer to regard history of science as one element in a composite
research programme. It allows us to think that the history science integrate all
studies relating to science in interdisciplinary way. Sometimes, it is argued that
the history of science may play a significant role in demonstrating the true
nature of scientific knowledge. This kind of true knowledge could expand the
boundary of knowledge to the mass level and this could act as a catalyst, which
in turn help us to produce proper knowledge for the sake of societal well being.
As we know the spirit of true knowledge would only benefit the society at a
large. While describing the aspect of the history of science, one should not
forget that it also reflects the humanist placement of science. So the gulf between
the humanities and science should be omitted as both these streams produce
quality knowledge and this aspect needs to be incorporated in our life as well.7
The East-West encounter requires to be mentioned here while talking about
the history of science and its application in the subcontinent. The late pre-
colonial, colonial and post-colonial eras are especially important here since
the modern concept of the history of science has developed around this time.
Over the short period of time, the history of science caught the attention of
political and intellectual power during the high noon of the colonial era. But
over the long term, a more interesting picture had come up. In this context,
Dhruv Raina said that from the Orientalist period, through the nationalist period,
to the period of Nehruvian socialism in India, the forces of decolonization
sought to challenge a hegemonic conception of the history of science, such
that history of science of the non-West would not be subordinate texts to the
mainstream discourse of the history of Western science.8
Science is inherent to human nature. Every society has certain amount of
scientific rationality within it. In case of south Asian society, from time
immemorial, has grown up as a thinking civilization. It never lived isolated
existence and never displayed intolerant tendencies. Indian subcontinent
witnessed the rise and growth of techno-scientific tradition as the result of the
constant politico-cultural interactions with the outside world and social change
within the region.9 In recent times the relevance of science for the society gained
adequate momentum form the academic circle.10 Science is projected as the
flag-bearer of the civilizing mission of the West. According to the notion of the
West, it actually degenerate superstition and installed new scientific knowledge
over the age-old, primitive Indian civilization. The colonial encounter through
a sort of Western models and practices, contributed to the scientific
understanding in India.
The two external factors that have transformed the trajectory of the history
of science are those of post-colonialism and multiculturalism, which in turn in
a significant way interlock each other. In fact, from a third world point of view,
it is now recognised that developments in post-colonial history, feminist studies,
post-structural critical theory, and developments within the sociology of
scientific knowledge have played a non-trivial role in furthering the possibility
of global history. While talking about this possibility, we have to consider the
social factors that prompted these developments in the social studies of science.11
We may now conclude by saying that the parameter of scientific study in recent
times caught the attention worldwide. Though, the pure science and applied
science altered the notion of producing knowledge for the sake of the society.
The issue became more complex while research questions come up with diverse
agendas. New questions have been asked and certain attempts have been taken
to come to conclusion. For example, what shape does modern and universal
science take place? It is also argued that scientific discourses used to achieve
political or economic goals. The indigenous scientific tradition and its interaction
with ‘new science’ has produced further query in the fields of history of science.
All these queries lead to a new research agenda, which includes traditional
science, modern science and the diffusion, confrontations and integration of
sciences.12 This agenda must necessarily be not only interdisciplinary, but also
be comparative in both content and analysis. The incorporation of the
comparative facts and data may provide fresh platform for the histories of
science.
Environmental history has already acquired a new thrust and relevance in
south Asia despite having being a recent phenomenon.13 This, being a sub-
discipline that emerged less than 15 years ago, established itself in a remarkably
short time.14 Though, being a separate theme, it actually arose in the Euro-
American world as an offshoot of the post-Second World War wave of
environmentalism. Interestingly, the subject was first dragged into the academic
arena by the natural scientists, who recognised the political and historical
significance of their subject, rather than by the historians. The work that set a
global agenda for environmental history in 1967 was Traces on the Rhodian
Shore by Clarence Glacken.15 Glacken was a geographer and not a historian.
Quite a number of scholars, following in Glacken’s footsteps, made
environmental history intellectually acceptable in the U.S. A major contribution
was Man and the Natural World by Keith Thomas.16 With the publication of
Alfred Crosby’s Ecological Imperialism in 1986, the subject reached another
landmark. However, the continents of Asia and Africa did not properly feature
in any of these works.17
Environmental history in the continent of Asia and Africa initially derived
its strength from the upsurge of the history from below, pioneered by Peter
Burke and E.P. Thompson and from the increasing interest in material cultural
so vividly portrayed in the work of Braudel. According to Prof. Ranjan
Chakraborti, the Annales School (the association of scholars like Marc Bloch,
Braudel and Ladurie) has been nurturing the seeds of environmental history
since the 1970s through in a different way. They understood that the human
experience was the composite result of the interaction of many things, many of
which were either autonomous or only partially subject to human decision.
Thus, to the scholars of Annales School, the natural environment too, among
other things, appeared to be an important consideration in the understanding of
the structures of the past.
The history of environment shares a prolonged border with historical
geography and historical ecology. Roughly speaking, the environmental
historians, the historical geographers and historical ecologists try to answer
similar sorts of questions though their methodologies vary. For example,
historical ecologists are usually trained in anthropology or archaeology and
their work is collaborative in nature. Environmental historians, on the other
hand, are expected to work alone. It has been argued by scholars that climate
history too shares a porous border with environmental history. Here, we need
to explain what environmental history is. The most preferred definition is the
history of relation between human societies and the ecosystems on which they
depend. According to John R. McNeill, this is admittedly an anthropocentric
definition. There should not be environmental history without humans.18 He
even said that environmental history, like all interesting intellectual undertakings,
comes in many varieties. The variety of methods used by environmental
historians defies easy categorization. There is no widely accepted set of methods
and procedures, as in some other scholarly fields; rather, environmental
historians select their methods and sources depending on the topics and problems
under consideration. Environmental historians have lately begun to engage more
closely with social theory. To date, this has been done more by historical
sociologists and geographers than by historians. 19 McNeill groups the
Environmental history into three main categories. The first is ‘material’
environmental history, which concerns forests and fish, soils, and sulphur
dioxide. The second main category is ‘policy and political’ environmental history
and the third being the environmental history also consists of ‘intellectual and
cultural activity’ involving what people have thought, felt, written, and
occasionally painted, sculpted, danced, or sung about the environment.
Environmental history try to explore the in-depth understanding of the inner
connections between wildlife, deforestation, rainfall, agriculture, soil erosion,
global warming, draught and famine on the one hand and changes in climate,
global temperature and natural calamities on the other.20 Naturally, the canvas
of the environmental history is far-flung.
We need to see the rise and development of environmental history
worldwide. It has been a settled fact that the environmental history has widely
recognised in the intellectual and academic world. Globally there are at agues,
perhaps 1,500 to 2,500 people who consider themselves environmental
historians.
In India, environmental historians have developed certain themes in
preference to other and their writings produced various impacts not only in
South Asia but Asia as a whole. India is being considered as the strongest
among the Asian countries in terms of writing on environment. A great deal of
work has focused on land use and forests, and issues of access to forests,
especially under the Raj when ambitious state forests conservation efforts put
officialdom on a collision course with peasants for whom forests had routinely
provided their wherewithal. Another important theme has been water
manipulation, including canal-building chiefly in the colonial era, and dam
building mainly since independence. A third, taken up more recently, is the fate
of wildlife, especially large mammals such as tigers and elephants, and their
meanings in different Indian cultural settings.21 These are all predominantly
rural subjects, perhaps appropriate in India. However, the tremendous
urbanization of the last century has made Indian cities a most interesting and
rewarding topic for environmental history.
Environmental historians of India have also tended to focus their work on
the role of the State, whether the Mughal Empire, the British Raj, smaller
principalities, or the post-1947 national State. According to John R. McNeill,
there is at least a three-fold logic to this.22 First, India has been the home to
environmentally activist States since at least the middle of the nineteenth century.
The British colonial state, especially after 1857, and its post-1947 successor,
chose to try to remake nature in India according to evolve ideas about modernity,
security and prosperity. It was the colonial government that started to explore
the diverse nature of environment of India. They started to know wildlife, forest,
river (water) and so one to understand the natural world of India in accordance
with other paradigm. So, the process was begun during the colonial period and
the State played its active part in it. Second, in Indian subcontinent, the situation
is challenging. The ecological diversity of the subcontinent, from the Himalayas
to deserts to rice paddies to jungles and much else is intimidating enough.
Along with that, the ethno-linguistic diversities, the complexities of multiple
religio-cultural systems of the subcontinent make the historians aware of its
multifaceted nature. States generally indulge in gross simplifications in order
to understand the complexity of the society they rule. Just as this, historians
often focus on the State in order to simplify their tasks. Historians should not
forget the role of the State in understanding any of the themes prevailing within
its boundary. So, while addressing the issue of environment, the complex world
of its evolution and the role of the State need to be taken together. Third, a
focus on the role of the State makes environmental history in India more
interesting and relevant to historians in general and the public at large. The
significance of colonial rule has probably been the foremost preoccupation of
Indian historians in the last half century, and certainly the issue has dominated
Indian environmental historiography. While accepting the notion that State has
played its part in understanding the environmental history, there are others,
who kept on saying that State centric approach should not be taken as only the
key aspect. We need to move away from State centric approaches and look to
more complex engagements, which could be grouped under broad themes such
as ‘nature’, ‘culture’ and ‘science’.23 Another significant point that makes the
environmental history relevant is that the human response to nature must
necessarily be collective. It cannot be individual-oriented filed. According to
Deepak Kumar, in any case, while political economy creates and revels in
barriers, environmental concerns unite us.24
Endnotes :
1. Dhruv Raina, Images and Contexts: The Historiography of Science and
Modernity in India, New Delhi, 2003, p. 193
2. Recently, the debates in the sociology of scientific knowledge and
sociologically informed history deal with how deeply contemporary
researches into the nature of the world are mediated by devices as well as
mediations at a number of other levels. This has raised the question of the
social nature of our constructions of reality, and prompted debates as to
where the social stops and the non-social commences. According to Karin
Knorr Cetina, the sociologist of science, argued that the scientists do not
interact with the world directly, they interact with, for example, what
other scientists have said about the world. For more detail, see ibid., p.
204
3. Deepak Kumar ‘Developing a History of Science and Technology in South

Asia’ and ‘HISTEM in South Asia: An Overview’ Economic and Political
Weekly (henceforth EPW), June 7, 2003
4. Though the current academic circle has become more analytical and has
inspired researchers to move beyond the conventional methods. Along
with the history of science, the Army history, Partition of India (1947),
Dalit and Adivasi history are few others that are being researched in
considerable numbers.
5. Deepak Kumar, ‘Developing a History of Science and Technology in South
Asia’, EPW, June 7, 2003, p. 2248
6. Helge Kragh, Introduction to the History of Science, Cambridge, 1989
7. G. Sarton, An Introduction to the History of Science, Baltimore, 1927-48,
C.P. Snow, The Two Cultures and a Second Look, Cambridge, 1966 and
J.T. Clark, The Science of History and the History of Science in H.D.
Roller, ed., Perspectives in the History of Science and Technology,
Okhlahama, 1971. These studies emphasise the bridge between the
humanities and science. Both of them shared their roots in 1930s and 40s
and continued during 1950s and 60s.
8. Ibid.,
9. A. Rahman, (ed.), Science and Technology in Indian Culture: A Historical
Perspective, New Delhi, 1984, pp. 22-23
10. see Arun Bandyopadhyay, (ed.), op., cit., p. 14
11. Ibid., p. 198
12. Michel Paty, ‘Comperative History of Modern Science and the Context
of Dependency’, Science, Technology and Society, Vol. 4, No. 2, 1999,
pp. 171-204
13. The pioneers in this field are Ramachandra Guha, Richard Grove, Madhav
Gadgil and Mahesh Rangarajan. For bibliography, Satpal Sangwan,
Science and Environment in the Age of Imperialism: A Hand Book of
Source Materials, New Delhi, 2001.
14. Amita Baviskar, ‘Environmental History in India’ in Bharati Roy (ed.),
History of Science, Philosophy & Culture in Indian Civilization, vol. XIV,
Part 4, New Delhi, 2009
15. C. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore: Nature and Culture in Western
Thought From Ancient Times to the End of the Eighteenth Century,
California, 1967
16. Keith Thomas, Man and The Natural World, Changing Attitudes in
England, 1500-1800, London, 1983
17. Alfred W. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of
Europe, 900-1900, Cambridge, 1985
18. John R. McNeill, ‘Environmental History in General and in Asia’ in John
R. McNeill, Jose’ Augusto Pa’dua and Mahesh Rangarajan (ed.),
Environmental History As if Nature Existed, New Delhi, 2010, p. 13.
19. For more details, see Ibid
20. Ranjan Chakrabarti, op. cit. p. xix
21. Mahesh Rangarajan, India’s Wildlife History: An Introduction, New Delhi,
2001
22. John R. McNeill, op. cit. pp. 20-21
23. Mahesh Rangarajan quoted by Rohan D’Souza, ‘Disparate Narratives:
Environmental History Writing is Begining to Look Beyond Colonial
Forestry’, Down to Earth, 31 January 2003, pp. 46-8
24. Deepak Kumar, op. cit. p. 42
Changing status of Tibetan women in 19th century

with special reference to Refugee women
Swapna Mitra
Women form a very important segment of the society of the world and
that is true for the Tibetan society as well. Tibetans of Darjeeling Town most of
whom had arrived in India as refugees after 1959. Of course there are some
who had been staying in Darjeeling even before that and some are still coming
in either from other parts of India or even from out of it but they are not many
in number In general it can be said that those who had come to India as refugees
in their youth or childhood have grown old now. Their children and even
grandchildren are adults now and irrespective of whether they retain their refugee
status or not, there is no denying the fact that changes have set in their traditional
ways of life as a result of their intermixing with the other communities with
whom they are living. In other words, they have adapted with the Indian ways
at least to some extent. The role of the Tibetan Government in Exile is also
significant. With help from the Government of India it has taken initiative in
imparting education and vocational training to the young Tibetan girls. Unlike
the traditional Government in Tibet, in which the women had no role to play at
all, the Dalai Lama’s government in India has also involved women in matters
of politics by assigning them roles in administration. Women’s participation in
politics and political awareness of women is a new trend in Tibetan society.
Women in Tibet:
The high mountain barriers made communication with the rest of the world
difficult and contributed to a degree of isolation. This isolation had favored the
growth of a unique form of human, intellectual, social and political development.
Popularly known as the ‘roof of the world’1, Tibet is approximately located
between the 27th and 38th Parallel of Northern latitude and 78th and 101st of
Eastern longitude. Tibet is bordered in the South by the high mountain ranges
of the Himalayas and in the North by the Kunlun [Kuen Lun] and Altyn Tagh.
Changing status of Tibetan women in 19th century 111
The western and Eastern borders of Tibet are composed of river gorges and
high mountain ranges. Women form a very important segment of the society of
the world and that is true for the Tibetan society as well. The theme of this
paper is a comparison of the position and status of women in the traditional
society of Tibet and the women in 19th century as refugee in India.
In spite of the regional differences, women on the whole enjoyed more or
less an equal and respectable status and was free from the customs like purdah,
dowry1 etc. It is undeniable that there was some sentiment in the society that
preferred the birth of a boy than of a girl because family lineage was believed
to be retained from the bones of a boy. It was also true that society preferred to
see the girls to be demure and in domestic roles and thus expected them to be
meek, humble and obedient. Yet, the position of women in Tibetan society,
were and continue to be, remarkably enlightened. The women especially the
mother, held a very high position in the traditional Tibetan society and women,
in general, possessed considerable personal and economic autonomy. They
were socially and intellectually strong, independent, and assertive and, if
capable, had the freedom to do anything they wished
However this is a generalized description and it covers many of the
provincial differences as well as rural/urban differences and social and economic
status. The women of rich class had considerable freedom and influence. The
living condition of this class was very high. They had several maids to look
after them. And they enjoyed much luxuries of life. . The condition of women
in the middle class was also comfortable even though some authors say that the
middle class was very few. The life of women of other categories was not a
very happy one.
Economy and women:-

In Tibet, there was a sexual division of labors. It was, however not rigid.
Because of the somewhat extensive social and economic equality in their society,
there was no sharp division between the kind of work done by men and women.
In fact, certain flexibility was prevalent and the division of labours was seen as
complementary rather than exploitative. However, the kind of work women
did varied greatly with the socio-economic class to which they belonged. In
the household women exercised considerable power and women’s economic
contribution to the household was considered significant. Before 1949, the
Tibetan population engaged in a mixed economy consisting of agriculture,
pastorals and trade, and both men and women engaged in all three activities.
Women contributed significantly to agricultural and pastoral activities and also
engaged in trading activities2. Their role in business affairs, which included
marketing, buying and bartering, together with men. They were regarded quite
competent in this field and were said to do even better than men at times.
Several shops were owned and run efficiently by Tibetan women who also
kept and maintained accounts in business. In Lhasa and other big towns of
Tibet, women also ran tailoring shops for making dresses of local women and
pilgrims. Women were also said to have the tact and high level of business
acumen for making a profitable deal. In Tibet, there was no big industry before
1959. There were several small industrial units in which many Tibetans were
engaged. In these units women were very successful, as Tibetan women were
usually very diligent and skillful3.
Tibetan nomads during leisure hour of their pastoral life had the habit of
weaving a large quantity of wool and make coarse stuff for themselves. During
winter months when the weather used to be unfavorable for most outdoor
occupations, home industries were carried on indoors. Mainly women were
engaged in this industry, which was also their part-time job when they were not
busy in agriculture or other things.
With men Tibetan women took part in agriculture as well. While ploughing
was done by men, sowing was done by women. In animal husbandry also
women played a great role.
Religion and women:-

Tibetan women were greatly respected and enjoyed a great deal of freedom.
In Tibet, there is a great significance of Mother Goddess. The Great Mother is
also regarded as the Mother of all creation. Similarly, Tibetans keep an image
of Tara4 in house and consider this Goddess as a savior. However, while
reincarnation was common among monks who were males, it was rare among
women. Dorje Phagmo was said to be the only woman reincarnation. She was
held in high respect.
Tibetan women take part in all religions activities. There is no
discrimination against women in any religious participation. Men and women
are not kept in seclusion. According to some authors in all functions there is
equal participation of the women5. However, In Tibet where lamas were given
a high status in the society and their number was also very high, similar status
was not accorded to women who embraced him life of a nun. Contrary to the
lamas, the nuns were given a second rate status and were considered lower in
esteem than the Monks. Their number was also much lower than the monks. –
Not much is known about the life style of nuns. Though nunneries were found
all over the length and breadth of the country and at least ten were around
Lhasa itself, nuns were very few in number, much lesser than monks. It is
roughly described that only 1/15 of the female population were living in
nunneries6. Each resident was looking after the maintenance and functioning
of the monastery except those who were leading a life in strict retreat. Each
nun looked after 2 or 3 students. Besides, there was one chief scripture teacher
for the whole nunnery who was selected as the most knowledgeable nun they
had in matters of religious texts.
Education of women: -
Women in traditional Tibet had limited access to education. Only a few
women were literate. Girls of the aristocratic and business families were given
the minimum education just enough to keep the accounts for the family or to
write a brief letter to the husbands.
The majority of Tibetan women were mostly illiterate and were not able to
read and write even the Tibetan language. There is evidence that girls of noble
families were given modern education for which they were even sent to convent
schools in Darjeeling. Rinchen Dolma Taring8 for example, has described her
experience in school in Darjeeling after 1920. But number of such privileged
girls was very few.
Marriage of women:-
In old days Tibetans married within their own class, and caste7. They
preferred marriages even in the same region of the country, so as to get easy
adjustment in cultural pattern, social status and life styles. Similarly the
untouchables married only within their own caste/class. It is described that the
people belonging to the caste named ragyapas or those who were responsible
for sky burial married only within them.
Number of children per family used to be high.There is a Tibetan proverb
‘No matter how beautiful a wife may be she must have a child in her lap’.
Twins were common in Tibet, but not triplets. Three sons in the family were
considered to be very auspicious. There was no system of birth control in Tibet.
Family planning in the modern sense of the term was not known to Tibetans
before 19598.
The main health hazard of the Tibetan women occurred during child birth.
In ancient Tibet many young Tibetan women used to die as a result of the non-
discharge of the placenta with a sharp state. Tibetan doctors in ancient times
did not know how to deal with acute or complicated cases.
Husband and wife relations: -

Cases of infidelity are said to have been rare among Tibetan women.
Husband and wife almost always lived together and get on well in life. Married
women in Tibet had a reputation for being faithful. The husband-wife
relationship was also governed by age. When the husband was more in age
than the wife the husband could become a bit suspicious about the fidelity of
his wife9. Rinchen Dolma a Tibetan lady from a noble family cites one interesting
instance from her own life. Since her husband was much older than her, he
himself gave her the permission to marry his brother which she did and spent
the rest of her life with this second husband10.
Traditional Dresses of Tibetan women: -

The dress used by the Tibetan people also depended on regions and on
seasons. There used to be great differences in the dress worn by priestly, upper,
middle and lower classes. In Ancient Tibet there were strict laws, which
regulated the quality of the material used, and the colors of the garbs of each
class11.
The Tibetan costume is called Chuba or Chhupa. There used to be slight
difference between Chuba for men and for women. Chuba is still the most
common dress for Tibetan women outside Tibet – specially among the elders.
Women wore Chuba with shirts with or without collars. The cut, colour
and material of the Chubas greatly differed from one another. For summer
Chuba used to be made of cotton or silk while for winter it was made of sheep
skin or sometimes of cloth lined with lamb skin. The Pangdhen which is a
colorful apron is a sign of married women. It is believed that it is for good luck
for husband. Some women wore trousers (guthung) or petticot (meyok) under
Chhupa12. Socks were also used. Both men and women wore boots.
The dress of the upper class women used to be very attractive with bright
colors. Married women also wore aprons made a very finely spun wool or
cotton, having narrow stripes of red, green or blue color. The upper class women
of Kham used to wear large Chubas with an over garment of Tibetan cloth
called puru which was open in front and set together with the help of a silver
pin across the breast or a metal clasp at the waist. The outfit of the women of
the Chumbi Valley was similar . Even the middle class women dressed richly
on public occasions with dresses made of reddish brown serge. Their
underclothing and boots were similar to those of the nobles.
The lower middle class women usually possessed only two changes of
raiment, one of rough homespun for everyday wear at their field work, the
other of rather finer material for special days and holidays. Their boots, worn
only on special occasions, were of the usual red cloth with embroidered designs.
The poor people possessed only one “suit” of the coarsest homespun of
natural wool color13. Their trousers used to be made of the same material, and
as a rule no underclothing was worn. They used rough cloth boots with rawhide
soles.
Hair dresses of women: -

The Tibetan women, who did not usually use any make up, were fond of
elaborate hair dress and ornaments. They usually used to wear hair in a long
plait hanging down her back or coiled round her head. For special occasions,
however, a head dress was worn, the pattern of which varied according to the
locality. The style of head dress and hair dressing was probably copied from
early Mongolia. In the Tsang province the head dress consisted of a hoop of
red felt eighteen inches in height along its longer axis, supported in an upright
position by an oval band of the same material to which the hair was attached.
The women of Kham, in eastern Tibet, did not wear false hair; their hair dress
consisted of a long felt strip studded at intervals with large corals set in gold or
silver, which used to be wound round the head over the plaited hair14.
Traditional Ornaments and Jewellery: -

Women in Tibet were fond of ornaments. In central Tibet women decorated
their head dresses with semi-precious stones, through sometimes it was not
purely ornamental. Amulets of varied design and shapes were common.
Ornaments were usually studded with turquoises and corals as these stones
were considered to bring good luck and prosperity15. Tibetans believed that a
diamond or some other precious stone like this protected pregnant women from
getting hurt and from falling down. The women in Lhasa wore long ear pendants
– which being very heavy had to be hooked on to the head dress. Women wore
necklaces studded with stones and pearls which hang down from the left
shoulders in broad strips. Some women used to wear big conch shells round
their right wrists throughout the life. Among the nomads their hair, arranged in
innumerable small tresses that involve more than a whole day’s work, is
decorated with three great bands of woolen stuff or red silk strewn with one
rupee coins, shells, artificial pearls, corals, turquoise, amber beads, red agate,
gold, silver, copper reliquaries and the rest” 16.
Customs, beliefs and superstition among Tibetan women: -

Tibetan women greatly respect lamas, monks and nuns. In Tibet there is
the tradition of putting up prayer flags. These are most noticeable objects. Some
prayer flags made of narrow strips are left flying in the wind like so many
streamers. These flags are created on tall poles in the house or any point of
road. The most common form of a prayer flag is called Lung-ta (wine horse),
which is created for bringing good luck. These flag are set up, especially by
women with great faith on some higher place. Tibetan women are also quite
superstitions like other Tibetan men. If one sees on departure from home a
vessel full of water or milk, it is considered to be a lucky sign.
Tibetan women take Chhang, a kind of local beer brewed from barley.
Arak, which is made by re-distilling Chhang is also enjoyed by Tibetan women
but it is considered very disgraceful for a women to be over drunk. When any
Tibetan comes from other places the women of the relatives come to welcome
him with lots of tea in a tea-kettle. This custom was very popular in ancient
days. Putting on Khatas (scarves) is also a custom common to both women and
men. The scarves are offered as token of respect, during all social occasions.
Tibetan women greatly believe in clairvoyance, telepathy, and mysticism.
Women in politics:-
In ancient period women are said to have taken active part in politics .In
the records there are references of women ruling in the kingdoms of south and
playing prominent roles in determining the social development of Tibetan
women in the 7th and 9th centuries. Some women had also proved themselves to
be able administrators and even warriors. Yet, these seem to be more exceptions
than rule. According to Nazhen (1981)17, Tibetan legal code, women were not
allowed to participate in military and political affairs. In the government under
the Dalai Lama, which was run basically by monks of the Gelugpa sect, women
naturally did not have any role to play. Nor did they have the tradition of
organizing any political club or association as such.
The concept of organizing associations came to Tibet for the first time
with the Chinese in the aftermath of the Seventeen Point Agreement. The
Chinese for the first time followed a policy of setting up organizations at every
part of village and districts and provinces comprising of women and youth.
Some of these women’s associations were headed by wives of the Chinese
officers18. Such associations for the first time brought the women in the fold of
politics. The first Tibetan Women’s organization in Tibet was the Patriotic
Women’s Association [PWA] in Lhasa at the end of 1952. Very few Tibetan
women showed their interest in it.
Tibetan women took the plunge into active and spontaneous politics at the
time of the National Uprising in 1959. The participants came across section of
society and included even nuns. Some of the senior women who were the
members of the PWA also took part in it19.
Women in exile
Tibetan women in exile are enjoying equal status in every aspect with
men. The Tibetan community realized the need of involving women at all levels
of society, economy and politics. In the constitution of the Government it was
explicitly stated that all the Tibetans have the right to hold public offices and
the state shall direct its policy towards securing that the citizens, men and
women equally have the right to an adequate means of livelihood and there is
equal pay for both men and women.
This has changed the status of women in the society and polity. Tibetan
women are now working in Government offices as civil servants, welfare
workers, and teachers. Now they comprise 1/3 of the workforce in the Tibetan
Government in Exile. In 1988 a Tibetan lady was appointed as one of Dalai
Lama’s overseas representatives20. In 1990 a women was elected as cabinet
minister and in 2001 as the Vice Chairperson of the Parliament in Exile.
His Holiness Dalai Lama himself took initiative to encourage the
participation women in his Government and Politics. In the 11th Assembly the
article 37 ensured a minimum of six female representatives in the Government.
The assembly was later composed of 46 members of whom 9 were women4. In
fact women candidates from Amdo and Utsang received the maximum number
of votes from their constituencies.
This has been possible because girls, unlike in Tibet, are now receiving
education at par with the boys. Dalai Lama, immediately after His arrival to
India was advised by Jawaharlal Nehru, the Indian Prime Minister, to taken
initiative to provide education to the Tibetan children because this was the
only way Tibetan culture could survive in Diaspora. India Government also
provided aid to set up special schools where children would receive modern
English education and also learn about Tibetan language and culture.
At present there is a school for children in every settlement.
Tibetan schools are run by 1, the central Tibetan school administration 2, Council
for Tibetan education, 3, Autonomous organizations like Tibetan Children’s
Village. At present there are about 85 Tibetan schools in India and one university
in Varanasi. As per data collected by the Department of Education in 1993 -94
the number of total Tibetan students was 22,886 and out of this 51% was women.
The department of education of the Government in Exile also provides
scholarship to the bright students21. It was said that 42% scholarship was taken
by girl students. These girls, well educated and vocationally trained are now
taking up different kinds of jobs and also taking active part in politics.
Conclusion:
Tibet women enjoyed more or less equal status with men. They played a
vital role in family and society even though education was not compulsory for
them. The women of Tibet have preserved their traditional cultures, customs
and beliefs but they are open to new ideas. Their dress habits have also changed.
Unlike their mothers and grandmothers they now prefer western dress more
than traditional dress of Tibet but they always wear those Tibetan outfits on
special religious and social occasions. The young Tibetan women are modern
but extremely conscious of their communal identity. Though friendly with people
of other communities and well versed in their language, they are not ready to
marry them. No matter love marriage or arranged marriage, marriage has to be
with a Tibetan only. Elements of change are many and this is only natural,
given the long period of time they have spent in India. Yet these changes are
more external. Tibetan women have been able to maintain their distinct identity
as different from the other Indians. In old Tibet women enjoyed more or less
equal status with men. They played a vital role in family and society even
though education was not compulsory for them and they were not involved in
politics. Political awareness developed after coming of the Chinese and now
though not all are involved in active politics all are well aware of the Tibetan
problem. The women of Tibet have preserved their traditional cultures, customs
and beliefs but they are open to new ideas.
Footnotes :
1. Michael, Franz., Rule by Incarnation: Tibetan Buddhism and its Role in
Society and State, 1983, pp.1 - 9
2. Majupuria, Indra., Tibetan Women Then and Now, M. Devi, Lalitpur
Colony, Lashkar, Gwaliar [MP], India, 1990, pp. 159 - 166
3. Ibid. pp. 183 - 184
4. Tara is described as the incarnation of the “princess Moon of Wisdom”.
She is the most popular Goddess of Tibet.
5. Chitsho Tsering, translated By Tsering Sonam., A Drop from an Ocean:
The Status of Women in Tibetan Society, pp. 59 - 69.
6. For details refer to six texts related to Tara Tantra by the First Dalai Lama
[Gyalwa Gendun Drub], Tibet House, New Delhi.
7. Taring, Rinchen Dolma., Daughter of Tibet, 1970, pp 67 - 84.
8. Lhama, Rinchen., We Tibetans, 1985, pp. 125 - 129
9. For details see David Macdonald, Cultural Heritage of Tibet.
10. Michael, Franz., Rule by Incarnation: Tibetan Budhhisim and its Role in
Society and State, 1983, pp. 125 - 136
11. Palakshapa, T C., Tibetans in India: A Case Study on Mundgod Tibetans,
1978, pp. 25 - 26.
12. Taring, Rinchen Dolma., 1983, op. cit. pp. 85 – 101
13. Ibid. pp. 102 - 117
14. Majupuria, Indra.,1990, op. cit. pp. 112.
15. Lhama, Rinchen., 1985, op. cit. pp. 82 - 91.
16. Macdonald, David., 1926, op.cit .pp. 155 - 167
17. Taring, Rinchen Dolma., 1970, op. cit. pp. 168 - 187.
18. Datta, Karubaki., Transformation of Tibetan Women In Exile, 2002, pp.
163 - 173.
19. www/tibeten.org.com
20. Subba, Tanka Bahadur., Flight and Adaptation: Tibetan Refugees in the
Darjeeling Sikkim Himalaya, Dharmashala, Library of Tibetan Works and
Archives, 1990. 1986, pp. 20 - 29
21. Kharat, Rakesh S., 2009, Tibetan Refugees in India, pp.12 - 45.
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Book Review 121
BOOK REVIEW
Sabyasachi Dasgupta, In Defence of Honour and Justice: Sepoy
Rebellions in the Ninettenth Century, Primus Books, New Delhi,
2015
The book under review is a doctoral dissertation of the author focusing on

the sepoy rebellions of the nineteenth century. These events have been taken as
entry points into the wider dynamics that characterized the pre-1857 colonial
armies. The book seeks to narrate two significant sepoy mutinies namely the
Vellore Mutiny of 1806 at the Madras presidency and Barrackpore Mutiny of
1824 at the Bengal presidency, which were prelude to the ‘Mutiny’ in 1857. By
choosing these two local rebellions, the author tries to vindicate that these
moments no doubt signified some plaguing issues, which later led to the 1857
Mutiny. (p. 6)
The monograph is divided into five chapters. The first of these describes
the history of some minor and major mutinies that broke out in the first half of
the nineteenth century. It begins with the Vellore mutiny in 1806 and it
culminated in the 1857 Mutiny. The author claims that these mutinies, which
were more or less in tune with the phase of renegotiations, posed challenge
towards the English East India Company officials. The terms of services and
entitlements of the sepoys employed in the service of the company somehow
could not be able to resolve this complicated atmosphere of insubordination.
Delving beyond the usual binaries of discipline and indiscipline tending to
draw a linear teleology between the localized mutinies of the colonial armies
and the final events of 1857, the author in the following chapters of the book
has sought to explore the broader paradigms which are inherent within these
mutinous episodes. Interestingly, the prevalence of the notions of ‘honour’ and
‘justice’ it had been argued, defined the relationship between the sepoys and
the company, describe such notions of honour and justice, as comprehended
by the author, were constituted over a period of time, through the processes of
conflict and confrontation. (p. 42) indeed, these occasions were responsible
for the strengthening of the contrasting ideas of discipline, structure of deference,
the construction of colonial stereotypes and their impact on policy decisions.

Subsequently, they became were linked to broader questions of loyalty and the
construction of a distinct ‘sepoy’ identity.
The third chapter analyses the link between the deep-rooted cultural
stereotypes prevailing within the colonial society and the framing of the colonial
policy vis-à-vis sepoys. It has been argued that these cultural stereotypes played
a major role in determining policies towards the sepoys. Here, the author has
also undertaken an investigation into the diversity of ways through which the
process of culturally mapping the sepoys was accomplished on behalf of the
colonial state.
The fourth chapter, perhaps the richest in terms of analysis and content,
tries to explore the ways through which colonial armies namely the Bengal,
Bombay and Madras armies prior to the revolt of 1857 introduced the European
notions of discipline and uniform, propelled by the idea of inculcating a
corporate identity amongst the sepoys. The sepoy came to look upon himself
as a member of a corporate outfit with values and ideals distinct from his
primordial social order. The term ‘corporate identity’ could be defined in the
context of the construction of a distinctive sepoy mentality overriding the
soldier’s identification with ties of primordial loyalty. To an extent, notion of
corporate identity was related to the notion of professionalism that explains
the mental force to acquire attitude or state of mind distinguishing the expert
from the amateur.1
The three armies, be it in the North or East of India, as the author has
argued, were not equally successful in developing this sense of corporate identity.
Colonial authorities tried to build this identity among the sepoys so that they
would be free from the pulls and strains of the indigenous society to which
they were affiliated. (p.100) The distinctive patter of recruitment followed by
the three presidency armies along with the European notions of discipline and
uniform/dress seemed to have played a pivotal role in the later day evolution of
the corporate identity in the colonial armies. Yet, this might have been an
imperfect phenomenon, the sole exception being the Madras army, since the
societal and ‘traditional’ links were seldom obliterated by the disciplinary codes.
The English East India Company had initially relied on a combination of
the discretionary powers vested in the European commanding officers and the
system of Court-martial to discipline the sepoys. The deployments of the
rigidities of the Court-martial were frequently observed in the early years of
the nineteenth century.
The final chapter describes the complexities shrouding the evolution of a
corporate identity, which often failed to ensure a loyal and well-disciplined
army. The organizational changes in 1796 and 1824 also complicated the relation
between the European officers and their native non-commissioned officers and
their underlings. The Court-martial, flogging, dismissals from military service,
Book Review 123
sentences of imprisonment with hard labour were introduced in the company
army to keep the sepoy tied their colonial masters. Despite, the company’s
repeated initiatives, the whole processes of honour and justice had somehow
not been able to meet the expectations of the native militia and ultimately the
discontent revealed a point of fruition in the 1857 Mutiny. Nonetheless, the
author has described the mechanism through which the issues of honour and
justice were given a place in the running of the presidency armies.
Barring some typographical errors, some minor criticism could be offered
by the reviewer. While describing the events of the Vellore mutiny of 1806, he
could have consulted with Vellore Mutiny papers, which has been preserved at
the Tamilnadu archives. He has just explained it as passing reference. Rather,
he could trace the events of Poligar Uprising in South India and its possible
impact on the Vellore mutiny. In elaborating this aspect, he would have consulted
the works of James Hoover, Perumal Chinnian, K. A. Manikumar, N. Rajendrant
and most recently, Raj Sekhar Basu. Why the ambiguous ‘corporate identity’
had been developed within the Madras army and not in the Bengal and Bombay
armies require more serious explanations. The author has in a limited way
described the recruitment patters of the three presidency armies ignoring the
actual caste composition of the each presidency army. For this, he could have
explored the materials of the Caste Return of the three presidency armies, which
have been preserved at the National Archives, New Delhi. In one place, he
argued that the employment in the colonial army acted as a tool for social uplift
for the indigenous sepoys. Here, he could have cited the works of Raj Sekhar
Basu. 2 Basu has explained in the second chapter that how the lower caste
sepoys namely the Paraiyans of the Madras presidency army received adequate
attention from their society after joining the colonial army. The author, while
writing such an interesting monograph, could have considered the paradigms
in more detail ways. It has been proved now that with the emergence of the
new social history worldwide, the field of military history received its diverse
attentions and subsequently it has been reflected in the recent military history
research. Dasgupta has put his attention in this new genre of research in military
history. This is why, Dasgupta deserved rich accolades for his research and his
monograph is definitely a fruitful addition to the historiography of the colonial
army and the 1857 Mutiny studies. I think it is his empirical forays, which will
bring him close to the new genres of military history scholarship, as represented
by Peter Lorge, Anirudh Deshpande and Gajendra Singh. Only the mention of
Nineteenth Century in title of the monograph seems unclear as this could be
Ninettenth Century India or Indian subcontinent, which will represents the
monograph’s true meaning.
Manas Dutta
Department of History
Kazi Nazrul University
Footnotes :
1. Kaushik Roy and SabyaschiDasgupta, ‘Discipline and Disobedience in the
Bengal and Madras Armies, 1807-56’ in Kaushik Roy ed., War and Society
in Colonial India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2006, p. 55
2. Raj Sekhar Basu, Nanadanar’s Children: Tamil Paraiyans’ Tryst with
Destiny, Sage, 2011 p. 121
ISSN 2230-8490
Exploring History
Volume: VII January–June 2015 No.: 1
Post Graduate Department of History

MALDA COLLEGE
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Exploring History
A JOURNAL OF INDIAN AND ASIAN HISTORY
Editor
Ashim Kumar Sarkar
Editorial Committee
Md. Soharab Ali
Utpal Roy
Kaushik Chakraborty
Jagdip Chowhan
Manas Dutta
Mimasha Pandit
Post Graduate Department of History

MALDA COLLEGE
Malda
Advisory Committee
Ranjan Chakrabarti
Vice-Chancellor, Vidyasagar University, West Bengal
Professor of History, Jadavpur University
Smriti Kumar Sarkar

Vice-Chancellor, University of Burdwan, West Bengal
Professor of History, Kalyani University
Deepak Kumar
Professor of History of Science and Education
Z H Centre for Educational Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University
Ananda Gopal Ghosh

Professor
University of North Bengal
Michael Mann
Professor
Seminar for South Asian History and Society
Humboldt University
Germany
Arabinda Samanta
Professor
University of Burdwan
Laxman Satya
Professor
Lock Haven University of Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania
U.S.A.
Sajal Nag
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose Distinguished Professor in Social Science,
Presidency University, Kolkata.
Exploring History is a bi-annual publication of the Post-Graduate Department
of History, Malda College. It is primarily a forum for the presentation of research
studies on topics of interest to students of history, university and college teachers,
research scholars, members of learned societies, and discriminating readers. Its
contributors include scholars of repute, competent to write with authority on
subjects of their choice as wess as young promising scholars engaged in research
and advanced study. Exploring History aims to reflect the considerable expansion
and diversification that has occurred in historical research in India in recent
years. The old preoccupation with political history has been integrated into a
broader framework which places equal emphasis on social, economic and cultural
history. Exploring History examines regional problems. The journal also
publishes articles concerning Asian countries other that India.
Notes for Contributors
Books for reviews, articles and all editorial correspondence should be addressed
to : Ashim Kumar Sarkar, Editor, Exploring History, Post Graduate
Department of History, Malda College, Malda, West Bengal, 732101, and
e-mailed to editorexploringhistory@gmail.com.
All articles must be formatted for printing on one side of A4 paper with margins
on all sides and double-spaced throughout (i.e., including quotations, notes,
references and any other matter). A soft copy, in MS Word, can be sent as an
attachment through e-mail, but a hard copy must follow before it will be
considered. The soft and hard copies must be identical in every respect. All
articles must be accompained by an abstract of 150-200 words and carry
contributors affilliation(s) and complete postal and e-mail address. The length
of an article should not exceed 12,000 words.
For a more detaileld stylesheet, please log on to

www.pghistorymaldacollege.ac.in
Editorial Note
This volume of the Exploring History contains nine articles and one review
article on diverse subjects of Indian and Asian history and culture. This issue
started with Dahlia Bhattacharya’s article on Zenana Missions and Christian
missionaries and their role in nineteenth century Bengal. She argued that
Women’s education and emancipation became a dominant issue in the nineteenth
century Bengal. It was a crucial part of the socio-religious reformation
programmes and the cultural changes. The British cultural impact had educated
the Bengali men but the women of their households were not affected by the
western education and culture. The objective of the paper is to understand the
reasons to reach the women in the household by the missionaries, the perception
of the white women about their Indian counterpart or ‘zenana’ as well as to
sketch the cultural imperialism and racial superiority involved in the operation
of the system. It attempts to assess the religious motives engaged in the process.
It tries to assess the success and failure involved in the operation of the system
in educating the women in seclusion.
Next article has been written by Taithi Sarkar. She said that while
understanding Vandana Shiva’s alternative critique on eco-feminism, the present
study is restricted to the seminal Book, “Staying Alive …”, and attempts to
(re)present the principal arguments in establishing her claims that women and
nature are intrinsically linked with each other and play a continuous mutually
corroborative role in their eternal struggle for survival against exploitation,
marginalization and extinction. The principal thrust of the book, identifying
the pivotal position of women in relation to nature – the forests, the food-chain
and water supplies with reference to India and their unique survival strategies
based on ecological path of harmony, sustainability and diversity, constituting
a non-violent and humanly inclusive alternative to the dominant paradigm of
contemporary scientific and development thought, has been attempted to be
interrogated both conceptually and empirically on a specific historical space
and time span.
Next article is about the French travellers and adventurers of the seventeenth
and eighteenth century and their importance of several cities in northern India
which were commercial significant for the French East India Company and its
merchants. These narratives were really invaluable for the establishment of
French in India during these two centuries. During the seventeenth century
many French travellers such as Pierre-Olivier Malherbe, Francois Pyrard de
Laval and Francois Martin de Vitre, Augustin Hiriart, Jean Mocquet, La
Boullaye le Gouz, Francois Bernier, J.B. Tavernier, Abbe Carre, Chardin and
Thevenot were attached with French state directly or indirectly to aid in the
commercial expansion of French in Orient world while in the following century
many French adventurers such as Polier, Claude Martin, Boigne, Chevalier,
Perron and others directly participated in Indian mercantile activities. These
voyagers have highlighted the importance of several Indian cities which had
not been fully researched, thus this article had tried to evaluate the observations
made by them in their travelogues, memoirs, papers, letters and original French
primary sources for the commercial benefit of the French state. It seems that all
these voyagers had a patriotic approach who worked as informers, spies, agents
and investigators of French in the Oriental world.
An attempt has been made to understand the emergence of nationalism in
India during the colonial period and the contribution of Indian National Congress
(INC) from its inception in 1885 to 1910 in the next article. The INC occupies
a very important place in the history of modern India as it was the first political
party with an All-India character and even today stand as one of the major
political parties of the country. Recently it has completed 125 years of its
existence. During the late nineteenth century India was struggling for its identity,
social, political and economic unification. In this scenario education provided
a very important stimulus. So the present study tries to analyse debate on its
origin, the contribution made by the leaders of INC towards education and the
role played by education in spreading nationalism.
The next article is on Natyasastra in ancient India. It is a text which carries
the reflections of the mind and mentality and emotions of the theatre workers
of ancient India. This text depicts a clear picture of a section of people’s mind
of ancient India, those who had performed several characters of the dramas of
Bhasa or Kalidasa and others. Before going to understand the mind and mentality
of the theatre workers of ancient India it is important to state who were the
theatre workers or people related to the theatrical performance of ancient India.
In the thirty fifth chapter of the Natyasastra, there is a list of members of a
theatre group, which helps us to understand about the people who were
considered as theatre workers or theatre related persons in ancient India.
The next paper is about the transfer of capital in 1911 turned Delhi into a
centre of political activity. One could witness the rise of militant nationalism in
Delhi during 1911-1915, like the Delhi conspiracy case in 1912 which aimed
to assassinate the Viceroy, Lord Hardinge. The revolutionaries came from Bengal
and Punjab and were led by people like Rash BehariGhosh,HarDayal(founder
of Ghadar party in U.S). By 1916, the revolutionary movement was all but
suppressed but they paved the ground for further collective action. It was
however the period starting with the Rowlatt Satyagraha in 1919 to the Civil
Disobedience movement in 1934, covering the events of Khilafat, non
cooperation, communal politics, revolutionary movement in between, which
constitutes the most important phase in the nationalist movement in Delhi.
This article investigated the turbulent phase from the shift of capital in 1911 to
the launching of the Rowlatt Satyagraha in 1919, focusing on the demographics
of Delhi, the new imperial capital and subsequently the revolutionary phase
followed by the beginning of mass mobilization and people participation in the
nationalist movement leading up to the enactment of the Rowlatt Act and the
agitation that followed.
The next article examines the Gandhian discourse during the Non-Co-
Operation Movement – viz. 1920-1922, which gives us rich insights into the
Gandhian way(s) of mass mobilization. This article explores the unique way(s)
in which Gandhi was trying to bring the mass into the nationalist struggle which
was hitherto dominated by a few elites. Besides, it also looks at the necessities
of the effective communication in a mass movement of such grand scale.
Ahik Ray in his article has argued that the study of the history of science
has undergone critical changes in recent times. The history of science, as modern
discipline, has its routes to the ancient Greek and Arabic scholarly traditions.
The chronicle of ideas and development of the human mind saw the progress
of the sciences. Subsequently, the Environmental history is rather recent
phenomenon and has already acquired a new thrust and relevance in south
Asia. This, being a sub-discipline that emerged less than 15 years ago,
established itself in a remarkably short time. Though, being a separate theme,
it actually arose in the Euro-American world as an offshoot of the post-Second
World War wave of environmentalism. Interestingly, the subject was first
dragged into the academic arena by the natural scientists, who recognised the
political and historical significance of their subject, rather than by the historians.
In the final article, an attempt has been made to identify the changes in
the life of Tibetan women in recent times in India. Since this cannot be
understood without a clear idea about how life used to be in Tibet. All of the
travellers who visited Tibet and the scholars who wrote on Tibet discussed the
status of women in Tibetan society. All of them are unanimous in their opinion
that women exerted much influence on both domestic as well as economic life
in Tibet. They have also pointed out that in spite of the regional differences,
women on the whole enjoyed more or less an equal and respectable status and
was free from the customs like purdah, dowry etc. It is undeniable that there
was some sentiment in the society that preferred the birth of a boy than of a girl
because family lineage was believed to be retained from the bones of a boy. It
was also true that society preferred to see the girls to be demure and in domestic
roles and thus expected them to be meek, humble and obedient. Yet, the position
of women in Tibetan society, they point out, were and continue to be, remarkably
enlightened. The women especially the mother, held a very high position in the
traditional Tibetan society and women, in general, possessed considerable
personal and economic autonomy. They were socially and intellectually strong,
independent, and assertive and, if capable, had the freedom to do anything
they wished.
June 2015 Ashim Kumar Sarkar

A Note on the Contributors
Dahlia Bhattacharya, Assistant Professor, Department of History, University
of North Bengal
Taithi Sarkar, Ph. D Research Scholar, Department of History, University of
North Bengal
Sakul Kundra, Research Scholar, CHS, JNU, New Delhi.
Nirmala Shah, Research Scholar, ZHCES, JNU, New Delhi
Malyaban Chaaopadhyay, Whole Time Lecturer (Contractual), Post-Graduate
Department of History, Fakir Chand College, Diamond Harbour
Biresh Chaudhuri, Assistant Professor, Department of History, Satwati College,
University of Delhi, New Delhi
Saurav Kumar Rai, Research Scholar, Department of History, University of
Delhi, New Delhi
Akhil Ray, Assistant Professor (Govt. Approved), Department of History, Malda
College, Malda
Swapna Mitra, Ph. D Research Scholar, Department of History, Assam
University, Silchar
Manas Dutta, Assistant Professor, Department of History, Kazi Nazrul
University, Asansol.
Contents
1. Zenana Missions and Christian Missionaries: Some Reflections 1
of the ‘White Woman’s Burden’ and Imperialism in the
Nineteeth Century Bengal
Dahlia Bhattacharya
2. Interrogating “Staying Alive; Women, Ecology and Survival in 18
India”: Applicability of Vandana Shiva’s Eco-feminism on the
Lepcha Women in Colonial Darjeeling
Taithi Sarkar
3. French Travellers and Adventurers’ Narratives of North Indian 27
Cities and Commercial Centers
Shakul Kundra
4. The Indian National Congress and Course of Nationalism in 48
India: A Study with Special Reference to Education, 1885-1910
Nirmala Shah
5. Historicising Ancient Indian Theatre Workers’ Mind and 66
Mentality in the Light of Natyasastra
Malyaban Chattopadhyay
6. Revisiting Delhi: The New Capital of Colonial India (1911-1919) 81
Biresh Chaudhuri
7. Mass Nationalism as a Communicable Act: Gandhian Discourse, 89
1920-1922
Saurav Kumar Rai
8. Science and Environment: Origins and Core Issues in 101
Contemporary India
Akhil Ray
9. Changing status of Tibetan women in 19th century with 110
special reference to Refugee women
Swapna Mitra
10. Book Reveiw 121
Sabyasachi Dasgupta, In Defence of Honour and Justice: Sepoy
Rebellions in the Ninettenth Century, Primus Books,
New Delhi, 2015

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Zenana Missions and Christian Missionaries 1

Zenana Missions and Christian Missionaries:

Women’s education and emancipation became a dominant issue in the

Women’s Education in the Pre-Colonial Phase

to send their girls to schools which were frequented by children of prostitutes16.

Introducing home education for upper class women

doctor in Bhawanipore, a suburb of Calcutta, died, leaving a family of dependent

The Motives for Missionary Zeal

The Function of the Zenana Missions

Nevertheless,the progress of educationg affluent native Hindu women was

Evangelicalism and proselytization

Mediators and Native teachers

eduucation became less expensive than zenana teacher.Finally, in 1933 the

Notes & References :

Interrogating “Staying Alive; Women, Ecology

While understanding Vandana Shiva’s alternative critique on eco-feminism,

macho in its conception. A larger implication may be drawn of Shiva’s effort to

Notes and References :

French Travellers and Adventurers’ Narratives of

The French travellers and adventurers of the seventeenth and eighteenth

Mancherji Kharsedji Seth, broker of the Dutchmen. 29Anquetil-Duperron

4. AWADH AND FAIZABAD

the commercial transactions. Martin also revitalized trade, by creating new

is in abundance in the forests of Soundri [Sundarbans]”, between Daka [Dhaka]

merchandise, always transported by waterways in small boats, came finally to

Notes & references :

61. Modave, Voyage en Inde du Comte de Modave, p. 17562 Joseph

The Indian National Congress and Course of

Keywords: Indian National Congress, National Movement, Nationalism,

The course of nationalism in India is connected with the history of the

The Origin of the Indian National Congress

the political advancement of the country by constitutional methods. The

The Character and Objectives of the Congress

Growth of Nationalism (National Consciousness)

Nationalist Articulation of Education

In 1892 the following resolution was passed in the INC session:

National Education Movement

12. Ibid, p. 52.

Historicising Ancient Indian Theatre Workers’

16. Vatsyayan, Kapila. Bharata:The Natyasastra, New Delhi,2001,pp.2-5.

Here she mentioned that in the traditional measurements one angula is

Revisiting Delhi: The New Capital of

population of Delhi which stood at 6.57,000 in 1911 decreased to 4,88,111 in

to Indians and sought to involve the people in a nationwide agitation. Hence

of Police as well as the Deputy Commissioner against the deployment of police

Notes and References :

3. Gupta, Narayani. Delhi: Between Two Empires, 1803-1931, Delhi, 1981

Mass Nationalism as a Communicable Act:

‘Mr. Chairman and Brethren- I am very sorry that my voice cannot

throughout India, addressing a wide range of audience despite failing voice

4. Pandey, Gyanendra, The Ascendancy of the Congress in Uttar Pradesh,

Science and Environment: Origins and

The purpose of this paper is to highlight the recent development of science

cognitive and institutional differentiation that characterised it. In addition, there

3. Deepak Kumar ‘Developing a History of Science and Technology in South

Changing status of Tibetan women in 19th century

Economy and women:-

Religion and women:-

Husband and wife relations: -

Traditional Dresses of Tibetan women: -

Hair dresses of women: -

Traditional Ornaments and Jewellery: -