Media Influence and the Political World political events in each of the past five decades wer ings in the 1950s, the Vietnam War in the 1960s, Watergate televised congressional McCarthy used the medi modem warfare—and the widespread opposition to living rooms. The print media, especially the Was cenual role in exposing the Watergate scandal. The Reagan iated politics as a former Hollywood act the media industry. However, the medi is real and undeniable. The media are for € actors who, structural constraints already examined, influence the pol a variety of ways, This influence reaches not only presidents elites but also ordinary citizens, mi232 / Audiences: Meaning and Influence most directly, is a powerful lobbyist for its interests xt 3, media corporations are major contributors t0 campaigns. They have also organized themselves into specialized ing groups that represent the interests of different segments of the \lusty. The Motion Picture Producers and Distributors Association ica the Magazine Publishers Association, the National Association f Broadcasters, and the American Newspaper Publishing Association are few examples of these groups. When legislation that might affect a ivular segment of the industry is being discussed in Congress, the ' political lobbyists spring into action—and sometimes even draft ns of proposed legislation. sia industry has long lobbied for the elimination of regul activities. In the 2000 election cycle, the political jons and electronics industry jans from both parties, Soft -y donors and individuals contributing more than $200 from these es accounted for another $136 million in contributions (Center Responsive Politics, 2001). With such ongoing contributions, it was accident that media “deregulation” has been a key legislative priority jecent years, culminating in the Telecommunications Act of 1996. isthe power of the industry’ direct lobbying is chapter, however, focuses on the media’s more indirect influence on fe. The bulk of the chapter is devoted to the role of print and news media in the electoral process. We look at both how media rement has changed the behavior of politicians and how media ‘coverage has affected voters. In (umn, we consider how political actors have «lapted by incorporating the media into their repertoire of political strate- Like other social relationships, that between the media and the ‘world involves both structural constraint and human agency. nsever, politics is more than just voting, and the political impact of wedia emanates from more than just the news media, Therefore, we ications of film, entertainment television, ;and new media technologies, Again, we highlight the structure- e we explore how media can be active agents in. political structure while at the same time serving as an insti- structure used by political actors to achieve success. Media and Political Elites often, commentators discuss media influence solely in terms of the npact on regular citizens, For example, the question of ial Media influence and the Poitical World / 233 whether the news media affect voting behavior is a pete among researchers. However, the most profound and direc the media on the political world probal mote significant and prono hundred regular voters. I managers, financial contributors, and so forth—who p. jon to and are most likely to be influenced by the media. Nowhere is this more evident than in the changes in p to media coverage. Politicians have long understood the potenti media, The print media, for a time, were directly ‘al patties. When broadcast media emerged, pol icians_ quick! their possibilities for influence. Herbert Hoover launched a successful presidential bid over the radio. Franklin Roosevelt used radio “1 chats” to communicate with the public during the Depression. Dwight Eisenhower used television campaign commercials in 1952, and the Kennedy campaign in 1960 solidified the influence of 0 American politics that has continued to this day. have been joined by 24-hour cable news neworks an can hardly overestimate the media's influence on el and the running of government. jon campaigns A Politics of Image Media considerations ate pethaps the single most important factor around which candidates organize electoral campaigns. this is especially true for presidential and congressional ele the following observations apply to state and local elections as At its simplest level, we see the importance of medi ta telegenic style and appearance greatly enhance a candidate's chance of success, That is, looking and acting comfortable on televi candidate's cause, All major campaigns have media “handlers,” cons tants who coach candidates on improving their appearance in the medi An early indication of the importance of appearance was the presidential debate between Kennedy and Ni was televised, but Nixon declined to wear the heavy mak recommended. On camera, he appeared haggard and in need while Kennedy's youthful and vibrant appearance was supported by the layer of television makeup he wore. The si appearance became apparent after the debate. Polls showed that a slim ‘majority of those who heard the debate on the radio thought Nixority of those who watched the debate on nnedy. After this dramatic event, the fear of televised debates so intimidated presidential years before another debate was televised pearance matters. Telegenic individuals who 8 With the media are at a decided advantage in Media coverage of elections, especially on television, ight images, News accounts of elections emphasize per- wigs, personalities, and preplanned campaign events and are less expl background and implications of substantive issues iy debates (Graber, 1997), The result of expanded media cover- Wy ways, been a Joss of substance in favor of appearance. iedia skills and status to pur- Il Reagan, whose reputation he “great communicator” was surely in part the result of the training and ad salesman. His oracorical ced (o scripted events, He was notorious for mi nnbling, sometimes incoherently, when faced with ions. O: he even confused his fe experiences, The ability of his staff to maintain. hed public image was central (0 his success. After the cof poor showings in the polls, the Reagan presidency was ic popularity—even though polls showed most many of Reagan's key policy positions. Some imate triumph of image over substance. As ievitable effect of preserving him interplay of opinion, question, rm the basis of decision. (p. 248) ', Youthful and publicly affable (on had a distinc advantage over the older and more sullen Bob appeared uncomfortable in the media spotlight. In the ) campaign, the difference was not as clear-cut. Democrat Al Gore's ness in fromt of cameras competed against Republican George vs frequent verbal stumbles. In the end, though, it was Bush who ed adapt beter to the intense media spotlight. Dozens of other media celebrities have successfully pursued p careers, Senator Bill Bradley was a former professional basketball player, and Senator Jack Kemp played in the NFL. Pro wrestler and actor Jesse Ventura parlayed his fame into a successful thitd-party campaign for governor of Minnesota. Congressman Sonny Bono w. best known for his years as half of a pop music duo. Even TV jou themselves have gotten into the act. Members of Congress in 1998 wh were once television reporters or anchors included Senators Rod Grams (RMN) and Kay Bailey Hutchison (RTX), as well as Representatives, Scott Klug (RWI), lay Johnson (DWH, and J. D. Hayworth (R-AZ). ‘The significance of television images goes well beyond the specific appearance of the candidate to include the more general visual context in which a candidate appears. [n this regard, to0, observers generally point to Ronald Reagan’s campaign and presidency as the epitome of the ‘masterful use of visuals to enhance a candidate's image. Both during the campaign and after the election victory, the Reagan team showed remark able skill at manipulating media coverage by providing television with an irresistible visual to support the “line of the day”—the message the Wi House wanted the media to emphasize in that day's reporting, In this way, they could direct media coverage—at least in visual terms~by making it efficient for the news media to use the visual settings they had orches- trated, The administration even coordinated the 1986 bombing of Libya to coincide with the start of the evening news (Kellner, 1990). Michael House media specialist, later pointed out that s staff found television reporters quite “manageable” because he gave “the nightly news good theater, a good visual every evening and pretty much did their job for them” (Nightline, September 27, 1989) The use of media by presidential candidates is not a partisan matter. ‘The 2000 Gore campaign tried desperately to make its candidate more ‘mediagenic by staging events that they hoped would cast Gore in a positive light. They even had Gore watch Saturday Night Live parodies of his stiff delivery in an attempt to teach him to be more media friendly. When the election was mited in a battle over the Florida recou Gore and Bush staged a series of public photo opportunities « communicate their message. In the end, though, Gore Supreme Court judgment and the media battle, with many saying his concession speech, ironically, was his finest performance Former president Bill Clinton was much more successful in managing the news than Gore, Clinton’s media team lifted a page or two from the Reagan playbook. Clinton was well known for his tireless campaign- ing and his choreographed events, As one journalist noted later “Every stump speech, every debate appearance, and every interview was 23cd—right down to what appeared to be ad lib rematks, delivered vith a thoughtful expression and a contemplative biting of the lower lip" 7, p. 1190). nton team hired a Hollywood producer to orchestrate a ain trip ceadling up to the Democratic national convention. In the absence of any jews coming out of the convention—the president faced no serious candidate om a train traveling through small towns in the Midwest. ' stops were choreographed to provide nostalgic background ‘mages evoking Harry Truman's whistle-stop campaigning nearly a half ‘entury earlier. But this train was different. It was equipped with state- the-art communications equipment, including a satellite dish that bled the invited local press corps to broadcast live interviews from The local media loved it and, even though there was no ‘news emanating from the trip, the train received extensive regional ¢ as the campaign had planned. ful use of media was a constant throughout his years in we White House. Farly in his administration, when Clinton had a credi problem with the military, he dressed in a leather flight jacket and he tra even 1g news. When the Monica Lewinsky scandal plagued the w House late in his tenure, Clinton returned to the strategy of using national trips and meetings with foreign leaders to generate images him looking “presidential” and above the partisan bickering. ‘The September 11, 2001, terrorist attack and subsequent US, war effort in provided ample opportunity for politicians to carefully script appearances that benefited from the country’s outpouring of patri- ‘si, Visits 10 “ground zero" in New York, photo opportunities with that World Series participants, and visits with US. military personnel st some of the photogenic backdrops for image-conscious public ls. Through skillful use of the media, President Bush successfully formed his image from a president with limited foreign policy snowledge and questionable standing in the international community to strong and respected leader of the ‘war on terrorism.” feful construction of photo opportunities has become a routine of the pictures we see of the president ly (0 have been scripted ahead of time by collaborative “advance s” of reporters and political aides who scout out the best angles for opportunities at upcoming events. Using stand-ins for the presi- sat and his entourage, these advance teams often stage practice photos at they later distribute to the media. These photos, along with notes about the camera lenses likely to produce the best results, ate by photojournalists in planning their coverage of the “rea Postmodernist theorists, especially Baudrillard (eg argued that the rising importance of images signal ity.” In postmodern society, they argue, the imag: the “real.” As a result, the public is often unable to di to the troublesome growth in the manipulation of me practical application of postmodernist theory to the p gests that substantive policy debates nue 10 take a backseat to polished, telegenic candidates and scripted photo opportunities Candidates have complete control over media images when produce their campaign commercials, Television advertising is a centr part of most electoral campaigns, and some evidence suggests that vote receive more information about candidates from campaign commer than from news coverage (McClure and Patterson, 1976). Incr campaign ads have relied on negative “attack” formats to achieve m ‘mum effect. The infamous “Willie Horton” ad used to support the Bust ‘campaign in 1988 is a classic example of a powerful—and, many argued, racist—political ad. Willie Horton was a black prisoner who had attacked a white woman while on a prison furlough. The ad featured the shot of Horton and the image of prisoners leaving through a rev door. It attacked Democratic candidate Michael Dukakis for being so on crime by supporting the furlough program. After the 1988 campaigi pollster Lou Harris (in Kellner, 1990, p. 133) suggested that “the mn is that the Bush commercials worked a images cal world sug ‘als have not. a candidate's schedule according t0 media needs. They are scious of media markets they are trying to reach and media dead are trying to accommodate, Often the only handshaking and baby kissi that take place in today’s campaigns are those staged for maximum medis coverage. Campaign staffs time speeches, rallies, and personal meetings with voters on the street to coordinate with media de: releases and photo opportunities, of course, are also part o| The Decline of Political Parties and Mediating Institutions As the media have become more important political party organizations have become less impor De‘his system resulted in an intricate infrastructure of party ized down to the urban “block captain.” For the ational structures have ceased to exist. Also in er “mediating institutions” (Greider, 1992) — that used to seive as structures to organize and iy citizens, These institutions served as links © political process, nedia serve as the vehicles for conveying political cs and mobilizing vorets. Candidates spend the vast bulk of cam es on producing and airing campaign commercials. Rather «tive participants in dialogues about issues and candidates, Is that sell the Latest candidate, Public service cam: ige voting (as seen on MTY, for example) do nothing to products to votets/consumers in a way that s and commerce. w of party structures has been accompanied by a decline in nce. In the 19405, when researchers conducted early studies Most important determinant of a person’s vote was party. n, followed by group allegiance, perception of the candidate's ideration of issues, After a half century of media portance has changed. Now, in presidential candidate's personality is of greatest importance to 'y the issues, party membership, and group member 7). The media, which communicate a great deal about issues, have taken on an increasingly significant political nice of other institutions has declined tics as Spectator Spore political party organizations—and the more general fe as a spectator sport. The American s for their "horse race” coverage of elections— epic proportions in the wake of the deadlocked 2000 preside ten, critics contend, the media are less interested in ind on the issues than in their electability as mea Highly publicized poll results have potential implicatio knowledge about, interest in, and support for candidates, but det empirical evidence of these effects does not yet exist. The impact of media polls can be especially important ro campaign consultants, staff, journalists, and especially financial contributors. Candidates who can demonstrate their electability by doing well in early polls are much more likely attract the campaign contributions—before any votes essential to un an effective campaign, Thus, p self-fulfilling prophe: ‘The effect on regular voters, though, is less clear. The danger is that, especially for those with litte involvement candidates, poll results can signal how people reflecting existing voter preference. This would make y cult for third-pary candidates and other “dark horses” to be successful Some studies provide evidence that voter judgment of what others believe does affect candidate preference and that po! ings suggest that publicized polls may have a potent impact on voters, ‘The media’s emphasis on winners and campaigns are over, Journalists and pundits on public affairs programs ofien interpret political news through a lens that highlights the ups and downs of political cateers rather than the substantive con proposals (Fallows, 1996). The sports metaphor of " dominates political life. When journalists ask, “Who won the weel they inevitably give their interpretation of events, According to Rosen (1993), nues even after the Jing” and “losing” The question ... permits the media to play timekeeper, um; and finally, judge. The question would not occur to an 1 citizen, but it remains a favor appears to place the press on the outside of a process—the sha of perceptions—that is profoundly affected by what the press its does. (p. 9) inary ‘of pundits and reporters because it The negative impact of such media coverage permeates politica “By now even the denizens of the White House think th something by ‘winning the week’ They fret and fuss when the week according to the pundits, has been lost.” These comm Rosen (1993, p. 9) highlight the dual impact of media coverage—it potential affects votets and political elites alike ewesere) sauces: meaning and intluence Media and Individual Citizens or do not, experience firsthand the goings on of iat is why the media are such an important ele- pctatic process, Citizens in a democracy need adequate (o make informed decisions and to take appropriate politi- lia's central role in the political process, itis no wonder ers have repeatedly asked questions about how the media process. The answers that have emerged over the decades range nple models emphasizing direct media influence to more sophis- «ated analyses highlighting the interaction of media and audience The Hypodermic Model iest speculation about media effects suggested a direct and ‘Some commentators wrote of a *hypo- iver bullet") model, with the media injecting a message “bloodstream” of the public. The anecdotal evidence for lates at least as far back as the Spanish-American War in 1898 A, as one historical account (Palmer and Colton, 1978, p. 612) puts it, newspapers, especially the new ‘yellow’ press, roused the American ‘oa fury of moral indignation and imperial selfassertion.* troduction of broadcast technology only raised further concern media's influence. Everything from government propaganda (s during the two world wars to the famous panic caused by Orson 39 radio broadcast of War of the Worlds suggest id directly manipul ‘oader current of sociological theary that also suggested the poten- atic media influence was the mass society theory of fhe post-World War Il years (eg, Kornhauser, 1959; Reisman, 1953), hit existed in various forms, at the core of the theory was the ‘that then-contemporary society was characterized by growing homogenization of the population and a de group relations. At ts base, the theory suggested the de’ ditional personal bonds. The traditional extended to smaller (and, later, fragmented) nuclear fa because of work and school, spent less time w religious ties gave way to more perfunctory identities. A “melting pot” culture discouraged ethnic gto Cohesive neighborhoods and community participation dec the rise of dispersed and isolated suburbs. Work in owned organizations became more and more alienat ‘While mass society theorists saw trends toward isolation and deperson alization in postwar America, they also noticed the especially television. They argued that these mass medi role in uniting (and homogenizing) a disparate and atomized pop tion. Stripped of significant personal tes, the mass population was e ally susceptible to the influence of m mass society was perhaps best suited to total was concern over the use of propagand, Union that motivated much of the early research. However, th of an alienated public tuned in to mass media to ga of collective identity may not seem farfetched in today’s media-sat thread of thought, many of the concerns rai have lived on in other research traditions. The Minimal Effects Model Belief in an all-powerful media did not hold up under the sc early empirical research. In a classic study of voters, The Peuple'’s ( Lazarsfeld, Berelson, and Gaudet (1948) argued that the media's impact on individuals was weak and short-lived. This “minimal effects” model suggested that media messages acted to reinforce existing belief rather explaining voter behavior. In part, this is because peo} attention to the news media tend to already have strong polit and thus media messages are less likely to affect them. People who are more likely to be undecided and uninterested are less attention to media coverage. Whatever effect the media did have, they argued, was o through a “two-step flow of influence.” The media tran tion to opinion leaders who tended to pay close teed informa: jon to the news, muld influence those with whom they had theorists also argued that interpersonal contact than the media in effecting a change in beliet he desire for social acceptance that is part of all hypodermic model was that it left out jency of the reader of media messages. Taken literally, this red the preexisting ideas and orientation of the reader. {ts model gave more weight to the ability of the reader \d judge media information, The reader, after all, is nge soaking up media messages but an active, thinking 1g OF resisting media messages. mal effects approach to the media reigned until the late vesearchets increasingly accepted the “agenda-seuting” role « classic phrasing of the argument, Bernard Cohen successful in telling its readers what to to ditect people's attention toward certain ws agenda setting, It highlighted the important role ing and shaping the news. Researchers im by studying undecided voters in the ¥y between the media's issue focus and the of undecided voters, While this finding showed a corte he media's agenda and the agenda of voters, the study low for determining a causal relationship ic opinion polls regarding the most important issues (2) media coverage in the nation’s top three weekly ical indicators measuring the “reality” of + findings, Funkhouser found substantial public opinion and media coverage. More impor- ic opinion nor media coverage correlated \licators of the “real” world. For example, media concern regarding the Vietnam War peaked before fest number of U.S. ttoops were sent there, Media coverage and. ern about unrest on college campuses and in urban areas also the period in which the greatest number of campus and urban riots took place, This suggested that the s¢ of issues affected public opinion more than the issues’ objective prominence in the “real” world, It also showed that media coverage did not necessarily reflect real-world trends. ‘Simple experimental work examining this agenda-setting, the media later confirmed a causal relationship between med and the issue agenda of the aulience. lyengar and Kinder (1 casts. The different versions of the broadcasts were the same, with one exception, The researchers added stories to the tapes so that some par- ticipants saw pieces either on the environment, on national defense, or ‘on inflation. Tests before and after viewing showed that those researchers had highlighted in each of the doctored broadcasts were more likely to be chosen by participants as important. Researchers found some agenda-setting effects after the viewing of o: broadcast However, most effects took place only afier particip wl watched several of the altered newscasts. While the agenda-seting function of the media is now lished, itis with weekly public opinion polls on the most important issues of the day. They found strong agenda-setting effects on some issues. However, ‘on other issues, either public concer largely preceded media coverage, or the two simply did not correlate well. This kind of finding suggests the necessity for caution in assessing the media’s role in setting the public agenda, Pethaps agenda setting is most pronounced when i ls have no direct contact with an issue and thus are dependent on media for information. Perception of issues that directly affect an viduals life may be more resistant to media influence. The agenda-setting approach has taditionally looked at who sets the public agenda. Evidence points convincingly to the news media However, this begs the question of who sets the news media's agenda. As we have shown, a number of important influences affect the functioning of the media, including the demands imposed by corporate ownets to ensure profitability; the role of sources, public relations agencies, and other powerful players in initiating stories; and the “gatekeeping” ig” and professional norms of journalism. In fact, there is a large body of litera ture showing the importance of multiple influences on news media, For example, one political economy approach to this topic is dubbed the “propaganda model” (Herman and Chomsky, 1988). It argues media's agenda is set by a combination of government ai forces intent on protecting the interests of the rich and ps model “traces the routes by which money and power are abl the news fit to print, marginalize dissent, and allow the gov 2ajerests to get their messages across to the public” influenced by the fact that (a) media corporations «ation and their ownership is heavily concentrated, iedia depend on advertising as their primary income source, rely on officially approved sources and experts, and wyets are able (o deliver “flak” about media content of ‘The Gap Between Theory and Popular Perception ‘many researchers accepted the idea that media could i's agenda while having little impact on what people essen, @ move from “minimal effects” to “limited effects.” contrasted sharply with the public’s general perception that in society, There ate three major reasons perceptions (Graber, 1997) research has looked only at a narrow range of media effects researchers looked at the most convenient unit of roters did not change their minds as a result of media tential early studies at a time when panty Je change in voter preference based on ned situations. Wes mistakenly equated the absence of factual m te media with the absence of media influence, in essence study of a mpaign to promote awareness of environmental pollution people learned very few of the facts highlighted in the cam- However, there was an unintended effect. Afer the campaign, were more likely to blame big business for most pollution abel, 1997}, By overemphasizing the transmission of factual infor- on, researchers may be missing some of the evidence of media s have had great difficulty clearly measuring media nngling these multiple influences is extremely difficult, and, as a 1 evidence of direct media influence is difficult to obtain. St trends in media research seem to point toward a dual con- the power of audiences to interpret media and with the subtler ences of media * Media-Reader Interaction As we will highlight in Chapter, recent trends in media rese have paid more attention to how the audience actively uses tion. This focus shines the light of inquiry on the dynamic interac between media and reader. Various studies, using a range of methods, have also shown, information is but one element that citizens use in dev beliefs. Over the course of a year, Doris Graber (1988) monitored the media while at the same time con terviews with 21 participants. Her interviews revealed that while people used information to make sense of public issues, what they knevy about t issues was not limited to the information the media supplied Lenart (1994) used experimental data to argue that media inf and interpersonal communication “are complementary total information whole.” William Gamson (1992) showed how regul working people in his focus group study constructed meaning by com bining media-based information with populat wisdom and expei knowledge. His study treated the media as a tool or resource that peop! can use, to varying degrees, to help them make sense of current events. While accepting the potential influence of the media, this approach balances media power with the creative agency of readers Political Socialization Theory ‘We must understand media effects in subtler terms thai ive effect of exposure to mass media needs to be considered as well Media influence may be especially strong in the early poli ization of adolescents, who are old enough to seriously cal issues but have not yet fully developed a political orientation. example, high schoo! students say they rely on the mass medi than on families, friends, or teachers in developing attitudes abs rent events such as economic ot race issues (Graber, counter to the “two-step” model of influence, which sees person. action as more influential than media exposure, We can speculate the influence of the media may have increased since the 1950s 1960s as children and adolescents have spent more and more time with the mass media. Exposure to the mass media is now a cent ‘which young people learn and internalize the values, b of our political system, a socialization that lays the foundation tor much of later political life. As we will see below, the lessons of such so tion sometimes emanate from entertainment te 2Sgives way to growing disillusionment in 1m often dissipates as teens become young heory that addresses the cumulative impact of n theory: This theory is based on a pro- his associates (1994; Signorielli and Morgan, n 20 years examined the impact of growing ion, They argue that, through its regular and ‘ous populations. Influence occurs because of con- vd and lengthy exposure to television in general, not just exposure to ect, whereby differences based on cultural, social, and pol ted in heavy viewers of television. The result is -nalize many of the distorted views of the sd by television (such as those discussed ‘compared to the real world, television pro- tunderrepresent older people, and heavy viewers tend to uumber of older people in society Television ‘occurs in real sharacteristics are wy Viewers are more likely than moderate or light viewers ‘most people cannot be trusted and that most people are ‘out for themselves (Gerbner etal, 1994). television cultivation on political belief seems to be in a (Gerbner eta, 1982, 1984). A journalistic pose of ews seems to encourage heavy viewers to 3 either “conservatives” or “liberals.” However, bec “moderates” who are heavy television viewers actually hold over to those of conservatives than to those of liberals on issues, such as race, abortion, and homosexual ic issues, heavy viewers are more likely than moderate o (© adopt ervative call for lower taxes, but they are also ely to support a populist call for more social services Lessons From the Research Re bewwe media's impact on citizens highlights the tension uence and reader agency, Media messages are egouatea by redUeIs, LUL UIEDE HAcosage> © influence what people think about and, to a les understand the world For example, one of the most talked about issues in growth of cynicism and alienation in the American electorate. For s time, observers have argued that media coverage contributed to this rise in cynicism, undermining the democratic process (Enuman, 1989; Goldfarb, 1991; Robinson, 1976; Rosen, 1993). Among the arguments is the claim that the press prot sm anid under mines its cred ty when it focuses superfic ups and downs of individual politicians. Too often, critics argue, the media suggest that yet another president is a bumbling clos hopeless mess, that pol jous effort to attend t Mindlessly, the press contributes to these perceptions and the stands back to survey the damage as if it were some naturally occurring disaster. (Rosen, 1993, p. 9) nent is a However, the influence of the media is neither blatant nor unquali fied, Pethaps the most significant effects of media exposure come about after long-term, heavy use. As we will see i media products with a preexisting set of beliefs and experiences throu: which they filter media messages. Reacles also occupy spe positions that affect how they interpret the media, To understa impact of media, therefore, we must remember that media consumption is often an active processing of information, not just a passive reception of media words and images. Media and Social Movements We have highlighted media effects on political elites and citizens. We now turn our attention 10 the media's coverage of social movements—groups of citizens who have banded together to social or political cause. Social movernents are an especial part of the political landscape because they can individual citizens and political elites, We can think of the relationship between media and so as a transaction between two complex systems, each tying to accomp 4 particular goal. Movements ask the media to communicate the sage to the public, white the media look to movements as one potei source of “news.” However, the media hold the upper hand in their movements, Movements usually need the mass media to widely publicize their activities. Such coverage helps soc important Ke ewe Aye-ve validation as a significant pol nnlict to attract potential allies or ind, have many alternatives to social nd Wolfsfeld, 1993) ovements, therefore, is twofold, First, they that they ate worthy of coverage; that angle or are a significant “player” in do not achieve what the media consider to have to resort to dramatic actions, such as media's attention, ace facts, Frames organize information and. help or example, imagine the case of an environmental 4 corporation to prevent the construction of a new fa m the local environment. The news reports about vid versus Goliath —the oup versus the big multinational corpor. ts trying to stop rational progress. The first frame ‘erment mobilize support. The second frame would overage by staging dramatic actions can be movement if the media use a discrediting frame #¢. Discrediting techniques used by the media include int_impact on social-movement movements that are unable to accommodate journalists’ needs. for dramatic visuals risks under though pandering ing the effective communis movement's message, proactive planning is a necessity if movements to do all they can to develop favorable media coverage (Ryan, 1991). Grassroots citizens’ organizations with few resources fo and media strategizing are at a distinct disadvantage when they off against well-funded government agencies, corp. organizations, especially when these movements mainstream norms. ‘The hurdles social movements face when they positive media attention from the mainstream media have often led to their use of “alternative” or “independent” messages. For example, in the political social activism, a thriving “underground” press emerged, local newspapers and even alternative wire services reflecting the views and concems of political activists and countercultural participants (Armstrong, 1981). In the 1970s and 1980s, and sensi variety of mentary. These distinctly altemative magazines often feacure\ layouts and handmade graphics. They ranged from tiny efforts that were little more than photocopies to larger nationally distributed publications adopted by many subcultures; for example, “girl zines’ emphasized feminist themes and music and “queercore” zines focused on gay sights issues and gay and lesbian punk music. Later, some of these went online in the form of e-zines, With the Internet, more social movement sites are serving as important conduits of information and analysis that is rarely found in mainstream media. “New Media” and the News ‘Television and newspapers continue (0 dominate the world of news However, the nature of these media is being changed and supplemented by the introduction of so-called “new” media that make use of emerging technologies. The problem with specifying “new” media is, of course, that such lists quickly become dated. These lists also miss the point oi media since one of the most important aspects of these media is “convergence” into a single form of multimedia communication. WI complete convergence is unlikely to occur for some time, some of the more recent technologies—computers and cable television with capabilites, for example—have already changed the political 49political actors, especially political hnologies in ion of c ential candid: te, have attempt to communicate with the sn advertising and direct-mail solici- s have distributed videocassettes to voters, lites (© set up interviews on local television the more "ws media. Electronic mail and fax machines are ples of election campaigns, The Internet is now widely used in he 1996 campaign was the frst o extensively use ‘© Post press releases and position papers online and to nd to developing stories. Among the advantages of Internet nndidates can contol their message—they do not ' to Wansmit it to the public—and they are not igh cost and limited format of the 30-second cam- Web sites have also proven to be useful in fund-raising can make credit card contributions online. These ‘monstrate how agency by political actors has influenced Internet extensively to post information, pro- tuses, and solicit new members, Thousands of Web sites pss the pi spectrum, along with numerous politically oups and listservs, populate the Internet (see Fights groups, environmental groups, and labor Wve used the Internet to help organi 1 the rela across national ly unregulated cyberworld, this also means that supporting everything from white supremacy to violent ‘have also created their own Web sites, raising a cautionary lure role of Internet politics ve sophisticated examples of a social movement’ use of Hogi jinated during the 1999 World Trade ‘on protests in Seattle, Washington. Concemed that mainstream adequately cover the issues raised in those demonstra- wed an independent media center, Indymedia. Ker acted as a clearinghouse of information for journalists, provided up-to-the-minute reports, photos, audio and video Using the collected footage, the Seatle Center (seatile.indymedia.org) produced a , uplinked every day to satelite and dis- tut the United States to public access stations, The ‘New York Times’ Political Points, with resources on electoral ps y parade of po ite for Global Communicati cal gro ie Web, including igc.org Common Dreams: America’s Progressive Community 120 progressive org: Speak Out. Information an ‘The Right Links. Conserva viel Right Side of the Web. Conservative links and com ks related to an array of issues, In Internet sites center also produced its own newspaper, distributed throug Seattle and to other cities via the internet, as well as hundreds of audio segments, transmitted through the web and Studio X, a 24-hour micro and internet radio station based in Seattle. (indymedia.org, 2001) ‘The Indymedia effort in Seattle was replicated tw varying degre sequent demonstrations protesting the International Mom World Bank, and other global economy meetings. More local sites emerged, networked together to provide signitic analysis, and commentary, all outside of the mainstream media system. The future of these new technologies is being intensely debated. Some see great hope for new technologies, while others warn about poten tial dangers (Abramson, Arterton, and Orren, 1988), For example, the Internet allows users to develop “personalized” newspapers that present information only on stories in which a reader has already expressed an terest. Responding to your pattern of might deliver baseball scores, but not golf or tennis results) it might feature stories on the environment, but not on crime. Much more elabo- rate versions of this basic technology are expected to develo} fears. Would such capabilities encourage learning about so Astigment society by eliminating the mon ground among citizens? ies, too, could have an impact on our political could be used for “electronic town meet- on issues of the day. Could this democracy, or would those with the ive development, or | responses devoid of people become more engaged in contem. would electronic town meetings just contribute to the € of face-to-face debate and del Such questions vologies on the political landscape, ver online material to accompany they called it “media history we 1960 Kennedy-Nixon debates” (quoted 1209), But media scholars are increasingly skepti- of “new media” outlets such as the Internet rn Neuman (1996) asks, “Will the evolu- nd those policy wonks and news junkies icacies of political life?” his answer is, ough various new media outlets make more available than ever, citizens must first feel the need sources tesnet became more mainstream, new users increasingly al sources of information, One survey found that ine for news during the 2000 election le only 12 percent said they did so 10 lable elsewhere. In addition, when election information, they most often turned redia sites: 55 percent used national and local NN topping the list), and 27 percent used mi services (eg, AOL News Channel), Only. used candidate Web sites, and only 4 percent used issue- Web sites. Also, more active use of the Internet for political ons (with, r example, of those who got campaiga news § percent participated in chat rooms that included discussion w Research Center, 2000a) Owen (1998) examined all forms of “new med lay « political role but have psima broadly rnonpolitical origins Ip addition to the Internet, this includes media forms such as talk radio, TV talk shows, television newsmagazines, and cable news. After their extensive review of research and analysis of these media, they concluded that “the new media are not the new democratic facilitators. Instead, the profit motive that drives all new media and structures the discourse in these channels compromises the new media's ability to provide genuine and meaningful citizenship initiatives” (pp. 258-259), More information, by itself, is unlikely to overcome the high level of political disengagement. As Barnett (1997) notes, “There is no evidence that increasing exploitation of new media by campaigning and pressure groups has actually brought more people into the political fold” (p. 211). Instead, “The real challenge—to change the dominant political culture from one of alienation, cynicism and detachment to one of concerned involvement—cannot be left simply to new communicative devices” (p.213) Politics and Entertainment Media Our discussion about the media’s impact on political life has empha sized the most obvious and immediately relevant form of media: the news. Such “serious” media were long the focus of academic research. Until the 1980s, the academic community did not take "pop” culture or entertainment media very seriously. That situation, however, has changed. Recent work on nonnews media has begun to suggest that they have a profound importance in shaping (and often distorting) our understanding of the world. This section briefly considers a few exam: ples of the political significance of nonnews media Television and Film le it features some “newsmagazine” shows, we usually associate prime-time television with a vatiety of entertainment programs ranging from made-for-ielevision movies to dramas and situation comedies to game shows and so-called “reality” programs. Such programs attract much larger audiences than news broadcasts. Most people usually think of such shows as “only entertainment,” but they feature characters and story lines that directly or indirectly have political significance. AU TY, in fact, is political. Not all writers and producers of television fare have an —though many do—but we can interpret al tical viewpoint. Most obviously open (0 pol cal interpretation is programming that directly tackles social issues. Increasingly, TV movies, dramas, and sitcoms have addressed a wide mawge of social issues such as sexual abuse, racism, and homelessness. behind every type of a ntertainment television that is not ex} n programs en situation comedies featuring nothing to do overtly with political issues make a political statement by their avoidance of politics. Refusing to «stand is in fact, aking one, Indeed, “nonpolitical” programs may naking the strongest political statements of all. tn not questioning S quo, such programs reinforce it by contributing to its “taken cd” ature. Sometimes, by disparaging all politics or efforts at we, these shows may foster a cynicism and a fatalism that are dismis real efforts to promote change. Therefore, we can find much of the ication of prime-time television in unstated assumptions. \ word of caution is in order when we are discussing the political role ‘ment (elevision, There is no conspiracy at work to indoctri wets, Instead, as we have seen, programming made on the basis of trying to satisfy the tastes of hatever the popular sentiment happens to be at while meeting the needs of advertisers (Gitlin, 2000) ercial television, remember, is a for-profit enterprise in the busi- delivering audiences to advertisers. Creating entertainment that contradict this capitalist agenda is television's major form of I proselytizing. Ratings and profits are the bottom line. 1 researchers study viewers and not just the content of prim, ws they find the political impact of television to be compli nt of media does matter; however, audiences play an rpreting what they see. For example, in the 1970s heated arguments between the two main charac- role in wen. How did such a program affect viewers? According (Vidmar and Rokeach, 1974), the effects depended on the niceptions of the viewer. On race, for example, the views of both have been unusual in the degree to which it culated clashing views. Most shows do not regularly feature ws that are such polar opposites. However, even when they suggest a w, entertainment programs are open to inter- was the case with the late-1980s hit The Cosby Show. The am was a traditional professional-class family situation comedy, All the leading characters were black. Many Media influence and the Political World / 285 titics hailed the program as a positive portrayal of Af rarely found on television, However, Jhally and Lewis (1992) found in their interviews with viewers that many of them were interpreting the show in a quite different light. White viewers interpreted the locatio black characters within the elite world of the professional clase mother was a lawyer, and the father was a doctor) as a sign that rac barriers no longer existed. The authors ague that, ironically, the program contributed to a new “enlightened racism" among these viewers. Black viewers, on the other hand, tended to welcome the positive portrayal of 8 sensitive intelligent, and, most of all, successful black family: Jhally and Lewis, though, suggest that this reaction reinforces the stereotype that a positive image must equal a prosperous image Anecdotal evidence suggests that widely divergent interpretations of media content are common, For example, the comedy show M*A*S*H a8 a hit on CBS for 11 years, As it chronicled the trials and tribulations of a surgical unit during the Korean War, it presented antiauthoritarian and +, Lany Gelbart, wanted the pro. 8gram’s message to be that war was futile. However, he left the show after four years because he feared that the original intent of the series had been defeated, Ironically, he felt that the show's long-term success routinized the characters’ fatalistic acceptance of war. He may have been right One of the series’ main actors, Mike Fartell, learned from hi that audiences could interpret the same material in a multitude of ways. As he recounted, he received some letters that said, “Boy, you guys make war look like fun’ and/or, ‘After watching your show I've decided I'm going to sign up" Farrell commented, “I read those and I kind of shake my head, and I've written back and said, ‘1 don't quite understand how you can ‘watch our show and come to that conclusion!” But Farrell reported that he “also got a wonderful letter from a kid who said that he had intended to be a professional soldier, and after watching our show over the years hhe had seen that that’s not what he wants to do, and as a matter of fact he's decided to become a priest” (in Gitlin, 2000, p. 217). One lesson is that, perhaps more so than with news coverage, viewers can interpret the ambiguous political messages of entertainment television in many different ways, We explore this topic in more depth in the next chapter. As with television programs, the political content of popular films takes a back seat to their ability 1o turn a profit. Big-budget Hollywood films, especially, must appeal to a broad and diverse audience to be Profitable. The political content of such films is often left ambiguous 80 a8 not 10 offend potential moviegoers (Prince, 1992). As a res ‘many of the biggest box office hits—blockbusters such as Titanic Park, ET. Star Wars, Jaws, Men in Black, Raiders of the Lost Aid Independence Day—are upbeat, feel-good, action- ce characters and little serious content, al messages in the entertainment media may be jous, some argue that they generally have conservative implica- al films of the 1980s—including films with fiction themes—Stephen ely to reinforce domi- 10 promote alternatives for change. Even popu 1 films of the era, such as Blade Runner, Aliens, Robocop, which projected social problems into the future, gener- ematives, By failing to explore possible be viewed as reinforcing existing trends lessness in the face of its own set of political music is generally a commercial AAs such, producers must be cautious about pro- jenate too many in the audience. Mainstream. io hits, therefore, are full of platitudes about love and—well—litde se. It might be argued that, as a diversion from the problems of the day, such music helps maintain the status quo, though it does not contain an al message. Some forms of music, however, attract an audi- ically charged, controversial, oF ative views, Such music is especially significant because it tends to nuch more meaningful to people who listen (0 it We can use the example of music 10 highlight a point about the construction of meaning in media (which we explore more fully in the chapter). An ongoing interactive process is involved in the produc- and consumption of media products (Gottdiener, 1985), The $ of music (the corporate owners, not necessarily the bands) are crested in the creation of profit, In more theoretical terms, what (0 producers is the exchange value of the product (what it can sold for), People who buy music have a totally different motivation. to play the CDs and enjoy the music. What is important to cons the use value of the product (the function it serves) The process does not stop there. Those buying the music infuse the th symbolic meaning (oF sign value). Saying that you regularly juntry music performer Garth Brooks, R & B singer Mary J. Blige, tne electronica band The Chemical Brothers, or composer Philip Glass often suggests something significant that goes beyond a difference in musical tastes. Music fans often infuse the music they like with meaning They associate music they cherish with an outlook on life, with friends and lovers, or with important memories in their lives. Musical taste— especially a taste for music that is outside of the mainstream—can also signal a political orientation or a set of values. That is why music is often associated with a broader subculture marked, for example, by fashion and style. Heavy metals leather and chains, punk rock’s dyed hair and body piercing, psychedelic music's tie-dyed T-shirts, rap’s hip- hop clothes, and grunge’s flannel shirts were all ex of this. They originated as meaningful expressions of values and orientations associ ated with music. As these styles became commercialized, they often lost their original meaning and were reduced to mere commodities Producers—in the form of the corporations that sell music—do not attach the same kind of meaning to the products as consumers do. Man people have had the unpleasant shock of hearing a song that had specia ‘meaning for them transformed into supermarket Muzak. A media produ ‘with meaning to a consumer has been repackaged and sipped of meaning by producers. Often, the meaning that is attached to music has political significance. But even in this case, the music industry has learned how to adeptly manipulate articulations of dissent into viable, profitable commercial products. In some cases, these products may maintain the veneer o a rebellious alternative lifestyle, but in fact they have become well controlled sources of comporate profit, For example, music that at one time may have represented anger toward and rejection of authority figures and the status quo—we are thinking here, especi punk, and rap music—has been absorbed by corporate America and transformed into a commodity stripped of its political significance. In the 1980s, punk rock, which thumbed its nose at the commercial slickness of mainstream music, was smoothed around the edges and repackaged as "New Wave” music. Not long after rap’s appearance as a powerful music of resistance, it was incorporated into corporate adver- Using strategies (the “Pillsbury Doughboy” even began rapping to cookie dough!) or mass-marketed as controversial—and very saleable— “gangsta rap.” The “grunge” movement of the early 1990s was grounded in local music scenes; featured low-cost, used-clothing fashions, and was seen by many of its fans as a rejection of corporate-dominated rock and fashion, However, grunge quickly became a major profit maker for multinational corporations. By the mid-1990s, the grunge sensi had been repackaged under labels such as “alternative” and, “buz2’ 1rend in the rock music industry. In the lace wary politics of some rage rock bands such as Rage Against we wete supplanted by a heavy dose of misogynous and homo- jort years, the music industry transformed voices of rebellion ly marketable commodities, usually divested of political signit By the time you read this, there is likely to be a newly emerging ion, The active resistance of audiences to being co-opted stream may well be one of the prime forces behind creativity industry, on an even eatlier period of time, the media industry has e rock and roll of the 1960s and 1970s to enhance sales. ‘ising has appropriated music that once represented a tune, a seafood chain turned the Allman Brothers! cefrain “love is in the ait” into “lobster everywhere.” The mn” sold sneakers. Steppenwolf’s "Born to Be Wild” but wonder which meaningful songs of today norrow:) porary artists whose songs end up in ingly endless. Nissan cats alone were sold with songs hs, Smash Mouth, The Breeders, Lenny Kravitz, Stevi 's, The New Radicals sold Mitsubishis, The Orb sold is, and Status Quo sold Saturns. Moby even licensed all 18 songs on his info for a list of music used in recent commercials.) profit-seeking comporations largely co-opt mainstream com- their own purposes, there is a long, rich history of ted with different political causes. The labor and civil ri for example, each developed a distinct repertoire of politi that was a comerstone of each movement, Conservative draw on a wide range of “Christian” music aimed pired political message. Some forms of rap p-hop music continue to be a forum for the expression of pol views. The 1980s saw a series of music-based charity and political inclu ng Live Aid for famine relief in Ethiopia, Farm Aid for rs facing foreclosure, Sun City opposing apartheid and pro- van tights in South Africa, and several Amnesty International human rights worldwide. To varying degrees, each of these | the major distibution and marketing of music, itis whether music is closer to being a political soapbox lenging views or a musical bar of soap to be packaged and sold ike Kis important to remember that audiences appropriate music tor their own purposes, regardless of how it is marketed. The sale of some music can profit a corporation whi function for the consumers of that music, In many case and Political commentary in the music of classic and contemporary bands such as Gang of Four, Chumbawumba, Public Enemy, The Clash, Rage Against the Machine, or Tracy Chapman has significant meaning for ‘those who listen—regardless of the corporate label for which the music is recorded, This demonstiates another aspect of the complex tensions involved in the social process of media creation and consumption, The fragmentation of popular music has been the story of recent decades. The music scene is fractured into rap, rock, pop, country, techno, blues, folk, jazz, Latin, new age, eggae, and many others, In rh, each of these genres is fractured into many different subcategories, mak ing it impossible to speak of a single version of any of these musical ‘ypes. Each genre consists of many different, sometimes contradictory, tendencies. For example, as we have seen, some forms of rap are wel known for their angry and progressive political sentiments regarding m, economic inequall Other rap artists have corporated messages of misogyny and anti-Semitism and seem to slorify violence. Stil other rap music is concered with personal of love and relationships, not with political issues. Thus, there is no single political message promoted by rap or any other genre of music, Whatever the genre, the political impact of music is mixed. Musicians and fans endlessly struggle to claim their music as something different and, in some cases, a a political statement of alternative views. The music hy music it ‘The result is oppositional cultures that are endlessly being absorbed into the commercial marketplace, which wansforms what were once vibrant political statements into product jingles, movie soundtracks, and elevator Muzak, At the same time, enclaves of local vventures—college radio stations, small Global Media, Global Politics ‘The global dimension of the media's political impact has become all the ‘more significant in recent years as the media industry itself has taken oncoportions. We can divide the gro ies of the Wester (especially U.S.) media's impact on more recently, studies of indigenous media. Critics nt examinied Western media in the context of “cultur ith which we begin this discussion The Cultural Imperialism Thesis yeats, the discussion of global media was influenced 1at_ media products of the West, especi ted the rest of the world that they amounted to recent years, for example, American ‘imade up 40 percent of the European fil 2 quatter of the TV market, U.S. media corporations also control distribution networks in Europe (Hirsch and 992}, More than half of all movies shown on European tele. nade in the United States (De Bens, Ké went of the cultural itnperialism the (0 other counties, especial ine in Jocal traditional values and. pro- associated with capitalism. In addition, owner- Wer media were maintained in US. hands, and other wore dependent on the United States for cultural pro- ‘ulations of this position emphasized the role of tele- ) and were an important antidote to ethnocentric ng about the superiority of American culture. igutnent that US-owned media hardware and pro: ny were part of @ plan to culturally subjugate the world now seems yegests that the imperialism thesis is problematic least two counts (Tunstall, 1977). First, researchers questioned the ‘out that the media capacities of pwed them to produce their own programming, ice on US, shows. More recently, as we research hias shown that media audiences in different countries ferpretations of U.S. media products. The program might be ing of the program in two co me, researchers made cultural imperialism theory we subtle by recognizing such variation in impact. Theorists recognized sy into which media products were introduced, the ne of media products, and many other variables affected icular characteristics of the media's impact. est shifted away from a focus on television toward a generalized understanding of the influence of dit and Bakke, 1992). ‘was that Western n, American domi: jowever, in less expensive indigenous reach global dimensions. y produced formats, such programming grew, and regional export centers developed. At the beginning of the new century, the situation has become ave a significant impact on for and some TV programs have become popular worldwide. American vision programs are still widely popular abroad. Ametican very populat, with action-adventure films making the biggest splash. Sex and violence, especially, seem to cross cultures easily, whereas comedy and some forms of drama have a more difficult time. As American pro. ducers and film studios become increasingly reliant on overseas distr bution to make a profit on expensive “blockbusters,” the ease with which a film crosses cultural barriers becomes a relevant factor. Thus, violence packed action-adventure films are still a hit with Hollywood producers even though they are often less successful in the U.S. market than more family-oriented fare Meanwhile, in the area of pop music, American artists are sometimes lures. Westem musicians such as Paul ‘Simon, David Byme (formerly of the Talking Heads), and S of The Police) are among the best-known mainstream artists who ead on incorporated Aftican and South American sounds and musicians into their work. Observers have sometimes criticized the process of Western musicians drawing on indigenous cultures as being exploitative because it represents a raiding of local culture for the profit of Western artists and record conglomerates, Critics have also accused musicians of creating “watered-down” or homogenized musical sound. However, others argue that the increased exposure of indigenous music has led to a greater appreciation of it by a wide variety of audiences. In fact, “world music” has grown in popularity to become a recognizable music category that Fepresents both music produced in particular parts of the world and an amalgam of varied instruments and rhythms resulting in a generic “global” sound ungrounded in any single tradition ‘The meeting of Western and international music can be complicated. For example, various elements of South Atrican “township mbaganga, kwela, and Zulu choral music dominated the sound o Simon’s hit album Graceland. Simon's interest in South African po} music was sparked in part by the fact that the sound reminded him of 1950s American rock and roll. In fact, American rock music and other African American musical styles of the 1950s and 1960s were distributed in South Africa (Garofalo, 1992). Thus, local cultures had absorbed the infusion of 1950s American rock and roll and had produced new soundsEXHIBIT 7.2 jion. In the eyes of the a youth andfe dishes, movie theaters, nonteligious music, and all print material n outside the country (Abdullah, 1998). In 1994 and 1995, the con ‘a brought Russian citizens their first "TV war” as evening s coverage showed graphic images of fighting and death. One US. ‘count noted that “the images of Russia's first major televised conflict ppear to be stirring bitter opposition to what was already an extremely opular wat” (Los Angeles Times/Washington Post News Service, 95). Thus, the media that helped make Russian president Boris Yeltsin popular hero during the 1991 coup attempt contributed to his dramatic ine in popularity just four years later. The Russians were experiencing ‘media in a manner reminiscent of the American experience most 30 years earlier Conclusion influence on the political process has utterly transformed is is conducted in many countries. I reaches beyond the itical coverage in the news and entertainment media, nding into the social process of political deliberation and wans- ig the physi act of conducting politics. The media have tated the development of a mass audience for political spectacles. audience usually unions, of other political organizations. It leams about candidates h the media lens ice, However, t0 do 50, p he media. Parties and platforms matter less in a glossy, mediated while personality and image matter more. Politicians, acutely lor their activities accordingly. They often steer » media and emerging media technologies have the potential to tate information sharing and political discussion, However, as the nce of recent history indicates, the detrimental impact of these di \s should now be clear, discussion of the role of mass media in politi- must be tempered by the realization that audiences are not receptors of media messages. As we explore in Chapter 8, audiences participants in the construction of meaning, Goya er Active Audiences and the Construction of Meaning ntil recently, scholars and critics did not take media audiences very seriously. Concer about the potentially manipulative nature ‘of media images led researchers to focus on the media messages them selves, which were subjected to rigorous scrutiny. Some research and debate focused on the ways media messages “cause” specific behaviors. Does television viewing lead teenagers to have sex at an early age? Does heavy metal music cause listeners to commit suicide? Do movies make people use violence in their lives? Audiences, from this perspective, were the recipients of a form of external stimulus—a movie, song. or television program—that elicited an observable response. Certainly, researchers who focused on media effects were asking a significant question. Pethaps you can recall seeing a particular! movie or TV show that was so graphic it made you wonder how it might affect other viewers. What the effects research highlighted, and what virtually all observers nov accept. is that media messages matter, They are ‘not somehow separate from our “real” lives, picked up for fun and dis- carded when we (urn to the important things. On the contrary, media messages are central to our everyday lives. This is, indeed, one of the basic premises of this book But there is a crucial difference between this position and one that focuses on the direct “effects” of media on a large measure, the discussion of media effects ignores living, breathing people. People exist only as receptacles for media messages, passive groups. whose behaviors and attitudes are the result of a powerful external force: the