HIS003 Module PDF Confidential

Mindanao State University System
A HISTORY OF FILIPINO MUSLIMS AND LUMADS OF MINSUPALA:

A TEACHING AND LEARNING GUIDE
Juvanni A. Caballero
General Editor
Modified Modular Activities

Exclusively for the Use of
HIS003 Students of
Mindanao State University at
Naawan
2016
by:
Desheree Judena G. Preciado
Rebino B. Batoto
Ruth E. Manco
Luzviminda A. Maloloy-on
i
This module does not intend to infringe on any copyright claims and is
solely for academic purposes of MSU- Naawan, its faculty and its students.
ii
A HISTORY OF FILIPINO MUSLIMS AND LUMADS OF MINSUPALA:
A TEACHING AND LEARNING GUIDE
General Editor
MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology
Contributors
Zizzle Dawn M. Abecia Maria Cecilia B. Tangian

Mindanao State University – Marawi MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology
Campus Phyllis Marie S. Teanco
Kimberly F. Apatan MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology
Mindanao State University – Marawi Emily C.Togores
Campus MSU Maigo School of Arts and Trades
Jihan S. Bacug Mark Anthony J. Torres
Mindanao State University – Marawi MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology
Campus Magsayasay Werble
Sharon Bulaclac MSU Tawi-Tawi College of Technology and
Mindanao State University – Marawi Oceanography
Campus Melodia S. Udtohan
Juvanni A. Caballero Mindanao State University – Marawi Campu
Munap Hairullah
Manuel S. Lam
MSU Tawi-Tawi College of Technology and
Oceanography
Desheree Judena G. Preciado
MSU Naawan
Michael Anthony R. Ngo
Sittie Juhanna M. Pandapatan
Manolita O. Regalado
Rudy B. Rodil
Mindanao Historian
Alshadat B. Sabal
MSU Tawi-Tawi College of Technology and
Oceanography
Faharodin Salacop
MSU Naawan
Geoffrey G. Salgado
iii
Editorial Notes
A free scholar, the historian want only to write pure history – even when, or perhaps
especially when, he is writing the History 3 Manual for the students. He would be no
horse driven by some rider with a purpose apart from pure history- writing. A sincere
scientist, he would sick only with facts. He would interpret and speculate on these facts,
yes but constantly he would stick only with facts. He would interpret and speculate on
these facts. Yet, but constantly he would be ruled only by that “clear and bright center”
of the intellect that demands strict objectivity and logic based on scientific probability.
With this integrity of discipline, he would not be dictated by another person’s or group’s,
or even his own personal, ethnic, national, political, social, religious sentiments or
agenda of action. He would be someone devoted only to his scholarship.
That, of course, is the ideal historian in the ideal academic scenery. And that should be,
also, the ideal historian working on the History 3 Manual. Writing about Spanish and
American campaigns against Maranaos, MamituaSaber, Henry Funtecha and Federico
Magdalena dwelt on available facts of events, siding neither with the Maranaos nor with
the foreigners or pushing some agenda outside of pure history writing. On the battle of
Marawi, Saber, in particular, a Maranao whose ancestor participated in the battle, wrote
with special intent to approach the subject from Maranao standpoint. But true to his
calling as a forward any personal, family, ethnic, religious or socio political sentiment,
bias or agenda external to the pure writing of pure history.
But that’s because he, like Funtecha and Magdalena, was a free and pure historian. He
was not writing the History 3 Manual. On the other hand, the special burden of the
History 3 Manual writer is that the historian is handed down a disciplinary handicap: to
write history not for its own sake, as Saber, Funtencha and Magdalena had done, but
for and under a socio political and educational mandate derived from a larger mandate
of a university Charter. Indeed, the special burden is a special challenge in his writing of
history. Would He succeed in his task without compromising his integrity as a free and
pure historian? Or would he become, as history has proven many historians to have
been, a mouthpiece for some prepared speculation without facts, some unproven
assumption, prejudgment, concept or ideology- thus ceasing to be a pure historian? The
questions are important because if he succeeded to solve the challenge without
compromising integrity there would be a true specimen of a historian who may have
found an important solution- and lesson- in going through the horns of a dilemma
without a scratch.
Fortunately, the Charter mandates History 3 only to enforce University concept of

educational integration. It does not command enforcement of its own concept of the
truth. This is the window through which the History 3 passed without being torn apart
by the horns.
Pardon this generalization as his observer has limited space for comment, but he saw
mainly from the original tonal quality of language used I its text, that History 3 bent
over hard to accommodate the Mandate requirements, but did not surrender the purity
of history writing and its integrity. Responsibly, it maintained its objectivity in the need
to explain Islam at length: analyst medievalist, non- humanist and oppressive Spanish
colonialism; criticized American un selfless entry into the Philippines ( otherwise given
no moral quarters even today by the UP Tagalog Nationalist Communist clique of
scholars) described Philippine wobbly efforts at dealing with its ‘’Mindanao Problem’’
focused on Mindanaons sincere self-efforts to create the peace themselves; and so on –
all these sometimes to the point of breaking, for or against the cause. But that breaking
never quite happened.
iv
Generally, the History 3 Manual is sufficiently basic and introductory but fundamental for
student use. It has no semesters space left to cover Pre-history( before 900) which is
largely anthropological or enough of the Classical Period (900-1521) which could shed
more light on the IP relations, but these are topics to be covered by other History
subjects.
A few additional notes related to several modules:
1st .The Lumads; the Mindanao State University System President Macapado Muslim
once said at a meeting that today there are only two population groups on Mindanao:
the Moros and the Christians. The “Lumads’’ have disappeared or a disappearing
because they have become Christians. His comment was probably no product of strict
research, but has statistical interest survey.
On the other hand, the general concept on Mindanao is that there are two Indigenous
people’s (IP’s) those who become “Moros “and those who remained “Lumads” and the
third people are the “immigrant Christian Group”. It may be interesting to look into the
possibility that even these “Christian immigrants” may have been descendants of the
past “indigenous” Mindanaoans.
Despite inadequate demographic information about ancestors in this Manila, the logical
anthropological probability may be that the peoples of Visayas and Luzon came from the
Mindanao areas and moved back again. On the question of unification of the Tri- people
of Mindanao, it may be probable that the three are just long lost relatives through the
centuries, belonging to the same original family. It is not the Mindanao tradition to
consult the salsilain the times of conflict so that parties would find that they were after
all of the same family? If they consult their DNA salsila, they would probably find out
who was who.
2nd .Moro Piratical Raids. When the Moros ravage mainly the Visayan coast in the second
half of the 18th century, they obviously had more troops and better weaponry, agile
tactics and ships (compared to Spanish clinkers) and maritime superiority. The
Spaniards looked like they could not retaliate and could not effectively patrol and protect
the coast or simply had not the wherewithal. It was possible that, with better
motivation, organization, logistics and strategy, the Moros could have gone up north to
attack Spanish ships and territory successfully. At the time, they could have avenged
Rajah Solaiman and even occupied Manila. Apparently, however their interest had been
limited to“piratical” raids to take revenge, insult the Spaniards and damage their morale
and on the side, to amass war loot, slaves to sell and wealth (personal economy) rather
than achieve real strategic and political victory over the Spaniards. A century later, the
one track minded enemy colonist, finally got equipped with the killer fast crafts, steam
gunboats with modern cannon and machine guns, which spelled the end of Moro
maritime, Lake Riverine and other combative supremacy, making Moros finally ripe for
the conquest. But the Americans came with better ships, better artillery and much better
resources from a better economy. In the whole archipelago, they took the fruit of
victory from the mouth of the politically and economically emaciated Spaniards, not to
speak of the mouth of the Philippine revolutionaries, otherwise hungry and eager victors
over the Spaniards on Luzon and in Visayas.
3rdThe American Factor. If the Treaty of Paris did not include Mindanao and if the
Americans did not join in the Philippine history or even if they did, did not come to
Mindanao to conquer it, there would only be Luzon and the Visayas now known as the
Philippines. Mindanao would be a separated country. There would be no” Moro Problem”
no attempt of the Philippine government to include Mindanao in its state; and no Moro
wars after the 19th century. Ultimately, the so called “Moro Problem” was really, first the
“American Problem” and now the “Philippine Problem” of Mindanao for the Moros and
Lumads.
v
4th. Philippine Government Move. Despite the efforts of the Mindanao civilian residents,
will the Aquino government’s act to finally bring peace on Mindanao with the MILF and
the Bangsa Moro concept succeed by itself? For all its being a cause for high optimism,
this act also appears to have ignored and marginalized some groups, like MNLF with
which the Philippines had made treaties, and the Sulu Sultanate which is an older
institution of rule than the Philippine government. Incidentally, both want to continue
with the Sabah claim question, which the Aquino government wants to forget with
Malaysia, or perhaps erase from historical memory to favour Malaysia. Suddenly, the
president declared the Sultanate and the MNLF as has beens and “spoilers” who better
watch how they behave. Is this a correct democratic or dictatorial procedure?
Raymond Llorca
Consulting Editor
vi
Cover-Photo
Front (L to R): Maharajah Quinto, Panglima Musah, Datu Kalun (aka Pedro Cuevas),
Datu Facundo Mandi (in white attire and smoking a cigar), Panglima Buayah.
Circa,1900. Photo from US Library of Congress Arhives, also found in Robert A. Fulton,
Moroland History, http://www.morolandhistory.com/02.PG/5.morosc1900htm (published
with permission)
This learning resource is for the teaching of History 3 (A History of Muslims and
Lumads of Minsupala). It has been produced with financial assistance from the
United States Institute of Peace (USIP) and implemented by the Center for Philippine
Studies, University of Hawaii at Manoa, in cooperation with Mindanao State University.
The views expressed here are those of the contributors who are soley responsible for its
content, and are not considered endorsements of the USIP. Copies are not for sale.
Printed in Iligan City, Philippines

All Rights Reserved, 2015
vii
FOREWORD
Mindanao State Univeristy (MSU) is the only university in the Philippines mandated to
promote social integration and cultural understanding among the diverse peoples of
Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan (Minsupala). It is also the sole university that offers
History of the Filipino Muslims (Bangsamoro) and othe Indigenous Peoples (Lumads) of
Minsupala (History 3) as a required course for some 70,000 students. Through this
course, MSU hopes to enhance nation-building by raising the level of awareness and
appreciation among its students. After a semester of study, they may view the history of
the Bangsamoro and the Lumads as also part of Philippine history, that the struggle of
both is alos intehral to the quest for freedon of the Filipino people and that their
customs, traditions and religions could enrich the Filipino culture and make it even
more colorful.
Several challenges confront the teacher in offering such course. Firstly, there is no
single textbook designed to fit the timeframe and context of the History classroom.
True, books anout Mindanao history abound, but they are scattered in l ibraries and
private collections of individuals.
Secondly, with the recent development in the GPH-MILF Peace Process, many of the
references need updating.
Fourthly, the delicate issues on Mindanao history also make the course a sensitive one.
Consider this: the History 3 classroom is culturally diverse – with Muslims, Christian and
Lumad students put together. An imprudent and one-sided presentation could even lead
to violent arguments, further alienating minorities or even perpetuating enemy images.
It does more than heal the wounds inflicted in Muslims and other indigenes, who are
often consigned to the backseat. Lastly, because none of the 11 MSU campuses has
come up with a consolidated and standardized textbook, the content and approach in
pedagogy are naturally varied.
This instructional guide is a modest attempt to address the above challenges. Its
general aims are tow: (1) Provide a standardized content and approach in the teaching
and learning of History 3; and (2) Promote a culture of dialogue, reconciliation and
peace among MSU students.
The guide or text is arranged into modules, woven into a chronological fashion and
written in a popular manner to make it interesting to readers. It attempts to
encapsulates a history from “below” to highlight the stores seldom articulated in national
narratives.
The above aims also provide support to the GPH-MILF comprehensive peace agreement
of March 27, 2014. The peace deal seeks, among other things, genuine autonomy for
the Bangsamoro and Lumad minorities, as well as reconciliation and healing for the
peoples of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan.
The writers of this humble work, themselves of diverse cultural backgrounds, hope to
contribute toward providing direction and optimizing the impact of History 3 among
students. Their sacrifices to produce this learning resource cannot be underestimated,
working with the editor during holidays or weekends – competing in between rounds of
family day, marketing and religious obligations.
May this textbook heal the deep wounds caused by a bitter and promote solidarity
among the tri-people of southern Philippines.
Juvanni Yahya A. Caballero

Editor
viii
MINDANAO STATE UNIVERSITY AT NAAWAN
College of Education and Social Sciences
Department of Social Sciences and Humanities
COURSE GUIDE
HISTORY OF FILIPINO MUSLIMS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF MINSUPALA
Course Title: History of Filipinos and the Indigenous People of MINSUPALA

No. of Units : 3 Units
Course Description:
A historical overview of the Filipino Muslims and the Indigenous Peoples of Mindanao,
the Sulu Archipelago and Palawan since pre-colonial times up to the present; their
responses to foreign and local domination in the context of national efforts for peace
and development.
Course Outcome:
At the end of the course, the learners:

1. Can demonstrate and apply social integration and cultural understanding among the
diverse peoples of MinSuPala.
2. Can establish and identify the sentiments and aspirations of the peoples of MinSuPala.
3. Can comprehend the past social experiences that shaped the current realities of
Mindanao and its peoples.
4. Can translate cognitive learning into affective maturity that would push them to initiate
actions for positive change.
Course Outline and Study Schedule
Week Topic Learning Activity

1-3 Module 1: Why Study History 3? Concept Mapping
Module 2: The Setting of Trace and Analyze
MINSUPALA and Its Peoples at Autobiography Map
Present Production of Minsupala Map
Production of Energizer Box
4-7 Module 3: Institutions of Image Analysis

MINSUPALA Before the Advent Guide Questions
of Islam Interview
Module 4: Genealogical and Ancestry Tracing
Cultural Connections of the Tri- Discussion Questions
People
Module 5: Islam in Moro History
ix
5-8 Module 6: Moro Resistance Discussion Questions
Against Spanish Aggression Research
Module 7: Lumad Resistance to Image Analysis
Spanish Aggression
Module 8: Christian Filipino
Resistance to Spanish
Colonialism
9-12 Module 9: American Occupation Article Reading

and Moro/Lumad Responses Reflection Paper
Module 10: The Commonwealth Film Viewing
and Quezon’s Policies Towards Interview
Mindanao Guide Questions
Module 11: The Japanese Trace and Analyze
Advent and its Impact
13-15 Module 12: Post-War Attempts Research
at Integration for Mindanao and Film Viewing
Sulu Guide Questions
Module 13: Emergence of Paper Dance
Bangsamoro Secessionism Interview
16-18 Module 14: The Peace Process Film Viewing

with Bangsamoro Fronts Reflection Paper
Module 15: The Issue about Examining Political Cartoon
Sabah (North Borneo) Essay Questions
Module 16: Peace building at Roadmap Making
the Grassroots Interpreting Quotes
Guide Questions
x
Table of Contents
Editorial Notes …………………………………………………………………………………….…………..iv

Foreword……………………………………………………………………………………………..………..viii
Course Guide ………………………………………………………………………………….………………ix
Study Schedule………………………………………………………………………………………………..ix
Table of Contents…………………………………………………………………………………………….xi
Learners Guide……………………………………………………………………………………………....xiii
CONTENT DISCUSSION
1. Why Study History 3?................................................................................1

1.1 Enrichment Activities
1.1.1 Concept Mapping…………………………………………………………………...7
1.1.2 Image Analysis……………………………………………………………………….7
References……………………………………………………………………………………….7
2. The Setting: Minsupala and its peoples at present……………………………………..8
2.1.1 Autobiography Map……………………………………………………………….15
2.1.2 Map of Minsupala………………………………………………………………….16
2.1.3 Enrgizer Box…………………………………………………………………………16
References……………………………………………………………………………………….….16
3. Institutions of Minsupala before the advent of Islam……………………………..…17
3.1.1 Image Analysis……………………………………………………………………..28
3.1.2 Information Analysis……………………………………………………………..29
3.1.3 Identification of Indigenous Practices……………………………………..29
References…………………………………………………………………………………….29
4. Genealogical Connections: Origin Stories From Mindanao………………………….31
4.1.1 Production of Family Tree………………………………………………………38
4.1.2 Interview of Grandparents/Elders……………………………………………38
4.1.3 Guide Questions…………………………………………………………..……….38
References……………………………………………………………………………………..39
5. Islam In Moro History ……………………………………………………………………………40
5.1.1 Trade Routes Tracing…………………………………………………………….51
5.1.2 Guide Questions…………………………………………………………………….51
References………………………………………………………………………………………52
6. Moro Resistance Against Spanish Aggression……………………………………………53
6.1.1 Discussion Questions……………………………………………………………..59
6.1.2 Image Analysis……………………………………………………………………...59
References……………………………………………………………………………………….60
7. Lumad Resistance against Spanish Aggression………………………………………….61
7.1.1 Profiling of Lumad Communities………………………………………………67
7.1.2 Analysis of Lumad Responses………………………………………………….67
References………………………………………………………………………………..……..68
8. Instanced of Moro, Lumad and “Christian Filipino Cooperation……………………70
8.1.1 Reaction Paper on the Speech of Buisan…………………………….…….72
8.1.2 Reflection Paper on the Topic…………………………………………….……73
References..……………………………………………………………………………………73
9. American Occupation and Moro/Lumad Responses……………………………………74
9.1.1 Article Reading on the Benevolent Assimilatio……………………………87
xi
9.1.2 Watch Documentary Film………………………………………………………..87
9.1.3 Video Presentation………………………………………………………………….88
References……………………………………………………………………………………….88
10. The Commonwealth and Quezon’s Policies towards Mindanao…………………….90
10.1.1 Watch Documentary Film on Quezon’s Life……………………………….97
10.1.2 Guide Questions…………………………………………………………………….97
References…………………………………………………………………………..………….98
11. Japanese Occupation and its Aftermath………………………………………………….99
11.1.1 Concept Mapping of the Topic………………………………………….……108
11.1.2 Interview Grandparents or Elders………………………………….……….109
References…………………………………………………………………………….………109
12. Post-War Attempts at Integration for Mindanao and Sulu………………………..110
12.1.1 Research the History of MSU, CNI, MDA………………………………….117
12.1.2 Research Contributions of the Different Presidents…………….…….117
References…………………………………………………………………………………...118
13. Emergence of Bangsamoro Secessionism…………………………………………..……119
13.1.1 Video Documentary ……………………………………………………………..125
13.1.2 Reflection Paper…………………………………………………………..……….125
13.1.3 Paper Dance…………………………………………………………………………125
References……………………………………………………………………………….….126
14. The Peace Process with the Bangsamoro Fronts………………………………..…….127
12.2.1 Wacth film “Inside the New People’s Army”……………………..…..….137
12.2.2 Reflection Paper………………………………………………………………..…..137
References……………………………………………………………………………..……..137
15. The Issue about Sabah (North Borneo)………………………………………..…………139
15.1Enrichment Activities
15.1.1Examining a Political Cartoon…………………………………………………143
15.1.2Guide Questions…………………………………………………………………..144
15.1.3Essay Question…………………………………………………………………….145
References……………………………………………………………..……………….……146
16: Peace building at the Grassroots………………………………………………………..….147
16.1.1 Making a Roadmap……………………………………………………………...153
16.1.2 My Opinion Matters……………………………………………………………...153
16.1.3Interpreting Quotes……………………………………………………..……….154
References……………………………….…………………………………………….…….155
List of References……………………………….……………………………………….…………….…….156
xii
How to Learn from this Module
To achieve the objectives cited above, you are to do the following:
➢ Take your time reading the lessons carefully.
➢ Follow the directions and/or instructions in the activities diligently.
➢ Answer all the given questions.
LEARNER’S GUIDE
This module was prepared and designed for you to learn diligently, intellectually, and
self-sufficiently. Aside from meeting the content and performance standards of this
course in accomplishing the given activities, you will be able to learn other invaluable
learning skills which you will be very proud of as a responsible learner. The following
guides and the house rules will help you further to be on track and to say at the end of
the module, “I did well”.
To do well in the lesson, you need to remember and do the following:
▪ Read and follow the instructions very carefully.
▪ Read each topic diligently and answer the exercises that are provided for you.
▪ Perform all the activities diligently to help and guide you in understanding the topic.
▪ Open and view indicated videos. Explore further and deeper as your time allows.
▪ Take down notes as you go through the simulations, videos and research.
▪ Writing on paper or typing on your computer helps you remember and understand
things easier.
▪ Gather the data required in your research and submit it on time.
▪ I will be calling you at least once a week, to follow-up on your progress, and to answer
your questions and clarifications. Expect a call or text message or an email during
Wednesday to Friday.
xiii
Module 1
WHY STUDY THE HISTORY OF THE FILIPINO MUSLIMS

AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF MINSUPALA?
By: Juvanni A. Caballero1

1
Department of History, CASS, MSU-IIT
I. Objectives:
At the end of the module, the students should be able to answer the following
questions:
1.) How was the Mindanao State University System created?

2.) How did History 3 (i.e. History of the Filipino Muslims and IPs in Mindanao, Sulu
and Palawan) become a mandated course in the MSU System?
3.) What is the relevance of studying the History of the Filipino Muslims and IPs in
Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan?
II. Introductory Activity: Listen to the Story of Kamlon
From 1948 to 1955, Hadji Kamlon, a WWII veteran and a well-known hero from the
town of Luuk, Sulu province, unexpectedly rebelled against the Philippine government.
He defied government authorities for eight years and successfully evaded arrest despite
the fact that the Philippine military had already concentrated its forces in Jolo to capture
him. To the government, Kamlon was not an ordinary criminal; he was considered the
biggest threat to national security after the Hukbalahap communists in the 1950s.1
Contrary to government’s view, many Tausugs considered Kamlon as a legendary folk

hero. He was compared to Robin Hood, who stole from the rich to give to the poor.
Kamlon’s uprising would reach its zenith by 1951 when he and about 100 of his armed
followers would inflict heavy casualties on patrolling government soldiers. Accordin
g to one account:
By about 1951, armed clashes started to rage over wide areas of Sulu...
The most bloody was the one launched by Kamlon Hadji and 100
followers. Despite their inferior strength and crude weapons comprising
mostly of old rifles and krises and their being mainly restricted in the
Luuk area on Jolo island, Kamlon and his band made the government
shake in its shoes. They inflicted severe losses on lives, equipment and
fund. For almost 4 years the government engaged Kamlon and, during
the final assault, 5,000 ground troops2 were utilized along with naval,
air and mortar supports. Logistical expenditures, after the final inventory,
amounted to P185 million. Despite all this cost, Kamlon could not be
routed or captured. He finally gave up conditionally due to advancing
age.3
1
Madge Kho. “A Conflict That won’t Go Away.” http://www.philippineupdate.com/Conflict.htm.
2
However, according to the 4th Infantry Division’s history, approximately 10,000 soldiers were involved in
the Kamlon campaign. Below is the 4th ID’s account: “During this period, more military units were sent to
and involved in the Jolo Island campaign against the group of KAMLON, namely; 9th BCT of IVMA, followed
by 5th BCT from Luzon, 23rd BCT, 26th BCT, 27th BCT under Col VALERIANO, 19th BCT, 10th BCT Artillery unit,
15th BCT from Visayas, Marine Recon Company (MRC), the Local base PC in Jolo and the Scout Rangers
under LT ILETO. Total strength of all units involved in this campaign, accounting to more or less 10,000
personnel”. See http://www.diamond troopers.com.ph/history2.html
3
A. Ricarte. “Composite History: Kamlon Campaign.”
http://www.timawa.net/forum/index.php?topic=6263.0
1
In another account on August 1955, Kamlon and 40 of his followers routed an entire
platoon of government troops in Sulu and killed 18 while wounding 19 others. This was
the “largest casualty figure in one engagement suffered by government troops” in
pursuit of Kamlon. His group incurred only 1 death and 5 wounded, according to the
news report.4
The cause of the Kamlon rebellion, according to several sources, had not been clearly
established. To the military men who tried to capture him, Kamlon was simply a Moro
who wanted to return to the lawless life of a freebooter; some attributed his rebellion to
the conflict among local leaders in Sulu; while others say Kamlon was irked by the land
registration law which required him to register his land to make it his. Land registration
was said to have caused a clan feud between Kamlon and another Tausug (affiliated to
the government) who applied for land title on his ancestral land. When violence broke
out between Kamlon and his adversary, the government came in to pacify – but only to
find itself entangled into the web of confrontation and armed violence. This was so
because Kamlon (and his followers) suspected (or were convinced) that the government
was supporting his local enemies.
Perhaps unknown to many is the fact that Kamlon was also charged and sentenced with
multiple murder and kidnapping by the court. His punishment was a death sentence,
which the Supreme Court affirmed in a ruling in 1963.5 This sentence, however, was
not carried out.
To many Tausugs, Kamlon was respected and loved. In fact, local people never
cooperated with the military despite the huge amounts and generous rewards offered to
those who could lead to the capture of the elusive leader. According to one account: “The only
answer the troopers could get in their query (when looking for Kamlon) was “diih” that
means “no” or “bukon” meaning “not him or not the one in the picture”.6
Kamlon’s enduring rebellion made the government to think: How come he could not be
captured despite the inferior number and crude weapons of his followers? How come
the superior military power of the government and the reward system for the capture of
Kamlon is not effective? Why does it take too long to capture a band of more or less
100 poorly armed individuals? What is really the problem with Kamlon’s uprising?
Subsequently, the government decided to investigate the causes of the unrest. A Special
House Committee composed of Sen. Domocao Alonto of Lanao, Cong. Luminog
Mangelen of Cotabato and Cong. Ombra Amilbangsa of Sulu, was created to inquire into
the problem. Results of the investigation reveal that the problem of Kamlon’s long-
lasting rebellion is neither due to the inept military nor the talisman (anting-anting) of
Kamlon. Rather, the problem is caused by the general feeling of the Moros that they are
not Filipinos; that the Philippine military is not their military; that the Philippine
government is a foreign government.7 Hence, the Special House Committee strongly
recommended that if the government wants to genuinely address the problem, it should
adopt measures to make the Moros feel they were an integral part of the Philippine
nation. This aim, according to the committee, must be achieved through a
4
The Times-News, August 1, 1955.
5
In “People of the Philippines vs. Hadji Kamlon,” the Supreme Court stated “…this Court affirms in full the
findings and judgment of the lower court. The crime committed is kidnapping complexed with murder.
We find the death penalty as well as the indemnity in the amount of P3,000.00 imposed in accordance
with law and affirm the same with costs against the defendant.”
http://www.lawphil.net/judjuris/juri1963/oct1963/gr_l-12686_1963.html.
6
http://en.wikipilipinas.org/index.php?title=Kamlon.
7
That is why no civilian would help the military in capturing Kamlon.
2
comprehensive approach covering economic, social, moral, political and educational
developments.8
As a result of the recommendation, the government created several programs and

agencies that were supposed to effect the economic, social, political, moral and
educational integration of non-Christian Filipinos into the main body politic of the
Philippines. Foremost of the agencies charged with the above function were the
Commission on National Integration (1957) and the Mindanao State University (1961).
III. Lesson Proper
1.) How was the Mindanao State University System created?
The first agency charged with the integration of the non-Christian Filipinos was the
Commission on National Integration (CNI). However, because of its gigantic tasks,
limited funding and poor administration, the agency found its mandate difficult to carry
out. Later, after more than 10 years, the CNI would be abolished, largely failing to
achieve its objectives.
Chiefly, it was in education that CNI was supposed to carry out its assignment.9 But
when this agency was dissolved, the responsibility of educational integration and
advancement (at least for the Moros and IPs of MinSuPala) was largely passed on to the
Mindanao State University (MSU), which was created on September 1, 1961 through RA
1387.10 The Mindanao State University was the brain child of the late Senator Domocao
A. Alonto as a government response to the so-called “Mindanao Problem”.11
Integration, according to its first president, Dr. Antonio Isidro, lies at the heart of MSU
which serves as a social laboratory.12
As a crucial mandate, integration is very evident as stated in the university’s official

website:
The 1954 congressional committee conceptualized it (i.e. MSU) as social

laboratory for national integration... It is the only university (in the
8
Salah Jubair. Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless Tyranny. IQ Marin SDN BHD (Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia:
1999), p.124.
9
Salah Jubair. p.124.
10
While the university was established in 1961, it however started operating only on June 13, 1962, with
an initial batch of 282 freshmen who passed the scholarship examination administered by the National
Science Development Board. Their teachers were: twelve (12) regular Filipino faculty members and a
number of volunteers from the British Voluntary Service Overseas, Volunteers in Asia, Ford Foundation
and Fulbright Foundation. There were only two (2) colleges offering baccalaureate courses by then,
namely: the College of Liberal Arts and the College of Education and Community Development. In the
subsequent school-years, more colleges were not only added; Rather, MSU even grew into a multi-
campus university system, with nearly 3,100 faculty members serving over 53,000 students in all levels.
Today, MSU is present in the following areas: Marawi City (MSU-Marawi), Iligan City (MSU-Iligan Institute
of Technology), General Santos City (MSU-General Santos), Maguindanao (MSU-Maguindanao), Sulu
(MSU-Sulu), Tawi-tawi (MSU-Tawi-tawi), Zamboanga Sibugay (MSU-Buug), Misamis Oriental (MSU-
Naawan), Lanao del Norte (MSU-Maigo), Lanao del Sur (MSU-LNAC), Marawi City (MSU-LNCAT), Misamis
Occidental (MSU-Lopes Jaena).
11
The Special House Committee used the term “Mindanao Problem” in referring to the unrest caused by
the Moros and IP’s general feeling of not belonging to the Philippine nation. Other scholars and critics of
course argue that the term is inappropriate since it is too sweeping to include the entire Mindanao in the
problem. Moro scholars also refuse to call it the Moro problem since it is not the Moros who caused it but
are merely reacting to a situation caused by poor governance, discrimination and the uneven distribution
of development.
12
Antonio Isidro. The Moro Problem: An Approach Through Education. Marawi City: Mindanao State
University, 1968.
3
country) directly charged by the government to advance the cause of
national unity and actively pursue integration through education. 13
According to the university’s charter, MSU is mandated to do the following: (1) Perform
the traditional functions of a university namely: instruction, research and extension
service; (2) Provide trained manpower skills and technical know-how for the economic
development of the Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan (MINSUPALA) region; and (3) Help
accelerate the program of the integration among the peoples of Southern
Philippines, particularly the Muslims and other cultural minorities (emphasis by
author).14
Hence, MSU as a social laboratory did a lot of things to carry out its mandate. For
instance, it had been an official policy in the dormitories of the university that no
students coming from the same province could become roommates. That is why in the
dorms of MSU, one can see young people with different ethnic, religious and cultural
backgrounds knowing one another, demonstrating startling camaraderie and forging
lifetime friendships after their stay.15 What is more, performing groups and cultural
guilds with mixed memberships were also formed in the campus (e.g. Darangen,
Kambayoka, Kapariz and other groups), where Muslim, Christian and Lumad students
learn from each other’s traditional dances, music, language, poetry and values. Indeed,
MSU’s mandate for integration was cogently captured in the dictum “unity in diversity”.
2.) How did History 3 (i.e. History of the Filipino Muslims and IPs in
Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan) become a mandated course in the MSU
System?
There have been some controversies in the term “integration” as MSU’s special
mandate. In fact, in the book of Salah Jubair, integration was said to be objected by
some Moros because it entails assimilation which would lead to the absorption of their
belief and culture into the dominant group’s – the Christians. Secondly, integration,
according to Jubair, “implied that the Christians were not only superior in all spheres of
life, but even in matters of religion, they were spiritually or religiously correct”. Jubair
believes that through integration, there will come a time when “one could not
distinguish Muslims from the Christians and vice versa” anymore.16 Hence, the objection!
But as far as MSU is concerned, integration does not entail assimilation (and to the
extreme “annihilation”) of the local culture and religious belief of the Moros and IPs of
MinSuPala. In fact, if we examine the mission statement of the university, it says:
“Committed to the attainment of peace and sustainable development in

the MINSUPALA region, the MSU System will set the standards of
excellence in science, arts , technology, and other fields; accelerate the
economic, cultural, socio-political, and agro-industrial
development of the Muslim and other cultural groups, thereby
facilitating their integration into the national community,
preserve and promote the cultural heritage of the region and
conserve its natural resources; and infuse moral and spiritual values. For
13
http://www.msumain.edu.ph/details.php?sectid=28
14
R.A. 1387. See http://www.msumain.edu.ph/details.php?catid=38&sectid=28
15
It is interesting to share the results of a study conducted by Jimmy Balacuit in 1974. Using a pre-
test/post-test design, Balacuit surveyed the attitudes of Muslim and Christian dorm residents before and
after their stay in the dormitories. Results show that the semester’s stay of the students created a
positive change in their respective attitudes towards each other. If at the outset, both Muslims and
Christians did not welcome the idea of being made to share rooms, mess halls and other facilities in the
dorm, all these positively changed after their stay. See Jimmy Balacuit. “Muslim-Christian Integrated
Student Housing at the Mindanao State University.” MA Thesis, University of the Philippines. 1974.
16
Salah Jubair p. 125.
4
collaborative efforts, for diplomatic relations, and for international
recognition as a leading institution of higher learning, the MSU System
will pursue vigorously linkages with foreign agencies”.17
It is noteworthy that the mission of the university stresses the phrase “preserve and
promote the cultural heritage of the region”. This means, for MSU, integration does not
stand for absorption and eventually annihilation of the Moro and IP heritage. In fact the
university is tasked, as part of the national integration effort, to preserve and promote
Moro and IP cultures. It is apparent then that as a process, integration here only means
the making of the Moros and other IPs feel they are Filipinos too by making them
appreciate the government’s efforts of advancing their heritage and cultures, counting
them as part of the general Filipino heritage and providing them with educational,
economic and other opportunities to move up higher on the social ladder. Assimilation
and annihilation of the Moro and IP culture seems hard to believe as the meaning of
integration when the authors of MSU wrote it. After all, they were also proud Moros.
Integration therefore as conceived by the authors of MSU meant including the Moros
and IPs in the development efforts of the national government. It simply meant taking
them into account in all the things which the government considers “central”, “national”
and “integral”. Thus, if there is such a thing as economic, socio-cultural, political,
educational and other developments, the Moros and IPs, in the context of integration,
were included into these. The same applies when Moro and IP cultures are no longer
considered marginal, trivial or minor; rather, integration counted them in as integral
parts of the national cultural heritage of the Philippines.
The same can be said about the struggles and history of the Moros and Lumads (IPs) of
Minsupala. If the history and struggles of other peoples (e.g. Tagalog, Ilocano, Bisaya,
Igorot etc.) in the Philippines were considered part of the country’s “national” history,
why should it not include the struggles and history of the Moros and IPs in the general
struggles of the Filipino people? In other words, even the idea of requiring History 3 in
the MSU curricula stemmed out of the idea of integration, the rationale of which was:
the struggles and history of the Moros and Lumads (IPs) are integral parts of the
general struggles and history of the Philippines. Hence, they should be included in the
national (i.e. “mainstream or central”, not marginal or local) history of the Philippines.
3.) What is the relevance of studying the History of the Filipino Muslims and
IPs in Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan?
In general, studying history makes us see our past mistakes as a people. If we ought to
learn from these mistakes, repeating them becomes remote. Thus, we hope to improve
our future as a nation by looking into the previous failures, the greatest blunders, the
past victories and the successes of those who preceded us!
Mindanao history has a lot of lessons to offer. Hence, it is not by accident that the
subject History 3 is made a mandated course in the Mindanao State University system.
There must be plenty of reasons why we need to study the History of the Filipino
Muslims and Lumads (IPs) of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan, but we see the following as
most relevant:
First: Studying the struggles and history of the Moros and Lumads is a way of correcting
the distorted, incomplete and lop-sided history that had alienated the Moros and
Lumads ever since. Mention must be made that in most Philippine History books, the
Moros and Lumads are either not mentioned or (if mentioned) depicted only as villains,
kontrabidas or “wild” people to be tamed. In this way, the Moros and Lumads do not
see Philippine history as their history (How can they say it is theirs when they cannot
even see themselves taking a dignified role in its chapters?). This, along with other
17
http://www.msumain.edu.ph/details.php?catid=38&sectid=28
5
factors, consequently made them feel they are not part of this nation. By recognizing
the Moro and Lumad contribution to the making of the Filipino nation and by including
their perspectives in the study of our past, we hope to turn Philippine history into OUR
STORY (i.e. everyone’s story, Moros and Lumads included)!
Second: Studying the history of the Moros and Lumads is a way of broadening our
understanding of our present situation. In particular, it helps us comprehend better the
present dynamics of Muslim-Christian-Lumad relationships: what caused their divisions,
their biases, their claims (ancestral and proprietary), their marginalization, their
predicaments and their protests (both peaceful and violent). We also hope to broaden
our understanding by seeing the implications of government responses especially the
impact of war on the lives, properties, and relationships of our people. More
importantly, we also hope to see a bigger picture by looking at their willingness and
collective efforts to dialogue; to find common grounds; to solve their problems; to get
back on their feet; to correct their own mistakes. By emphasizing not only the violent
and ugly past of Mindanao but more importantly the inspiring desires and dreams of its
tri-people, we hope to broaden our horizons!
Finally: By broadening our horizons, we hope to develop essential values necessary for
genuine reconciliation like: empathy, respect, acceptance and the culture of dialogue.
When we learn the sad stories of our fellow citizens, we understand, we empathize and
we help each other look for acceptable compromises and solutions to our present
predicaments. Through them, we therefore learn the culture of dialogue which is the
beginning of genuine reconciliation. In the long run, we hope that this will eventually
minimize (if not eradicate) the culture of violence and the eventual triumph of the
culture of peace in Mindanao. We believe that is possible through the trickle down and
multiplier effects of the more than 70,000 students of the MSU system.
IV. Peace Challenge
As students of Mindanao History, we are supposed to be among the chosen few who are
privileged and obligated to comprehend better the past experiences that shaped the
current realities of Mindanao and its peoples. Thus, ideally after our study of History 3,
we are supposed to be among the solution providers and trouble-shooters of Mindanao.
We should be ready to translate our cognitive learning into affective maturity that
hopefully pushes us to initiate actions for positive change.
We should not listen to the pessimists who may discourage us by saying “You cannot
change the ugly situation of Mindanao for you are just a student!” We have to
remember that while we are only students, we are not alone! We can just imagine how
significant we can become if all students of the Mindanao State University System,
numbering to about 53,000, are imbued with the same values; aspire for the same
dream of peace; and initiate positive actions no matter how small or simple they may be
in their daily lives. Individually we may not feel its impact, but collectively, we can be
the most important key for the culture of peace to triumph in this part of the world.
6
V. Enrichment Activities
Direction: Below are important events in the offering of history 3. Read the instructions
carefully and comply the required assessment.
1. The History of MSU
1961 Mandate
Peace University
This marks the creation As social laboratory,
of Mindanao State how did MSU carry out Produce an image
University through its mandate? Is showing the peace
Republic Act 1387. integration enough to mandate of MSU.
effect the economic, Describe the image
Your task is to retrace social, political, moral and state your
the background of its and educational needs reasons why it
creation and build a of the non-Christian becomes a symbol
timeline of the most Filipinos into the main of peace in MSU?
important event. body politic of the
Philippines?
2. Relevance of His003
Arrange the pictures according to the information provided in the module.
Analyze its relevance in relation to the offering of His003 in MSU? Limit your
answers into 100 words.
VI. References & Recommended Readings
1. Isidro, Antonio. The Moro Problem: An Approach through Education. Marawi

City: Mindanao State University, 1968.
2. Kho, Madge. “A Conflict that won’t go away.”
http://www.philippineupdate.com/Conflict.htm.
3. Jubair, Salah. Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless Tyranny. Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia: IQ Marin SDN BHD, 1999.
7
Module 2
MINSUPALA AND ITS PEOPLES AT PRESENT
By: Juvanni A. Caballero1 & Sittie Juhanna M. Pandapatan1

1
I. Objectives:
questions:
4.) Where is Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan (Minsupala)?

5.) Why is Palawan included in the setting of History 3?
6.) Who are the peoples of Minsupala at present and how can we categorize them?
7.) How many are the peoples of Minsupala as of 2012 census?
II. Introductory Activity: Getting to Know Each Other
The teacher may ask his/her students to introduce themselves in class using their own
native tongue. Students’ introduction may be guided by the following questions:
1.) What is your name and the history behind it?
2.) Where is your place of origin?
3.) What language do you use at home/community?
4.) What are the major ethnic groups in your hometown/province?
The teacher may enhance the introductory activity by bringing (or drawing) the map of
Mindanao. In case there are students coming from Visayas or Luzon, the teacher may
also bring (or draw) the map of the Philippines. The teacher should make sure that the
students point his/her place of origin on the map by labeling it with a symbol of his/her
own choice. In this way, the class is not only given clue on how diverse the classroom
is, more importantly, it also facilitates the familiarization of the various places in
Mindanao by the students. The labeled map then serves as a springboard for
introducing the lesson proper; i.e., Minsupala and its salient socio-economic,
demographic and other features at present.
As a way of deepening the introductory activity, the teacher may ask the following
follow-up questions:
5.) When your classmates introduced themselves, did you hear words that are
common
to both your ethnic group and that of your classmates’?
6.) How do you feel about cultural differences in your
classroom/community/Mindanao?
7.) What is the relationship between your self-introduction and the History 3
class?
III. Lesson Proper
1.) Where is Mindanao Sulu and Palawan?
Geographically speaking, the word Mindanao means two things: first is that it refers to
the second largest island in the archipelago; and second, is that it stands for the island
grouping that comprises of mainland Mindanao and the adjacent islands in the southern
part of the country.
8
With a land area of 94,630 km2 (about 10,000 km2 smaller than Luzon), the mainland of
Mindanao provides a lot of agricultural, industrial, commercial and tourism potentials.
Together with the island chains of Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi, the Mindanao island
group provides 25% of rice; 67% of cattle and tuna; more than 50% of corn, fish and
chicken; 100% of pineapple, rubber and banana exports; 90% of plywood and lumber;
63% (1 billion metric tons) of Nickel reserves; 48% (50.3 million metric tons) of gold
reserves; 38.5% (2.6 million hectares) of forest and 38% (3.73 million hectares) of
farmlands for the entire Philippine economy. Yet of the 20 poorest provinces in the
Philippines (MBN index), 13 are in Mindanao including all the ARMM provinces.18
The Mindanao island group, with the southern portion of Palawan is home to the
tri-people – at least 18 ethnolinguistic groups of Lumads (Indigenous people or IPs); 13
groups of Moro (i.e. Bangsamoro) and at least 9 migrant ethnic groups of “Christians”
from Luzon and Visayas. The island group is divided into six regions, which are further
subdivided into 25 provinces. Collectively, the island group of Mindanao is bounded on
the north by Bohol Sea, on the east by the Philippine Sea, on the west by the Sulu Sea
and on the south by the Celebes Sea. The island is mountainous, and is home to Mount
Apo, the highest peak of the country.
Island Group of Mindanao
The island group of Mindanao is an arbitrary grouping of islands in the southern

Philippines which encompasses six administrative regions. These regions are further
subdivided into 26 provinces, of which only four are not on Mindanao island itself. The
island group includes the Sulu Archipelago to the southwest, which consists of the major
islands of Basilan, Jolo, and Tawi-Tawi, plus the outlying islands in other areas such as
Camiguin, Dinagat, Siargao, Samal and Sarangani. The six regions are the following:
Zamboanga Peninsula (Region IX), formerly Western Mindanao, is located in the

landform of the same name. It consists of the provinces of Zamboanga del Norte,
Zamboanga del Sur, ZamboangaSibugay, and the two cities of Zamboanga and Isabela,
which are independent of any province. Isabela City is the only territory not on
Mindanao island itself and is located on the island of Basilan. The region’s new
administrative capital is Pagadian City and the whole region used to be a single province
named Zamboanga.
Northern Mindanao (Region X) consists of the provinces of Bukidnon, Camiguin,

Lanao del Norte, Misamis Occidental and Misamis Oriental, plus the cities of Cagavan de
Oro and Iligan. The province of Camiguin is also an island just of the northern coast.
The administrative center and capital of the region is Cagayan de Oro City.
Davao Region (Region IX), formerly Southern Mindanao, is located in the south-
eastern portion of Mindanao. The region is divided into the provinces of Davao Oriental,
Davao del Norte, Davao del Sur and Compostela Valley, plus Davao City. The region
encloses the Davao Gulf to the south and includes the island of Samal in the gulf and
the Sarangani Islands further to the south. Davao City is the region’s administrative
center.
SOCCSKSARGEN (Region XII), formerly Central Mindanao, is located in the south-

central portion of the island. It consists of the provinces of South Cotabato (which used
to be part of Region XI), North Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat, and Sarangani plus Cotabato
City. The names of the provinces together with General Santos City spell the name of
the region which is an acronym. Cotabato City, geographically located in, but not part of
18
In several studies conducted, researchers found out that there seems to be a positive relationship
between incidence of poverty and the presence of insurgency. Poor and disgruntled individuals appeared
to be the easy recruits of secessionist or revolutionary groups. This helps explain why Mindanao and Sulu
has been home to one of the world’s armed struggles.
9
Maguindanao province, is the region’s former administrative center. Koronadal City, in
South Cotabato, is the new administrative center of the newly formed region.
Caraga (Region XIII) is located in the north western part of Mindanao. Its provinces
are Agusandel Norte, Agusan del Sur, Surigao del Norte, and Surigao del Sur. The
administrative center is Butuan Citv in Agusandel Norte. The region also covers the
outlying islands of Surigao del Norte such as Dinagat, Siargao and Bucas Grande
Islands.
The Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) is a special region which

covers the territories predominantly populated by Muslims. It consists of almost the
whole of the Sulu Archipelago (Isabela City of Basilan is not part as it is under the
Zamboanga Peninsula region) and two provinces in the mainland, namely: Lanao del Sur
and Maguindanao. The provinces located in the Sulu Archipelago are Basilan, Tawi-Tawi
and Sulu. The first two provinces (i.e. Basilan and Tawi-Tawi) are themselves the main
islands of their respective provinces, while the main island of Sulu is Jolo Island.
Ironically, Cotabato City, which is not part of the ARMM, is the region’s administrative
center.
While Palawan is not in Mindanao, we deem it necessary to introduce the island

province here to answer the question we posed above. Administratively, Palawan is an
island province that is attached to Region 4 (southern Tagalog, with the acronym
MIMAROPA). It stretches from Mindoro in the northeast to Borneo in the southwest and
lies between the South China Sea and the Sulu Sea. The province is named after its
largest island, Palawan Island, measuring 450 kilometres (280 miles) long, and 50
kilometres (31 miles) wide.
2.) Why is Palawan included in the study of History 3?
Perhaps, one wonders why Palawan is included as part of the setting in History 3. As
pointed out already, Palawan is administratively attached to Luzon being part of the
southern Tagalog region (region 4), while geographically, Palawan is part of the Visayas
group of islands. However, in the times of the great sultanates, some parts of Palawan,
especially the southern portion, used to be under the jurisdiction of the Sultan of Sulu,
thus making the island historically attached to the Sulu sultanate. Also, the presence of
Islamized tribes in Palawan culturally link the island to Mindanao.
3. Who are the peoples of Minsupala at present and how can we categorize
them?
Broadly, we can categorize the peoples of Minsupala into two: 1.) the Migrants and their
descendants, and 2.) the Indigenous Groups.
The Migrants and Their Descendants
The migrant populations of Mindanao refer to the people who were not originally
inhabitants of the island. They were usually natives of Luzon or Visayas who only arrived
in Mindanao starting the early 20th century. Their arrival was actually a result of the
American encouragement to permanently settle in Mindanao (either through the
government-sponsored resettlement program or through their own voluntary efforts). As
commonly used among Mindanaoans, the word (i.e., migrant) is often confused with the
term “Christian”.
Of the migrant peoples, the following have significant population in Mindanao:

the Cebuano from Cebu, Ilonggo from Panay and Negros, Bol-anon from Bohol, Waray
from Samar and Leyte, Siquijodnon from Siquijor, Tagalog from Central Luzon, Bicolano
from Bicol, Kapampangan from Pampanga and Ilocano from Ilocos. We may include as
well in the migrant category the Chinese and other settlers from Luzon and Visayas.
10
The Indigenous Groups
The indigenous groups refer to the people who inhabited Mindanao since time
immemorial. According to B.R. Rodil, this group can further be categorized into three,
namely: 1.) Indigenous “Christians”, 2.) Moros and 3.) Lumads.
1.) The Indigenous “Christians”
It must be stressed that when the Spaniards arrived in Mindanao in the second
decade of the 17th century, they already noted the significant Visayan-speaking peoples
in the northern and eastern parts of the island. These people would eventually become
the Christian communities in the Spanish controlled territories of Mindanao whose
population was noted to be 191,493 in 1892.19 To help us know the indigenous
Christians of Mindanao, B.R. Rodil is quoted:
It is no longer easy to identify them because they have assimilated into

the migrant Visayan population which now compose the majority of the
place. They are known locally by their place names like Davaweño in the
Davao provinces… mostly in Davao Oriental; Butuanon in Butuan,
Camiguinon or Kinamigin in Camiguin Island, Cagayanon in Cagayan de
Oro… Iliganon in Iligan… Dapitanon in Dapitan, Dipolognon in Dipolog,
Chavacano in Zamboanga… Surigaonon, Waya-waya and Jaon-jaon are
spoken in the towns of Surigao del Sur… 20
In other words, being a “Christian” is not necessarily being a “migrant”. To

further illustrate this point, try to consider one oral tradition in Lanao which states that
the Iliganons were originally Maranaos who chose to befriend the Spaniards. Later,
these friendly Maranaos were converted to Christianity and eventually aided the Spanish
colonizers against the hostile Maranaos of the Lake region. In the course of time, the
Iliganons would learn the language of the Visayan soldiers brought by the Spaniards so
that they (i.e. the Iliganons) now speak the Visayan language. The observation of our
oral source is worth-noting:
Kung tan-awon nimo ang batasan sa typical nga Iliganon, actually

Maranao na siya og batasan. Kanang dili magpapildi, kanang taas nga
garbo or maratabat, ug pagtinabangay sa panahon sa away, Maranao na
siya nga batasan. (Free translation: If you observe the attitude of a
typical Iliganon, you would notice that his attitude is that of a Maranao.
The way he makes sure he is not defeated, his very high pride, and
mutual aid during fights, is simply typical among Maranaos).21
Add to the above observation is the fact that some Iliganon families or clans
trace their genealogies to prominent Maranao families in some places in the lake region.
2.) The Moros
The second group of indigenous peoples in Mindanao is the Moro. As commonly

understood at present, the term Moro refers the thirteen Islamized tribes of Mindanao,
Sulu and Palawan. A summary of the Moro tribes with their corresponding places of
cultural dominance is presented below.
Name of Tribe Traditional Homeland
19
BR Rodil. A Story of Mindanao and Sulu in Question and Answer (Davao: MINCODE, 2003) p.2
Ibid.
20
21
Sanguila, M. president of the Civil Society Organizations in Iligan City and Lanao del Norte. Mr. Sanguila
is a native Maranao who hails from Kauswagan, Lanao del Norte.
11
Panimusan22 Mainland Southern Palawan
Molbog Balabac Island (East of southern Palawan)
JamaMapun Cagayan de Sulu (South of Palawan)
Sama’a Tawi-tawi cluster of islands
Tausug Jolo cluster of islands
Yakan Basilan
Badjao / SamaDilaut23 Entire Sulu archipelago
Kalibugan24 Zamboanga peninsula
Iranun Illana bay area
M’ranao25 Lanao provinces
Maguindanaon Cotabato provinces
Sangir Sarangani and Samal island
Kalagan Davao provinces
The definition of the term Moro is actually a product of evolution. Etymologically,

the word was derived from the Spanish term Mauru/s (Moors in English), which referred
to the Muslims of North Africa who colonized southern Spain for more than seven
hundred years. If the Filipinos were complaining of the 333 years of Spanish
colonization in the Philippines, the Spaniards must have been furious against the
Muslims who colonized their country for almost eight centuries.
We can understand therefore the bias and hatred of the Spaniards towards the
Muslims. Being colonized for more than seven hundred years is not easy. Nevertheless,
if the Spaniards begrudged and resented the Moorish colonization of southern Spain, it
is important to stress that the Muslims of Mindanao and Sulu had nothing to do with it.
It is definitely unfair if we let the Muslims of Mindanao and Sulu pay for the “mistakes”
of their North African brothers.
Anyhow, the Spaniards appeared to be making the Muslims of Mindanao and

Sulu “pay” while the Christianized natives of Luzon, Visayas and northern Mindanao
were made to collect the “payment” by forcing them to become soldiers of Spain’s war
of aggression against the Muslim Sultanates of Mindanao and Sulu.26 Unaware that the
Christianized natives were only impressed or forced in the military expeditions, the
Muslims started hating the Christianized natives. The latter would eventually bear the
brunt of the former’s retaliatory raids. As a consequence, the Christianized natives
started associating negative connotations with the term Moro. Thus, the term Moro used
to be equated with pirate, kidnapper, enslaver, thief, treacherous, etcetera. The term’s
negative connotation was so profound that it did not begin to be accepted even among
Muslims until around the emergence of the Moro National Liberation Front which
cleansed the term of its unpleasant meanings. In the words of the MNLF:
Originally, the use of the term Moro by the colonialists was meant to
perpetuate an image of the Muslim people of Mindanao, Basilan, Sulu and
Palawan, as savage and treacherous, while they are simply daring and
tenacious in the defense of their homeland and faith. But despite its
colonial origins the Moro National Liberation Front has cleansed the term
of its unpleasant connotation by propagating the more correct view that
22
B.R. Rodil used to call them Palawani but a member of the tribe from Palawan recently informed the
said author that they do not call themselves Palawani but Panimusan. B.R. Rodil during the 2 nd Teachers’
Training on the Teaching of Mindanao History.
23
Although the most partially Islamized among the Moro tribes, the Badjaos were placed under the Moro
category because they used to be subjects of the Sultan of Sulu.
24
The Kalibugan are believed to be descendants of the Subanen natives who were converted to Islam.
25
They are also popularly known as people of the lake
26
This is what many historians term as “Divide and Rule” tactic, wherein natives were made to fight one
another.
12
the tenacity with which the natives conducted their war of resistance
against foreign intrusion was a classic exercise in heroism.27
Further, the MNLF even went to the extent of redefining the term to include non-
Muslims like the Christians and Lumads who share common aspiration and political
destiny with the Muslims of Mindanao and Sulu.
3.) The Lumads
The last but definitely not the least category of indigenous people is the Lumad.
As commonly understood, the Lumads refer to the tribes who were neither Islamized
nor Christianized upon the arrival of the Spaniards.28 A summary of the Lumad tribes
with their corresponding traditional homeland is presented below.
Name of Tribe Traditional Homeland

1. Manobo Agusan del Sur, Bukidnon, Davao Provinces, Cotabato
provinces, Sarangani Province,Sultan Kudarat
2. Subanen Zamboanga Peninsula, Misamis Ocidental
3. B’laan Davao del Sur, South Cotabato, Sarangani Province
4. T’boli South Cotabato (Lake Sebu, Siluton, Lahit)
5. Mandaya Davao Oriental, Davao del Norte, Surigao del Sur
6. Tiruray/Teduray Maguindanao, North Cotabato
7. Higaonon Bukidnon, Rogongon in Iligan, Agusan del Norte,

Misamis Oriental
8. Bagobo South and East of Mt. Apo, Eastern part of Cotabato,
Davao del Sur
9. Bukidnon Bukidnon province
10. Mamanwa Agusan del Norte, Surigao del Norte
11. Talaandig/Tigkalasan Bukidnon province
12. Ata Manobo West and Northwest of Mt. Apo, Davao del Norte,
Davao City
13.Tagakaolo Davao del Sur, South of Mt. Apo, Sarangani Province
14. Dibabawon Compostella Valley, Davao del Norte, Agusan del Sur
15. Mangguwangan Compostella Valley, Davao del Norte, Davao Oriental
16. Mansaka Davao del Norte, Compostella Valley
17. Banwaon Agusan del Sur
18. Matigsalug Bukidnon (Tigwa-Salug Valley)

19. Others
We can surmise that the above-enumerated tribes, just like the Moros, may have
long wanted to articulate their wish to exercise their right to self determination; but for
10 Abdurasad Asani
. “Moros – Not Filipinos,” pp.1-2
28
Although many of them at present have already embraced Christianity as their religion. This goes to
confirm that we can never use religion as basis for telling as to whether or not a group of people has
ancestral domain rights over a particular territory.
13
quite some time, they were incapacitated by their lack of organization. Thus, in June of
1986, right after the EDSA1 Revolution, representatives from fifteen tribes converged
and decided to organize the “Lumad-Mindanao”, the first ever Lumad organization
whose goal was to achieve “self-governance within their ancestral domain in accordance
with their culture and customary laws”. The term Lumad was actually a borrowed word
from Cebuano, which literally means “indigenous”. The tribes deemed it necessary to
adopt the Cebuano term because they had no common language except Cebuano.29
4.) How many are the peoples of MinSuPala as of 2012 and other censuses?
Below is a table that shows the population of the various ethnolinguistic groups as of
2012 and other censuses conducted by the National Statistics Office.
Moro Tribe Population Lumad Tribe Population Migrant Groups Population
Tausug 1,155,000 Manobo 436,060 Tagalog

Samaa 381, 300 Subanen 356,400 Ilonggo
Badjao 116,000 B'laan 280,600 Ilocano
Yakan 168,000 T'boli 122,000 Cebuano
Kolibugan 26,700 Mandaya 53,850 Boholano
Maguindanao 1,220,000 Tiruray 61,800 Kapampangan
Iranun 176,000 Higaonon 41,800 Bicolano
Maranao 1,167,000 Bagobo 145,000 Waray
Kalagan 33,300 Tagakaolo 125,000 Siquijodnon
Sangil 8,560 Bukidnon 186,900 other migrants
Molbog 10,600 Dibabawon 21,300
Manggu-
Jama Mapun 50,800
wangan
Panimusan /
13,000 Mansaka 74,100
Palawani
Mamanwa 1,922 (1990)
Talaandig 5,190
Ata Manobo 33,400
Banwaon 8,200 (1992)
Matigsalug 37,100
Source: Population as of 2012 taken from the Joshua Project: Orientation and
Subsistence (Peralta’s Glimpses)
Rodil. op. cit, p.4.

29
14
IV. Concluding Peace Value / Statement
At a very superficial level, we are always proud to claim that the Philippines is a
multicultural country. Especially in the presence of tourists, we are proud to point out
the linguistic, religious and cultural diversity of our people. But at times, we can be very
ambivalent about our differences. Perhaps this is a product of our colonial experience
where our colonizers exploited our tribalistic and regionalistic tendencies which
psychologically conditioned us to be suspicious, unwelcoming or even hostile to other
groups. As proof, we hear every now and then tales of bias, stereotypes and
discrimination; stories of exclusive subdivisions where certain ethnic or religious groups
are not welcome; violent conflicts involving individuals belonging to different tribes, etc.
Hence, we sometimes view our diversity as a problem, a weakness and a hindrance to
our having a strong sense of community. In not a few instances, we are unsure if we
should be happy or sad about each other’s uniqueness.
Paradoxically though, we always say “there can be harmony in diversity”. We always

boast that Filipino culture is made more colorful by the peculiarities of our languages,
religions, festivities, traditional clothing, cuisine, customs and traditions. But shall we
limit our appreciation only to these things? Are we not supposed to look at the
commonalities that we share with other groups of Filipinos?
While it is true that we are different from one another, we nonetheless have plenty of
commonalities that should be looked into. For instance, many of our ethnic groups
belong to the same racial stock; our languages originate from the same mother Malayo-
Polynesian language; we share common vocabularies, material culture and even values.
We even share the same homeland now as Mindanao becomes a shared territory
whether we like it or not.
It is not bad to look at our differences inasmuch as our identities are shaped and
defined by our peculiarities. Yet, we should not also forget that apart from the
differences, we also have commonalities, which may be weightier than our
dissimilarities.
Activities:
1. Below is an example of an autobiography map. You must make one for YOUR
PLACE. Place it in a long bond paper. Use crayons or watercolors to make your
map look colorful and label the place using blue pen.
Autobiography
Map
15
2. Draw a map of MINSUPALA in a long white folder. Use pencil and crayons to
make the provinces colorful. Use to mark its capital. Then, indicate the tribes
which can be found in each province. Use to place the name of the
tribes outside the map.
3. Produce an “Energizer Box” using recycled materials at home. Box will contain
6”x 8” cards (colorful cartolina) which list the “interesting traditions or practices”
of the tribes.
Energizer Box
4. Write a reflection paper on the impact of Corona Virus to your community. How
did it affect geographically, politically, socially and economically? Write your
answer in one half crosswise.
VI. References
Rodil, Rudy B. A Story of Mindanao and Sulu in Question and Answer. Davao:
MINCODE,2003
Peralta, Jesus. Glimpses: Peoples of the Philippines. Manila: National Commission

forCulture & Arts, 1992
Jubair, Salah. Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless Tyranny. Malaysia: IQ Marin SPN
BHD, 1999
Abdulrasad, Asani D. Moros – Not Filipinos. Journal’s name, year of pub.?
Joshua Project: http://joshuaproject.net/data-sources.php
National Commission for Culture and Arts: www.ncca.gov.ph
Official website of Bukidnon: www.bukidnon.gov.ph
16
Module 3
INSTITUTIONS OF MINSUPALA BEFORE THE ADVENT OF ISLAM
By: Juvanni A. Caballero1, Maria Cecilia B. Tangian1

Desheree Judena G. Preciado 2 & Faharodin Salacop2
1
2
Department of Social Sciences & Humanities, CESS, MSU-Naawan
I. Objectives
questions:
1. How does the traditional socio-political organization of the natives look like prior
to the coming of Islam in Minsupala?
2. What kind of leadership and governance did the Pre-Islamic natives observe?
3. How do the natives resolve conflict the traditional way?
4. What was the landholding system in the pre-colonial days?
5. What is Maratabat and how does it capture the definition traditional pride, honor
and dignity?
6. What are some of the features of the natives’ indigenous religions prior to the
coming of Islam inMinsupala?
II. Introductory Activity: Role Playing on “Pangahaon sa Higaunon”
The traditional courtship among Higaunon is called pangahaon. This expression of love
represents values which accordingly should be observed by the Higaunon gentlemen. If
a Higaunon gentleman likes someone; he must act according to what the community
expects him to do. This involves seeking advice from the datu and elders especially in
asking permission from the tribal leader who as influential figures in the community, are
responsible for the organization of an activity that would gather Higaunon ladies.
Moreover, the Higaunon elders and datu must keep an eye that a lady whom a
Higaunon gentleman likes will surely participate.Two things could happen during the
event. His love is accepted or his love is rejected. Once accepted, they become couple
but if it was rejected he would scream; pronouncing that he likes someone but he was
excluded.30
In performing the pangahaon, a guy will go to a group of ladies with a towel or

handkerchief on his shoulders. While the ladies are busy attending their stuffs, he will
suddenly drop his handkerchief or towel. The lady who will pick the cloth shows interest
of the guy. This means that she also likes him. Meanwhile, the elders and datu must
ensure they control the situation. In cases where there is conflict, the datus and elders
will always ensure they are handled appropriately and tactfully. The datus and elders
must therefore demonstrate not only imposing leadership but also conflict mediation
and resolution skills to maintain respect from community people.
To process the activity, the teacher may ask the following questions: a.) How do you
feel about the role play. b.) What can you say about the characters in the role play: the
Datu and elders, the ladies, the gentlemen, community people? c.) Is there something
30
Information aboutpangahaon was taken from the interview of Datu Luis Solilawan, a Datu for
Agriculture (Pangimbabasok) among Higaunon of Claveria, Misamis Oriental. He is a student of MSU at
Naawan taking up Diploma in Fisheries Technology major in Aquaculture. He was my student in History 5
during 1st semester, A.Y. 2009-2010.
17
that you appreciate (or do not appreciate) about “Pangahaon”? d.) Is there anything
that our modern community can take lessons from the traditional indigenous systems?
III. Lesson Proper
There are innumerable institutions that predate the coming of Islam, Christianity and
colonialism in this part of the archipelago but we shall limit our discussions to the most
instructive ones. Among others, the most interesting include: a.) Traditional socio-
political organization, b.) Leadership and Governance, c.) Landholding practices, d.)
Conflict and Conflict Resolution, e.) Value System and f.) Religion. We shall describe
each of these in the succeeding section.
From sources other than Spanish documents, we learned that this archipelago
had already established contacts with other countries and civilizations even before the
coming of the Spaniards. Sources like Chinese archival documents and a score of oral
traditions of Philippine and Southeast Asian origins are suggestive that flourishing
communities with advance cultures already existed even before western “civilization”
was introduced in this part of the world. The most concrete evidence of our early
contact with our Asian neighbors would come from Chinese sources31, which as early as
1317, were already talking about places identified by some scholars as regions and
islands in the Philippines. Minsupala of course are included. Below is a list of words
found in the book of Chau Ju Kua:
Ma-i / Ma-yi / Mo-yi = Identified by scholars as either Mindoro or

Manila
Kia-ma-yen = Calamian
Pa-ki-nung = Busuanga
Pi-sho-ye = Visayas
Lu-sung = Luzon
Fang-chia-shi-lan = Pangasinan
Min-to-lang = Mindanao
Su-lu = Sulu
Pa-lao-yu = Palawan
How do the Chinese records describe these islands and their inhabitants? The Chinese
records apparently described a very well established trading relationship between South
China and these islands. While it is true that the book, which contain the names of these
islands, was entitled “Records of Various Barbarous Nations”, the record nevertheless
described the natives as honest, gentle and industrious32. Are these statements enough
to prove that our ancestors were not really barbarians; and that they possess an
advance culture or civilization? To answer this question, we shall have a review of the
traditional socio-political structures and other pre-colonial institutions of our ancestors.
1.) How does the traditional socio-political organization of the natives look
like prior to the coming of Islam in Minsupala?
In revisiting the pre-Islamic and pre-colonial past of these islands, it is important to

recognize that our ancestors, despite idiosyncrasies, had developed an essentially
homogenous culture. In the very first place they came from the same racial stock, speak
related languages, inhabit a contiguous territory and share a common environment.
Hence from the hinterland, coastal and riverine communities, in Luzon through Visayas
and to Mindanao Sulu and Palawan, people share a common way of life. According to
Onofre Corpus:
31
These words appear in a Chinese compilation assembled during the years 1317-1319. Another Chinese
author (Chau-Ju-Kua) had also recorded these names in a book entitled “Chu Fan Chih” (translated as
“Records of Various Barbarous Nations”).
32
See O. D. Corpus, pp.10-13.
18
… our ancestors evolved an essentially homogeneous culture…
Nature was a primary factor. Overall, community life throughout the
archipelago was influenced by, and responded to the common ecology.
The generally benign tropical climate and the largely uniform flora and
fauna favored similarities, not differences.33
From our Philippine History class, we learned that our pre-colonial ancestors were
comprised of fragmented and autonomous barangays. Philippine ethnic groups
(including the Moros and Lumads) may have different names for their traditional socio-
political organizations but their features and essence are basically the same. For
example, among the Higaunon, the barangay finds its equivalent in the term “Gaop”
while the Maranao “Pengampong”34 practically epitomizes the networks and dynamics of
the old baranganic societies.
Unlike the great ancient civilizations35, the barangays were relatively smaller. Yet,
looking at its features, it has already attained in its own right the status of a state. It
has territory, people, government and administrative control over group life. It has a
government that revolved around the authority and administrative leadership of the
Datu, who was always assisted by a council of elders composed of representatives from
the different kin groups living within its territory.
Generally, we can draw the social stratification system of the barangay into three,
namely: the Datu (includes the Datu and his family); the freemen (includes warriors,
merchants, peasants, artisans) and the dependents36 (which were mostly composed of
debt peons and prisoners of war). Unlike the Caste system of India, the social
stratification in the Barangay was not rigid as there was social mobility in the system.
For instance, while a Datu is always encouraged to marry a member of the nobility,
theoretically however, no one can prevent him from marrying a woman belonging to
another class. Hence, the Baranganic society was more democratic compared to the
societies of medieval Europe and ancient India whose stratification systems were rigid.
To further illustrate social mobility, some tribes, like the Higaunon, choose a Datu not
because of his bloodline but because of people’s choice and decision. The same can be
said about the Subanen who gives anyone the chance to be a Timuay so long as he is
powerful enough to protect his neighbors. Among the Tausug, traditional community
leaders known as Taumaas are not also based on bloodline but by the material, moral
and intellectual prowess of the person.37 In other tribes, even the chieftainship can be
33
Corpus, pp. 5-6.
34
According to Mamitua Saber, the Pengampong “refers singly or collectively to the four ‘principalities or
states’ into which the Maranaos divide themselves, politically and territorially, within the Lanao region”.
These four principalities, locally known as Pat a Pengampong ko Ranao, are composed of Bayabao, Masiu,
Unayan, and Baloi. Except for Baloi, each of the other three Pengampong is territorially divided into suku
or district: with Bayabao being divided into Poona Bayabao, Lumba Bayabao, and Mala a Bayabao
districts; Masiu into East and West Masiu; and Unayan into West and East also. Each of these districts is
subdivided into different inged or townships; with each inged being subdivided into several hundred
agama or communities. Each of these Agamas is further subdivided into bangon, which is composed of 2
to 5 families, and each bangon is further divided into isa-ka-igaan, which literally means “one sleeping
place. With respect to actual political divisions of the Maranaos, the Agama is the basic unit that
corresponds to barangay. See Mamitua Saber and Abdullah T. Madale (ed.). Pengampong: An Ancient
Confederation The Maranao (Manila: R.P. Garcia Publishing House, 1975), pp. 71-73. See also Manuel R.
Tawagon. The Pengampong: A Historical Study of the Multiple Sultanates of Lanao. A research funded
by the Toyota Foundation in August 1987. p. 44.
35
Egyptian, Chinese, Roman civilizations, etc.
36
Many authors had called them Dependents for they were not like the chattel slaves of Europe and the
Americas. In many respects, they were treated like lesser members of the family and as such they were
given certain rights not enjoyed by slaves. E.g. right to own properties, right to marry, the right of
protection etc.
37
Kamlian
19
open to women, who could demonstrate wisdom, magical powers, the ability to
communicate with the unseen world and performing sacred rituals. This is especially
true among the Manobo who had witnessed the leadership of several lady Datus known
among them as Babaihon.38 In other cultures, being chieftain can be very exclusive to
men.
2.) What kind of leadership and governance did the Pre-Islamic natives
observe?
The traditional concept of leadership among Moros and Lumads are still very discernible
even up to today. While the title may vary from one ethnic group to another,39 yet, the
requirements, characteristics and qualities of the tribal leader are more or less the
same. According to oral traditions, there was even an instance in the pre-Islamic past
that some tribes of Moros and Lumads used the same title in referring to their
chieftains. Among the Manobo, Subanen, Tiruray and Maguindanaon, they used to call
their leaders “Timuay” before the arrival of Sharief Kabungsuan. According to Najeeb
Saleeby:
… the Maguindanaons were indistinguishable from the Manobos and

Tirurays, as all other groups shared a common ecology and were of the
same culture. The inhabitants of Slangan, Maguindanao, Katitwan and
those of all the other settlements of the valley were pagans and were
very similar to the present Tirurays in language and worship. It was the
decision to accept or reject Islam that brought about the beginning of
differentiation.40
Of course, the term Datu is still widely used as an honorific title in almost all Moro and
Lumad tribes even up to today. In fact, many oral traditions would tell us that when
Islam was introduced to Mindanao, communities and tribes who accepted the Islamic
faith conveniently changed the title “Datu” into “Sultan”, “Imam”, “Hajji”, “Qadi” and
other Islamized titles. Thus, the Lumad and Moro tribal chieftains largely share a lot of
common qualities and characteristics. What are these characteristics?
The Datu or chieftain always starts by earning the respect of his people in the
community. He usually earns this through bravery, generosity and wisdom. Depending
on the number of people, families and villages he had protected and helped, the Datu’s
territory and extent of influence is defined. Among the Higaunon, the territory of the
Datu is called Gaop and the people therein are called his sakop.41. Customarily, the Datu
is not dictatorial as he has to consult the council of elders in almost all matters requiring
decision that affect the community. Those who compose the council of elders are
usually headmen of the families and clans, who serve as bonafide representatives of the
people in the Gaop. This means that even before the Rennaisance period in Europe, the
Moros and Lumads had been observing and implementing the so-called democracy in
the field of governance. Under the traditional set-up, governance is in the hands of
many and not monopolized by the Datu alone.
To the Manobo, becoming an Igbujag (Datu) means becoming selfless. He should think
of his people first than himself. He should bother to know the problems confronting his
constituents and help them in their needs. He must also ensure that his people are
harmoniously living with one another and encourage peaceful living with neighboring
communities. Just like the Manobo, the Mansaka expects the Matikadong (Mansaka
Datu) to be equipped with leadership qualities like bravery, thorough knowledge of the
38
Elena Clariza. “The Concept of Power Among the Lumad: Mindanao’s Largest Indigenous Community.”
http://www.angelfire.com/amiga2/clariza/PDFonline-concept_of_power.pdf.
39
Manobos call the Datu “Igbujag” while the Mansaka call him “Matikadong”. Among the Mandaya, the
Datu is called “Mangkatadong” while the Suanen call him “Timuay”.
40
Saleeby 1976, p56.
41
From Higaunon word: gaop means area of datu and sakop means constituents.
20
tribe’s customary laws, wisdom and articulateness. He must also be fair, morally upright
and financially capable as he would need his wealth to appease disgruntled parties
during conflict mediation and in resolving feuds.
For the Subanen, a Timuay (chieftain) must possess not only fighting skills and financial
capability, more importantly, he must be reliable, emotionally mature, industrious, fair,
responsible and a good example in the community. He must not be a drunkard, a
coward, a theft or a tyrant. He should be principled, wise and a good implementer of
the laws of his tribe.
Just like the other tribes, the Higaunon considers integrity and sincerity as the important
qualities that a Datu must possess. But apart from these qualities, the Datu must also
be someone who knows how to recite the Dasang, sing the Limbay and narrate the
Bunsuda (origin stories of the Higaunon people) and Ulaging (history). He must learn
the Talawagon or the spirits commonly invoked during the performance of Singampo
(prayer rituals).
Although the Moro cheiftain would adopt the Islamic title “Sultan”, he nonetheless is still
the traditional Datu whose leadership is considered ideal when he is capable of
protecting and helping his people. He is expected to serve his community by being there
all the time. He has no salary and observes no limit in his office hours. He is the hands-
on leader 24/7 so-to-speak. In times of war, he must lead his people in battle; in times
of famine, he is expected to feed everyone; when somebody dies, he is supposed to
give the biggest donation; when a Sakop gets married, he needs to offer the biggest
wedding gift. When his constituents fight, he must mediate and resolve the conflict,
which often means sharing and distributing his wealth to appease the offended party
and to ensure restorative justice.42 Perhaps, the only payment the Sultan/Datu gets for
all his social services is the genuine respect and loyalty of his people. The observation of
one Higaunon leader cogently captured this:
“In the lowland, the one who settles the conflict would be the one
paid. The lawyer who resolves the problem would be
compensated. In the mountains, the datu would shoulder all the
expenses.”43
3.) How do the natives resolve conflict the traditional way?
To claim that there was absolute peace in the pre-Islamic/pre-colonial days of Minsupala
is certainly groundless. After all, every culture and community in the world must have
experienced conflicts and wars at some point in their respective histories. For example,
we cannot deny that the violent “Rido” and “Pangayao” were well-known parts of our
cultural institutions. We may have different names for it but the marks are generally
similar.44
Yet, our interest lies not on the above violent institutions but on how the traditional
Moro and Lumad communities resolve conflicts. We opt to have this as our focus
because indigenous conflict resolution is most instructive.
In the western system, conflicts are resolved by formally filing cases in courts, hiring
lawyers and waiting for the judge to finish hearing the cases in order to render his
42
Restorative justice is the indigenous justice system where reconcialiation is achieved after the
settlement of the case.
43
Quote from Desheree Preciado.
44
Rido is a Maranao term for clan feuding which is known among the Tausug as Pagbanta and Lido among
the Higaunon and Maguindanaon. Among the Tagalog, the term may find its equivalent in “Ubosan ng
Lahi”, which is known among the Bisaya as “Dumot or Pagdumot”. Pangayao which is a tribal raid sent to
obtain justice against individuals/groups who had violated the dignity, property and/or life of tribe’s or
clan’s member has its Bisaya equivalent, “Pangayam”.
21
verdict. At the end of every case, one party loses while another wins. Also, the
relationship between the complainants and accused are not mended. The losers weep
and hold their grudges while the winners celebrate.
But in the indigenous system, every avenue is optimally explored not just to resolve the
conflict per se but to ensure reconciliation between the conflicting parties. While
punishment is sometimes inevitable, the ultimate objective of the conflict resolution
process is reconciliation. This is the essence of indigenous terms like Husay among the
Bisaya, Pagpapatawad at Sandugo among the Tagalogs, Kapeprela’i among the
Maranao, Diyandi among the Higaunon, Pagsulut among the Maguindanao and Tausug,
etc.
Another unique aspect in indigenous conflict resolution is that the Datu does not solely
render judgement. In fact, it is the guidance of the elders and the consensus of the
community that matters most in the decision-making process. Through this, check and
balance is ensured so that the Datu is prevented from becoming a tyrant or a dictator.
As a symbol of unity in the community, he must always be consultative to the elders and
uphold the community consensus in crucial decisions. This is part of the customary laws
and the Datu must follow this or else he will earn the wrath of the Almighty which could
mean his downfall as community leader.45
In many of the Moro and Lumad tribes, Datus and respected members of the council of
elders also act as mediators. They do not only facilitate communication and negotiations
but also assume responsibility for raising the required blood money called manggad. The
mediators may include respectable relatives of the conflicting parties, tribal leaders from
other communities or women with influence in the area.
We can surmise that the indigenous process of settling disputes among the Moros and
Lumads in the pre-Islamic days were more or less similar, except that, when the Moros
were converted to Islam, they simply replaced the indigenous ceremonies with Islamic
rituals (e.g. swearing before the Qur’an, reciting Arabic prayers and invoking the name
of Allah). But generally, the process starts by identifying the peace mediator/negotiator
who is respected by both parties. The initiative may come from one of the disputants or
from a third party. Once, the mediator is identified and assuming he accepts the
invitation, he then starts coming to and from the conflicting parties trying to arrange a
peaceful meeting between the two. Once both parties accept his invitation, an opening
ritual is then performed in the presence of the conflicting parties. It is the general rule
that both parties should refrain from shouting, pointing of fingers and using of harsh
words. The Datu must ensure that the two parties take part in a ballakaw (dialogue or
conflict settlement) which means they are given the chance to speak. When the
complaints are presented, the datu starts the process of checking and investigating facts
and fallacies. As pointed out already, he needs to confer every now and then with other
elders in the community before coming up with the next course of action.
Decisions on the case would depend upon the nature and gravity of the offenses. For a
minor offense it can be settled through paying of moral damages. For a major offense,
death is the corresponding penalty. But often, to ensure no further damage is
committed and reconciliation is ascertained, the mediating Datu can always supersede
the death penalty with an indemnification. He must be creative enough to find a win-win
solution for everyone otherwise he will be dragged into the conflict if his
decision/suggestion fails to please everyone.
As an example, elopement with a soon-to-be married woman among the Subanen is

punishable by death. If no Datu will mediate, violence will certainly ensue. The
offended honor of the groom-to-be and the woman’s family will certainly motivate them
to kill the eloping couple especially the man who took the bride-to-be. In such a case,
45
Bogolal term describes the Council of Elders among Subanen.
22
an eminent danger of attack and counter attack is looming. A Datu must therefore
intervene to ensure the community lives in tranquility. All efforts will then be exerted by
the mediating Datu to find the eloping couple and bring them to justice. Theoretically,
the couple is punishable by death but to control the damage, the Datu can always argue
that death will do no good. The Datu must therefore be very articulate to convince the
offended party. He will then suggest that instead of death, the offended party may
demand for the payment of moral damages. In that way, the offended can use the
money to look for another woman who is willing to become his wife. In case the
offender and his family cannot pay, the Datu will have to shoulder the payment on
condition the offender will have to serve the Datu for a certain period of time,
depending on the amount of the payment made by the Datu to save him.
Even in cases involving death/s, the mediating Datu can always beg the conflicting
parties to accept the blood money for reconciliation. He can always argue that more
killings will not make the dead relatives live again. Among the Maranaos, the
reconciliation process is generally facilitated by tracing the Tarsila or clan genealogy.
This is a great mechanism for reconciliation as Maranao clans and families are always
related in one way or another by sanguinity or affinity. In not a few instances, the
settlement of Rido (feud) among the Maranaos could even end up in intermarriage to
ensure the conflict does not recur. By letting a man and a woman from the two clans
marry, the feuding families become one and united.
For the Higaunon, a dispute must be ended by a ritual called Tampuda. Theoretically,
two things could happen at the conclusion of the ritual: 1.) end the dispute violently by
all-out-war; or 2.) peacefully end the conflict through reconciliation and forgetting the
offenses.
Tampuda as a ritual starts with a pandalawit (prayer). A pig, chicken and a piece of
rattan are then offered to the spirits. In the presence of the conflicting parties, the
officiating Datu will slaughter the offered animals. And then suspense follows when the
Datu is expected to cut the the rattan usually using the bolo that was used when the
crime or killing was committed. The officiating Datu will cut the rattan while shouting:
“As the rattan is cut, so the conflict between the two parties shall end”. In case the
rattan is not cut at the first strike, the Datu has two more chances to cut the material. If
the third (i.e. last) strike still fails to cut the rattan, it means that the ritual ground will
serve as the final venue of battle between the two warring families. They must make
their final stand right there and then. Theoretically this is what should happen but in
reality, the mediating Datu knows how crucial his strike is to end the conflict. As a rule
therefore, the Datu pours all his energy to cut the rattan if possible not reaching the
third strike, so that more often than not conflict cases that reach the Tampuda ritual
usually had happy endings.
Sandugo or blood compact is also a known institution in the pre-Islamic days among the
Moros and Lumad. Among the B’laan, the sealing ritual after a conflict was resolved is
called Sadyandi. This ritual is made by making a little incision on the left chest of the
conflicting individuals to take a drop of blood which will be mixed in a glass of wine. The
blood obtained from the left chest is very symbolic as it is near the heart of the
individuals, suggesting sincerity of the Sadyandi participants. The conflicting parties
then drink from the same glass to signify their agreement that thenceforth they become
blood brothers. The Tausugs recognize this ceremony as Paginum Dugo46 and the pre-
Islamic Maguindanaons must have performed this as indicated by Datu Buisan’s Blood
Compact with the Datus of Leyte in 1603.47
4.) What was the landholding system in the pre-colonial days?
46
Ty, Rey Ph.D. Muslim Perspectives on Peaceful Building in Mindanao, Philippines: Community Resolution
and Interfaith Peace Building .Claremont Lincoln.
47
Majul
23
Life in the old barangay was essentially communal. Land preparation, planting and
harvesting as well as food gathering, fishing and even house building were done
cooperatively by neighbors and families. This is the origin of the term Bayanihan among
the Tagalog, Pagtinabangay among the Bisaya, Awidan among the Maranao, etc., which
basically refers to reciprocity, mutual help and support and cooperative labor in the
community. In describing the communalism of the old barangays, Onofre Corpus wrote:
The tasks always end in the afternoon, followed by feasting and

drinking. The family whose land was plowed, or house built,
hosted everybody.48
Historical and anthropological evidences also suggest that the indigenous land-tenure
system in the pre-Islamic/pre-colonial days were characterized by communal
“ownership”. By the term communal ownership, the Moros and Lumads actually mean
communal stewardship. This is so because everybody believed the air, water and
everything in this world including the land are only entrusted to the tribes by their real
owner whom the natives variously call Magbabaya, Magbubuhat, Bathala, Taginiit,
Manama and other names49 that refer to the notion of an Almighty Creator and
Sustainer. Simply put, the Datu only serves as the manager and overseer of an area
entrusted to the tribe by the Almighty or by the spirits while his followers only serve as
stewards of the assigned parcels of lot. They may have usufructuary rights (i.e., the
right to use) over the land but no one has the right to sell it to other people for they
cannot be owned individually and privately.50
5.) What is Maratabat and how does it capture the definition traditional pride,
honor
and dignity?
There are a lot of intangible values that we can cite for the Moros and Lumads. But we
shall focus our discussion here to the natives’ concept of “pride”, “honor” and “dignity”,
which is encapsulated in the concept of Maratabat, since such concept define the
people’s psyche and therefore serve as an important key to understanding them.
Maratabat is a Maranao term but it is not a monopoly of the Maranao because
other ethnic groups have also their own similar concepts. In fact, we may equate it with
“yabang” and “hiya” among the Tagalog, Kaulaw ug Garbo among the Bisaya, Kasipug
among the Tausug, etc.51 We may have different terms for it and various degree of
manifestation but essentially they all refer to our concept of dignity. Let us discuss then
Maratabat as manifested among the Maranaos of Lanao because it is typically
representative of the natives’ concept of dignity especially among the Moros.
Maratabat is believed to be an indigenous concept but the term itself is a

loanword from Arabic. Carlton Riemer noted thus:
Among the Maranao… maratabat has developed beyond the original

Arabic… Basically the meaning has been shifted by the Maranaos from
48
O.D. Corpus, p. 14. This activity is known among the Dibabawon as Hinang.
49
Magbabaya is the name of Supreme God among the Higaunon, Bukidnon and Mansaka while
Magbubuhat and Bathala are its equivalent in Bisaya and Tagalog respectively. The Manobo calls their
god Manama while the Dibabawon calls the sureme being Taginiit.
50
This is the reason why at times we hear land disputes between migrant buyers and native “owners”
because no one is supposed to own and therefore have the right to sell the land. In Iligan, we hear stories
of migrants buying the land of Higaunon with several cans of Sardines only. After some time, a relative of
the native would come back to ask for the payment of his share because the one who “sold” the land is
not the sole owner of the property. In Lanao, we also hear instances of land purchases where other
Maranaos claimants came to the buyer to ask for their shares. This is so because ownership or to be
exact stewardship is supposed to be communal.
51
Madale cited by Claribel Bartolome. Maratabat and Rido: Implication for Peace and National
Development. Monograph of research output during the said author’s sabbatical leave from Mindanao
State University, Marawi City, May 2001. p. 2.
24
rank to rank sensitivity, from prestige to seeking after prestige,
from status to status honor and status enhancement. The meaning
has been changed by Maranao usage… In the process the original word
has been filled with new and different (although related) meanings. It is
very possible that the present understanding of maratabat is an
indigenous pre-Islamic Filipino idea, and that Maranao maratabat is an
Arabic loanword which has been shorn of its original meaning in order to
fit the concept that was already present in the Maranao society.52
According to Mamitua Saber (et. al.) maratabat is the “key to Maranao

psychology”. Maranaos used this folk mental makeup “to account for, explain, justify
and rationalize actions and behaviors over a wide range of situations”. To the Maranao,
maratabat is “thought to be the fundamental motivating force” that served as basis for
judging a person “as good or bad, not so much in terms of the consequences of his acts
but rather in terms of the extent to which he has maratabat”.53 The anthropologist
Melvin Mednick also added that the notion of “maratabat is the single-most emotionally
charged concept in Maranao culture”.54
To illustrate that Maranaoness revolves around maratabat, Carlton Riemer is

again quoted:
… there are varying amounts of maratabat, and the Maranaos respect

most highly those members of their society who have a Mala’ i
maratabat, a large/big/high pride. Furthermore, the importance of
maratabat has been heightened to such a degree in Maranao society that
for many Maranaos maratabat is more precious than life itself…
The idea pervades Maranao society because it includes men,

women and children – both sexes and all age groups… When children
leave their family and home to visit other places, the family gives them
this parting advice: “Remember your maratabat”...55
Corroborating this is the observation of Saber (et.al) which said:
The Maranao themselves explicitly recognize… a man without

maratabat is nobody, or a man who loses his maratabat becomes
very, very small, and an important man is one with lots of
maratabat.56
So what is maratabat? Many authors are agreed that its closest English
equivalent is pride, honor and self-esteem.57 As mentioned already, this is not a
monopoly of the Maranao because other Moros and Lumads have also their own similar
concepts. We deemed it imperative to choose the Maranao example because it
exemplifies the communal character of pride, honor and self-esteem, which is
characteristically present among traditional Moros and Lumads. That is why among
these natives, feud is seldom between individuals because even pride, honor and self
esteem is collectively owned (i.e. communally anchored on the family, clan or tribe). To
further enlighten us about Maratabat’s communal character, Raymond Llorca has this to
say on the matter:
52
Carlton Riemer. Maranao Maratabat and the Concepts of Pride, Honor and Self-Esteem Dansalan
Quarterly Vol. VIII, No. 4, July 1987,p. 133.
53
Mamitua Saber (et. al.) The Maratabat of the Maranao The Maranao (Solidaridad Publishing House:
Manila), 1975, pp. 88-92.
54
Melvin Mednick cited in Riemer. Op. cit. p. 127.
55
Ibid. pp. 126-127.
56
Saber. op. cit. p. 92
57
This definitions are shared by Tawagon, Saber, Mednick, and Riemer.
25
… (Maratabat) appears to be compounded with and intensified by the
indulgence of the entire family. The Maranao individual, therefore, carries
in his mind – and on his back – the self-esteem of the clan. In a manner
of speaking, he is not being proud only of himself but of his family too.
And, even if he were not conscious of it, he would be… proud for them.58
Thus, the Maranao maratabat is no ordinary pride, honor and self-esteem of the
individual for it is not only linked with one’s social rank, status, prestige, power and
influence in relation to other individuals but also one’s family, clan and tribe in relation
to other families, clans and tribes.59
Just like the Tagalog pakikisama, Maratabat per se is neither good nor bad. It
becomes good only when the consequences of its manifestations are constructive; and
bad when its effects are destructive. Maratabat is good when it is shown to help needy
relatives and other poor people; reciprocate the goodness of one’s neighbor with an
even higher degree; showing bravery in protecting neighbors and community;
demonstrating leadership and conflict resolution skills by settling Rido; etcetera.
Maratabat can be bad when it becomes unregulated and manifested waywardly. It is
certainly bad maratabat when the seemingly simple things (like whistling of a boy at a
girl or wanting one’s car to follow immediately the bridal car during a wedding
motorcade) could grow into full-blown rido. It is also bad maratabat when one tries to
“show-off” even if it is beyond his means. It is also bad Maratabat when one looks down
upon other people and becomes inaccessible to them. Thus, maratabat has its own
merits and demerits. On one extreme end, it can probably cause the disintegration of
Maranao society, yet, on the other, the same can also be directed to uplift the said
society to greater heights.
So, Maratabat does not only concern the individual. Rather, its complexities
involved as well the image of the family, clan or even tribe. This is the reason why there
are no beggars among the Maranaos for the affluent relatives make sure that the poor
members of the family or clan are supported. Otherwise, if the poor relatives become
beggars, the image of the family or clan is destroyed. In such a case, the individual
members’ and the family/clan’s maratabat would be blemished and therefore the whole
kin group would lose “face”!
6.) What are some of the features of the natives’ indigenous religions prior to
the
coming of Islam inMinsupala?
Even if many of the Moros and Lumads nowadays are already practicing Muslims and
Christians, elements of the pre-Islamic and pre-Christian religion are still discernible in
their belief systems. These elements would every now and then appear in the form of
superstitions that are not part of the Islamic and Christian teachings. The combination
of the new and old religions results to what anthropologists would call folk Islam and
folk Christianity.
Interestingly, even before the advent of monotheistic religions (i.e. Islam and
Christianity), which “introduced” the concept of God Almighty, the indigenous
populations had already a concept of a Supreme Being, who created and sustained
everything. They did not call Him Allah or God, rather they have various names for Him:
Magbabaya among the Subanen, Higaunon, Bukidnon and Mansaka; Magbubuhat
among the Bisaya, Bathala or Maykapal among the Tagalog; Manama among the
Manobo, Mandarangan among the Bagobo, Taginiit among the Dibabawon, etc. Apart
from this, the natives also believe in other unseen beings that live in caves, waterfalls,
58
Raymond Llorca Maratabat Society and the Non-Maranao The Technician Vol. 5, No. 1 (July 1986) p.
115
59
See Manuel R. Tawagon. The Pengampong: A Historical Study of the Multiple Sultanates of Lanao. A
Research funded by the Toyota Foundation in August 1987, p. 101.
26
mountains, trees, rocks and other natural structures. For instance, the Maranaos used to
believe in Tonongs which are thought to be benevolent unseen beings. According to the
epic Darangen of the Maranaos, the Tonongs originated from the union of Rajah
Indarapatra to a Karibang (a water nymph) named Potri Rainalaut. They begot two
children: one is invisible (damipayag) while the other one is an ordinary human being.
The invisible brother, who became the ancestor of the Tonongs, promised to help and
protect his ordinary brother who became the ancestors of the Maranao. Thus, the
Maranao would invoke the Tonong every time they were plagued with illness and
danger. They are also invoked to protect their crops from destruction by pests, wild
animals and natural calamities.They would also perform rituals (locally known as
Kalilang sa Tonong) to ask the unseen beings to grant them a good catch when fishing
or hunting. This ceremony is done by offering chicken and other things along with the
playing of musical instruments such as gongs, kulintang and debak usually along river
banks or lake shore.
Among the Manobo, mountains, waterfalls, and even the land where crops are to be
planted were considered sacred. The natives believe unseen spirits, both good and bad,
reside in them. Thus, when stepping into uninhabited places, they are always very
cautious by not making noises or any forms of disturbance.In opening an area for
planting, it is carefully selected and chosen depending on the omen and signs which
they believed were coming from the spirits that guard the forests, trees, and farm site.
One particular omen is the sound of the Limukon (turtle dove) which according to
Manobo belief is the messenger of Mother Earth. 60
For the Subanen, the planting season is communion with the spirits. Every year, they
set aside an amount of seeds that will be used for a special ritual called Pangasi. In the
Pangasi, the Subanen does not plow the field or use bladed tools in tilling the soil. They
simply bore holes on the land using a wooden dibble. Then dropping the seeds are
dropped into the hole without covering it with loose soil. Subanens believe the the stars
and the guardians of the crops will do it. Hence, the Pangasi is a ritual that makes
human beings work with the invisible spirits of the earth.
Other ethnic groups also have their similar rituals that recognize invisible beings as
guardians of Mother Earth. Yet, in all the rituals, an important figure leads in performing
the ceremonies. He/she acts as mediator between the mortals and the spirit world.
He/she is believed to be capable of conveying messages to and from the visible and
invisible realms. He/she is also thought to have powers to foretell the future and see the
supernatural or spirits. The natives turn to him for healing and protection. He/she is the
Baylan!
IV. Concluding Peace Value/Statement
The pre-Islamic and pre-colonial past serves as the long lost connection between the
present Filipinos. By looking back, present generations of Muslims, Lumads and
Christians are reminded that our ancestors at some point in our history shared many
commonalities than differences. For us to see this, all we need to do is retrace our steps
back into the past and rekindle the meaning of Sandugo and Sadiyandi that our
ancestors shared.
60
According to Revo Masinaring on planting ritual among Manobo; they decide on which portion of the
land to till during the stage called panlawag or panloyu when the farmers call on the spirit of the plants,
Kalayag, to send an omen through the limukon (turtle dove) bird. Then, a portion of the site targeted for
planting is cleaned. The call of the limukon coming from the wrong direction is not a good sign and the
cleaning, no matter how large the clearing was, it must be stopped. If they insist on continuing, an
untoward incident—a child getting sick and dying, perhaps, may happen. But they consider it a good sign
when they only hear the sound of the limukon after they have spent a long time cutting grass and bushes.
Once this happens, farmers working together under a labor sharing system they call ak-khat, will
immediately take part in a ritual performed by a baylan. A chicken is beheaded, its blood poured down
onto a small hole dug at the eastern direction of the farm site.
27
Our present leaders may take the example of our indigenous tribal chieftains who
despite the fact that they received no salary, they were serving their people selflessly.
We do not need to look for examples and models from foreign lands for our native
ancestors showed us already how is it to be a real leader!
The communalism that characterized the pre-Islamic/pre-colonial societies of our

ancestors should remind us that we have social obligations to our fellow Filipinos. This is
the essence of Bayanihan, Awidan and Pagtinabangay which are precious values that
strengthened the feeling of oneness and sense of belongingness among our ancestors in
the old barangays. If we want this country to stay intact, all Filipinos, regardless of
ethnic and religious identity, should be given equal opportunity to economic, political,
educational and cultural advancement. Not only that, no Filipino should be left behind in
poverty and ignorance. This is the essence of “walang iwanan” (i.e., no one should be
left behind) be he Muslim, Lumad or Christian!
The present generation of Filipinos could also take inspiration from the traditional
conflict resolution of our ancestors. They did not only seek for justice by imposing
punishments; more importantly, they struggled to mend broken relationships and strived
to achieve reconciliation. The spirit of reconciliation is indeed very timely especially in
the light of the present peace process between the MILF and the Philippine
Government.
Our ancestors’ reverence and respect for mother nature is also very instructive to the
present generation of Filipinos. The notion that Mother Earth is not a dead thing we can
just own is especially suitable in the light of environmental degradation and climate
change that we experience and suffer from nowadays.
1. Describe the picture in relation to the content of Module 3.
Pre -Islamic Mindanao
28
2. Copy the boxes below in short bond paper. Then, answer the required information by
filling in the boxes.
Before Present Favorable/Unfavorable?

Why?
a. Leadership and
Governance
b. Justice System Your answers Your answers
c. Decision-
making
3. What are indigenous practices of Filipinos which you still practice at home or
present in your community? List down 30 practices at the back of the bond
paper in Question Number 2.
V. References
Disoma, Esmail R. The Maranao: A Study of their Practices and Beliefs.Office of the Vice
Chancellor for Research and Extension.MSU-Marawi.Marawi City. Year?
Garvan, John M. The Manobos of Mindanao, Vol. XXII.United States Government

Printing Office. USA. 1929
Kadil, Ben J. History of the Moro and Indigenous Peoples of MINSUPALA. Office of the
Vice Chancellor for Research and Extension. Marawi City: MSU-Marawi. 2012
Masinaring, Manggob Revo N. Understanding the Lumad: A Closer Look at a

Misunderstood Culture (Tebtebba Foundation). Baguio City: Valley Printing
Specialist. 2011
Miller, Jeanne and Helen. Mamanwa Grammar. Institute of Linguistics. Huntington Beach
California. 1976
Rodil, Rudy et.al. Lumad Belief System. Episcopal Commission on Inter-religious

Dialogue (ECID) and Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process. 2000.
______________ A Story of Mindanao and Sulu in Question and Answer.

MINCODE.Davao City. 2003.
____________ The Minoritization of the Indigenous Communities of Mindanao and the

Sulu Archipelago. Davao City: Alternate Forum for Research in Mindanao Inc.,
2004.
____________ “An Exploratory Study of the Subanens of Zamboanga Peninsula.”

Typescript, 2002.
29
Ty, Rey Ph.D. Muslim Perspectives on Peaceful Building in Mindanao, Philippines:
Community Resolution and Interfaith Peace Building. Claremont
Lincoln.University Center for Global Peace Building.
Vidal, Leah H. et.al. Lumadnong Pagkinabuhi Ngadto sa Kalinaw: Stories of Survival of

the Higaunon of Misamis Oriental and Bukidnon. Cagayan de Oro City: Kab-ot
Gahum, Resource Center for Empowerment and Development.. 2009.
Wrigglesworth, Hazel J. Manobo Storytelling as Approximation to Drama. SIL Electronics
and Writing Papers 2011-001. 2011.
30
Module 4
GENEOLOGICAL AND CULTURAL CONNECTIONS
OF THE TRI-PEOPLE OF MINSUPALA
Kimberly F. Apatan & Juvanni A. Caballero

Department of History, CSSH, MSU Marawi
Department of History, CASS, MSU IIT
I. I. Objectives
At the end of the lesson, the students should be able to answer the
following questions:
1. Based on oral traditions, do we have basis for saying that the tri-
people of MinSUPala (or this archipelago) were related genealogically?
2. What other evidences can we cite to show that the tri-people were
indeed related/connected?
II. II. Introductory Activity: Listen to the legend of Tabunaway
The legend of Tabunaway has three known versions: 1.) The

Maguindanao-Teduray version 2.) Maguindanao-Manobo version;
Maguindanao-Subanen version.
In the Maguindanao-Teduray version, the story tells us of two

brothers, Tabunaway and Mamalu, who shared “the same father and the
same mother”. They had a sister named Surabanon who became the wife
of Sarip Kabungsuan came to teach Islam, the younger brother
Tabunaway accepted Islam while the older brother retained his
indigenous religion. The two then made an agreement that Mamalu would
go live in the hills while Tabunaway stays in the coast. They further
agreed to continue respecting each other and other continue trading. 61
With that solemn agreement, the two parted – Mamalu to the hills, while
Tabunaway remained in their little hut by the Rio Grande. From that day
on, the brothers shared each other’s produce and problems. Sometimes’
Tabunaway went to the hills with fish, salt and coconuts and other things
that Mamalu gave him. At other times, it was Mamalu wwho would go to
visit his younger brother by the river. True to their covenant, the two
passed on the agreement to their children, who passed it on the next
generation, and so on down the line. From Mamalu came the Tedurays of
today and from Tabunay came the Maguindanaos.
The Maguindanao-Manobo version differs a little from Maguindanao-

Teduray version in that in the former Timway Tabunaway was the older
brother, who did not accept Islam and became the ancestor of Manobo
while the younger brother, Mamalu, accepted Islam and became the
ancestor of Maguindanao.
That is not it! We also have Maguindanao-Subanen version that talks

of more character. In the account collected by Emerson Christle from the
61
(Wood 1951:12-39) (Casino, p.185)
31
Subanen of Patwak, west Sindangan Bya, the story telsl us the giant
named Tabunaway who lived in Nawan (old name of Zamboanga) with his
siblings. His spearhead was a fathom long and as large as a small tree; its
shaft was as thick as man’s thigh. Then Sarip Kabungsuan arrived and
spread Islam. Tabunaway and some of his siblings received the new
religion. Tabunaway became the ancestors of Maguindanao; his brother
Dumalandan became the ancestor of the Maranao; their only sister,
Lindang (sometimes called Daumpalay or Gbeletehan), became the wife
of Sarip Kabunsuan and from their marriage descended the Tausug. Three
of Tabunaway’s brothers did not welcome Sarp kabungsuan – Habalu,
who became the ancestor of the B’laan, Teduray, Manobo, Bagobo and
other hill tribes; Milirilid, from whom the Subanen descended; and
Gumabongabon who was believed to Rajah Humabon of Sugbu. 62
Process this by asking the question “What insights are we getting from these
stories?” Make sure to connect the brainstorming to the lesson proper.
III.Lesson Proper
1. Based on the oral traditions, do we have basis for saying that the
tri-people of MinSuPala (or this archipelago) were related
geneologically?
Oral traditions like the above can be good basis for saying that our peoples at
the very beginning were related not only by language and culture but b blood.
This kind of stories are living memories of people that point to our long-lost
connections. While some might argue that oral traditions are not perfect
historical sources because in the course of time realistic fantastic elements are
muddled, subtracted or added, they nonetheless remain important windows to
our past. Vansina (1965) pointed out that:
“Many epics have historical dimension: the hero once really lived.. or
some of the incidents, usually the main plot, correspond to actual events or
minor or major importance… The historian uses them more as reports about
existing situation in a recent past than as a source about these persons or
incidents.. They (epics) may well disappear, not into oblivion, but as their
substance is cannibalized for later epics or passes into tale.” (Vansina 1965:25)
If we are to believe the legends of Tabunaway and his siblings, then we must
also convince of the blood relations of the Moro and Lumad. Being branches of
the same trunk, the Maguindanao, Maranao, Tausug, Teduray, Manobo, Bagobo,
Subanen, B’laan and other hill tribes must be rekiqdxandle this old connection. It
is very important then that the members of these tribe’s respect and uplift each
other instead of making stereotypes and derogatory remarks; because every
time a member of one tribe makes derogatory comment on others, he is actually
making a derogatory statement of his own relative!
But will this connection apply only to the moro and lumad? Note that in Subanen
version of Tabunaway legend, Gumabongabon was believed to be Rajah
Humabon of Cebu. If this were true, then Cebuano-Bisaya is not exempted in the
web of genealogical connections as far as Tabunaway legend is concerned. Note
62
Apatan, Kimberly. Lapuyan, the “Little America” of Zamboanga Peninsula: A story of the Lapuyan
Subanen and American Impact (1912-2011) M.A History Thesis major in Mindanao Studies. Mindanao
State University, Marawi City, 2012
32
that as Bisayans, the Cebuanos must have some connections (genealogical or
otherwise) with the Bol-anons of Bohol, the Warays of Leyte, the Siquihodnons
of Siquijor and others. We may not be able to present at the moement concrete
proofs of the connections (as field remains largely unexplored) but we hope
future researcher will help us fill this gap.
Apart from the Cebuano-Bisaya connection, we also see links that bring other
peoples into the picture of Tabunaway legend. It is well-known that while the
people of the Caraga region in northeastern Mindanao (e.g. the Butuanon,
Surigaonon, Kamayo and others) are Christians now, linguistically however, their
connection to the Manobo is given. Thus, while the Tabunaway legend does
specifically mention the Surigaonon, Butauanon, the kamayo and other related
peoples, it nonetheless mentions tribes that are linked to other tribes of these
island.63 It is also important to note that the web of connections is not only
confined to Visayas and Mindanao if we factor-in connection of rulers in Manila
(e.g. Sulayman and Lakandula) to the Sultan of Brunie who in turn was
connected to Sultan of Sulu. Looking at all these, therefore, gives us a picture of
a long-lost past where the Christianized Tagalogs were once connected to the
Islamized Tausug of Today. And who else are connected to the Tausug? The
Manobo people and the naives of Butuan are!
Still talking of the oral traditions, perhaps it is interesting to mention here that in
several occasions, these researchers, including the Mindanao Historian Rudy
Rodill, encountered several people from Sulu claiming that Lapu-lapu was a Moro
(some say Tausug other say Sama Bangingi). Again, we may not have solid
evidence to prove its historicity but we should not fail to recognized the
significance of this claim – i.e., Lapu-Lapu, the chief of Mactan, has become a
common symbol of patriotism for the Cebuano and the Moro. Certainly, this is no
harm in collectively claiming a great hero like Lapu-Lapu!
2. What other evidences can we cite to show that the tr-people

were indeed related/connected?
If we re not satisfied with the oral traditions about Tabunaway, we can cite the
Tarsila (written genealogy) of the greatest Maguindanao Sultan – Kudarat to
show the genealogical links of some tribes. Then if that
is not enough, we shall also cite linguistic and other cultural proofs that our
people were indeed connected in our long- lost past.
Genealogy
We begin with the lineage of Sultan Kudarat who s known to be a

Maguindanaon. But his genealogy reveals more, so that, Kudarat could qualify to
be the common link of many ethnic groups in these islands. Below are the
diagrams showing sultan Kudarat’s genealogical and affinity connections.
Box 4-1: Lineage of Sultan Kudarat
63
The Kamayo of Surigao and the Mandaya and Kagan Tribes of Davao practically speak the same
language.
33
Box 4-2: kinship Relations Between Maguindanao, Iranun, Maranao, Buayan and
Sulu
The above illustrations tell us that Sultan Kudarat was married to one of the
daughters of Rajah Bongsu of Sulu (Sultan Muwallil Wasit, 1610 to 1850). This
made him into son-in-law of the Tausug Sultan who was known to be Brunie
ancestry. Note that Rajah Sulayman of Manila and Lakandula of Tondo were also
34
related to the Brunie Ruling families. Nyway, Sultan Kudarat’s father was Datu
Buisan who married a Maguindanao descendant of Tabunaway named Indang.
Being the son of Indang gave Kudarat a Maguindanao blood. Kudarat’s father
(Buisan), however, was the grandson of Sarip Macaalang who married Bilam, a
B’laan lady. This gave Kudarat a B’laan blood too. Note that Sari Macaalang was
the son of Sarip Kabungsuan throught Agintabu, an Iranun lady. This also gave
Kudarat an Iranun blood.
If we look at the web of affinity connections of the family of Kudarat, we will see
that his Sulu siste-in-law was married to Baratamay, the ruler of Buayan. One of
the daughters of Baratamay named Siti Kabira was married to Mama sa Pulao
who was a Maranao-Iranun descent. Mama sa Pulao was actually the son of
Dtau Burwa and Nungko (or Dungko) who was asister of the Iranun Datu Nuni
Amatunding. Nuni Amatunding was the powerful Iranun Datu who married
Gayang, the sister of Sultan Kudarat.
The plural marriages of Sarip kabungsuan to ladies from the various tribes of
Mindanao (e.g. Putri Tunina a Teduray and Agintabu an Iranun) and the
subsequent intercultural marriages of his descendants like Macaalang, Buisan
and Kudarat made his descendants a product of multicultural unions.
What is the point of all these? We are pointing these out because we want the
Moro, Lumad and others (e.g. Tagalogs) to revisits and revalue the long lost
blood and affinity connections that used to link the various peoples of the
islands. And since it is culturally characteristics of us to establish good relations
with people who are connected to individuals related to us either by blood or
affinity, we thought, this could help us rekindle what used to connect our ethnic
groups in the past.
Acculturation
If the above does not sound sensible, then perhaps we can discuss acculturation
as a product of our ancestor mobility to let us realize that we must have the old
connections. James Francis Warren in his work on Iranun-Balangingi slave
raiding noted that the activities brought in and integrated enslaved people into
the Tausug and Balangingi communities on a larger scale. In 1836, it was
estimated that only one-tenth of the male population were actually “true”
Balangingi Samal; “the remainder were renegades, more particularly Tagalog
and Visayan”, and various Malay-speaking captives. (Warren 2001:151152). This
is a renowned historian talking of acculturated Tagalogs and Visayan in the
Isalamized Sulu society.
Warren further noted that in spite in the harrowing experiences of the victims,
there were being captured in a slave raid became a blessing in disguise for social
and economic progress. For instance, Visayan and Tagalog fishers and mariners
who suffered exploitation and cruelties at the hands of the Spanish colonizers
find the circumstance as an opportunity to escape from their harsh condition.
(Warren 2001:217). He also noted that children of slave women were naturally
assimilated. Concubinage was an important part of the traditional social structure
in Sulu and captured women could achieve high status as a concubine (sandil).
One who bore a child to his master could be manumitted although her child
could not inherit the status of the father but was given a lesser title and
incorporated into his following. (Warren 2001:227).
35
In Sulu, slaves could create a family on their own as a husband and wife, could
own property, and could be bureaucrats, farmers and raiders, as concubines and
traders (Warren 2001:215). They had opportunities to improve their lot
depending on circumstance, good fortune, skills, and personal character. There
are some evidence illustrating that in rare instances banyaga of remarkable
talent rose to the rank of orang kaya and datus as protégés of their masters.
(Warren 1981: 228) Children of slave parents would grow up having the socio-
cultural life of Sama or Tausug community and later intermarry with natives of
the islands.
It is very important to mention that during the Spanish-Moro wars, the Spaniards
also uprooted a lot of Moros from their communities and brought them to
Visayas and Luzon to be baptized as Christians and to be assimilated into the
colonized population. If this is the case, then who among as can be so sure that
we do not have Moro, Lumad, Bisaya or Tagalog blood? Who knows, one who is
being anti-Moro was a descendant of a Moro who was captured by the Spaniards
long time ago; Or those who discriminate the Lumads or Bisaya has a Lumad or
Bisaya ancestor through the great grandparents of his great grandparents? Given
the historical facts and all possibilities, nobody can be so sure!
Language and Culture
If there is no point in trying to uncover long lost bond and affinity, then at least
let us revisit our linguistic and cultural connections. From the north to south of
this archipelago, we share common concepts and vocabularies that show a
common lingual family. In most Philippine languages, the following words are
mean the same thing:
Langit heaven
Dagat/Ragat/Laut/Laud Sea/ocean
Hangin wind
Bansa/Bangsa nation
Bahay/Balay/Bay/Walay/Bayay House
Bigas/Bugas/Bégas Rice
Babae/Babayi/Bae Female
Lalaki/laki/Mamá male
Anak Child/ offspring
Ina/Inahan Mother
Ama/Amahan Father
Kaka/Manoy/Manong Older sibling
According to Casiño (1975), the most fascinating concept and terminology that is
similar to many ethnic groups in the Philippines is that of brotherhood and
siblingship. Casiño mentioned that blood and the umbilical cord represents
36
archetypal symbols for brotherhood. He said that “the majority of the Philippine
terms for siblingship is derived from the idea of infants being cut off from the
same umbilical cord”. Examples of this can be found in the following:
Tagalog Kapatid
Ilocano Kabsat
Pampango Kaputol
Ilonggo Utod
Cebuano Igsoon/Igbugto
Palawanun Tipusod
Yakan, Sama Bugto tinai
Maranao Repud sa pusod64
The other archetypal symbol for siblingship is anchored on the idea of having the
same blood. This is embodied in the concept of Sandugo (blood compact) which
we know to have been resorted to by our ancestors when making solemn vows
of unity and brotherhood. Indeed, Sandugo was a common practice that our
ancestors resorted to even in the face of their Islamization and Christianization.
Datu Buisan’s blood compact with the Datus of Leyte illustrated this.65
Going back to the language as proof of our long-lost connections, the case of the
Butuanon and Tausug is worth-mentioning here. In the past, people from both
places were astounded by the language similarity despite some 500 miles of the
water and the various intervening groups that separate them. It was found out
that the vocabularies of the two languages are 77% cognate-meaning their
vocabularies are 77% similar in sound and meaning. On that basis, it is
concluded that the Tausug language is most closely related the southern Visayan
language of the North coast of Mindanao (Conklin 1955; Chretien 1963).
Many may have not known that as early as 1600s, the ethnic and linguistic link
of Sulu and Butuan was already noted by the Jesuit missionary Francisco
Combes, who acted as ambassador of the Spanish governor-general to the
courts of the Sultan of Sulu and to Sultan Kudarat of Maguindanao. In his
Historia de las Islas de Mindanao, Jolo y sus adyacentes (1667) he wrote about
Butuan as the ancient homeland of Sulu’s rulers. This can be gleaned from his
conversation with Rajah Bungso and his court: “… the rulers and nobility of Job
and Basilan recognize as the place of their origin village of Butuan on the
northern side, in sight of the island of Bohol and Cebu, islands where are in the
same stage of civilization. Therefore, that village can take glory of having given
kings and nobility to these nations.” (Hontiveros 2004:43)
While the Tausug has converged Sama over time, its distinctness has not been
lost. While the Tausug and Butuanon now live in contrasting ecosystems and
cultural influences: the former in a group of small islands and the latter in a delta
64
Casiño, Eric. The Anthropology of Christianity and Islam in the Philippines: A Bipolar Approach to
Diversity Mindanao Journal Vol.1 no.3 (Jan-Mar, 1975) Mindanao State University: University Research
Center. Pp29-30.
65
Refer to module 6 for details to this incident.
37
that is part of the mainland; the former as the archipelago that first welcome
Islam, while the other prides itself in being the first Christian community on
Mindanao. But underneath it all is a kinship and a common tongue that date
back to hundreds of years (Hontiveros, p. 46).
IV. LESSON LEARNED AND PEACE MESSAGE
It must be emphasized at the outset that we are not saying we had a utopian
pre-colonial past. What we are stressing in this module is that we had enough
connections in our past that need to be revisited and rekindled. These
connections are discernible in our oral traditions, in our genealogies and in our
language and culture. All we need to do is look back and be amazed of these
long-lost relations. In this light, we quote Rodil:
Although the different Lumad communities do not have a common

language, they [in other aspects] have much in common among
themselves and [among] other indigenous inhabitants of the region. First,
like the rest of the Philippine population, they share a common origin in
the Malayo- Polynesian family of languages. Second, according to recent
linguistic studies, 17 groups belong to the Manobo subfamily of
languages, proof of a common origin among them. Third, this similarity of
origin is acknowledged, each in its own way, among the Moro people and
the Lumad by their folk tradition. 66
Sharing the same thought, Eric Casiño also posits:
Whichever we look at – customs, language, economic ties or racial

characteristics – there is only one conclusion… (i.e.) the people of the
Philippines were basically one people. Although in the 16th century the
people of the Philippines did not constitute a single nation or state, the
bases and conditions for eventual consensus were there. If we are to find
an appropriate image of this fundamental ethnic unity of pre-
constitutional Filipinos is that if… their ethnic (cultural) beginnings.67
1. Trace your ancestry by producing a family tree of your father and mother side in
long bond paper. Use your creativity and artistic skills to come up with a colorful
output.
2. Interview your grandparents or elders in the family. Let them write their own
answers in a short bond paper. The questions are the following:
2.1 What is your full name?
2.1.1 How did you get your name?
2.1.2 Did you have any nicknames?
2.2 When and where you were born?
2.3 Best memories of your father?
2.4 Best memories of your mother?
2.5 What is your favorite subject when you were a student?
3. Summarize your understanding by providing the answers below. Use bond paper
to write your answer.
66
Rodil The National Cultural Minorities of Mindanao and Sulu: A Prelimenary Study. Davao City:
Mindanao Regional Development Project Interim Report IX.A.I December 1974. Pp.142-143.
67
Casiño,op.cit.,p.31.
38
VI. References
Casiño, Eric S. Mindanao Statecraft and Ecology (Moros, Lumads, and Settlers
Across the Lowland-Highland Continuum). (Cotabato City: Notre Dame
University, 2000)
“The Agamaniyog Tales” in Mindanao Arts and Culture No. 1 (1979) University
Research Center, (Marawi City: Mindanao State University)
“Some Male Characters in the Darangen” in Mindanao Arts and Culture No. 4 (1980)
University Research Center, (Marawi City: Mindanao State University)
pp. 11-14.
“Stories from the Darangen” in Mindanao Arts and Culture No. 5 (1983) University
Apatan, Kimberly F. Lapuyan, the “Little America” of Zamboanga Peninsula:

A Story of the Lapuyan Subanen and the American Impact (1912-2011).
2012. (Unpublished Masteral Thesis for Master of Arts in History major in Mindanao
Studies) Mindanao State University, Marawi City
39
Module 5
ISLAM IN MORO HISTORY
By: Juvanni A. Caballero1, Munap Hairullah1 & Faharodin Salacop2

1
2
Department of Social Sciences & Humanities, CESS, MSU-Naawan
I. Objectives
questions:
1. What is Islam and its basic tenets?

2. How did Islam reach Southeast Asia and eventually the Philippine
archipelago?
3. Which personalities were credited to have introduced Islam in Minsupala?
II. Introductory Activity: Film Viewing on “The Message” or “Inside Islam”
The teacher may require students to view any of the above-mentioned films to show the
early history of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula. In this way, the teacher doesn’t have to
consume time discussing the early beginnings of Islam and how it attracted adherents in
other parts of the world. To process the activity, the teacher may require the students
to submit a reaction paper about the film or immediately follow the viewing with a
Question and Answer session. To make it participatory, knowledgeable Muslim students
may also serve as resource person discussant in the class.
III. Lesson Proper
At the outset of this instructional material, we pointed out that one reason why History
3 was made a mandated subject is because we want to mainstream Moro and Lumad
struggles in Philippine history. But apart from that, History 3 was also conceived as a
subject that would make other Filipinos understand the culture of the Filipino Muslims
and Indigenous Peoples. This means History 3 is supposed to be an avenue where we
correct stereotypes and misconceptions about the people, especially the misunderstood
aspects of their culture.
Since the religion of the Moros is one aspect of Moro culture that is most misunderstood
by people, we deem it imperative to include a discussion about it.
1.) What is Islam and its basic tenets
In the face of recent global and local terrorism, we see many people blaming Islam as
the cause of hostilities and violence. Islam’s image has been particularly disfigured due
to terrorist attacks done by groups identified or claiming to be “Muslims”. Evidences
from the Qur’an and the Sunnah (traditions of the prophet) however reveal that Islam is
a religion of peace and that it encourages peaceful coexistence between Muslims and
non-Muslims. This section of the workbook therefore explores the spiritual, moral and
peaceful dimensions of Islam as a religion.
Literally, Islam means “absolute surrender/submission to the Will of God/Allah.

Etymologically, it is derived from the word “Salam” which literally means “peace”.68
68 See Anwar Duaa The Everything Koran Book (USA: F+W Publications, Inc., 2004) p. 223. As a
religion of peace, Islam’s usual greeting is: “Assalamo Alaikom wa Rahmatullahi wa Barakatuhu”
meaning “may God’s Peace, Mercy and Blessings be upon you”. A person hearing this greeting is
40
Islam therefore is supposed to be a religion of Peace and the Muslims (persons, who
absolutely surrender to the Will of God/Allah), are supposed to be peaceful and
righteous people.
If Islam is defined as “complete submission to the Will of Allah”, we may ask: “What is
the Will of Allah?” In the Islamic perspective, Allah’s Will is discernible in the scriptures
He revealed to Prophet Muhammad (who received the Qur’an) and the other Prophets
like Jesus Christ (i.e. Isah who received the Injeel or Gospel)69, David (i.e. Da’ud who
received the Psalms), Moses (i.e. Musa who received the Taurat or Torah) and others.70
Along with the previously revealed scriptures, traditions and sayings of Prophet
Muhammad and more especially the Qur’an, Islam stands firm on five fundamental
pillars.
Five Pillars of Islam
A person becomes an ideal Muslim if he observes the five pillars of Islam, namely:
a.)Shahada, b.) Salah, c.) Zakat, d.) Saum and e.) Hajj. We shall discuss each of the
pillars then.
a.) Shahada or Profession of Faith
The first important requirement for a person to become a Muslim is the Shahada. It is
done by saying with real conviction “As’hadu anla ilaha ilallah wa as’hadu anna
Muhammadur rasulullah” meaning “I bear witness that there is only One God and
Muhammad is a messenger of God”. Once a person truly believes that there is only one
God and that Muhammad, just like Abraham, Moses, Joseph, Jesus and others, is God-
sent, then he becomes a Muslim.
To better understand the meaning of the Shahada, it is imperative that we discuss the
concept of Tawheed (or Islamic monotheism). This concept actually revolves around the
absolute “Oneness of God” and “the idea of not associating partners with God”. Muslims
believe that Tawheed is pervasive in the Qur’an and even in the Bible when both the old
and new testaments say: “Thou shall not worship other gods besides me” and “Love
God above all”.71 It is Tawheed therefore that makes Muslims protest when other people
call them Mohammedans instead of Muslims. They feel the term Mohammedan is
inappropriate because it somehow suggests the idea that Muslims follow and worship
Muhammad instead of God. It is important to note that the practice of associating
something or somebody with God (or as partner of God) is considered the gravest (and
therefore unforgivable) sin in Islam.
b.) Salah or Five Times Daily Prayers
The Shahada or Profession of Faith is rendered useless without translating them into
acts of worship. The act of worship particularly referred to is performing the Salah or
obliged to respond “Wa Alaikomi Salaam” meaning “and peace be with you too”. This is simply like
the greetings among Catholics during mass when the priest greets his parishioners with “may God
be with you” and the parishioners would respond by saying “and also with you”.
69 In Islam, one cannot be called a true Muslim if he does not believe in Jesus Christ and his
message. However, belief in Jesus Christ among Muslims is not similar with those of some
Christian sects who consider Jesus Christ as God the son or God in human form. Jesus Christ in
Islam is believed to be a Prophet of Allah just like Adam, Abraham, Moses, Joseph, Muhammad and
others, who were sent by God to warn and guide people to the path of righteousness.
70 The names of the prophets that one can find in the Bible are the same names that one can find in
the Qur’an: Jesus is Isah; Mary is Maryam; Moses is Musa; Abraham is Ibrahim; Nuh is Noah;
Aaron is Harun, Solomon is Sulieman; David is Da’ud; Joseph is Yusuf; Ayyub is Job; Ishaq is
Isaac; Yaqub is Jacob; Yunus is Jonah; etc. See appendices of Muhammad Taqi-ud Din al-Hilali and
Muhammad Muhsin Khan’s Translation of the Meanings of the Noble Qur’an in the English
Language (Madinah, KSA: King Fahad Complex for the Printing of the Holy Qur’an) nd
71 Old and new testament of the Bible.
41
the five obligatory daily prayers. In Islam, performing the Islamic prayer is considered a
manifestation of a Muslim’s submission to the will of God.
The importance of Salah is emphasized in the Qur’an and the Sunnah (i.e. tradition) of
the Prophet. Each prayer is composed of several Rak’ah, which refers to the set of
reciting supplications, bowing and prostrations.72 Typically, each prayer lasts five
minutes, leading to twenty-five minutes of prayer per day. The five obligatory daily
prayers are evenly distributed all throughout the day and they include the following:
Salat ul Fajr - The Dawn Prayer

Salat ul Zuhur - The Noon Prayer
Salat ul Asr - The Afternoon Prayer
Salat ul Maghrib - The Sunset Prayer
Salat ul Aisha - The Evening Prayer73
Before performing the Salah, a Muslim must perform a ritual ablution in order that he
faces God during prayer in a physically and mentally purified state. This purification is
called ‘wudu’, which is done by freeing the mind of any thoughts other than worshipping
God and by washing the hands, mouth, nostrils, face, arms, head, ears and feet. It is
important as well for Muslims to cover their aurah or parts of the body that should be
covered when praying or in public. The aurah of the male is from the navel down to the
knees while that of the female is from the head, ears, neck, elbow down to the ankle.
Aside from being viewed as an obligation to God, the Salah serves as man’s constant
communication with and reminder of his Creator. It constantly reminds him of humbling
himself down, of being good to his fellowmen, of being just and honest in all his
dealings, and of not transgressing the limits that Allah has set. In other words, the Salah
reminds a Muslim that he should not commit sins because Someone in Heaven is
constantly recording all his transgressions, which will be dealt with on the day of
Judgment.
c.) Zakat or Alms Giving
Because Islam is a very practical religion, it is does not limit itself to ceremonies and
rituals. In fact, the Zakat or alms giving to the poor and destitute is obligatory upon all
earning Muslims. The amount of Zakat is usually 1/40; meaning one peso goes to the
poor and the needy out of the P40.00 one is earning in one year. This is approximately
2.5% only of a person’s annual income. Of course, a person can give even beyond 2.5%
as additional charity but he cannot go below 2.5%, which is obligatory. 74
Zakat therefore translates rituals into concrete actions. It is the principle of social
responsibility by which the possession of wealth obligates the owner to concern himself
with the people who have little wealth. The Islamic sanction of not giving the Zakat is so
severe that those who do not pay it are “likened in the Qur’an to the idolaters who
worship false gods”.75
d.) As-siyam or Fasting during the Month of Ramadan
Except for the children, sick, aged, pregnant and menstruating women, nursing mothers
and travelers, all Muslims who have reached puberty are required to fast during the
72 In praying, Muslims are to face the Qibla which is the direction where the Kaaba is located. In the
Philippines, it has been accepted among Muslims that facing west is the most appropriate direction
of the Qibla.
73 Muhammad Samson & Sulaiman Idris Alojado. Ang Tahara & Ang Salah (Riyadh, KSA:Islamic
Propagation office in Rabwah) nd

74 Anwar Duaa The Everything Koran Book (USA: F+W Publications, Inc., 2004) p.53
75 Michael J. Diamond and Peter G. Gowing. Islam and Prophet Muhammad (cited in the
Compilation of Readings in History 3, History Department, MSU-IIT), p. 27.

42
month of Ramadan. Aside from the health benefits that one can get from fasting,
Assiyam also fosters the value of self-restraint, discipline and a deeper sense of
spirituality. Peter Gowing appropriately describes the religious value of Assiyam when he
wrote:
Throughout the period of the fast there is a special emphasis on

attendance at the mosque more than during the rest of the year. The fast
is an assertion that man has larger needs than those of the body. The
body is to be the subject of man and not his master, dictating his every
thought. The fast is for thirty days… By fasting the Muslim intends to
draw himself closer to God and to be more finely attuned to His will.
Fasting encourages patience and endurance. It is a remembrance of God,

It is not only a fast of the stomach but also of the ears, mouth and eyes
that bad things will not be listened to and of the eyes that nothing bad or
impure is looked at.
Fasting is a sign of contradiction to the world that is becoming steadily

more materialistic. It unifies the rich and the poor those who eat well and
those who fasts practically everyday of the year. The spirit of getting
closer to God and of submitting to his Will which is expressed in the
Ramadan fast are genuine religious values.76
e.) Hajj or Pilgrimage
The Hajj refers to the exhausting and expensive pilgrimage to the Holy land of Mecca in
Saudi Arabia. For about a week or two, pilgrims strive to complete certain physically
strenuous rituals. Because of its taxing difficulty, Allah mercifully accepts it if performed
once in a lifetime although people who cannot perform it due to serious restrictions like
financial or health problems, are excused from performing the Hajj.77
Apart from being considered as an act of worship for Allah through physical and
financial sacrifice, the Hajj also symbolizes the unity of all Muslims in the world
regardless of language, culture or ethnic origin.
Some Issues on Islam
Discussing the five pillars is admittedly insufficient to understand Islam as a religion of

peace. Thus, we deem it necessary to include some discussions on frequently asked
questions by citing some verses in the Qur’an that confirms Islam as a religion of peace.
On Being Just and Harmonious With Others
The Qur’an sets rules that command Muslims to be just and harmonious with other
people. A concept like racism has no place in Islam as Muslims believe all people are the
children of Adam. The following verses in the Qur’an confirm these:
Oh mankind! We have created you from a male and a female and made
you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another [and not
so that you will despise one another]. Verily, the most honorable of you
in the eyes of Allah is the most righteous of you…78
Oh you who believe! Be Steadfast witnesses for Allah in equity, and let
not hatred of any people seduce you that you deal not justly. Deal justly,
76 Ibid, p.28
77 Anwar Duaa, op.cit. p. 52.
78 Qur’an 49:13
43
that is nearer to your duty. Observe your duty to Allah. Lo! Allah is aware
of what you do!79
Allah also commands people not to insult each other, not to harbor negative ideas about
each other and not to backbite. The following verses in the Qur’an tell us:
O you who believe! Let not a folk (deride) a folk who may be better than
they are, nor let women (deride) women who may be better than they
are; neither defame one another, nor insult one another by nicknames.80
Shun much suspicion, for lo! Some suspicion is a crime. And spy not,
neither backbite one another. Would one of you love to eat the flesh of
his dead brother that you would abhor it?81
On Religious Tolerance
Islam also encourages peaceful coexistence among diverse groups of various religions.
The Qur’an says about religious harmony and tolerance:
Allah forbids you not those who warred not against you on account of
religion and drive you not out from your homes, that you should show
them kindness and deal justly with them. Lo! Allah loves the just
dealers.82
The Qur’an also makes it clear that Muslims should let other groups practice their
religion in peace. Allah said in the Holy Qur’an:
Unto each nation have We have given sacred rites which they are to
perform; so let them not dispute with you of the matter, but summon
yourself unto your Lord. Lo! You indeed follow right guidance. And if they
wrangle with you, say: Allah is best aware of what you do. Allah will
judge between you on the Day of resurrection concerning that wherein
you used to differ.83
On Jihad and Terrorism
For those who do not understand the concept, they pinpoint Jihad as a confirmation of
Islam’s violent nature. In recent years, Jihad has caused a stir in the non-Muslim world
because of its presumed relationship to terrorism. Undoubtedly, Jihad is part of Islam
but it is not all about violence. Literally, Jihad means struggle but some translate it to
mean a “holy war”.
Jihad indeed is a “holy war”. But before we imagine the ugly images of killings and
destructions in battle, it is important that we know first the two types of Jihad: Jihad ul
Asgar and Jihad ul Akbar.
a.) Jihad ul Asgar (Lesser Jihad)
Jihad ul Asgar or lesser Jihad refers to the physical jihad that Muslims should wage in
times when they are being oppressed or persecuted, ejected from their homes and
properties or violently attacked because of practicing their religion. Since the
Qur’an clearly forbids starting hostilities, the term “defensive war” is more appropriate
to describe this type of jihad. Jihad ul Asgar therefore should never be offensive and
79 Qur’an 5:8
80 Qur’an 49:11
81 Qur’an 49:12
82 Qur’an 60:8
83 Qur’an 22:67-69
44
Prophet Muhammad clearly defined certain rules to follow in times of unavoidable armed
confrontation. Part of the rules is being described below:
Being a religion of peace, the Qur’an’s war policy is well defined with a
list of rules and conditions that protect the interest of Muslims while
avoiding unnecessary aggression. The sunnah dictates that if the decision
for violent confrontation is made, it must be agreed upon by the… nation
(not decided by a minor group of radicals). Once war is declared, Muslims
must adhere to certain rules from the Koran and Sunnah that protect
both parties…
Although the rule hardly applies nowadays, soldiers were forbidden from
dipping their spears, arrows and sword in poison… He also prohibited the
killing of women, elderly, any noncombatant, or monks… Captives and
those under Muslim protection must be given adequate clothing and
provisions, and must never be treated with cruelty… The Koran strictly
forbids excessive actions such as destroying crops, knocking down trees,
and killing animals (i.e. live stocks) that belong to the enemy…84
It must be emphasized that in waging the defensive war, only the combatants were to
be involved. If combat is unavoidable, confrontation must be on face-to-face basis.
Treacherous killing or bombing of civilians, has always been against the teachings of
Allah in the Qur’an. Prophet Muhammad’s battles serve as proof of this as he never
attacked civilians or killed prisoners of war.
b.) Jihad ul Akbar (Greater Jihad)
The physical struggle which is considered the lesser form of Jihad never assumes the
totality of the meaning of the word. In fact, the Prophet teaches that there is one form
of Jihad which is far greater than the physical struggle that Muslims should wage during
persecution. Unlike Jihad ul Asgar, this type of Jihad must be waged everyday. This
Jihad is in fact the holy war against the self (i.e., against the base appetites of the self).
It is therefore Jihad ul Akbar if one imposes self-restraint and patience during

temptations and trials. It is Jihad ul Akbar if one does not steal something even if he has
the opportunity to do so; It is Jihad ul Akbar if one controls his anger and forgives
someone who has offended him; It is called Jihad ul Akbar or greater Jihad because it is
more difficult to do for the enemy is your own self or the base appetites of yourself. It
must be stressed that this type of Jihad is abundantly rewarded in heaven.85
On Not Eating Pork
It must be cleared at this juncture that prohibiting the eating of pork is not a monopoly
of Islam. In fact, some Christian sects like the Seventh Day Adventists also prohibit the
eating of pork. The Qur’an simply mentioned that certain foods are unclean and
therefore prohibited for people to eat. Along with blood, carrion, carnivores (e.g. Lions,
Wolves, Cats, Dogs etc.), pork is mentioned also as unclean. How unclean? The Qur’an
does not explain but modern science tells us that constant eating of pork causes many
kinds of ailments like high blood, high cholesterol, arthritis and gallstones for people
who regularly eat it. With these health risks, Muslims believe it is not a coincidence why
the Qur’an prohibited pork.86
On Polygyny
84 Anwar Duaa. Op.cit. pp.217-218.

85 See Ibid. 218-226.
86 See Ibid. 93-101.
45
Polygyny87 is not an invention of Islam. In many cultures throughout history, it has been
common for men to have several wives. In pre-Islamic Arabia, it was very common for a
man to have fifteen wives; and there were no laws to protect these women in case they
were neglected or abandoned by unscrupulous men.88
Admittedly, the Qur’an permits or allows polygyny. However, it should be emphasized

that permitting polygyny does not have anything to do with satisfying men’s lust for
women. In fact, sexual attraction is not supposed to be the chief motivation of marriage
among Muslims. Polygyny in Islam can best be understood only if we take into
consideration the cultural and historical context of early Arab Muslims. It must be
emphasized that in the early period of Islamic history, the Muslims were persecuted and
had to engage their enemies in war. Subsequently, many women lost their fathers,
husbands or their patriarchs. Thus, those who wanted to take more than one wife, were
advised to prioritize widows and orphans as additional wives. In this sense, polygyny
was a form of social obligation in Islam.
Mention must be made that permitting or allowing polygyny is different from requiring
or encouraging it. In fact, the Qur’an does more to discourage polygyny than to
encourage it. Those who intend to take more than one wife are to observe equality and
justice in treating their wives and their children. It is accepted in Islam that although
Muslim men are allowed to marry up to a maximum of four wives so long as they treat
all of them equally and with justice, but since it is almost impossible for man to treat all
of them equally, the best for him is one. Thus, while Islam permits polygyny as a form
of social obligation, it nevertheless encourages monogamy.
On Wearing the Veil
It is common observation that Muslim women wear veil locally known as “kumbong” in
public. The wearing of the kumbong is actually traceable to the verse in the Qur’an
which says:
And tell the believing women to lower their gaze and be modest, and to
display of their adornment only that which is apparent, and to draw their
veils over their bosoms, and not to reveal their adornment except to their
husbands or fathers…89
Actually, the purpose of the veil is modesty in dressing. But as practiced, some Muslim
women wear the veil in their own invented way which is not always appropriate. The
reason why the Blessed Virgin Mary and some nuns wore veils is supposed to be the
same reason why Muslim women should wear their veils.90
2.) How did Islam reach Southeast Asia and eventually the Philippine
archipelago?
The message of Islam on the equality of all people before the eyes of Allah; the
protection of the women and the orphans; the obligation of the rich to feed the poor
and hungry; the encouragement of the strong to help and protect the weak; the high
moral values associated with this religion; and the strong zeal of some Muslim leaders to
spread the Faith; all contributed to the natural expansion of Islam to other parts of the
world. From the Arabian peninsula, Islam would radiate to other parts of the Middle
East, North Africa, Southern Europe, India and of course to Southeast Asia.
87 Polygamy has two types: Polygyny and Polyandry. Polygyny is when a man marries many
women at the same time while polyandry is when a woman takes several men as her husband at
the same time. In Islam, only polygyny is permitted.
88 Anwar Duaa op.cit. p.82.
89 Qur’an 24:31
90 Anwar Duaa op.cit. pp. 72-73.
46
In the case of the Philippines, Islam would arrive through the southern islands of Sulu,
Palawan and Mindanao. The map of Asia below shows that Sulu would naturally be most
exposed to Islamic expansion as it is strategically located near the concentration of
islands and settlements in the East Indies (i.e., Island Southeast Asia) where foreign
trade and contact had been prevalent.
The map shows the direction of Islam’s expansion to South Asia, Southeast Asia & Phils.
In the past, some writers tried to offer explanations and theories as to how Islam
arrived in the Islands. Yet, these theories possessed some weaknesses because they
tend to be very exclusive. For instance, the Missionary theory suggests that Islam
arrived in these islands through Muslim missionaries who were solely motivated by
religious reasons and proselytizing zeal for Islam.91 The Trade Theory on the other hand
suggests that it was the Muslim traders, and not the missionaries, who introduced Islam
in the islands. In almost all probability, there can be no single theory that can explain
solely the early Islamization of the Philippines for there were lots of possibilities after all.
Caesar Majul in his book “Muslims in the Philippines” appropriately articulated this when
he said:
The phrase “coming of Islam” is indeed capable of various meanings. It

could mean the coming of Muslim traders or the arrival of missionaries,
or even the advent of Muslim chiefs or adventurers with the intention of
founding a principality. Clearly, none of these alternatives necessarily
imply the Islamization of a people. Muslims traders, or even settlers,
might decide to return to their places of origin while missionaries might
fail in their endeavors. Muslim adventurers might succeed in carving out
principalities for themselves but might fail in inducing their subjects to
embrace the Faith; some might have had no such intention or interest.
The “expansion of Islam”, however, could refer either to the conversion
of the native rulers and thus suggest some receptivity on the part of his
followers to accept the Faith, or to the overt practice of all or part of the
well-known Pillars of Islam among a noticeably increasing part of the
population. These two alternatives may be and have usually been, in fact,
inclusive. It is evident however that in the above definitions no expansion
is possible without the coming. When rulers become Muslims or when
part of the people begin to practice the rituals of the Faith openly, then
the nature of the coming of Islam becomes one of the important
elements to explain its spread.92
91 In Islam however, proselytizing the religion does not solely lie on the hands of a special category
of religious people for Islam in the first place does not have such a category like the clergy or priests
of the Christians and other religions who devote their lives to religious matters and church
missions. All Muslims are considered to be missionaries in their own rights without having to
abandon their secular lives.
92 Caesar Adib Majul. Muslims in the Philippines (Quezon City: UP Press, 1999), p. 40.
47
The spread of Islam to the southern islands of the Philippines occurred along with the
Islamization of island Southeast Asia. It is not far from possible that Muslim Arab traders
had begun trading in the Philippines long before the natives started to embrace Islam.
Scholars like Majul and Gowing suggest that Muslim merchants, who were trading
profitably in the Malay world, had reached Borneo and probably some islands of the
Philippines by the tenth century. In fact, there is evidence to show that some “Arabs
had reached China from some islands in the Philippines during the tenth century”.93
It is not certain then as to when exactly Islam was embraced by people in Sulu. What is
certain is that there is archeological evidence to show that as early as 710 AH or
1310AD, Muslims were already present on the island of Jolo. An old grave on Bud Dato,
dated 710 AH and venerated by the local Muslims to be the grave of a foreign Muslim
(probably an Arab), suggests that “by the end of the thirteenth century or at the
beginning of the fourteenth century there was already a settlement or colony of foreign
Muslims on Jolo island”. 94
3.) Which personalities were credited to have introduced Islam in Minsupala?
As to the question of who introduced Islam in Sulu, our answer is not also definite.
Nevertheless, if we are to believe the written genealogies of Sulu locally known Salsila
or Tarsila, then it was a certain Tuan Mahsai’ka who pioneered Islam in Sulu. But
there could have been many Tu’an Mashaika as it is a title and not a proper name of a
person. Thus, Peter Gowing wrote:
The written sources also of Tausug, the predominant group in Sulu, are
said to carry themselves a little straighter than other Moro groups
because they were the first to be won to Islam. The ‘tarsilas’
(geneology) and traditions of Sulu speak of a foreigner who bore the title
Tuan Mashai’ka and who came to Jolo long ago, married the daughter
of a local chieftain and begot Muslims -- meaning that he raised his
children as Muslims. One tarsila mentioned that Tuan Masha’ika came
when the people of Jolo were still worshipping stones and other
inanimate objects. Islamization, the process of Islam taking root among
the people… may well have begun with Tuan Mashai’ka raising Muslim
Children by his Jolo wife.95
The oral traditions and tarsilas of Sulu also mentioned about the coming of a certain
Karim ul Makhdum, an Arabic title very common among Sufi missionaries. It is
believed that this Makhdum was responsible for reinforcing an Islam that was already
present among foreign Muslims and their families in Jolo. Using the Muslim settlement in
the island as his base, it is supposed that the Makhdum won new adherents from
among the surrounding local and older population in Sulu.96
The Sulu tarsilas and traditions speak also of Rajah Baguinda, who was believed to
have arrived in Jolo around the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century. It is said that
Baguinda headed a fleet of warriors and settlers who came to Jolo from Menangkabaw,
Sumatra to carve a new principality in the Sulu region. It is also said that Baguinda
would “insinuate himself into Sulu leadership on the basis of his being a Muslim like
them”. Eventually, he would overcome the initial resistance of the Joloanos; and by
marrying the daughter of a local chieftain, Baguinda would ultimately consolidate
political power in Sulu. It was from the principality carved by Rajah Baguinda that the
Sulu Sultanate would eventually emerge. In fact, Baguinda’s Arab son-in-law, Sayyid
Abu Bakr,97 would become the first Sultan of Sulu. It was Abu Bakr then who would
93 Majul cited in Peter G. Gowing. Muslim Filipinos: Heritage and Horizon (Quezon City: New
Day Publishers, 1979) p. 18.
94 Gowing. Ibid. p.18.
95 Ibid.
96 Ibid.
97 Referred to in Sulu Tarsila as Sultan Sharief ul Hashim. See Ibid. p. 19
48
shape Sulu institutions along Islamic lines. He would introduce the study of the Qur’an
and convert the hill people of Jolo to Islam. Hadji Butu, a distinguished Tausug leader,
recorded one oral tradition about the missionary work of the first Sultan:
“The hill people were still unconverted. The coast people said’ lets fight
the hill people and convert them to Islam”. But Abu Bakr would not allow
it and instead told the people to pound rice and make cakes and clothing.
Then the coast people marched inland to a place called Paayan. Abu Bakr
sent word to the headman that he was Arabian who could be spoken to
by writing on paper. The headman, called in those days ‘Tomoai’, said
that he did not want to see him for he did not want to change the
customs of the ancestors. So Abu Bakr approached and threw cakes and
clothing into the houses of the natives. The children ate, the cakes but
the older people thought them poison and gave them to the dogs. The
dogs were not killed and the children went out the camp of Abu Bakr
where they were treated kindly. The two tribes came to an
understanding. That night Abu Bakr slept in the house of the chief. The
chief had a dream that he was living in a large house with beautiful
decorations. Abu Bakr interpreted the dream saying that the new house
was the new religion and the decorations its benefits. The news spread
and after much difficulty the people were converted”.98
The credit for the introduction of Islam in mainland Mindanao is usually given to
Sharief Muhammad Kabungsuan. But just like in the case of Sulu, Muslim traders or
missionaries may have been present already in Mindanao prior to his arrival. But
because Kabungsuan was the first to consolidate political power in the Maguindanao and
Iranun territories, it became natural for the Maguindanao, Iranun and even Maranao
people to associate the introduction of Islam with him. In fact, it was in the
Maguindanao and Iranun areas that the Maguindanao Sultanate would emerge. Peter
Gowing has this to say on Sharief Kabungsuan:
Despite the possibility of earlier predecessors in Mindanao, Sharief

Muhammad Kabungsuan is regarded as preeminent among the pioneers
of Islam in that island. The old tarsilas of Maguindanao indicate that he
was the son of an Arab father and Malay mother. His father, being a
Sharief was or alleged to be a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad.
Maguindanao tradition also declares that Sharief Kabungsuan came to
Mindanao with a migration of Muslim Samals. This migration, made up of
boatloads of people, reportedly was dispersed by a storm and the
survivors found their way to the various ports in Sumatra, Bomeo, Sulu
and in the case of Kabungsuan, as far east as Mindanao. The traditions
say that Kabungsuan’s Samal companions stopped for a time on Bongo
island, not far from the mouth of the Pulangi River; but eventually they
sailed away to the Gulf of Davao and Sarangani Bay, leaving Kabungsuan
behind. However, by that time, the Sharief had become firmly established
as a leader in Cotabato.99
It is not clear as to Kabungsuan settled first among the Iranuns of Malabang or

among the Maguindanaons of Cotabato. What is clear is that both the Iranuns and
Maguindanaons proudly claim that they were won over to Islam by Kabungsuan’s
influence. It is said that he established himself as a power through various means. At
times, he would use diplomacy through marrying the daughters of local datus, “thereby
securing his position in the native aristocracy”. At some other times, he would use force
to those who opposed him. In the course of time Kabungsuan, consciously or
unconsciously, would be able to lay the foundations of the Maguindanao Sultanate. In
fact, it was Qudarat, Kabungsuan’s great great grandson, who would be first to be
known in the Maguindanao Tarsila as Sultan.
98 Hadji Butu cited in Ibid. p. 20.

99 Ibid. p.21.
49
From the Maguindanaon and Iranun territories, Islam would spread to other
parts of Mindanao. It would later on reach Zamboanga peninsula, Sarangani and the
Gulf of Davao thereby converting the Kolibugan, Sangir and Kalagan tribes. It would
also penetrate the people of Lake Lanao (i.e., the Maranaos) probably through contacts
and intermarriages with Iranun and Maguindanaon Muslims.100
From Mindanao and Sulu, Islam would also spread to other parts of the
Philippines: Palawan, Mindoro, Bicol, Batangas and even Manila. In fact, there were
Spanish reports indicating observations that in the said areas, there were natives who
would not eat pork. Thus, the Spaniards, during their pioneering years, used to call the
natives of this archipelago Moros instead of Indios.
By now, we should have understood that Islam is a beautiful religion. It shares many
things with Christianity and therefore should be uniting rather than dividing people. We
hope that after a crash course on Islam at the outset of this module, we have somehow
broadened our horizons and stop associating negative things on this beautiful religion. If
a “Muslim” violates Islamic teachings (e.g. honesty, justice, etc.) we must understand
that Islam has nothing to do with his action. And so if we must blame, we blame the
person (i.e. the individual) and not the religion (Islam) which invited him to be good to
God and to others.
It should also be clear to all of us by now that prior to the coming of the Spaniards, the
Islamization of the natives was already going on. However, when the Spanish colonizers
arrived, they put a halt to the Islamization process and made sure to confine it within
Mindanao and Sulu. This move of the colonizers would then lay the foundations of the
so-called Mindanao problem as the colonizers had to employ the Divide and Rule
tactic.101 In the process, colonialism polarized the natives of this archipelago into two
opposing camps: the Islamized and the Christianized! It is therefore not because we are
Muslims, Christians or particing our indigenous religions that made us fight; Rather it is
our colonial experience that brought animosity between us.
100 Although some Maranaos claim that they were won over to Islam by a certain Sharief Alawi
who arrived in the mouth of the Tagoloan River in what is now Misamis Oriental to introduce Islam
there. It is said that from there Sharief Alawi and his followers would carry Islam to the Bukidnon-
Lanao border and eventually reached and converted the lake Lanao region.
101 This is the strategy where the colonizers would make the natives fight each other to make their
conquest easier.
50
V. Enrichment Activites
1. Below is the map of ancient trade routes of Southeast Asia. Answer the discussion
questions:
a. What role did trade routes play in the coming and expansion of Islam in
Mindanao?
b. How did the Arab traders/missionaries convert native Filipinos?
c. Why did native Filipinos embrace the new religion?
*Photo not mine. Credit to rightful owner.
2. Answer the following item based on what you have understood from the module.
51
VI. References:
“Compilation of Readings in History 3”. Iligan City: History Department, MSU-IIT. No

Date
Duaa, Anwar. The Everything Koran Book. USA: F+W Publications Inc., 2004
Gowing, Peter. Muslim Filipinos: Heritage and Horizon. Quezon City: New Day
Publishers. 1979
Majul, Cesar Adib. Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City. UP Press, 1999
Samson, Muhammad and Sulaiaman Idris Alojado. Ang Tahara & Ang Salah. Riyadh,,
KSA: (Islamic Propagation office in Rabwah). No date.
Taqu-ud Din al-Hilali, Muhammad and Muhammad Muhsin Khan’s Translation of the
Meanings of the Noble Qur’an in the English Language. Madinah, KSA: King Fahad
Complez for the Printing of the Holy Qu’ran. No date.
52
Module 6
MORO RESISTANCE TO SPANISH AGGRESSION

By: Jihan S. Bacug, Melodia S. Udtohan and Zizzle Dawn M. Abecia
Department of History, CSSH, MSU-MARAWI
I. Objectives:
At the end of this module, the students should be able to answer the following
questions:
1. Why did the Moros resist Spanish aggression?

2. How did they resist?
3. What was the impact of this resistance on the inhabitants of Luzon, Visayas,
Mindanao and Sulu?
II. Introductory Activity: The instructor may show some photos (or video clips) of
caraoas and vintas skilfully built by the Moros. He must be able to explain how those
sea vessels gave the Moros leverage in their naval exploits both in trading and “raiding”
(being classified here as a Moro response or form of resistance).
III. Lesson Proper
1. Why did the Moros resist Spanish aggression?
A noted sociologist once said that in telling the story of our nation, we Filipinos
often relate a narrative of resistance, subjugation and oppression, and revolt and
emancipation.102 This includes the story of both Moro and non-Moro in the face of
foreign domination. The only difference is that the Moros would tell theirs as a narrative
of relentless struggle, for in their eyes, they have always been free and self-governing.
It therefore stands to reason that when the Spanish colonizers came and expressed a
desire to establish their sovereignty in the lands long ruled by the Moros, they were met
with a resistance that would last for more than 300 years.
Moro-Spanish relations have been characterized with much strife and bloody
encounters though there is one writer, Domingo Non in his Moro Piracy during the
Spanish Period and Its Impact, who says it has not been so in the first fifty years of
Spanish arrival in the Philippines.103 In fact, according to him their treatment of one
another could even be described as cordial.104 His observation might be overrated for
what appeared in the account of Legazpi’s expedition there was already a naval
engagement between them and the Muslims as early as 1565:
The first encounter between the fleet of Legazpi and Muslims took place
in March 1565. The Spaniards captured a Bornean trading vessel in the
vicinity of Bohol after a battle where about twenty Borneans were killed
as against one Spaniard.105
102 Randolf S. David, Nation, Self and Citizenship: An Invitation to Philippine

Sociology (Pasig City: Anvil Publishing Inc., 2004), 73.
103 Domingo M. Non, “Moro Piracy during the Spanish Period and Its Impact,”
Southeast Asian Studies 30, No. 4 (1993): 402.

104 Ibid.
105 “Relation by Legazpi,” in Emma Blair and Alexander Robertson, eds. The
Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 (Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903-1908), vol. 2,

pp. 206-207.
53
That encounter was followed by another one in 1569 wherein nine Spanish
vessels successfully engaged twenty vesslels manned by Borneans and Sulus in Visayan
waters. But what seems to be a turning point of Moro history was the encounter
between Martin de Goite and Sulayman in Manila. It has been widely known that in
1570, Spanish frigates led by de Goite sailed into Manila to meet with local Muslim
rulers. An understanding was established between Goiti and Sulayman, the chieftain of
Manila, which allowed for a Spanish settlement in exchange for protection from
Sulayman’s enemies.106 This agreement did not last, however, and in fact resulted to an
exchange of gunfire between the Moro and Spanish forces. The blame for the
breakdown of said set-up either points to Spanish aggression or Muslim provocation.
Regardless of where the blame is placed, what matters is that the Spanish troops
eventually arrived in Manila and burned it to the ground.107 This defeat on the part of
the Moros, planted the seeds of anger that fuelled their resistance against Spanish
aggression. Moreover, sensing the threat posed by the Spaniards, the Moros reacted in
ways that would help them preserve their lands and livelihood and most importantly,
maintain their freedom.
2.) How did the Moros resist Spanish aggression?
Basically, the response of the Moros to the actions of the Spaniards can be
categorized into three: retaliatory, collaborative and piratical.108 Briefly under the
retaliatory category, the so-called Moro wars are being characterized by retaliations and
counter-retaliation attacks, raids and counter-raids between the two parties which lasted
for more than three centuries. Take note that both parties were capable of similar, if not
the same degree of brutalities and destructions. One example was the Moro invasion of
Spanish provinces for a period of three years after the Jolo attack in 1752. This
particular attack on Moro territory was said to have prompted the series of raids that
“successfully desolated and laid waste” to the provinces of Aklan, Negros, Romblon,
Mindoro, Marinduque, Zambales, Sorsogon, Albay and Camarines between the 1750s
and 1800s.109
Different, but equally effective, from the retaliatory acts of the Moros were the
necessary but involuntary collaboration that they had to make with the Spaniards. These
forms of collaboration were manifested in the purchase of guns from the Spanish
enemies; trading ventures conducted and cases where Spanish help were accepted to
support claims to the royal throne in the sultanates of Sulu and Maguindanao.110
106 Augusto V. De Viana. The Philippines: A Story of a Nation (Manila: Rex
Bookstore, Inc., 2011), 76.

107 Ibid.
108 The information was taken by the authors out of intellectual discussion with
Manuel R. Tawagon. This can also be read in his The Iranuns of the Philippines.
109 The immediate cause for this Spanish attack was the colonial government’s
decision to conquer once and for all the Sultan of Sulu. It was Col. Antonio Ramon de
Abad who headed the expedition charged with executing said decision. Luis C. Dery,
“Moro Raids in Luzon and the Visayas, 1571-1896,” Unpublished Mimeographed Paper
(undated): 3.
110 An example of a form of collaboration forged between the Moros and the
Spaniards was the so-called friendship that existed between Ja’far Sadiq Manamir, the
younger brother of the Sultan of Maguindanao who had ever since wanted the throne
for himself, and that of the Spanish colonizers. In his desire to gain the support of said
colonizers on his bid to get the Maguinadanao Sultanate, he provided them with
valuable information on Moro plans of attack and upon his death, his successor
continued this friendly policy and even offered vassalage to the Spaniards, and also
accepted missionaries within his realm. Another example is the case of Sultan Alimuddin I of
Sulu who was captured by the Spaniards, sent to Manila, imprisoned there and later baptized
him. When the British captured Manila from the Spaniards (1762-1764), the Sultan was sent
back to Sulu to continue his reign. The Sultan installed by the Spaniards replacing Sultan
Alimuddin I was removed by the British. Cesar A. Majul, Muslims in the Philippines (Quezon City:
University of the Philippines Press, 1999), 235-238.
54
The third and most argued form of Moro resistance is “piracy”. Reasons for being
so have been thoroughly discussed and debated by both Moro and non-Moro scholars
offering varied explanations. 111 Some studies like the works of William Henry Scott
mentioned that prior to the coming of the Spaniards some coastal communities were
engaged in one way or another in piracy. When the Spaniards arrived, communities they
controlled as a matter of policy stopped piracy but those not controlled by them like
Moro communities continued piracy. It is said that what is piracy to one is a way of life
to another. Domingo Non noted that Moro piratical raids against Christian settlements
started in June 1578.112 These consequently spread all over the archipelago and were
conducted with impunity by organized fleets carrying weapons almost equal to those of
the Spaniards. For over two and a half centuries, the pirates spared not one inhabited
island in the archipelago. Miguel Bernad wrote that the Moro raids attained its intensity
in the two decades from 1752 to 1773. But it was in 1754 that these raids reached their
climax. That was the year as he puts it that the Moros made their greatest inroads into
the Christianized portions of the Philippines.113
Apparently, these piratical expeditions were conducted by various Moro groups,

and also foreign participants such as the Ternateans, Borneans and Camucones.114 Most
of these expeditions were often, if not always, deemed successful and beneficial to the
Moros and detrimental to the Spaniards as villages were looted of its treasures and
people.
With these loses, the Spanish government had to take measures in order to stop
the devastation of Christian settlements. One of the defensive measures initiated by the
Spanish authorities was the construction of fortresses in various towns. These fortresses
were then augmented by a network of watchtowers in strategic places along the coasts.
This way, the townspeople were given warning of any approaching piratical raid.
Furthermore, the forts were supplemented by small fleets of armed galleys and frigates
that patrolled the coasts.115
Still, even with these efforts, Spanish settlements continued to be pillaged by

Moro pirates up until the use of steam gunboats which dramatically decreased piratical
raids. Before these steamboats, however, the Spanish authorities had to find other
solutions to somehow diminish these Moro expeditions. The establishment of Christian
settlements in Mindanao was then thought of as a potential solution in the campaign
against the northern Mindanao pirates. Boholano troops were encouraged to settle near
the Meranao pirates’ lairs and check their piratical activities.116 This solution actually
proved effective, but at the same time created a volatile atmosphere in Mindanao, as it
heightened the mutual distrust between the Christian Filipinos and the Moros, which will
sadly trickle down to the present.
Aside from the three previously mentioned forms of Moro resistance, there is
another method that was adopted by the Meranao Moros. The lake dwellers have
chosen the defensive side in their initial dealings with the Spaniards. This was
manifested in the events following the expeditions of Capt. Francisco de Atienza and
111 Teodoro Agoncillo in his general history of the Philippines is cautious – he
does not classify the Muslims as pirates, but they observe that the raids on Christian
settlements were “piratical”. Najeeb Saleeby however is convinced that the primary
motive of the Spanish campaign against the sultanates was to suppress Islam, and not
to crush piracy
112 Domingo M. Non, 405.
113 Miguel Bernad, The Great Island: Studies in the Exploration and
Evangelization
of Mindanao, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2004.
114 Ibid.
115 Ibid., 410.
116 Ibid., 417.
55
Fray Agustin de San Pedro in 1639 and that of Don Pedro Bermudez Castro in 1640.117
Both expeditions were given the task of converting the Lanao Moros to Christianity and
of establishing garrisons in the area that shall help in enforcing Spanish sovereignty.
The Spaniards thought that to achieve all these, alliances would have to be made with
the Meranao chiefs. Initially, this approach proved to be effective. But the Meranaos
became suspicious of the Spaniards. Motivated by the threat of subjugation, they drove
back the Spanish troops to the coastal area and also burned the latter’s garrisons in the
Lake area. With this success, the lakeside Moros were able to again isolate themselves
from any form of European domination. 118
Two hundred and fifty years later, succeeding expeditions were sent by the
Spanish government to deal with the Moros of Lake Lanao. These expeditions were
headed by Valeriano Weyler in 1891 and Ramon Blanco in 1895.119 Similar to their first
encounter with the Spanish colonizers in the 17th century, the Meranaos bravely
defended their land and resisted Spanish attacks using their earth-and-stone cottas. One
of these heavily fortified cottas was that of Datu Amai Pakpak. His cotta was known to
the Spaniards as “Fort Marahui” and was Weyler’s primary military objective for
destruction before all other cottas defending Lanao. But despite the major operation
mobilized by Weyler to defeat Amai Pakpak, he and his troops were forced to return to
their bases in North Lanao as the cotta proved to be stronger than they had expected.
Hence the second expedition headed by Blanco. This time around, defeat was met by
Amai Pakpak and his Meranao troops despite the additional defences they have done in
Fort Marahui. Blanco’s gunboats and English-made rapid-fire guns proved to be mightier
than the Meranao’s bravery. Faced with the defeat of Amai Pakpak and the stronger
military force of the Spaniards, some Meranaos datus opted for peace in order to save
their family and kinsfolk.120
Blanco’s success would have made a big impact in the larger effort to conquer
the Moros of Mindanao and Sulu, but the announcement of Commodore George
Dewey’s victory over the Spanish navy at Manila Bay in 1898 changed the course of
Spanish plans. The succeeding turn of events would save the Moros from further
Spanish attacks but would, unfortunately, place them in the hands of a new enemy.
3.) What was the impact of this resistance to the inhabitants of Luzon,
Visayas, Mindanao and Sulu?
Moro resistance, though categorized into three in the discussion here, generally
had enormous impact or effects to the inhabitants of the entire archipelago primarily
because of their retaliations (raids) and piracies. These raids done by the Muslims on
territories already held by Spaniards, the naval battles that took place between the
Spaniards and Muslims from 1565 to the last days of Spanish rule and the numerous
Spanish expeditions to Muslim lands in the Philippines have been generally put together
as “Moro Wars.”121 Moro attacks were primarily detrimental to Spanish interest in the
Philippines and at the same time were also the root cause of the depopulation of many
coastal areas and of their lack of commercial and agricultural growth especially in the
Visayas.
Dery, poring over Spanish documents, takes note of the substantial number of
captives taken from the various coastal towns of Luzon and the Visayas. For instance, in
117 Cesar A. Majul, Muslims in the Philippines (Quezon City: University of the
Philippines Press, 1999), 155.

118 Mamitua Saber, “Maranao Resistance to Foreign Invasions,” Mindanao Art
and Culture, The Maranao Man, No. 4 (1980): 23.

119 Cesar A. Majul, 368.
120 Mamitua Saber, “Maranao Resistance to Foreign Invasions,” Mindanao Art
and Culture, The Maranao Man, No. 4 (1980): 24-25.

121 But for the Spanish scholars they call it “guerras piraticas” on the account
that the Spaniards waged war on the Muslims in the Philippines and Brunei to
eliminate or, at least, minimize the piratical incursions of Muslims into Spanish-held
territories.
56
1621 more than ten thousand captives were taken by the Moros during the past
decades and the number increased to twenty thousand captives in 1635. Notably from
1719 to 1751 in Palawan alone ten thousand were killed or taken as captives. The years
in the 1750s were observed as the heaviest in the wave of Moro raids. By 1758, the
population in Bicol region was reduced to eight thousand persons. Though it is difficult
to ascertain the number of captives in other regions, the Franciscans in 1759 reported
that in various towns they administered many members were missing or unaccounted
for and that they were either captured, killed or had taken refuge in the mountains.
Governor General Basco Y Vargas in 1778 added that the Moro attacks caused the
decadence of the islands which disrupted peace and order, stopped inter-coastal trade
and commerce, destroyed many towns and croplands and carried away many
inhabitants to captivity.122
The friars may have exaggerated their claims that the Moro raids accounted for
the population decline due to the effects of the raids against them. The friars played a
vital role in this struggle as they were primarily the ones who led the people during the
attacks. Many of them suffered death, captivity and ill-treatment.
Moreover, the success of the raiders could be attributed to the relatively weak
resistance shown by the inhabitants of many coastal areas. It must be remembered that
the Spaniards prohibited the natives to carry any forms of arms. It was only after the
destructive Moro raids of the 18th century that the ban was eased by the Spanish
authorities as they passed on to the native population in 1799 the burden of conducting
the wars against the Moro raiders. But Moro raiders had their tactics in conducting their
raids. They attacked during dawn when the people were in deep slumber and they
burned the town, the churches and the croplands. These practices injected fears and
psychological impact that terrified the inhabitants of the coastal towns that they raided.
Another noted effect of these Moro raids was poverty among the natives. Many
passes in the various seas surrounding the Philippines were described by the inhabitants
as perennial lairs of the Moros. Their dominance of the seas literally ended inter-island
trade and traffic. And so, many of the towns in Bicol region remained poor, because the
inhabitants could not trade with other places due to Moro dominance of the seas.
The raids did not only account for the poverty and miserable state of many
places in Luzon and the Visayas. It also caused the decline or death of many coastal
towns. There were provinces whose towns where reduced in number and merged with
other towns because of their decreasing population.
Furthermore, the Moro raids also exacted very substantial damages against the
Spanish colonial finances. The destruction caused by the raiders upon many coastal
towns left the inhabitants in dire circumstances rendering them unable to meet their
tribute obligations to the colonial government. In the same way, those raids drained
the Spanish colonial coffers. The colonial authority in manila in 1722 noted the heavy
financial exhaustion of the colonial structures that were routinely burned and plundered
by the Moro raiders. From 1778 to 1793 alone, the Spanish colonial government had
spent the amount of 1, 519, 209 pesos for the salaries, ships and expeditions sent
against the Moros.
Much has been said about the losses of the Moro raiders’ victims and
undoubtedly it was really an unfortunate experience. However, it must also be
mentioned that the Moros in their territories had their own share of experiences about
their loss. For instance at the end of May 1752, a Spanish squadron with about 1, 900
men attacked Jolo. The place was continually bombarded for three days and a few
landings were effected near the area. Other more destructive attacks followed in the
late part of 18th century, after steam was used in sea ships, that destroyed the haven of
those then then branded as “pirates.” The destruction suffered by the inhabitants of
Mindanao and Sulu whenever the Spanish colonial government attacked their
homelands and the Moro lives lost or condemned to the galleys by the Spaniards were,
to a certain extent, equal if not the same with the Spaniards’ and Filipinos’ in the
archipelago.
122Luis C. Dery, “Moro Raids in Luzon and the Visayas, 1571-1896,”

Unpublished Mimeographed Paper, Undated.
57
Our history tells us that the centuries of Moro raids was one factor that deeply
affected the inhabitants of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao and Sulu. The raiders grew in
number, as this paper tries to show, as one response to Spanish aggression.123 The
Moros retaliated against Spanish-held territories to offset the execution of Spanish plans
to conquer them. The impact of their retaliatory raids, as Dery concluded, was
incalculable showing that the Moros of Mindanao and Sulu succeeded in making the
Spaniards and their local allies pay a high price for the efforts to conquer their lands.
It is noted that the long years of Moro raids also demonstrated the tenacity of
the inhabitants of Mindanao and Sulu obstructing Spanish expansionist ambitions. In
effect, it can be said that the destructiveness of their raids produced a stalemate in the
Philippines – one where the Spaniards were confined in Luzon and the Visayas and the
Moros in Mindanao and Sulu. Perhaps this stalemate bought vital time for the latter as
their raids prolonged their independent existence until the Americans came. Even so,
the Moros never ceased to struggle to maintain their independence and exercise their
freedom. There may be a point in our history wherein it is assumed that they became
part of the Philippine government as a whole, but just after few decades they showed
up again as “brave ones” claiming the independence they had been exercising and
enjoying for a very long period of time. This then was the period when the Moro
secessionist groups emerged. Looking at their experience the Moros could be
understood in their struggle that continues in our present time.
On the other hand, it could also be said that the centuries of Moro raids
deepened the seeming gap of the Christian Filipino and Moro inhabitants of the
Philippines. The intensity of raids drove their Filipino (happened to be Christianized now)
kin to side with the Spaniards while, the former’s alliance with the Spaniards alienated
them from their Moro brothers. It appears now that the conflict is on religious
difference. Only then that a person, either a Muslim or Filipino, could say that it is not, if
he would look at it in deeper sense realizing that those experiences were already part of
our history that make us who we are at present. And that there is no better way but
learn from it rather than be struck with it and repeat history wherein many lives could
be lost.
Hopefully those painful experiences in the past would give so much inspiration to
us to strive for harmony. And one way to achieve this is through dialogue – as strategy
or a style-of-life.
123To other scholars like James Warren in his studies in Sulu Zone, the main
cause or motive of slave raiding and piracy was for economic gains.
58
Direction. Discuss the role of caroas and vintas in trading and raiding of the Moros and
as a response to Spanish aggression. Use one half crosswise yellow paper. Answers will
not exceed100 words in every item.
Caroas
Vinta
59
VI. References:
Bernad, Miguel S. J. The Great Island: Studies in the Exploration and Evangelization of
Mindanao. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2004.
Emma Blair and Alexander Robertson, eds. The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, 2 vols.
Cleveland: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903-1908.
David, Randolf S. Nation, Self and Citizenship: An Introduction to Philippine Sociology.

Pasig City: Anvil Publishing Inc., 2004.
De Viana, Augusto V. The Philippines: A Story of a Nation. Manila: Rex Bookstore, Inc.,
2011.
Dery, Luis C. “Moro Raids in Luzon and the Visayas, 1571-1896.” Unpublished
Mimeographed Paper, undated. (Ed. This article was later published in Mindanao
Journal)
Majul, Cesar A. Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines
Press, 1999.
Non, Domingo M. “Moro Piracy during the Spanish period and Its Impact.” Southeast
Asian Studies, Vol. 30, No. 4 (March 1993), pp. 401-419.
Saber, Mamitua. “Maranao Resistance to Foreign Invasions.” Mindanao Art and Culture,
The Maranao Man, No. 4 (1980), pp. 20-30.
60
Module 7
Lumad Responses to Spanish Occupation

Sharon Obsioma Bulaclac
Department of History, CSSH, MSU-Marawi
I. Objectives
questions:
1. What were the initial responses of the Lumads when they saw the Spaniards?
2. What were some of the methods used by the Spaniards to subjugate the
Lumads?
3. How did the Lumads respond to the methods mentioned above?
II. Introductory Activity
The instructor may show pictures of the different Lumad groups and photos of the
Spaniards (e.g., friars from different religious orders and the colonial officials) who were
assigned to Mindanao; at the same time, using a map of Mindanao, identify places
where a particular Lumad group would be located, as well as locate places that the
Spaniards subjugated. This would give a picture of the Spanish era on Mindanao.
III. Lesson Proper
"It will never be possible to write a real history of the Filipino people under
Spain because the colonial government enjoyed a monopoly on the production of source
materials." ---Teodoro A. Agoncillo
"Until lions have their own historians, stories of the hunt will glorify the
hunter." (African Proverb)
If one were to agree with the distinguished Filipino historian Teodoro Agoncillo, then he
would wonder how he could know the real story of the Lumads, especially with regard
to their response to the coming of the Spaniards. And if one pondered on the African
proverb quoted above, making the Lumads as the metaphorical lions and the Spaniards
the metaphorical hunters, then it would be impossible to get the real story of the
Lumads. Even today seldom can one find a Lumad historian and most of the time non-
Lumad scholars often could examine Only colonial records and documents written by the
"hunters" in order to gather data on the "lions.”124In his book, People of the Middle
Ground, Edgerton said that tribal minorities hadnurtured their own sense of identity,
memory, and history. But at the onslaught of colonial forces, they had found themselves
lost or marginalized in someone else's larger historical Perspective of the narrative. Or
as James Warren would say, they have been relegated to the periphery of events to live
in the shadow of a powerful center in this global age. Seen in this perspective, the
Lumads would fall into the category of what Eric Wolf calls "people without history," In
his work, Wolf challenges the notion that non-European cultures were isolated and static
entities, and argues that these societies were in fact changing and responding to pre-
Columbian global economic system. Past writers of history, it would seem, viewed these
minorities, including the Lumads, as voiceless communities and objects of historical
writings— or, paradoxically, "inactive participants" in the making of their own history.
However, William Henry Scott, in his book, Cracks in the Parchment Curtain, shares the
optimism that one can still get some fairly clear pictures of our ancestors even from the
official documents of the Spanish colonial regime themselves. These represent the
124
Oona Paredes used this African proverb at the opening of her paper "Discriminating Native Traditions
among the Mindanao Lumad."
61
"cracks in the parchment," through which fleeting glimpses of Filipinos and their
reactions to Spanish dominion may be seen. He also quoted Renato Constantino's words
that the recorded history of the articulate can yield data for a history of the inarticulate
indios. For this module the inarticulate would refer to the Lumads.
On the other hand, there are voluminous unwritten sources of evidence from the Lumad
awaiting codification and incorporation into their own history. There is, for instance, the
famous Manobo epic, Ulahingan, a narrative that consists of the exploits of their
ancestors and stories about their reverence for nature and accommodation of their
neighbors. Another is the Tulelangan, also from Ilianen Manobo, which portrays heroic
deeds of their ancestors and glorification of values of forgiveness, accommodation,
resilience.125 These epics are not only mirrors of their past; they also tell about what
they are as a people.
This module is an attempt to write the story of the hunt from the perspective of both
the "lions" and the "hunters." To achieve that aim, one may examine some of the
recorded history of the articulate and find some chinks from that "parchment." It is
hoped that the question and answer below would lead to the better understanding of
the Lumads and, in particular, their response to the coming of the Spaniards,
1. What were the initial responses of the Lumads when they met the
Spaniards?
Filipinos today are reputed for being friendly, accommodating and hospitable to
strangers and visitors. Did they behave the same at the coming of the Spaniards? In the
book, Butuan of a Thousand Years, Greg Hontiveros wrote that Magellan's expedition
anchored near the islandwhere they saw a fire the night before. Eight natives on a small
boat, called boloto, came alongside Magellan's ship in a mixture of curiosity and
mistrust. Sensing their frame of mind, Magellan gave them a red cap and a few other
things that he handed them from a stick. The natives responded positively and went to
tell their king. Two hours later, two balanghai boatsfull of men came to the mooring,
and with them was the chief of the island Mazzua in the larger boat. Magellan was
actually communicating through his slave Enrique, who is believed today to be from
Sumatra and was procured in Malacca when Magellan was still with the Portuguese
Navy. Enrique was able to converse with the chief, who understood him well. In his
chronicle, Pigaffetta explained that "in that country, the kings know more languages
that the common people do."
Hontiveros also mentioned that from a boat's distance, the Mazzaua king gifted
Magellan with "a bar of massy gold, of a good size, and a basket full of ginger."
Magellan thanked him profusely but declined the gift. But the next day, Good Friday,
Magellan sent Enrique to the king to request to buy some provisions for the crew and
assuring him that he came as a friend. Hearing this, the king went to the ship with some
of his men, and embraced Magellan and gave him “three porcelain jars covered with
leaves and full of rice and two orades, which are fairly large fish." In return, Magellan
gave the king “a robe of red and yellow cloth, made in the Turkish fashion, and a very
fine red cap, and to some people he gave knives and others mirrors." The chief even
invited the Spaniards to visit his place, welcomed them there and served food and wine.
They even got drunk together. Pigafetta mentioned that before their separation, “the
king very happily kissed our hands, and we kissed his."
125
Hazel Wrigglesworth, "Tulalang slays the dragon," Philippine Quarterly Culture and Society, Vol. 5
(1977), pp. 123-165. Starting off from the initial publication by Elena Maquiso, Christine Godinez-Ortega
of MSU Iligan Institute of Technology is now following up on the voluminous research required of
transcribing 359 cassette tapes, 343 audio tapes, and four boxes of floppy disks for digitization of the
Ulahingan epic. See Christine Godinez- Ortega, "Rescuing a People's Memory: Race to Conserve the
Manobo Epic," Philippine Daily Inquirer. May 27, 2013, h ://lifes le.in uirer.net/105379/rescuino-a- eo les-
memo -the-race-to-conserve-the-manobo-e pic.
62
The account mentioned above only illustrates the traits ancestors had that showed their
attitude towards visitors. Agoncillo pointed out that "Filipino hospitality is something that
is almost a fault. This hospitality has been misunderstood by many foreigners,
particularly by the Spanish adventurers of the past century, who thought that such show
of profuse hospitality was a form of inferiority and obsequiousness," That experience
gave the Spaniards the idea what kind of people were living in the islands. Seeing such
show of profuse hospitality, they thought that the natives would be easy to subjugate
and that it would be easy for the Spaniards carry out the colonization.
2. What were some of the methods used by the Spaniards to subjugate

theLumads?
GOD GOLD and GLORY! Some people say these motives propelled the European
colonization of the Orient. Others would trythe footnote that the Spaniards came to the
Philippines to preach their God and get the Gold of the people for Spanish Glory. The
statement may make some sense, because one very effective way used by the
Spaniards to subjugate the natives had been the work of friars. Manuel Tawagon once
jokingly said in his paper presentation126 that "the Spaniards came to save our souls, as
if everybody was going to hell." But before getting somewhat derailed about motives in
colonization, the obvious must be underscored that the principal motive of the Spaniards
in coming to the islands had been plainly economic, not religious as believed by some.
In his book,127Rodil discusses the works of Reverend Nicholas Cushner and Dr. William
Henry Scott, both noted scholars of Philippine history. Cushner reveals that Spain
wished a slice of the coveted spice market in the area and Scott points out that
Magellan’s agreement with the king of Spain was a straightforward business contract.
Rodil also stresses that "there nothing at all in Magellan's instructions about spreading
Christianity! The Spaniards came to the Philippines primarily for their own [economic]
benefit and [not for the natives’ spiritual salvation or education]. However, by positing
that they came primarily to spread Christianity, the [motivational] picture changes
radically, the implication being that they came primarily to [spiritually benefit the
natives]. And this simply [was] not true. As aggressors and colonizers, they [could] only
be the enemy of both the Filipino and Moro peoples, and all the other peoples of the
archipelago whom they had sought to dominate against their will."
What method did the Spanish use to subjugate the Lumads? The success of Spanish
colonization was always attributed by historians to the zeal of the missionaries and the
superiority of Spanish arms.128But history should not forget the "divide-and-rule" tactics
used by the Spaniards?129 (for example in the subjugation of the Moros in southern and
western Mindanao, the Spaniards made use of native soldiers recruited from the
Caragans of Surigao) and, moreover, the practice of Spanish explorers of befriending
local chiefs. The subjugation could not be achieved without the help of native allies.
In the first two centuries of the Spanish era, there were three aspects of control and
governance, at times overlapping, but at other juncturesclearly delineated: the civil-
military government, the encomienda system, and the ecclesiastical
authority. Hontiveros points out that as the Spaniards began to settle on Mindanao,
130
they created a structure of governance in various areas that affected the Lumads. That
is, the situation on Mindanao began to have a(character of its own, mainly influenced by
two factors: the presence of the Muslim sultanates in Sulu and Maguindanao and the
transfer of the colonial capital of Filipinas from Cebu to Panay in 1568, and thence to
126
Roots of Mindanao Conflict: An Analysis.
127
Rodil, B.R. A Story of Mindanao and Sulu in Question and Answer. Davao: MINCODE, 2003
128
De Viana, Augusto V. The Philippines: A Story of a Nation. (Manila: Rex Bookstore, Inc., 2011), p 78.
129
It is a standard toot employed by all colonizers to advance their colonial interest. and the Spaniards
were no exception. They usually made their enemies fight each other to prevent them from uniting in a
common cause and thus facilitate conquest and control.
130
This case was actually made in reference to Butuan during the Spanish period. But also applicable to
other Spanish controlled areas in Mindanao.
63
Manila by 1571, thereby moving the center of gravity of colonial rule farther north,
leaving the newly converted southern communities in the backwater of colonial
administration.
To cope with the increasing demands for the day-to-day administration in a situation in
which the burden of empire began to hang heavy on the Crown, the Spanish king
allowed a system called the encomiendato be instituted in the islands. By granting
Spanish officers a claim to the Spanish treasury for their services, by way of securing
such payments through the tribute paid by the natives, the Spanish throne was relieved
of the tremendous cost of governance. In return, the encomienderos had the obligation
to protect the lives of newly converted natives against hostile raiders, and to provide a
system of justice and religious instruction.
The encomienda eventually became a hated system. The most explosive of these
revelations was the complaint of Fr. Martin de Rada to the Spanish king about the
actuations of the Governor-General Guido de Lavazares. On June 21, 1574, Fr. Martin de
Rada wrote one of the most momentous documents against the colonial officialdom
addressed to King Philip II, decrying the abuses inflicted by Spanish civil and military
officials on the natives in the Philippines: "For as your Lordship knows, we have gone
everywhere with the mailed hand; and we have required the people to be friends, and
then on to give us tribute. At times war has been declared against them, because they
did not give us [as] much as we demanded. And if they would give us tribute, but
defended themselves, then they have been attacked, and war has been carried on the
fire, and sword... Pretext [has been made] to subjugate all these villages, and levy
tribute on them, to such amount as can be secured. With what conscience hasa future
tribute been asked from them, before they knew us, or before they have received any
benefit from us? And when base and foundation fail, all that is built thereon is defective-
-all the more as the Indians are not protected from their enemies, nor maintained in
justice, as they should beg Many piracies go on as before, and those others who are not
so subject, they are given neither any satisfaction nor allowed to secure it for
themselves, And there is not sufficient reason for his Majesty to have ordered that the
land shall be allotted and divided into encomienda. . .”131
Schreurs even emphasized that with the encomienda the Spanish Crown had created a
Frankenstein in its colony. [Such] complaints and other reports of abuse committed by
the encomienderoseventually [led to] the system's [abolition].
Friars and their strategies
According to Father Bernad, the missionaries were initially viewed with suspicion. The
Spanish encomienderos and their agents went to Mindanao for one obvious reason—to
enrich themselves, but not the friars. Though there were accounts later on that piety
was used as an instrument of absolute tyranny, there were more accounts that showed
that the friars protected the natives.
The first to come were the Jesuit missionaries. Their strategy consisted of three things.
First, they used songs as a medium to start their evangelization with the children.132The
131
Fray Martin de Rada, "Opinion Regarding Tribute," In Emma Blair and James Alexander Robertson. The
Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, VOL 3, 1907, pp. 253-259. In
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/13616/13616-h/13616-h.htm.
132
Agoncillo also mentioned that "as part of the strategy of enticing the unwilling unbaptized indios, the
Spanish friars utilized the novel sights, sounds, and even, smell of Christian rites and rituals-- colorful and
pompous processions, songs, candle-lights, saints dressed in elaborate gold and silver costumes during
the May festivals of flores de Mayo or the santacruzan, the lighting of firecrackers even as the Host was
elevated, the sinakulo (passion play), and the Christian versus Muslim conflict drama (moro-moro). Other
attractions included medals, scapulars, cords and rosaries. All these "hypnotized" the spirit of the indios.
Upon baptism, the Filipinos were given Christian names usually derived from the feast day of the saint
64
second was to pray for, and to try to win over, those "who can most help or hinder" the
work ofevangelization.133And in the third strategy, they opened a small primary school,
such as in Cebu in 1595. In later Yeats, it became a secondary school and, eventually, a
college and a seminary. This was the third part of the Jesuit mission strategy: to form
an elite corps of educated lay persons who would 00 back to their respective
communities and become the leaders of a Christian society. Quite the same sentiment
was articulated when Father Juan Ricart in 1882 voiced his concern about the question
of the new converts of Mindanao to be exempted for life from tribute, man-service and
military draft. He said, "Let us generously open our arms for the present generation,
and the future generation will be ours." This strategy was effective: some datus sent
their sons to the said schools. Paredes also indicated that some Spanish missionaries
were supported by 'Dilitary detachments to protect converts from Moro domination and
raiding. This support must have made Christian conversion appealing to people who felt
vulnerable to raids.134
3. How did the Lumads respond to the methods mentioned above?
The story of the Lumads at the coming of the Spaniards was different from the Moro-
Spanish story. If the Moros would tell theirs as a narrative of relentless resistance, as
they were a nation under endless tyranny,135 the Lumads' would be a story perhaps, of
"unending accommodation" for lack of a better term) both to the Moros themselves and
the Spaniards. They were a people who survived the schemes of different tyrants and
oppressors—vulnerable, as perceived by many, yet undeniably resilient. Before the
advent of the Spaniards, the Lumads were already dealing with the Morose Some of
them were paying tribute for their safety and some of them were even considered
subjects.136Lumad responses to the coming of the Spaniards varied also according to
geographical location. The Lumad responses in the coastal area and those in the
mountains differed.
If one were to label the different responses of the Lumads to Spanish occupation, he
could probably describe them as: accommodation (creative), resistance [in different
forms- withdrawal, revolts, nonviolent form of resistance (latent)] subterfuge (the case
of Caraga and Butuan) and retaliation.
It is important to note that from the century to the present, Lumad peoples (with the
possible exception of the historical Mandaya) had been considered as the militarily,
politically, and demographically the weaker party of the dominant group, whether Moros
(e.g., Maguindanao, Maranao), Spaniards, or the 20th century Filipinos.137
Although Lumad perhaps at one time or another responded to foreign and Filipino
domination with violence only some population (such as the historical Mandaya and
Caraga) gained the reputation for belligerence.138
when they were born or baptized, which facilitated identification and recording of population for
collecting purposes."
133
In keeping with the said principle, the two missionaries in Butuan aimed their work at the leaders of the
people, the principalia. Before a church was built, the catechetical instructions were held in the houses of
the principalresidents. This strategy resulted in some notable conversion, the most spectacular being that
of the most feared and respected chieftain, Elian.
134
Paredes, Oona. "Higaunon Resistance and Ethnic Politics in Northern Mindanao," The Australian Journal
of Anthropology, 1997 (volume number, pages?).
135
Jubair, Salah. Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless. IQ Marin SDN BHD (Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: 1999).
136
The Moro datus of Davao, who claimed that the tribes of Caraga were their vassals and had to pay
tribute to them; "restored" Jesuits faced a nearly identical problem in their mission territory of Cotabato
and southern Bukidnon. Here, certain Moro datus claimed that some neighboring Tiruray or Manobo
groups or individuals had to pay tribute to them and/or were in fact their slaves whom they would treat
as "property."
137
Paredes.
138
Ibid
65
In the 16th and 17th centuries Spanish missionaries and their activities in northern
Mindanao were not necessarily perceived as threatening by the local., In places like
Himologon (now the city of Cagayan de Oro) and Butuan, it appeared that they were
simply incorporated into the existing settlements. That many Lumads (with the notable
exception of the Caragas) welcomed the missionaries even chose to become Christians
demonstrated that, contrary to common perception, the Spaniards were not necessarily
hated nor was Christianity necessarily perceived as a serious threat in the northern
Mindanao area.Schreurs even writes that the Manobos innortheastern Mindanao
‘behaved peacefully with the Spaniards but that was definitely not the case with regard
to the neighboring. . . tribesmen.’139
Let us examine how Bukidnons and Manobos coped with the new Spanish presence in
their upland region not by rejectingor becoming dependent on Spaniards, but by
employing, whenever possible, methods of creative accommodation.140 When Spanish
Jesuits arrived to convert them, Bukidnons accommodated by making a place for the
priests among their baylans(native shamans), for God with their Magbabaya or among
their diwatas, and for Christ and the saints among their inkantos (unseen spirits).
Bukidnons and Manobos responded to these forces of change by neither wholeheartedly

welcoming nor adamantly rejecting them. True, the new Spanish ceremonies the Mass,
pasyon (Passion of Christ) and fiesta - reoriented them more and more unequivocally to
the hispanized culture of their lowland neighbors. But they sought to keep their bearings
in both the new Hispanic and old pre-Hispanic worlds. Thus they settled in the new
reducciones (settlement of converts) as Spanish officials and priests insisted, but also
maintained their old tulugans (traditional houses) back in the rain forest. They tilled new
fields on plateau grasslands but frequently returned to their swidden plots in the
mountains. They accepted the new appellations given them by Jesuit fathers, but when
speaking to each other they continued using their old names. Their leaders adopted
titles bestowed on them by the Spaniards — such as maestro de campo and capitan -
but remained datus to their own people. They all got married twice - once in a formal
Roman Catholic service, and one more in their traditional Bukidnon or Manobo
ceremonies. And those who had been trading with both Moros and north coastal
Christians continued to do so despite Spanish efforts to enlist them as allies in the
Christian-versus-Moro wars, They would slide back and forth between pueblo and
tulugan, fiesta and kaliga, and the new God of their Jesuit padres and their old
Magbabaya. When exploitation from whatever quarter became intolerable, they did not
mount an attack or beg for Spanish help. They retired instead to their forest havens,
abandoning the new reducciones and driving their erstwhile Spanish mentors to
despair.141
These responses indicated a general tendency for non-violence among the Lumads.
They would prefer to avoid conflict rather than confront it, to withdraw rather than face
a formidable enemy, and to become conciliatory and accommodating toward their
Christian and Moro neighbors.
This chapter has taught us certain values: accommodation, empathy, respect,

appreciation, of Lumad efforts and style to resist aggression from the Spaniards. In
general, their resistance was non-violent. Though their way of resisting was primarily to
avoid Spanish contact, this module acknowledges that some of the Lumad groups like
the Mandaya and Caraga fought despite their weakness and unpreparedness to face
foreign occupation. In the end, they peacefully accommodated with both Moro and
Christian ways of life.
139
Ibid
140
Ronald K. Edgerton. People of the Middle Ground: A Century of Conflict and Accommodation in Central
Mindanao 188Os-198Os. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2008.
141
Ibid
66
Activity 1. Profile of Lumad Communities
Research the 18 Lumad Communities. Then, profile them using short bond paper and
place it in a folder. Text in the document must be written and all photos must be paste
in the bond paper. Your survey must include the following items:
1. Photo of the group 4. Demography

1. History 5.Location
2. Culture and Tradition 6. Responses to Spanish Colonialism
Kaamulan Festival in Bukidnon.
Activity 2. Evaluation of Lumad Responses
Analyze the images below. Make a historical analysis on the responses of the Lumad to
the Spanish occupation. Answers shall not exceed 200 words. Write your answers in one
half cross wise. Note: Bagobo is just a representation of Lumad communities.
Bagobo Tribe
Spanish Friar
67
VI. References
Alameda, Jr. Fernando A.Story of a Province: Surigao Across The Years. Quezon City:
Philippine National Historical Society and Heritage Publishing House, 1993.
Alan, Mercedes et al/ Mindanao Ethnic Communities: Patterns of Growth and Change.
Quezon City: University of the Philippines-Center of Integrative and development
Studies, 2001.
Arcilla, Jose S., SD. An Introduction to Philippine History. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila
University Press, 1998.
Bernad, Miguel S. J, The Greatls/and: Studies in the Exploration and Evangelization of

Blair, Emma and James Alexander Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898. Vol. 3,
1907. Published by Project Gutenberg in http://www.gutenberg.org/files/13616/13616-
h/13616-h.htm.
De Viana, Augusto V. The Philippines: A Storyofa Nation. Manila: Rex Bookstore, Inc.,
2011.
De la Costa, Horacio, S.J. 1967. The Jesuit in the Philippines, 1581-1768 Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.
Edgerton, Ronald K. People of the Middle Ground: A Century of Conflict and

Accommodation in Central Mindanao 1880s-1980s. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila
University Press, 2008
Gaspar, Karl M. Manobo Dreams in Arakan: A People Struggle to Keep Their Homeland.
Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2011.
Gloria, Heidi K. Bagobo Its History and Acculturation. Quezon City: New Day Publishers,
1987.
Godinez-Ortega, Christine, "Rescuing a People's Memory: Race to Conserve the Manobo

Epic." Philippine Daily Inquirer, May 27, 2013.
Hontiveros, Gregg. Butuan of A Thousand Years. Butuan City: Butuan City Historical and
Cultural Foundation, Inc., 2004.
Paredes, Oona. "Discriminating Native Traditions among the Mindanao Lumad," pp. 74-
90 in Charles J. Macdonald and Guillermo Pesigan (eds.), Old Ties and New Solidarities:
Studies on Philippine Communities. Quezon City, Ateneo de Manila Press, 2000.
________________"Higaunon Resistance and Ethnic Politics in Northern Mindanao." The

Australian Journal of Anthropology, 1997, pp. 270-290.
Rodil, B.R. The Minoritization of Indigenous Communities of Mindanao and the Sulu
Archipelaga. Davao City: AFRIM, Inc., 1994.
___________. A Story of Mindanao and Sulu in Question and Answer. Davao:

MINCODE, 2003.
Salah, Jubair. Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless Tyranny. IQ Marin SDN BHD (Kuala
Lumpur, Malaysia: 1999).
68
Schreurs, Peter MSC, 1989. Caraga Antigua, 1521-1910 The Hispanization and
Christianization of Agusan, Surigao and East Davao. Manila: National Historical Institute,
2000.
Sitoy, Jr., T. Valentino. A History of Christianity in the Philippines: The Initial Encounter,
Vol. 1. Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1985.
Tan, Samuel K. A History of the Philippines. Manila: Manila Studies Association, Inc. and
Philippine National Historical Society, Inc., 2012.
Warren, James Francis. At the Edge of Southeast Asian History. Quezon City: New Day
Publisher, 1987n
William Henry Scott. Cracks in the Parchment Curtain. Quezon City: New Day Publishers,
1982
___________________. Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society.

Wolf, Eric R. Europe and the People Without History. Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1982.
Wrigglesworth, Hazel. "Tulalang slays the dragon," Philippine Quarterly Culture and
Society, Vol. 5 (1977), pp. 123-165.
69
Module 8
INSTANCES OF MORO, LUMAD AND “CHRISTIAN” FILIPINO COOPERATION’
Department of History, CASS, MSU- IIT
I. Objectives
questions;
1. Where there instances or attempts of Moro, Lumad, and Christian Filipino cooperation
in their struggle against foreign colonialism?
2. What inspiration can we get out of these attempts?
II. Introductory Activity; Revisit HoracioDela Costa’s Report on the Speech of

Datu Buisan to the Datu’s of Leyte
The Leyte Datus where waiting for him, he took their gold and bells and released to
them whom they would. Then he opened his mind to them. It was not so much for the
ransom, he said, that he had sent for them, but to ask them to consider well what
advantage they derived from being tributary to the Spaniards. Has the Spaniard been
able to protect them? Had been able to protect the people of Panay, Mindoro, and
Balayan? But if they allied themselves to the Maguindanaus, they would have him,
Buwisan, for their friend, and not what he was now, much to his regret, their foe. Let
them further consider how easy it would be for them to throw off the Spanish yoke with
the help of the Maguindanaus. The Spaniards, after all, were only a handful, nor were
they as invincible as they made themselves out to be. Let the people of Leyte be
resolute; let them prepare to rise as one man. The following year he, Bwisan, would
come with the great armada and together they vould sweep the island clear of the
Spaniards.
The Datus… thought there was much wisdom in this speech. They sat down with Bwisan
and entered into a blood compact with him. They slashed their wrists and let the blood
drip into the bowl of brandy. They drank their mingled blood from the common bowl,
and so become brothers. This done, Bwisan turned the prows of his fleet for home142.
III. Lesson Proper
1. Were there instances or attempts of Moro, Lumad and Christian Filipino cooperation
in their struggle against foreign colonialism?
The above report about DatuBuisan’s blood compact with the forDatus of Leyte is a
concrete example of cooperation between our islamized and christianized forefathers
against foreign colonialism. But, it is an isolated incident? Were there no other instances
where representatives of the Moro, Lumad and or Christian Filipino attempted to unite
as one?
Certainly, the case of DatuBuisan in Leyte was not the only incident of this sort. The
revolutionary government of Emilio Aguinaldo, in fact, sent a letter to the Sultan of Sulu,
calling for solidarity and brotherhood ‘’ upon the basis of a real confederation with
142
H. dela Costa quoted in Majul, pp. 132-133
70
absolute respect their belliefs and traditions’’. Aguinaldo then sent the letter to Datu
Pedro Cuevas, a native of Cavite who managed to become a Datu of some importance
in Basilan. Majul described the letter;
It spoke of how Igorots and the Aetas had joined the revolution to share in the victories
of their brothers in the valleys. They had lived in the mountains not because of racial
differences with the lowlanders but because they loved liberty. Now that there was
liberty in the country, they were coming down to assure him that there would not
anymore be repetition of the bloody wars initiated by the criminal ambitions of the
Spaniards who made brothers fight each other, and to warn him that another power (
the Americans) was now trying to succeed the Spaniards. The letter explained how a
combination of the Sulus with the people of Luzon would make it difficult for outsiders
to dominate the Filipinos143.
Then, in another instance, Baldomero Aguinaldo, the brother of the President Emilio
Aguinaldo also wrote a letter dated May 31, 1899 which he addressed to the Sultan of
Marangas. The said letter talked about one God, ‘’ but the Spaniards , especially the
friars, made a distinction between the Moros who were described to have a false
religion, and the Christians who were asserted to have the true religion, in order to sow
religious discord among the Filipino race’’ Baldemero Aguinaldo further expressed
confidence that ‘’ as brothers and sons of the same race, they would join in the
aspirations of independence and liberty.
We do not learn of any positive response to the letters. The quick turn of events
brought about by American occupation plus the difficulty in the system of transportation
and communication may have hindered the blossoming of a wonderful relationship
between the revolutionary government of Aguinaldo and the sultanates of the south.
Yet, despite these unanswered calls, the letters are still very important for they
represent the turning point in our ancestor’s view of things. Note that for 333 years, we
were historically conditioned to believe that the Islamized is the enemy of the
Christianized native. But in the letters, they have come to realized that they were only
made to fight by the ‘’ criminal ambitions’’ of the colonizers. Here we see too the ‘’
Christian’’ Filipino president widening his horizon and entertaining the idea of
establishing a republic based on multiculturalism and respect for the right of self-
determination.
We also learned of an incident during the Philippine revolution in Cagayan de Oro wm

Culture ( which are the basis of ethnicity – the primodial foundation of nationhood). But
more importantly, we also had the conviction to belong to each other144. In other words,
moments of cooperation in our history such as above should not be relegated only as
footnotes in our textbooks. Rather, they should occupy the centrefold of our history
because they formed part of the most glorious moments of our collective past.
IV. Lessons Learned and Peace Message
In the study of Philippine History, it was often the polarization, conflict and divergence
of Muslims, Christians, and Lumads which are emphasized and highlighted. Inspiring
moments of unity and brotherhood such as above are outshined by accounts of
143
Majul quoted in Rodil, p.34
144
These two when combined together should strengthen our sense of being one community.
71
conflicting loyalties; of stories about ‘’them versus us’’; of disagreements between the
east clinging way of life of the Moro and Lumad against the westernized culture of the
Christianized Filipino. Whether this is because of lack of information or because
regionalism and chauvinism make our memories selective in remembering our past, one
fact remains- Philippine history needs to balance the stressing accounts with inspiring
ones.
We understand the reason why the points of convergence are dwarfed by the points of
divergence in our usual treatment of Philippine History. In the first place, there were
indeed more conflicts than harmony in the relationship between the Islamized and the
unconverted native of this archipelago. On the whole, these conflicts were generated
and or exacerbated by our colonial experience under the divide and rule. Secondly, the
human memory is selective. There is no problem in the selectivity of human memory per
se as that is a natural given. But if history is to serve its purpose of nation building, why
focus the selectivity only on divergence and bad experiences when we can also pay
attention to the inspiring moments of our history?
We are not saying we forget ( or hide) the bad experiences of our past, for they do offer
us valuable lessons. But we should not be oblivious that at some points in our collective
past, or ancestors, recognized their commonalities, attempted to nurture the feeling of
belonginh and aspired to forge one community.
Activity 1. Revisit the Introductory Activity. Analyze the report of Fr. Horacio Dela Costa
on the Speech of KapitanBuisan. Then, make a 100 words reaction paper in your one
half cross wise.
Fr. Horacio Dela Costa KapitanBuisan
72
Activity 2. Make a reflection paper on the instances of cooperation among Moro, Lumad
and Christian Filipino. Your answers must be guided of the following (stories, studies,
examples, quotes) to be creative.
VII. References and Recommended Readings
Antonio Montalban. ‘’ Instances of Moro, Lumad and Christian Filipino Cooperation

during the Philippine Revoltuion.’’ A paper presented during the Regional Conference on
Mindanao History held in May 2003, Academic Complex, MSUMarawi City.
Peter G. Gowing. Muslim Filipinos: Heritage and Horizon( Quezon City: New Day
Publishers, 1979.
Majul, Cesar A. Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City. University of the Philippines
Press, 1999.
Rodil, Rudy B. A Story of Mindanao and Sulu in Question and Answer. Davao: MINCODE,
2003
-------- Statement of Moro Datus and Leaders with Respect to Filipino Independence and
their Desire for Self Determination. Dansalan Quarterly, Vol. 25, Nos. 1-4, January-
December 2005 pp. 3-86
73
Module 9
AMERICAN COLONIAL PERIOD
By: Juvanni A. Caballero, Michael Anthony R. Ngo & Manolita O. Regalado

I. Objectives:
questions:
1. What were the events that brought the Americans to the Philippines?
2. What was the Treaty of Paris and what was its role in the incorporation of
Mindanao and Sulu into the former colony of Spain?
3. What were the various stages of the American occupation in Moroland and how
distinct the American policies were in each of the stages?
4. How did American policy or practice contribute to the “Mindanao problem?”
II. Introductory Activity: Audio-Visual Presentation
Film showing of the “Spanish-American War in the Philippines”: This short documentary
clip will give students an insight on the events that led to the coming of the Americans
in the Philippines. The arrival of American reinforcements in the country began after US
naval ships under Commodore George Dewey successfully defeated the Spanish fleet
headed by Admiral Patricio Montojo at Manila Bay. The increasing numbers of American
troops that arrived in the country raised the suspicions of the Filipino revolutionary
leaders on the intention of the Americans to the country.
Alternatively, the teacher may have a silent reading activity on William McKinley’s
“Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation”: The text of the said proclamation is presented
in Box 9-1.
Box 9-1: “The Philippines is Ours” – President McKinley.
The destruction of the Spanish fleet in the harbour of Manila by the United States
naval squadron commanded by Rear-Admiral Dewey, followed by the reduction of
the city and the surrender of the Spanish forces, practically affected the conquest of
the Philippine Islands and the suspension of the Spanish sovereignty therein. With
the signature of the treaty of peace between the United States and Spain by their
respective plenipotentiaries at Paris on the 10th instant, and as a result of the
victories of American arms, the future control, disposition, and government of the
Philippine Islands are ceded to the United States. In the fulfilment of the rights of
sovereignty thus acquired and the responsible obligations of government thus
assumed, the actual occupation and administration of the entire group of the
Philippine Islands becomes immediately necessary, and the military
government heretofore maintained by the united states in the city, harbour, and bay
of Manila is to be extended with all possible despatch to the whole of the ceded
territory.
In performing this duty the military commander of the United States is enjoined to
make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that in succeeding to the
sovereignty of Spain, in severing the former political relations, and in establishing a
new political power, the authority of the United States is to be exerted for the
securing of the persons and property of the people of the islands and for the
confirmation of all their private rights and relations. It will be the duty of the
commander of the forces of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most public
74
manner that we come, not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the
natives in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious
rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, co-operate
with the Government of the United States to give effect to these beneficent
purposes will receive the reward of its support and protection. All others will be
brought within the lawful rule we have assumed, with firmness if need be, but
without severity, so far as possible. Within the absolute domain of military authority,
which necessarily is and must remain supreme in the ceded territory until the
legislation of the United States shall otherwise provide, the municipal laws of the
territory in respect to private rights and property and the repression of crime are to
be considered as continuing in force, and to be administered by the ordinary
tribunals, so far as practicable. The operations of civil and municipal government are
to be performed by such officers as may accept the supremacy of the United
States by taking the oath of allegiance, or by officers chosen, as far as practicable,
from the inhabitants of the islands. While the control of all the public property and
the revenues of the state passes with the cession, and while the use and
management of all public means of transportation are necessarily reserved to the
authority of the United States, private property, whether belonging to individuals or
corporations, is to be respected except for cause duly established. The taxes and
duties heretofore payable by the inhabitants to the late government become
payable to the authorities of the United States unless it be seen fit to substitute for
them other reasonable rates or modes of contribution to the expenses of
government, whether general or local. If private property be taken for military use,
it shall be paid for when possible in cash, at a fair valuation, and when payment in
cash is not practicable, receipts are to be given. All ports and places in the
Philippine Islands in the actual possession of the land and naval forces of the United
States will be opened to the commerce of all friendly nations. All goods and wares
not prohibited for military reasons by due announcement of the military authority
will be admitted upon payment of such duties and other charges as shall be in force
at the time of their importation. Finally, it should be the earnest wish and
paramount aim of the military administration to win the confidence, respect, and
affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by assuring them in every possible
way that full measure of individual rights and liberties which is the heritage of free
peoples, and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of
substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. In the fulfilment of
this high mission, supporting the temperate administration of affairs for the greatest
good of the governed, there must be sedulously maintained the strong arm of
authority, to repress disturbance and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of
the blessings of good and stable government upon the people of the Philippine
Islands under the free flag of the United States.
From the proclamation issued by US President McKinley at the Executive Mansion in

Washington, D.C. on December 21, 1898. Source: ____
III. Lesson Proper
From our Philippine History classes, we learned that the Americans would eventually
replace the Spaniards by 1898. The preceding module also mentioned this in passing.
American colonial administration of the Philippine Islands began in 1898 and lasted in
1946, part of that was under the Commonwealth era (1935-1946). For us to be able to
trace the developments of events, it is necessary to discuss the historical background on
why and how America entered into the Philippine scene.
1.) What were the events that brought the Americans to the Philippines?
75
It must be noted that prior to the American Civil War, the general policy that guided the
United States had been isolationism.145 But after the civil war, America’s economy grew
tremendously to the extent of being saturated already by the surplus products and
capital which American factories produced and generated. In other words, there was a
need for America to abandon its isolationist policy, as she needed extra markets to
absorb her surplus capital and products. This was made clear by U.S, Senator Albert
Beveridge who said:
We must obey our blood and occupy new markets and if necessary new
lands. American factories are making more than the American people can
use. American soil is producing more than they can consume. Fate has
written our policy for us. The trade of the world must and shall be
ours.146
Thus, it was imperative for America to come up with a plan on how to acquire colonies
that would serve as her economic dumping ground. But where would she get her colony
when almost all countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America were already owned by
various European colonizers at the time she adopted an imperialist policy? It was
necessary then for the United States to study first which of the colonizers could not fight
a sustainable war if ever they would declare it against that country. It turned out in the
study that Spain was the weakest among the colonizers.147 American imperialists then
started designing steps to make the American-Spanish relations deteriorate so as to
justify the declaration of war against Spain and take its colonies.
The first thing that made Spanish-American relations deteriorate was the publication of
the letter of the Spanish ambassador to the United States, Dupuy De Lome. This letter
contained De Lome’s personal criticisms against the U.S. president William McKinley.148
In addition, American propaganda also spread rumors that American citizens in Cuba
(another Spanish colony) were being maltreated by Spanish authorities. All these were
intended to incite ordinary Americans to hate the Spaniards.
Then, on February 15, 1898, a very serious incident occurred. The American warship
Maine, which was anchored at Havana, Cuba, was suddenly blown up, destroying the
ship and killing 246 of its crew members.149 The Americans immediately held Spain
responsible for the explosion and on April 21, 1898, the U.S. Congress declared war
against Spain. Since the Philippines was a colony of Spain, the Americans had to go
there supposedly to destroy the Spanish forces in the colony. This was how the
Americans entered into the Philippine scene.
2.) What was the Treaty of Paris and what was its role in the incorporation of
Mindanao and Sulu into the former colony of Spain?
At first, the Americans pretended to be a friend of the Christian Filipino revolutionaries.

In fact, Emilio Aguinaldo’s cooperation was obtained through the promise and assurance
145 This is the policy of nonparticipation in international economic and political relations. This entails that
for the US to make this policy successful, she has to be self-reliant and self-sustaining i.e., she produced
what she needed.
146 Senator Albert Beveridge quoted in Macapado Muslim. The Moro Armed Struggle in the
Philippines: The Non-Violent Autonomy Alternative (Marawi City : Mindanao State University,
1990), p.56.
147 The British had a very strong navy while the French had a huge army. The Germans were
building and strengthening their military machines while the Dutch had plenty of money and
alliances. Thus, the US could not simply antagonize these colonizers.
148
The letter was said to be stolen and then published in an American newspaper.
149
In truth, the possibility that Spain was responsible for the explosion of the warship was very
remote. The fact that Spain faced political instability within and had to quell two revolutions (one
in Cuba and another in the Philippines), leads us to think that she cannot simply afford to
provoke America at that time.
76
of various American officials that their intention was only to destroy the Spanish forces
in the Philippines; and that they would never colonize the country! Later, however, this
“friend” would turn into an adversary after abandoning her promise of not colonizing the
Philippines.150 This was made official when the US congress ratified the Treaty of Paris,
an agreement that ended Spanish-American war and provided for the cession of the
Philippine colony to the United States for US$20 million.
The ratification of the Treaty of Paris certainly generated negative responses from Emilio
Aguinaldo and the Christian Filipino revolutionists. They thought and felt they were
betrayed by the Americans who promised to leave them on their own as soon as they
defeated the Spanish forces. They were disappointed to note that their dream of
defining their own future as an independent nation would be interfered with by a new
colonizer.151
It is important to note however that the Filipino revolutionists were not the only ones
who were affected by the Treaty of Paris. It must be recalled that until 1898, the
Spanish-Moro wars remained unfinished without a clear conclusion. Thus, in 1898, we
can safely infer that there were still three major states that existed in what is now the
Philippines, namely: Felipinas (which comprised the Spanish controlled territories of
Luzon, Visayas and some parts of northern Mindanao), Maguindanao Sultanate (which
comprised the territories of south-central Mindanao) and the Sulu Sultanate (which
comprised the territories of the Sulu archipelago and the area of Borneo known as
Sabah). The last two states (i.e., the Sultanates of Maguindanao and Sulu) used to be
independent from Felipinas but when the Spaniards sold the latter, they included the
entire Mindanao and Sulu in the business transaction. Hence, the Moros vehemently
objected! They thought it was unfair to include them in the Treaty of Paris since they
felt that the Spaniards never succeeded in subjugating them; and therefore did not have
the right to sell them to America.
But colonizers would never ask if it is fair or unfair! They simply acted according to their
imperialist and selfish interests. Spain would sell what did not belong to her and the
United States simply bought what Spain sold. Hence, whether the natives liked it or not,
the Americans came to replace the Spaniards in Felipinas. As defined in the Treaty of
Paris however, Felipinas this time means the Spanish controlled territories of Luzon,
Visayas, and the whole of Minsupala including the unconquered lands of the
Maguindanao and Sulu sultanates.
3.) What were the various stages of the American occupation in Moroland and
how distinct the American policies were in each of the stages?
We can generally identify three stages of American occupation of Moroland: 1.)
Military Occupation from 1899-1903; 2.) The Moro Province from 1903-1913; and 3.)
The Department of Mindanao and Sulu from 1914-1920.
Military Occupation and the Non-interference Policy
150
The Filipino-American War was triggered by the San Juan Bridge incident where a Filipino soldier was
shot dead by an American soldier (Pvt. Willie Grayson). This incident would be reported in the US as being
started by the Filipinos. Consequently, many of the American senators who were not in favor of the idea
of acquiring a colony, eventually signed to ratify the Treaty of Paris because of the distorted report.
151
Had the Americans left as they promised to Emilio Aguinaldo in 1898, the process of
nationhood for the peoples of these islands would have been more natural. We say “more
natural” and perhaps more peaceful because the Filipino Republic of Emilio Aguinaldo was
certainly incapable of forcing the Muslims to be part of Pilipinas like what the Americans did. Had
this happened, there would have been three states existing in this archipelago: Sulu Sultanate,
Maguindanao sultanate and Republika ng Pilipinas.
77
From 1899-1903, the Americans would preoccupy themselves with the pacification and
colonization of Luzon and Visayas.152 While war was still being waged against the
Christian Filipino revolutionists, the Americans made sure they were able to neutralize
the Muslims by not provoking and encouraging them to join (i.e. make an alliance with)
the forces of Emilio Aguinaldo. This was the reason why Brigadier General John C. Bates
was sent in February 1899 to meet with the leaders of Sulu, headed by Sultan Jamalul
Kiram. The objective was to win the friendship of the Moros in Sulu by convincing the
datus, headmen and imams to recognize and accept the presence of the American
forces in Moroland.153 For a month, General Bates explored every diplomatic means just
to persuade the Sultan of Sulu and his datus to affix their signatures. The Bates
agreement, as was popularly known in Philippine history, became the epitome of
American policy in Moroland for the first five years. This policy would be known as the
Non-interference policy.
By the term non-interference, it meant that the Americans would not meddle in the right
of the natives to regulate their own affairs, religious beliefs and worship and economic
activities. It also entailed the non-obligation of Moros outside the larger port towns to
pay taxes or duties. But as soon as the war in the north subsided, the Americans would
abandon the non-interference policy.154 Indeed, by 1903, American policy would change
from “non-interference” to “direct rule”.
The Moro Province and Direct Rule
As early as 1901, Emilio Aguinaldo was already captured; and in the following year
(1902) almost all of his generals were either killed, arrested or had surrendered. That is
why by 1903, the Americans were already confident to face the Moros and place them
under direct rule.
From 1903 to 1913, the Americans would organize and implement the Moro Province,155
placing all Moro/Muslim districts under direct American military control. For most of its
existence, administrators of the Moro province considered military power as most
essential in dealing with the Moros who would be prepared and introduced to civil
procedures and institutions under the new government. The Moro province therefore
was a government characterized by an amalgamation of military presence and power
and civil procedures and institutions. Below is the administrative structure of the Moro
Province156:
152 Within this period, American activity was limited to occupying the former Spanish camps and
garrisons.
153
http://www.morolandhistory.com/07.PG-Bates%20Mission/Bates_mission_persuasion.htm. The
tried to convince the leaders to accept American occupation in the area and will not, at least
oppose to their presence in the island.
154
The Americans for instance sent General John Bates to Sulu in 1899 to conclude a friendly
treaty between the Americans and Sulu Muslims. This treaty was unilaterally abrogated later on
by the Americans after seeing that Luzon and Visayas had become “peaceful” and under effective
control. See Peter Gowing. Mandate in Moroland: The American Government of the Moros, 1899-
1920, (New Day Publishers: Quezon City, 1979) pp. 31-37.
155
The Moro Province was created by Philippine Commission Act 787 of June 1, 1903.
156
Peter Gowing. Mandate In Moroland, op.cit. p. 116.
78
Under the Moro province, the natives were placed under the tribal ward system wherein
the tribal chieftain of the ward was held responsible for the acts of his constituents. The
tribal wards were then placed under municipalities which were further organized into
districts, namely: Davao (which is now composed of Davao Oriental, Davao del Norte,
Davao del Sur and Compostela Valley); Cotabato (now includes North Cotabato, South
Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao and Sarangani); Lanao (Lanao del Norte and
Lanao del Sur); Zamboanga (Zamboanga del Norte, Zamboanga del Sur and Zamboanga
Sibugay) and Sulu (partitioned into Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-tawi).157 Each district is
placed under an American district governor who in turn was directly responsible to the
governor of the Moro Province.
It was actually during the years of the Moro province that the Americans started
implementing policies that directly interfered with Moro affairs. Among other things,
these policies included: 1.) Taxation (i.e. the imposition of taxes on the Moro
population); 2.) Anti-slavery Law (i.e. the banning of slavery among the Moros); and 3.)
Disarmament Policy (i.e. it made carrying of traditional bladed weapons illegal). Indeed,
these policies generated violent reactions among the Moros so that many of the great
“battles” or “massacres” in Mindanao and Sulu would occur during the years of the Moro
Province; e.g.: Bacolod Grande and Cotabato in 1903, Taraka in 1907, Bud Dajo in 1907
and Bud Bagsak in 1913.158 The Americans of course did not hesitate to deal with the
Moros violently so that by 1913 the disarmament and subjugation of the Muslims of
157
These present provinces and the cities within them would become the basis of the MNLF in identifying
the Bangsamoro homeland later on.
158
The battle of Bacolod Grande was triggered when the Americans held the Sultan of Bacolod
responsible for a Maranao scout who deserted with his rifle. Under the tribal ward system, the sultan or
datu was always held responsible for the individual act of his followers. Datu Ali of Cotabato (1903),
Ampuan a Gaus of Taraka (1907) and the Bud Dajo Moros of Sulu (1907) would resist the Americans
because of the latter’s anti-slavery and tax laws. The massacre at Bud Bagsak was triggered by the
disarmament policy of the last governor of the Moro Province, John J. Pershing.
79
Mindanao and Sulu had become very evident.159 American superiority in military power
had not only silenced Moro defiance and resistance but also forcibly brought together
the peoples of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao into one highly centralized and unitary
Philippine colony. 160
It is important to note that during this period, the term “Moro Problem” emerged (Box
9-2). The US military, in fact, considered the Moros like the American Indians during the
heyday of western expansion to California. They believed that the only way to deal with
them was by brute force. Najeeb Saleeby, who served as Superintendent of Public
Schools in the Moro Province, defined the Moro Problem as a problem of “administering
the Moros” as they were being destined for unification with the Christian government.
This state of affairs, however, entailed bringing up the Moros to a higher level of
development or “advancement in culture and civilization.” Some would use the more
neutral phrase “Mindanao” instead of “Moro Problem.” Other writers, however,
interchangeably use the two.
Box 9-2: What is the Moro Problem?
By the Moro problem is meant that method or form of administration by which the
Moros and other non-christians who are living among them, can be governed to
their best interest and welfare
in the most peaceful way possible, and can at the same time be provided with
appropriate measures for their gradual advancement in culture and civilization, so
that in the course of a reasonable time
they can be admitted into the general government of the^ Philippine Islands as
qualified members of a republican national organization.
We have not gone to Moroland to exploit the resources of the country nor to rule it
for our benefit. Its government is a sacred trust and the principle of ''the Philippines
for the Filipinos”' was meant to
apply to Mindanao and Sulu in the same sense as that in which it was applied to the
Bisayas and Luzon. In devising a form of government for Moroland we are,
therefore, strictly governed by the
best interest of the people themselves. The establishment of a peaceful state of
affairs and the preservation of the present prosperity of the country become at once
our binding obligation and demand urgent consideration. Nor can we overlook the
future progress and development of the people. Moroland is destined to ultimately
form one or more provinces which will be integral parts of the general provincial
organization of the Philippine Islands, and it is the duty of its present government to
so develop its citizens and institutions as to bring about such a transformation and
incorporation in due time.
From: Najeeb M. Saleeby, The Moro Problem: An Academic Discussion of the

History and Solution of the Problem of the Government of the Moros of the
Philippine Islands. Manila: Philippine Islands, 1913, p. 16.
The Department of Mindanao and Sulu and Filipinization
159
Because Moros could no longer resist in mass, the phenomenon called Juramentado arose with
growing frequency. Juramentados were Moros who swore to kill as many invaders as they could before
they would die. They were common during the Spanish period but they became more numerous during
the American colonization of Mindanao and Sulu. In fact, the Americans were so disturbed by the
mounting problem with juramentados so that the .45 caliber was prescribed to be the standard sidearm
of American soldiers to address it. See Bill Yenne, Tommy Gun: How General Thompson’s Sub-Machine
Gun Wrote History. New York: Macmillan Press, 2009.
160
They accomplished what the Spaniards had started but failed to do in incorporating the whole of
Mindanao and Sulu into what would be called the Philippines.
80
It must be mentioned that the United States had always wanted to project a good
image. Hence, when she decided to acquire the Philippines as a colony, she made sure
that she had the best moral justification. For this reason, she would announce to the
world the Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation, the document made by President
William McKinley, which states that the Philippines was not for the United States to
exploit but “to develop, to civilize, to educate and to train in the science of self-
government.” This proclamation was simply another way of saying that America was
going to colonize the Filipinos not for the sake of the Americans but for the sake of the
Filipinos. Hence, McKinley wrote:
To give Philippines back to Spain is not honourable. To leave them to

other countries is not acceptable. To allow them to be free is unthinkable.
They would tear at each other. I decided to keep the Philippines for us to
civilize.161
A closer look at the Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation would reveal that the
Americans were supposedly looking forward to a date in the future where Filipinos
would exercise “self-government” and eventually become “independent”. All these
started to come true when the Democrats won in 1913. As a matter of policy, the
Democrats desired to accelerate the move towards self-government and independence
for the Philippines. Gradually, the Democrats would transfer the control of the Insular
Government from American to Filipino hands. This policy was known as Filipinization.
Part of the Filipinization program was to abolish the Moro Province which championed
“direct rule”. Thus, in 1913, the Moro province would be reorganized into the
Department of Mindanao and Sulu. Under the department, the former districts of the
Moro Province were turned into regular provinces plus the new provinces of Agusan and
Bukidnon. Below is the Administrative structure of the department162:
161 This statement was written by US President McKinley in Washington, D.C. after the signing of the
Treaty of Paris on December 10, 1898.
162
Eric S. Casino, “Three Modes of Governance of Mindanao and Sulu,” Tambara, Vol. 28 (2011):1-30;
Peter Gowing Mandate in Moroland op.cit. p.265.
81
As pointed out already, Filipinization of colonial administration would be pursued under
the Department of Mindanao and Sulu. Accordingly, Filipino officials assumed
increasingly greater responsibilities in the government of Moroland. However, the term
“Filipino” in the Filipinization program appeared to be almost exclusive to “Christian
Filipinos”. Thus, the Filipinization program that was vigorously pursued under the
department had even caused Moro resentments instead of Moro enthusiasm,
participation and excitement. The comment of Sultan Alauya Alonto captured this when
he said:
The Moro people want to set their house in order but how can they when the
very key of their own house is not in their possession and perhaps the Moros
may be locked in or locked out because the key to their own doors is not in their
hands. This is indeed a tragedy! Those of you who are accustomed to the native
son of the province conducting the affairs of your own people will surely
understand what it means to be governed by outsiders and “intruders” who do
not have even the command of the dialect of the people to be governed.163
The above comment was pronounced against the political backdrop where Christian
Filipinos from the north were appointed in key positions in the government of Moroland.
In any case, the Filipinization program of the colonial administration under the
Department of Mindanao and Sulu would continue whether the Moros were happy or
not. For approximately seven years, the department would advance the program, until
May 1920, when it was formally abolished. Thereafter, Moro affairs would then be
placed under the control of the Bureau of Non Christian Tribes under the Department of
the Interior, where administrative as well as legislative control of Moroland was even
firmly secured in Christian Filipino hands.
Policy of Attraction
In fairness to the Americans however, they would also exert efforts to countervail the ill-
effects of colonialism. To mitigate the resentments of the Moros, for instance, the
colonial government would come up with programs and projects that would attract the
former. Free education was institutionalized and public schools were established almost
everywhere in the Moro districts. Attendance was made compulsory so that each Moro
family was required to send at least one child to school.164 The colonial government
also created the Pensionado Program, which sent non-Christian natives to Manila and
America for higher learning or educational tours. Peter Gowing added the following
comments about the policy of attraction:
Hospital and field dispensaries were also provided in such number that
medical care came within the reach of nearly all the inhabitants. Public
works were greatly expanded: hundreds of kilometers of new roads and
trails ended the isolation of thousand of inhabitants and brought them
into contact with commercial and governmental centers. The Muslims
were given greater participation in local and provincial government.
Later, some were even appointed to the Philippine legislature. Muslim
leaders were periodically taken to Manila as guests of the government so
that, on their return they would be apostles of peace and be even more
co-operative with government officials. The agricultural activities of the
163
Alaoya Alonto, quoted in Peter Gowing. Muslim Filipinos, op.cit p. 178 .
164
It was said that some of the Royal families especially in Lanao were so afraid that the education of
their children under the “Christian” Americans would mean their children’s conversion to Christianity.
Thus, instead of sending their own children to school, they sent the sons and daughters of their slaves.
Later, these slave children would become professionals and among the first to qualify in very important
posts in the government.
82
Muslim were given every encouragement. In Cotabato province, Muslim
families together with Christian families successfully participated, at least
for a few years, in the “agricultural colonies” established by the
government as experiment in land development and inter-group living.165
4.) How did American policy or practice contribute to the present Mindanao
problem?
We see four major contributions of United States policy to the Mindanao problem: a)
The forcible incorporation of Mindanao and Sulu into the Philippine colony; b) Resettling
of Christian natives to Mindanao; c) The discriminatory land Laws, and d) Attempt to
annex Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan into the US territory.
a. Forcible Incorporation of Mindanao and Sulu
The first obvious contribution of the Americans to the Mindanao Problem was when they
included Maguindanao and Sulu in the purchase made during the Treaty of Paris. As
pointed out already, the two sultanates used to be independent from Spanish Felipinas;
yet deliberately, the Americans still included them. What made things worse was that
they completed the subjugation of the Moros and therefore succeeded in forcibly
incorporating them into the predominantly Christian Philippines.
In other words, the United States stole three independences from three sovereign states
when she signed the Treaty of Paris in 1898; i.e., she took away not only the
independence of Aguinaldo’s Republika ng Pilipinas but also the independence of the
Maguindanao and Sulu sultanates. When the United States decided to leave in 1946 she,
however, gave independence for Pilipinas, including Maguindanao and Sulu. Thus, the
Muslims, Christians and Lumads became citizens of a republic comprising at least two
nations.
b. Resettling Christian natives to Mindanao
After the subjugation of the Moros, the Americans introduced in 1912 the idea of
resettling landless but industrious farmers from Luzon and Visayas to Mindanao. This
was meant to ease out the agrarian unrest brought about by the hacienda system or the
inequitable distribution of lands in the north. The planners or architects of the
settlement scheme also believed that this is one way the Moros could be united with the
Christian Filipinos. This is “the policy of assimilation by colonies, combining a minority of
Moros with a majority of Filipinos.166 The American colonial government so encouraged
the Christian settlers to the extent of giving them free transportation, financial and legal
assistance, farm tools and other implements.167 We even learn that in Cebu, the
Americans had difficulty at the start of getting Cebuanos to settle in Mindanao because
the latter were fearful of the Muslims (perhaps due to their experience in the Spanish-
Moro Wars) and thus not easily convinced to go to Mindanao. Thus, the Americans had
to lure the corn-loving Cebuanos with hybrid American corn,168 and somehow tell them
that these were the corn of Mindanao and if they want it, they have to go to Mindanao.
These efforts, though well intentioned, began a systematic agrarian program called
Moro colonies - also “agricultural colonies” - which American administrations under
General John Pershing and Frank Carpenter established in the Cotabato Valley and
165
Gowing, “Compilation of Readings in History 3,” History Department MSU-IIT) p. 66-67.
166
Letter of Frank Carpenter to Frank McIntyre, November 14, 1913, Bureau of Insular Affairs (BIA), File #
873-5.
167
According to Wernstedt and Simkins, “by 1913, it was apparent that the existence of free land in
Mindanao was insufficient in itself to stimulate any considerable movement of people to Mindanao from
the more crowded areas on Luzon and Visayas.” F. Wernstedt and P. Simkins, “Migrations and the
Settlement of Mindanao,” Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 25 (1965), pp. 87-88.
168
Rad Silva. Two Hills of the Same Land. n.d., n.p.
83
Lanao.169 Seven such colonies were established in Pikit, Peidu Pulangi, Pagalungan, and
Glan in Cotabato, and Momungan in Lanao, the latter reserved for destitute Americans
with Filipina wives.
The above information should be enough to enlighten us about the American

contribution to our present problem. In the first place, it was the Americans who
introduced the idea of bringing the Christian settlers to Mindanao, who, in fairness to
the latter, would pour out their energies to develop the lands the colonial government
granted them. Take note that during the Spanish period, the violence between the
Muslim and Christian populations was largely psychological. There was very limited
physical encounter between them except in military expeditions, which did not happen
on a regular basis. But the American program of bringing over Christian migrants to
Mindanao did not only generate further resentments among the Muslims and Lumads
but also it created a permanent and ready venue for the eventually frequent and bloody
physical encounters. Apparently, both are unaware they are victims of unfortunate
colonial decisions.
c. Discriminatory Land Laws
The Moros did not only dislike the coming of Christianized natives from Luzon and
Visayas, but resented as well the passing of several discriminatory land laws. These laws
include:
Act #496 of 1902 otherwise known as the Land Registration Act – this act required
the registration of lands occupied by private persons or corporations. It also required
that the application for registration of title shall be in writing, signed and sworn to by
the applicant. Note that this law was implemented in 1902 while the first schools in
Moro and Lumad areas were established in later dates. In Cotabato, the first school was
established in 1903 inside military camps for Moros who wanted to serve the American
Army. Lanao had literacy schools for Moro soldiers only in 1904. Other areas of
Minsupala would follow at a much later date.
Act #718 of 1903 – This law declared null and void all land grants made by Moro
Datus/sultans and chiefs of non-Christian tribes when made without government
authority or consent.
Act #926 of 1903 (Public Land Act) – This act declared as public (i.e., government)
lands, all lands not registered under Act No. 496 of 1902. Under this law, public lands
were to be disposed of in three ways: by homestead, purchase (by individual or
corporation), and lease.
The Mining Law of 1905 – This law declared all public lands in the Philippines as free,
open for exploration, occupation and purchase by citizens of the Philippines and the
United States.
The Cadastral Act of 1907 – This law was designed to facilitate the acquisition of
new landholdings. This law was deemed to have allowed the educated natives (Indios
and Non-Indios) bureaucrats, and American land speculators, who were more familiar
with the bureaucratic process, to legalize claims usurped through fraudulent surveys.
169
This is borne out by archival documents kept by the Bureau of Insular Affairs, Record Group 350,
particularly files # 873. These colonies were set up with the help of Datu Piang and his son, Abdullah. The
plan was approved by General John Pershing, then Governor of the Moro Province. This project was
funded initially for Fifty Thousand Pesos in August 1913 and subsequently increased to Four Hundred
Thousand Pesos by the Philippine Commission. General John J. Pershing considered the Moro colonies the
“most far reaching public enterprise yet undertaken by the government…” See his letter to Frank
Carpenter, July 9, 1913, BIA #873; also Frank Carpenter to Frank McIntyre, November 14, 1913, BIA #
873-5.
84
Act 2874 of 1919 – This law allowed Christian settlers to homestead 24 hectares while
non-Christians were only allowed 10 hectares. Corporations were allowed 1,024
hectares170
As a consequence of these laws, many of the Moros and Lumads would be marginalized
and alienated. The Land Registration Act of 1902 and Public Land Act of 1903, in
particular, were responsible for turning many of the natives into squatters of their own
lands. Aside from the fact that many of them were ignorant of the process of land
registering and titling, the government did not exert enough effort to assist the Moros
and Lumads in acquiring titles to the lands they were occupying.
d. Making Mindanao Part of the US Territory
American colonial policy also suffers from inconsistency, or executed differently in actual
practice. While it made Mindanao part of the Philippine Islands under the Treaty of
Paris, certain practices also showed that Americans wanted it for themselves. The
administration of the Moro Province unwittingly gave many American officials and
capitalists a reason to make it a permanent territory of the United States. It began in
1906 and intensified through the 1920s, when American planters (through the
Zamboanga Chamber of Commerce) with the backing of American officials petitioned
Washington to incorporate Mindanao into the US territory.171
In fact, Col. Ralph Hoyt, then acting governor of the Moro Province, echoed the same
stand in his 1909 annual report. He recommended that “Mindanao be segregated from
the rest of the Philippines and declared as a territory of the US, not as a colony but as
coaling stations and naval base with a civil-military government similar to the present
government of the Moro Province.” 172
Several missions or visits to the Philippines by high US officials (e.g., by Secretary

Dickinson in 1910, the Wood-Forbes Mission in 1921, and by Thompson in 1926) tended
to support this view on the ground that “Americans are in a better position than Filipinos
to govern the Moros,” “Filipinos are unfit for self-government,” and “Moros are united
for the continuation of American rule,” among other reasons. In fact, some Moro
petitions during these periods highlighted the plan to incorporate Mindanao into the US
rather than into the Philippines. Two of their many effects are worthnoting: they put a
barrier against the move for Philippine independence, and demonstrated that the
Filipinos were not yet politically mature to handle their own affairs even after a period of
Filipinization. Thus the Filipinos governing the Moros is untenable proposition. Between
1921 and 1927, the political climate in the Philippines under Governor General Leonard
Wood seems to have favored a continuing hold on the Philippine colony, and the
reversal of the Filipinization program under the Democratic era.
The move for Mindanao annexation reached its climax during this period. On June 21,
1926, New York Congressman Robert Bacon filed a bill in Congress for the “removal of
the Moro Province from the jurisdiction of the present Philippine government and
granting them a separate and distinct form of administration under direct authority of
the United States.”173 After it lapsed without action, another one was filed (HR 12772
and HR 15479, 69th US Congress, 1926). Known as the Bacon Bill, its aim was to
permanently annex Mindanao (excluding Misamis province), the Sulu Archipelago, and
Palawan into the US territory, ostensibly to lessen US dependence on imported rubber.
170
See Macapado Muslim op.cit. pp. 59-63.
171
One such petition is contained in the letter of D. G. Beebe, Secretary, Zamboanga Chamber of
Commerce, to the US President, Washington, D. C., Feb. 7, 1910, BIA #144464-18.
172
Cited in Beebe, op cit.
173
New York Times, June 12, 1926.
85
Conversely, it sought to detach this region from the Philippines as it posed an obstacle
for its independence.174 Though it received support from many American officials, it
unfortunately did not prosper. Mindanao would probably have taken the place of Hawaii
as the 50th state of USA. Note that Hawaii and the Philippines were annexed by the US
in the same year - 1898.
In the end, all these moves were defeated by counter protests among Filipino
nationalists, and by broader US policy (e.g., the Jones Act of 1916) determined to grant
independence to the Philippines in the near future. Overall, the effect is that they
reinforced the division between Moros and Christian Filipinos during that period (Fry,
1978; Magdalena, 1996). Frank Carpenter, Governor of the Department of Mindanao
and Sulu, observed that “American officials encouraged” such animosity.175 They also
planted the seed of a peculiar separatist movement in Mindanao waged more strongly
by Americans rather than by Moros.176 Pelzer177 concurred later: "such a separation has
been suggested repeatedly by Americans interested in plantation development who played
up the differences and antagonism between Christian and non-Christian Filipinos."
It must be clear to all of us now that if the Spaniards failed to conquer the Moros of
Mindanao and Sulu, the Americans in contrast had succeeded this time in incorporating
the Moro territories into the Philippine colony. American success was of course due to
superior military power combined with diplomacy and “divide and rule” strategy.
The Americans would strengthen their colonization efforts by tactfully extending

friendship to “friendly” Moros and Lumads so that, in time, the latter would become
loyal supporters and allies of the Americans. On the other hand, the new colonizers
never hesitated too in using force to deal with the recalcitrant and defiant elements,
especially among the Muslims. Soon, many of the Moros would realize that they were in
a situation within which they were powerless to change; and so many would eventually
succumb to the Americans. Subsequently, the once sovereign sultanates of
Maguindanao and Sulu would be relegated to the status of “de jure” governments
inasmuch as actual power was then in the hands of the Americans and their native allies
and supporters.
The American policies, especially the Public Land Laws, should enlighten us too that it
was not the ordinary “Christian” natives who began the idea of taking the ancestral
lands of the Moros and Lumads. In fact, the American colonizers even had a hard time
convincing the first “Christian” volunteers to migrate to Mindanao. It thus appears
American colonial policies were responsible for starting the systematic, massive and
institutional marginalization of the Moros and Lumads, which unfortunately continued
and even intensified during the succeeding Philippine governments.
174
Howard T. Fry, "The Bacon Bill of 1926: New Light on an Exercise in Divide-and-Rule," Philippine Studies
26 (1978).
175
Letter of Frank Carpenter to Frank McIntyre, January 22, 1928, BIA # 5075-183. In part, he says: “The
Moro and the tribal peoples are very keen to guess what a visiting Governor-General wishes to hear when
he inspects their regions and if he is an American they always assume he wishes to hear criticisms of
Christian Filipinos… The fact is the Moros and tribal peoples get on together and with the Christian
Filipinos very well when not encouraged otherwise by Americans.”
176
Forbes, however, noted that some of the Moro petitions for US annexation of Mindanao during the
period were instigated or prepared by the Americans themselves. One such petition was that in 1921
when 52 Moro datus and 5 Americans asked the US government to make Sulu a permanent territory of
the United States. The American officials “were the first to sign” and “likely had prepared the same,”
opines Forbes. W. Cameron Forbes, The Philippine Islands, Vol. II (New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1928,
pp. 475-486).
177
Karl J. Pelzer, Pioneer Settlement in Asiatic Tropics.( New York: American Geographic Society, 1945), p.
129.
86
The public laws, which are discriminatory and unfair to the Moros and Lumads, are very
instructive in that they exemplify the structural violence at that time. By the term
structural violence, we actually refer to those structures and institutions in society that
harm people by preventing them from meeting their needs. If laws of a particular
government only favour the majority and discriminates its minority constituents, we
certainly cannot expect the latter to appreciate and be loyal to that government. Hence,
it is important for a government to be very sensitive and responsive to the needs of her
constituents be they part of the majority or minority to ensure the loyalty of the people.
It is ironic that while American policy expressed unification of the Philippine islands and
their peoples for nationhood, many American officials and businessmen also showed a
desire to appropriate Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan to serve their own interest and cater
to their own development. Under the guise of irreconcilable differences between Moros
and Christian Filipinos, and their obligation to protect the Moros and Lumads, they
proposed – but unsuccessfully - to make the southern islands as permanent territory of
the United States. Some Moro leaders supported the Americans in this self-serving
motive. This pattern was similar to the experience of some Pacific nations like Hawaii,
which was also annexed in 1898.
If we are to learn from this chapter of our history, we need to avoid making the same
mistake of repeating it. We also need to prevent so-called class legislations, or laws that
give preferential treatment to a particular group while depriving and discriminating
others.
Activity 1.Read the Benevolent Assimilation of President McKinley in Box 9-1. Write a
reflective essay in not more than 100 words.
Photo credit by Stuart Creighton Miller
Activity 2. Watch the short documentary film entitled “Spanish-American War in the
Philippines”. Available https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CaOKfu7ZK7I&t=46s. Write a
reflective essay in not more than 100 words one half cross wise.
87
Activity 3. Record a video of yourself by presenting your understanding and analysis
based on the four questions in the module. Video must be three to 5 minutes only.
VI. References
Agoncillo, Teodoro A. and Mangahas, Fe B. (2010) Philippine History: Expanded and

Updated Version. C & E Publishing, Inc.
Agoncillo, Teodoro A. (1974) Introduction to the Filipino History. Garotech Publishing,
Quezon City.
Bureau of Insular Affairs (BIA, or Record Group 350). National Archives, Washington,
D.C. Among the files referenced to are: Beebe, D. G., Zamboanga Chamber of
Commerce, letter to the US President, Washington, D. C., February 7, 1910, BIA
#144464-18, and Frank Carpenter, letter to General Frank McIntyre, January 22, 1928,
BIA # 5075-153.
De Viana, Augusto V. (2011) The Philippines: A Story of a Nation. Rex Bookstore, Inc.
Dumindin, Arnaldo. http://philippineamericanwar.webs.com/mockbattleofmanila.htm.
Forbes, W. Cameron (1928) The Philippine Islands, Vol. II (New York: Houghton Mifflin
Co.).
Fry, Howard T. (1978) "The Bacon Bill of 1926: New Light on an Exercise in Divide-and-
Rule," Philippine Studies 26: 257-273.
Gowing, Peter G. (1983) Mandate in Moroland: The American Government of Muslim

Filipinos 1899-1920. New Day Publishers, Quezon City.
Kho, Madge. http://www.msc.edu.ph/centennial/philam-documents.htm.
Magdalena, Federico V. (1996) "Moros and Americans in the Philippines," Philippine

Studies 43: 427-438.
Pelzer, Karl J. (1945) Pioneer Settlement in Asiatic Tropics. New York: American
Geographic Society.
Piedad-Pugay, Chris Antonette.The Treaty of Paris: An Instrument of Peace or an

Insignia of Betrayal?
http://www.nhcp.gov.ph/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=25
88
Saleeby, Najeeb M. (1913) The Moro Problem: An Academic Discussion of the History
and Solution of the Problem of the Government of the Moros of the Philippine Islands.
(Manila: Philippine Islands), 31 p.
Tan, Samuel K.(1987) A History of the Philippines. The University of the Philippines
Press, Quezon City.
Wernsdtedt, Frederick and Paul D. Simkins. (1965) “Migrations and the Settlement of
Mindanao,” Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 25 (November): 83-103.
http://www.ncca.gov.ph/about-culture-and-arts/articles-on-c-n-
a/article.php?igm=2&i=191.
http://www.chrispforr.net/row3/americans/pdf/chapter7.pdf.
89
Module 10
THE COMMONWEALTH PERIOD
Emily C.Togores1 & Juvanni A.Caballero2

1
Social Science Dept, MSU-MSAT, 2History Dept, MSU-IIT
I. Objectives
questions:
1. What were the events that precipitated to the creation of the Commonwealth
government in the Philippines?
2. What was the purpose of creating the Philippine Commonwealth?
3. What were the varied reactions of the Moros towards the issue of Philippine
independence?
4. What were Quezon’s policies towards Mindanao and how did these affect the
Moros and Lumads?
II. Introductory Activity:
To motivate discussions, the instructor may opt to start the session with the following:
1. Show the documentary film on the life of Manuel L. Quezon available at

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VQfAvUIvYF8;
2. Let the students read Chapter 5 of Salah Jubair’s Bangsamoro: A Nation Under
Endless Tyranny, pp. 98-111.
3. Read “Evolution of the Maranao Bangsa in the Statements of Maranao Leaders,
1903-1935” Langkit Vol. 2, No. 2 June – December 2009, pp. 57-75.
III.Lesson Proper
1. What were the events that precipitated the creation of the Commonwealth
government in the Philippines?
It must be recalled that as a matter of justifying their acquisition of the

Philippines as a colony, the United States had to announce to the world that she was
taking the Philippines for benevolent and noble purposes. This was what the United
States made clear when President McKinley said in the Benevolent Assimilation
Proclamation that the Philippines are not theirs to exploit but to develop, civilize,
educate and train the Filipinos in the science of self-government.
Banking on the American promise of training them in the science of self-

government, Filipino leaders and politicians would then agitate for more participation
and autonomy. Thus, as early as 1902, the United States had to pass a Philippine Bill
which promised independence to Filipinos “as soon as a stable government is
established in the Philippines”.
Initially, Filipinos were excited to imagine the United States returning their stolen
independence. But more than 10 years had already passed; yet, there seemed to be no
serious move on the part of the American government to really grant Philippine
Independence. Filipino politicians realized that the word “soon” was very ambiguous as
it was not clearly defined in the bill how soon was “soon”. Thus, Filipino leaders would
lobby once more to pressure the American government to stand by her promise of
90
independence. Along with other factors, Filipino pressure would eventually succeed in
convincing the United States to pass the Jones Law in 1916, which expedited the
process of Filipinization and granted more autonomy to the Filipinos. But in general
however, the Jones Law simply reiterated what the Philippine Bill of 1902 promised, i.e.,
to grant Philippine independence “as soon as a stable government is established
therein”.178
For quite some time, Filipino politicians would content themselves with the Jones
Law. Yet again, they suspected that the Americans were not serious in their promise of
independence after seeing another decade with no tangible actions. Thus, two
successive independence missions were sent to the United States: one led by Sergio
Osmeña and Manuel Roxas in 1931; the other would be headed by Manuel L. Quezon in
1933.179 The latter mission would eventually result to the Tydings-McDuffie Act which
created the Philippine Commonwealth.
2. What was the purpose of creating the Philippine Commonwealth?
The purpose of creating the Philippine Commonwealth was actually anchored on

the self-proclaimed American mandate of “educating and training the Filipinos in the
science of self-government”. It is supposed to be the ultimate exemplification of
“Filipinization” where Filipinos could demonstrate that they were indeed capable of
governing themselves and run their own affairs. In other words, the commonwealth was
deemed to be a transition period where the administrative skills of the Filipinos are
honed before they could be granted “absolute” independence. It was supposed to last
10 years (i.e. 1935-1945) but due to World War II, independence was only granted in
1946.
3. What were the varied reactions of the Moros towards the issue of
Philippine independence?
Moro reaction towards the Commonwealth and the issue of Philippine

Independence was actually varied. Some favored independence with the Christian
Filipinos while others wanted separate independence. Some suggested to stay under
American protection for a while others wanted to be under the United States forever.
The Moros who wanted independence with the Christian Filipinos were mostly
“leaders who had benefited from the Philippine State system, having been appointed to
national or provincial offices, or who had been closely associated with Christian Filipinos
in politics or business”.180 Also included among them were Moros who realized that
resistance was futile; and that they should “make the best out of the situation they were
powerless to change”.181 Some really favored independence with the Christian Filipinos
as it was their sincere conviction to be so. A concrete example was Datu Auraya
Dianalan who said in the August 22, 1926 issue of the Tribune:
We are not like carabaos that Americans pull to one side and Christian
Filipino to another. We have proper convictions and we do not (sic) the
178Only that it had the additional feature of Filipinization (or the gradual transfer of colonial
administration from American to Filipino hands).
179 This Mission was known as the OsRox mission which left to lobby in the United States in
December 1931. In 1933, the said mission secured an independence act known as the Hare-
Hawes Cutting Act. This act would be rejected by Quezon and the Philippine legislature and in
November 1933, Quezon left for the US and succeeded in securing the Tydings-McDuffie Act. See
Teodoro Agoncillo. History of the Filipino People (Quezon City: Garotech Publishing, 1990), p.345-
350.
180 See Gowing, Muslim Filipinos p.172.
181 Ibid. p. 173.
91
dismemberment of our country and the separation of our territory from
that of our Christian brothers.182
Datu Facundo Mandi, during the unofficial independence congress called in

February 1930, also introduced a resolution which read in part:
“That in a clear and unequivocal way it may be made known that

Mohammedans, like their brethren the Christian Filipinos want the
absolute, complete and immediate independence of the Philippines and
that they protest against any intent to divide and disintegrate them.183
In a speech delivered in August 1931, Datu Ibra, Lanao delegate to the House of
Representatives was also noted to have said:
After all, the inhabitants of Mindanao and Sulu and the inhabitants of
Luzon and Visayas are brothers in fact. We are of the same race and
there runs in our veins the same blood. We inhabit a group of islands,
which Providence has given us. We must live not only as friendly
neighbors but as brothers in fact...184
Of course there were those who did not want the idea of becoming independent
with the Christian Filipinos. They ranged from those who considered the latter as their
traditional enemies up to those who feared Moro interests and concerns would not be
heard or addressed once they were merged with the Christian majority. The statements
of Datu Sacaluran and Hadji Abdul Kamid Bogabong are representative of these:
I am an old man now. I do not want any more trouble. But if it should
come to that, we shall be given over to the Filipinos, I would still fight.185
Along with other signatories, Hadji Abdul Kamid Bogabong in the so-called
Dansalan Declaration dated March 18, 1935 also expressed the following concerns to
this effect:
…One more discriminatory act of our Christian Filipino Associates is

shown in the recent constitution of the Philippine Commonwealth. In that
constitution, no provision whatsoever is made that would operate for the
welfare of the Moros… the (provisions of the) constitution are all for the
welfare of the Christian Filipinos and nothing for the Moros. As a proof of
this, our delegate did not sign the constitution…186
(Thus) should the American people grant the Philippine independence,

the islands of Mindanao and Sulu should not be included…187
While the above statements manifested clear stands on the issue of

independence, another type of reaction however is also interesting to note; i.e., those
who wanted to stay under American rule forever. Hadji Abdullah and Datu Dimaampao
Dangcal are representative of this:
182 Auraya Dianalan, Ibra and Other Lanao Datus. “We have our convictions, Datu claims”,
Tribune, 22 August 1926. Box 28-34, Hayden papers. Copy at MSRC, MSU, Marawi City.
183 Datu Facundo Mandi. Proceedings of the First Independence Congress cited in Gowing, loc.
cit.
184 “Datu Ibra Makes Plea for Mindanao in Maiden Speech” Herald, 4 August 1931. Box 28-34,
Hayden Papers Copy at MSRC, MSU, Marawi City.

185 War Department Report in Salah Jubair p. 89 Original and unedited text is available at the
Peter Gowing Memorial Center, Dansalan College, Marawi City)

186 The only delegate who did not sign the 1935 Constitution was actually Tomas Cabili, the
Christian representative from Lanao.

187 Salah Jubair, Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless Tyranny (Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: IQ
Marin SDN BHD, 1999), pp. 109-110.

92
We, the undersigned datus in favor of late Amai Manabilang, who had
been the foremost Americanista party for many years and until his death,
respectfully send this communication to his Excellency, the President of
the United States of America, to request that the American people must
not give us to any other race except the American people.188
Corroborating the above statement is the letter of Datu Dimaampao Dangcal of

Dansalan, which said:
We would like to be under the American rule forever. We do not want

independence… We have found out that Americans as a people are kind,
honest and just.189
By appealing not to give the Moros “to any other people except the Americans”
and by clearly stating that they wanted “to be under American rule forever”, Hadji
Abdullah and Datu Dimaampao must have thought that only the Americans could
provide the Moros an impartial and disinterested leadership. Thus, one possible
interpretation of these statements is that these Moro leaders did not even want the
Moros to govern themselves taking into consideration the traditional loyalties and socio-
political organization of the various Moro groups.
Anyhow, the petition letters not favoring the granting of Philippine independence
would all be ignored in the Philippines and the United States. Hence, history would take
a course in such a way that the Moros and Lumads would be incorporated into the
Philippine body politic whether they liked it or not.
4. What were Quezon’s policies towards Mindanao and how did these affect
the Moros and Lumads?
When Manuel L. Quezon assumed the Commonwealth presidency, he identified

three (3) major priorities, namely: 1.) Development of Mindanao for the sake of the
National Economy, 2.) Strengthening security in Mindanao as part of national security,
and 3.) The advancement and integration of the Moro population. The first two priorities
caught much of Quezon’s attention and energy so that very little was left for the third
and last priority.
To better understand these priorities, we may quote the observations of Peter

Gowing. In view of the first priority, he said:
The Commonwealth in 1935 was faced with a depressed economy

dependent upon free trade with the United States which, was soon to
end. In addition, the northern and central provinces of the nation were
overpopulated and dissident farmers and underemployed persons were
presenting increasingly serious socio-economic and political problems.
The Mindanao-Sulu region was seen as the answer. Its vast undeveloped
agricultural lands could grow a variety of new export crops such as
rubber, cotton and cacao which together with expanded production of
the old export crops (copra, sugar and tobacco) would improve export,
trade and renew national prosperity. Moreover the region provided ample
space for large numbers of migrants from the northern and central
188 Letter of Hadji Abdullah of Marawi to the President of the United States of America dated May
16, 1934. Copy at MSRC, MSU Marawi City.
189 Letter of Datu Dimaampao Dangcal of Dansalan to Governor-General Frank Murphy dated
May 15 1934. Hayden Papers Box. 28-11 copy at MSRC, MSU Marawi City.
93
provinces, promising relief from the population pressures and
concomitant problems in those places.190
In other words, the first priority of the Quezon administration meant that
Mindanao was to be developed, not necessarily for the sake of Mindanao and its native
inhabitants but for the sake of the national government and economy which then (and
maybe up to now) was Luzon or Manila-centered. Indeed, describing Mindanao as the
“Land of Promise” could not simply be appreciated by many of the indigenous
inhabitants (Moros and Lumads) of the island.
Regarding the second priority, the government of Quezon perceived two major
threats to national security in Mindanao: First, was the existence of many non-Christian
populations (Moros and Lumads) in Mindanao and Sulu; and second, was the existence
of a growing colony of Japanese agriculturists and entrepreneurs in Davao. The first was
considered a threat because the non-Christian tribes were perceived to be not loyal to
the Philippine government while the second was considered bothersome because
Japanese expansionism in Asia was common knowledge already as early as the late
1920s. To address these threats therefore, the Commonwealth government of Quezon
would encourage substantial numbers of Christian natives from Luzon and Visayas to
migrate to Mindanao and Sulu. Government encouragement this time was so remarkable
that migration into the region from 1936 onwards would even surpass the rate of
migration recorded during the American period. In this vein, the Commonwealth
government would also contribute to make the Mindanao situation worse. How? The
observation of Peter Gowing is again quoted:
Migration, then was part of the solution to both the economic and
security problem of the nation. Lanao and Cotabato were the two
Moroland provinces most dramatically affected by the influx of settlers.
The Moros found themselves at a disadvantage because of differences in
the enlightenment between themselves and the newcomers. They did not
understand or want to understand, the land registration procedure
process strange to their notions of communal rather than individual
ownership of land. The government officials they turned to for counsel
were often too busy to help. And when some did manage to file their
registration papers they were disheartened by the uncertainty and delay
in getting them approved.191
Regarding the third priority, the Commonwealth government also did exert some
efforts. However, these efforts/moves seemed to do more harm than help. For instance,
Quezon seemed to view integration as attainable only through applying the same rules
to Christians and non-Christians, which somehow transgressed the limits of cultural
sensitivities of many Moro and Lumad groups. Respect for cultural pluralism and
diversity seemed not viable to Quezon. We can perhaps imagine the impact of his
speech delivered before a sensitive Maranao audience on June 6, 1936:
“You the Mohammedans and you, the Christians, constitute one people
and over you preside a chief Executive and a National Assembly elected
by you, and you alone. Mohammedan Filipinos will receive exactly the
same treatment as Christian Filipinos. In this country, Mohammedan
Filipinos will feel the weight of the hand of justice as much as the
Christian Filipinos, if they violate our laws.192
Indeed, Quezon was talking of laws that would be applied to Christians and non-
Christians as if they were a homogeneous people. He was somehow insinuating that
what is “okay” to the Christian majority will also be “okay” to the non-Christian minority.
190 See Gowing, op. cit. p.175.

191 Ibid.
192 Ibid. p. 176.
94
Quezon never realized that he has collided with cultural institutions of the Lumads and
the Moros. For instance, if the state recognizes only monogamous marriages because
the culture of the Christian majority dictates, the Moros and Lumads will certainly be
alienated because it makes their second and succeeding marriages illegal. Consequently,
second and succeeding wives and the children of these women were also made
illegitimate by the uniform application of law.
Then Quezon in another instance also said:
The Sultans have no more rights than the humblest Moro and that under
my administration the humblest Moro will be given as much protection as
any datus under the law, and his rights will be recognized exactly as the
rights of the datu will be and that every datu will have to comply with his
duties as a citizen to the same extent and in the same manner that the
humblest Moro is obligated...193
Quezon and his government would then proceed to abolish various laws, which
somehow gave the Moros and Lumads distinct treatment during the American colonial
period. In January 1937, for instance, Quezon would abolish the Bureau of Non-
Christian Tribes, which was the only government agency that tried to meet the special
needs of the non-Christians administratively. He would also “end official recognition of
the civil titles held by Moros and valued by them as expressive of their traditional social
system”. He would also abolish the Moro Board, which was established to settle some
religious disputes according to traditional laws. The justification of Quezon was that its
abolition would force Moros “to take their cases to the regular courts of justice or bring
extra-judicial cases for amicable settlement to the local mayors or other officials”. What
Quezon failed to realize was the fact that he had totally scrapped the traditional system
of governance that was functioning well and most appropriate to the local culture. He
also failed to realize that by replacing the traditional leaders with salaried officials, he
was actually corrupting the concept of leadership among the Moros.
How was this? Well, before, when the natives were still traditionally governed
through their traditional leaders like the Sultan or Datu, the traditional leader did not
have a salary. Yet, in spite of that, he (the datu or sultan) used to give the biggest gift
every time a constituent was to be married; He would also give the biggest amount of
donation to the family of a deceased follower; He would spend his own money to initiate
community projects or activities; He would also put his life at risk by leading in
protecting his community during conflict or war. All these he would give in exchange for
people’s genuine respect.
But what happened to native leadership when it was replaced with a totally
western and alien form of government? Well, the leader aside from the fact that he
receives a handsome salary, he would also receive other amounts194 supposedly for
various activities and projects. From these handsome amounts, he could slash another
substantial amount to fill his pocket and enrich himself. Because of the many benefits,
the new positions even become a source of conflict and violence between families, clans
or even individuals who are related by blood. In other words, there are certain features
of the new system of governance which radically altered the notion of “governance and
leadership” among the natives.
IV.Peace Value/Challenge
The original concept of the Commonwealth government was actually to provide a good
training ground for Filipino leaders in preparation for their eventual independence. It is
193Ibid. p.178
194In the contemporary period, these would include the Internal Revenue Allotment or IRA, the
Countrywide Development Funds or Pork Barrel, commissions in project contracts, and the great
chance of employing relatives (both the living and the dead) while a politician is still in power.
95
supposed to be a training for homegrown locals who will eventually lead their own
people and communities after American departure. It was supposed to be a learning
opportunity for all (i.e. not only for a specific group but for all Filipinos, regardless of
religious and ethnic affiliations). Yet, while the “Christian” Filipino politicians were happy
about this development, the Moros and Lumads however felt they were largely excluded
in the exercise because apparently most of the key positions (both in the national and
local levels) were given to “Christian” Filipino leaders.
In fairness to the latter, they reaped most of the advantages because they were more
familiar with colonial administration having experienced more than three centuries of
colonization under the Spaniards. Besides, their exposure to western education was far
ahead than that of the Moros and Lumads so that by the time the Philippine
Commonwealth was created, they were seen by the Americans as better qualified and
prepared to lead and govern. If there were Mindanao natives who were able to
participate in the commonwealth government, they were very few; i.e., only those who
availed of the education the Americans gave prior to the commonwealth era. On the
whole however, the Moros and Lumads were largely marginalized.
Quezon’s policies towards Mindanao were understandably to strengthen a starting

central government. He ought to demonstrate power and will in the hope of earning the
obedience and respect of his constituents. However, his policies were not sensitive to
the needs and peculiarities of Mindanao and its native inhabitants. This is so because he
thought of exploiting Mindanao’s natural resources for the sake of the National or
Central Government,195 which at that time was largely Manila-centered. This kind of
policy cannot be expected to promote national solidarity and cohesiveness. If a
government ought to exploit the natural resources of a certain community, it should
return the benefits to that community if it wants to earn the latter’s respect and loyalty.
Quezon’s idea of applying the same laws and policies to all Filipinos, offer both
advantages and disadvantages. On one hand, it somehow prepares the diverse Filipinos
to recognize one government and one authority. It surely stresses the idea that all
Filipino citizens are equal before the law. On the other hand, however, the uniform
application of policies somehow overlooks our diversity as a people. It trampled down
some of the long-held traditions instead of adopting them to be more functional and
effective instrument of the new government (e.g. the traditional leaders like the Datus,
Timuay and Sultans). To many of the Moros and Lumads, ignoring the traditional laws
and cultural practices was a sign of cultural insensitivity on the part of the new
government; a sign of cultural chauvinism of the “Christian” Filipino majority; a
manifestation that the government wants to eliminate their culture. Hence, instead of
promoting confidence in the new government, Quezon’s policies became a source of
insecurity for many of the Moros and Lumads.
The thought of Philippine independence after the commonwealth surely politicized the
Moro people. It generated various thoughts and opposing sentiments among them.
Some favored independence with the Christian Filipinos; others wanted a separate
state; while still others desired to permanently become part of the United States of
America. These various reactions were indeed manifestations of the diverse thoughts
and sentiments of a population that is becoming politically mature. If we read through
the lines in their petitions, the growing political maturity is evident. If only there were
consultations, where people’s opinions were seriously taken into consideration before
imposing a highly unitary and centralized form of government, perhaps rebellion,
secessionism and armed conflict is not a problem today.
If there are ultimate lessons to learn from this part of our history, it would be the lesson
of “multi-stakeholders approach” and “inclusive governance and development”. By those
terms, we actually mean that for major issues to be resolved, we need to consult the
195Note that it is not for the sake of Mindanao and its inhabitants but for the sake of the central
government.
96
various stakeholders in order to come up with compromises and win-win solutions for
all.
Activity 1. Watch the documentary film on the life of Manuel L. Quezon, available at
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ITsFFnht8Do. In 5 sentences, summarize his
contributions to Philippine independence.
President Manuel L. Quezon during the Commonwealth Government. Photo credits by

Wikipedia
Activity 2. Fill in the table below according to what you have understood from the module. Use
simpler words to make a comprehensive sentence.
Questions Definitions Analysis Evaluation
What is Commonwealth
Government?
Why it was created?
How did Quezons’s

policies affects the
Moros and Lumad?
97
VI. References
Teodoro Agoncillo. History of the Filipino People (Quezon City: Garotech Publishing,
1990).
Peter Gowing. Muslim Filipinos: Heritage and Horizon. Publisher, date?
Auraya Dianalan, Ibra and Other Lanao Datus. “We have our convictions, Datu claims”,
Tribune, 22 August 1926. Box 28-34, Joseph R. Hayden papers. Copy at MSRC, MSU,
Marawi City.
“Datu Ibra Makes Plea for Mindanao in Maiden Speech” Mindanao Herald, 4 August
1931. Box 28-34, Hayden Papers Copy at MSRC, MSU, Marawi City.
Salah Jubair Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless Tyranny (Kuala Lumpur,

Malaysia: IQ Marin SDN BHD, 1999)
Letter of Hadji Abdullah of Marawi to the President of the United States of America, May
Letter of Datu Dimaampao Dangcal of Dansalan to Governor-General Frank Murphy,

May
15 1934. Hayden Papers Box. 28-11 copy at MSRC, MSU Marawi City.
98
Module 11
THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION AND ITS AFTERMATH
By: Manuel S. Lam and Geoffrey Salgado

MSU Tawi-Tawi College of Technology and Oceanography &
MSU Iligan Institute of Technology
A. The Sulu Guerrilla Movement: 1942-1945 (M. Lam)
I- Objectives
questions:
1. What were the conditions obtaining in Sulu Archipelago immediately before the
invasion and occupation by the Japanese Imperial Forces?
2. What were the people’s reactions to the Japanese invasion and occupation of the
area?
3. How was the Sulu guerrilla movement established?
4. What were the contributions of the Sulu guerrillas to the national resistance
movement and the liberation of the Philippines from the Japanese Imperial
Forces?
5. How did World War II affect the Moro-Christian relationship?
II-Introductory Activity: Oral tradition on the Japanese Period in Philippine

History.
The teacher may encourage the students to relate stories about the Philippines during
World War II, particularly the advent of the Japanese invading army and their
occupation of the country. They may draw on Sulu oral history like that of kissa (ballad)
and kata-kata (folktale) depicting the people’s experience during the war, and the local
guerrilla resistance movement against the Japanese.
II-Lesson Proper
The American acquisition of sovereignty over the Philippines, including Mindanao and
Sulu had been met with resistance by the Christians, Moros and Lumads in varying
forms and degrees. The Moros’ uprisings and movements within the first decades of
American rule were motivated by colonialism, religious beliefs, government policies and
local rivalries.196
It took the Americans more than a decade to pacify and subdue the Moros of Mindanao
and Sulu. In the succeeding years, Moro armed disturbances were less pronounced. In
1914, the military government was replaced by civilian rule. In 1920, effective control of
Mindanao and Sulu passed to the hands of Filipinos, mostly Christians. This aimed to
integrate the Moros into the main Philippine body politic.
The Filipinization of the civil government in the Moro region met defiance by the Moros.
They believed they were discriminated against, as the Christians, with better
qualifications, landed in important positions in the bureaucracy. Centuries of mutual
suspicion and animosity hindered a harmonious Moro-Christian coexistence. Brig. Gen.
Samuel K. Tan, The Filipino Muslim Armed Struggle, 1990-1972 (Manila Filipinas
196
Foundation Inc., 1977) pp. 18-52.
99
Pershing, believing in the merits of Moro opposition to Christian Filipino government,
noted:197
At the outset, we find that, although these people have always lived as
neighbors, they have never mingled, and know practically nothing of each
other. It is a rare thing to meet a Filipino who speaks Moro or vice versa. The
natural feeling between the Moro and the Filipino is one of antipathy and hatred
founded upon the religious and racial strife extending over hundreds of years.
The Filipino regards the Moro as a barbarian or a savage, while the Moro thinks
the Filipino as inferior, fit only to be his slave. They are in no sense brothers,
but are irreconcilable strangers and enemies in every sense.
Moro leaders sent petitions to American and Filipino authorities up to the end of
American rule to treat them as entities distinct from the Christians and other non-Muslim
peoples. They desired either to have a separate government or continued American
rule.198
During the Commonwealth period, Moro support to the Philippine Independence

Movement came largely from Moro leaders who had been prominent in political and
business circles under the Philippine government. Among them were Hadji Butu and
Gulamu Rasul of Sulu, Datu Facundo Mandi of Zamboanga, and Sultan Alaoya Alonto of
Lanao.199 4
Moro resentment at and defiance of the Commonwealth government were expressed in

pocket armed disturbances although not in a scale as large as those during the early
phase of American rule. Except for minor armed movements, Sulu enjoyed a period of
relative calm. The people devoted themselves to productive pursuits. Education was
increasingly held as an instrument for growth and development and democratic
concepts and processes were gradually adopted. This relative peace and progress was
however rudely interrupted by the Japanese invasion on Christians Eve, 1941.
Japanese Invasion and Occupation of Sulu
Shortly after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, Honolulu, Japanese bombers dropped their
lethal sticks in Davao, Baguio, Pampanga, and Zambales. The first aim in the attacks on
the Philippines was to destroy the US Far East Air Force. To provide bases from which
Japanese aircraft could operate, separate landings were made at Batanes Island,
Legaspi, the Lingayen Area, Davao and Jolo.200 5
The invasion of Davao and Jolo showed the Japanese interest in southern Philippines.
These two points were of strategic importance as they could secure airbases for the
southern push into Borneo which was much coveted for its oil.
The Japanese forces invaded Jolo on Christian Eve, 1941. It was a shock to the people
of Sulu. Although they were aware of the developments of the war, they never thought
they would be directly involved in it. They could not imagine that the war would reach
their place and on Christian Eve! Although predominantly Muslim, Sulu Archipelago had
Christians eagerly preparing for the traditional Christmas celebration.
197
Annual Report of the Governor of the Moro Province for the fiscal year ended June
30, 1913 (Zamboanga: The Mindanao Herald Pub. Co., 1913), p. 60.
198
A petition signed by 57 prominent leaders of Sulu declared that the people of Sulu wanted
the Sulu Archipelago to be made a permanent American territory. This petition is quoted partly
in Peter C. Gowing, Muslim Filipino – Heritage and Horizon (Quezon City: New Day
Publishers 1979), pp. 168-169.
199
Ibid. p. 172.
200
U.S Strategic Bombing Survey (Pacific) The Campaigns of the Pacific War (Washington:
U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946). pp. 27-28.
100
Shortly before the invasion, these were rumors that Jolo might be invaded. Aside from
the Cadre training for officers, the Philippine Constabulary had been mobilized as part of
the United States Army Forces in the Far East (USAFFE). Auxiliary forces and volunteer
guards were formed. Blackout rehearsals were conducted. But the people never took
the war seriously.
The Japanese landing forces met a very weak resistance, the fighting lasting only about
two hours. The defenders’ inadequate and crude weapons were no match to the
invaders’ superior fighting power.
Sulu in prewar times had enjoyed a blissful peace broken only by minor outbursts of
violence committed by cattle rustlers and bandits. The Japanese invasion and
occupation of the area wrote another bloody chapter to the history of Sulu. The
Japanese went on a killing rampage. Those who escaped to the hills met a worse enemy
- the bandits who lost no time in taking advantage of the chaos. Most of the evacuees
returned to Jolo and surrendered to the Japanese after a brief stay in the jungles. The
situation worsened when pirates struck terror in the islands. With renascent force,
outlawry spread from Jolo to the outlying coastal areas.
While Jolo had already been occupied by the Japanese forces, the 8th and 9th Sulu
companies of the Philippine Constabulary in Batu-Batu, Tawi-Tawi, and Siasi, Sulu, were
still intact and managed to maintain peace and order and their subsistence was obtained
on credit by then Major Alejandro Suarez who was serving as Sulu’s Provincial PC
Commander and acting Provincial Governor at the time of the Japanese invasion of Jolo.
Since 1937 two sultanates had coexisted – Sultan Ombra’s and Sultan Mohammad Jainal
Abirin II’s. Thus, many of the related families of the western sector of Jolo were pro-
Japanese, as their leader, Sultan Ombra, was persuaded by the Japanese to recognize
the civil government. Later, even his political rival, Hadji Gulamu Rasul, voiced his
support for the Japanese in a February radio broadcast in Manila.201 Opposition to the
Ombra administration came from the followers of Sultan Abirin, mostly in eastern Jolo.
Many Moro leaders, like their Christians counterparts, cooperated with the Japanese.
While some might have been motivated by personal vested interest, most of them
accepted government positions only to tide their people over difficult times during the
Japanese occupation. Most of their people understood their intentions and some of them
were even elected to high positions in the government after the war.
Conditions in the Sulu Archipelago were propitious for the establishment of a guerrilla
movement. There were few casualties among Filipino military and civil leaders, most of
whom cooperated with the resistance forces. Sulu has many scattered and isolated
islands where the enemy was rarely, if ever, seen. It has a terrain suitable for guerrilla
warfare. With enemy activities mainly limited to the control of a few coastal towns and
the patrol of roads and waterways, Sulu, with the exception of garrisoned coastal areas,
was virtually free from the Japanese following the surrender of USAFFE forces in May
1942. Japanese arrogance and atrocities were daily reminders for the Moros of their
bondage. Their warrior tradition which compelled them to face the Spaniards and the
Americans in countless battles was being tested anew with another enemy. Having
experienced a relatively humane and democratic government under the Americans, the
Moros, just like the Christians, had grown fond of, and had become loyal to the
Americans. Disregarding ill-feelings in the past, Moros and Christians in Sulu joined
hands in the resistance movement against the Japanese. Considering their ill-equipped
armory, they could at least paralyze the enemy’s war efforts through sabotage and
espionage. They had to keep the spirit of resistance alive at all cost, spurred by the
Ralph B. Thomas, “Muslim But Filipino: The Integration of Philippine Muslims, 1917-1946.”
201
Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, 1971. University of Pennsylvania.
101
hope of victory and material aid from the outside, until the coming of the American
forces. Thus, the Sulu guerrilla movement was born.202
The 125th Regiment
The Sulu guerrilla movement expressed the people’s intense love for freedom. The
guerrillas emerged to carry on the fight after the surrender of Bataan and Corregidor.
They started as small, scattered bands of vigilantes against brigands. Former soldiers
demobilized by the invasion was the nucleus of the guerrilla group. The arrival of the
“Fighting 21”, a small group composed mostly of soldiers, unified them into a guerrilla
outfit known as the Sulu Command, a part of the 10th Military District under Col. Wendell
Fertig. Soon thereafter, Col Alejandro Suarez came and assumed command, and his unit
was designated as the 125th infantry regiment of the Mindanao and Sulu Forces. In
areas not controlled by the Japanese, a rudimentary government was set up, supplies
organized and emergency guerrilla money printed.
Sulu Area Command
As supply and communication lines from Mindanao were tenuous, the Sulu forces were
eventually separated from the Mindanao Commands. Suarez was appointed
Commanding Officer by Gen. Douglas MacArthur of the Sulu Area command at a time
when the guerrillas were about to disintegrate.203 Following shipment of arms and
ammunition from Australia, Suarez reorganized his forces. Guerrilla activities were
intensified. Guerrilla operation extended to Borneo. Patriotic civilians contributed money
and arms. Some prominent Borneans had a stint with Sulu guerrilla forces.
The coming of some American, British and Australian officers and enlisted men to Sulu
in 1943 strengthened the Sulu Area Command. Largely through their work, successful
radio contacts with MacArthur’s headquarters were established. Since then, guerrilla
activities were monitored and directed by MacArthur. The foreigners helped in molding
the inept, bumbling, undisciplined warriors into a strong, efficient and well-trained
fighting unit. They organized the Signal Corps and taught the guerilla the Morse Code.
Intelligence reports were relayed to the GHQ in Australia. The foreigners’ presence
stoked the locals’ hope that the “Aid” would be coming and the liberation was only a
matter of time.
The Sulu people have oral traditions narrating the heroic exploits of the Sulu guerrillas.
One of these is a kissa which describes the extreme sufferings of the Sulu guerrillas
known locally as Tapikans. They were continually pursued by the Japanese and the
native policemen. Driven to the inhospitable jungles of Tawi-Tawi, they were reduced to
eating anything edible they could find. They forced themselves to eat a bitter fruit
known as tapikan from which they got their name, and even wild boars.204 As pork is
For a detailed account of the activities of the Sulu guerrilla movement during the Japanese
202
occupation, see Manuel S. Lam, “The Sulu Guerrilla Movement: 1942-1945,” M.A. thesis, 1982.
University of the Philippines.
203
In a radio massage dated 12 February 1944, MacArthur appointed Suarez as the head of the
Sulu Area Command. This was in line with the American policy of recognizing only those guerrilla
leaders who had occupied high military posts before the war. Being prominent, their pro-
American sentiments were well-known. MacArthur’s message, however, was only officially
circulated by Suarez’ headquarters in late 1944 to perk up the guerillas’ spirit which had reached
its nadir. See Col. Alejandro Suarez, Memoranda for all officers, Sulu Area Command, 24 October
1944.
204
Indah Annura, ‘Kissa kan Kalinggalan Kapag Bunuh Iban Jipon.”
102
taboo in Islam, they justified their eating pork by saying that they had to do it or they
would starve to death. Allah would surely understand.
In 1944, foreign support came in the form of submarine shipment of stores and
equipment. With substantial aid from the Southwest Pacific Area Command of
MacArthur, the Sulu guerrilla organization grew rapidly. Their offensive campaigns were
so effective that in a couple of months prior to the landing of American forces, they
were able to wrest from the Japanese actual control of the scattered islands. The only
notable concentration of Japanese troops was in Jolo where the enemy elected to make
their last stand in the hills.
The growth of the Sulu guerrilla resistance movement was based on four contributory
factors: the strong resolve of the people in the face of highhanded and cruel treatment
by the enemy; the isolation of the terrain which was conducive to guerrilla welfare; the
access to food supplies; and the relative weakness of the enemy who was never able to
extend his hold effectively beyond the garrisons in strategic sites. And with former
soldiers in some areas still intact to lead, the outfit gathered strength and proved
formidable following shipment of military hardware, including radios, from Australia.
Sulu Guerrilla Contributions
The Sulu guerrillas had undoubtedly given three valuable contributions to the
nationwide resistance against the Japanese Imperial Forces.
Firstly, they had offered sanctuary for some American, British and Australian soldiers
who had found themselves in the enemy-occupied Sulu areas during the war.
Secondly, they established an important intelligence network which extended to Borneo.

Radio dispatches on enemy and disposition were supplemented by intelligence reports
via submarines and hazardous personal missions to Australia. The volume of intelligence
reports from different radio stations throughout the country enabled MacArthur’s
headquarters to plan the Allied offensive campaigns with almost a sure hand leading
eventually to the invasion of the Philippines. Specifically, Tawi-Tawi coastwatchers had
contributed significantly to the American naval victory in a number of encounters with
the Japanese fleet, like the Battle of the Philippine Sea and the Battle for Leyte Gulf.
Thirdly, through the darkest period of Japanese occupation, they bravely kept alive the
spirit of resistance, harassing enemy garrisons, ambushing patrols, sabotaging the
enemy’s war operations, and boosting the people’s morale. Their success is evidenced
by the fact that the enemy’s strength was reduced to a few strongholds in the
mountains of Jolo shortly before the arrival of the American landing troops.
This then leads to the opinion that it was the Sulu guerrillas, and not the American
forces, who had actually liberated Sulu. Even in the mopping-up operations to flush out
Japanese soldiers from caves and dugouts, the Sulu guerrillas lent able assistance by
acting as guides and fought side by side with the American forces.
Postwar Sulu
With the end of World War II the people of Sulu moved on and tried to bring back
normalcy in their lives. But unlike in other parts of the country where there was palpable
hatred and animosity towards those who openly cooperated with the Japanese, in Sulu,
the people were considerate towards the collaborators. They believed that it was for
expediency and the collaborators had in fact interceded for those who earned the ire of
the enemy, and prevented more atrocities from being committed. Some of these later
occupied elective and appointive positions at the national and local levels.
103
A thorny issue in postwar Philippines was the war-damage payments to those officially
recognized as former guerrillas. And, just like in other areas, in Sulu many real guerillas
were not recognized by the USAFFE and were not entitled to back pay, while many
bogus guerrillas were able to claim back pay and pension. As pointed out earlier, the
war had forged a strong alliance between the Moros and the Christians, including the
mestizos, disregarding animosities in the past, in a joint effort to fight a common
enemy. This fostered a kind of personal relationship and psychological atmosphere that
would contribute to the development of Filipino nationhood. Whatever close
relationships between the Moros and the Christians brought about by their wartime
experience together would be severely tested some three decades later with the
outbreak of the Moro National Liberation Front rebellion.
IV-Concluding Peace Value/Statement
The Second World War, in all its horrific episodes, has shown that Filipinos, of whatever
creed, status, or affiliation, can work together toward common goals and objectives. In
Sulu Archipelago in particular, the Moros and Christians, including the Moro and Chinese
mestizos, set aside their centuries-old mutual suspicion and hatred, and fought side by
side to resist the onslaught of a much hated common enemy. The wartime experience
of the Sulu guerrillas is a testimony that the Filipino people of diverse socio-cultural,
political and economic backgrounds, can indeed be united, given the proper motivation,
driven by shared dreams and aspirations, can work together in defending their freedom
and homeland. The Mindanao Problem, for instance, can be resolved ultimately if all the
stakeholders, the Moros, the Christians and the Lumads, have a shared perception that
under a new political entity, nobody will be left behind or discriminated. With an
inclusive economic growth and development, all sectors will be benefited under a regime
of peace, harmony, equality and justice.
B. The Japanese Occupation in Mindanao and its Impact (G. Salgado)
In 1941, the existence of the commonwealth government would be interrupted

by the outbreak of World War II. President Quezon and other key officials of the
commonwealth government would then leave the Philippines for Australia and
eventually for the United States. There, Quezon would continue serving as president of
the de jure government while a Japanese-sponsored republic was being set-up headed
by President Jose P. Laurel.205
It must be recalled that the aim of the Japanese in joining World War II was for
her to build an empire and expand to Asia. Her main motivation on her Asian expansion
could be seen in the slogan “Asia for the Asians”.206 Such a slogan was actually
generated by the observation that Asian countries were being colonized by various
western colonizers; and therefore, in the Japanese perspective, it is better to expel the
westerners out of Asia and “liberate” Asians from western domination. Japan, in other
words, saw herself as leader of a self-proclaimed mandate of liberating Asia from the
west. In the process, the Japanese would find themselves invading various Asian
countries and struggling to expel westerners and replace themselves as colonizers of
various Asian countries.207
In Moroland, World War II would start with the Japanese invasion of Davao and
Jolo in December 1941. Four months later (i.e. April 1942), Cotabato and Lanao would
205
A “de jure government” is the legitimate government but does not have actual control of the
state. A “de facto government” is one that has no legal right but holds actual control of the state.
See Polsci reference.
206
Among other things, this was the slogan of the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere, the
Japanese propaganda to make their colonization efforts acceptable to other asian countries she
waned to colonize.
207
Japan may have thought that it is “better” for Asians to be exploited by fellow Asians like
them than Asians being exploited by Europeans or westerners.
104
also be invaded. The occupation of these places was meant to provide air bases for the
eventual thrust and penetration of the Japanese forces in Borneo and Celebes.
The Japanese could have turned the table in their favor had they studied and
understood the situation of the Moros and Lumads of Mindanao and Sulu. They could
have exploited Moro dissatisfaction with the Commonwealth government and the
discriminatory laws it implemented to win Moro loyalty and cooperation on the Japanese
side. But the Japanese had no idea of this. Rather, they simply treated the Moros in the
same way the new colonizers treated the majority population of the archipelago. Peter
Gowing observed the following:
The Japanese occupation forces little understood the actual situation of

the Moros in the Philippine nation and also failed to take advantage of
Moro disaffections. Instead, they treated Moros much the same as the
rest of the Philippine population. Their invasion and early occupation
were accompanied by brutality and terrorism, designed to cow the
population into obedience, if not cooperation, in the fastest possible time.
Any bad memories the Moros had of American or Christian Filipino
behavior were offset by the harsh behavior of the Japanese, who thereby
unnecessarily alienated a people who might have been persuaded to look
upon them as liberators.208
When we talk of the Japanese occupation, what immediately comes to our mind
is the cruelty and ruthlessness of the Japanese invading forces; and so we usually curse
the coming of this colonizer. Nevertheless, the Japanese advent was somehow a
blessing in disguise because it welded Muslim-Christian relations together. For instance,
a study conducted in 1985 concluded that in Lanao, the Japanese occupation period
exemplified the best moment of Muslim-Christian cooperation and unity.209 This was
illustrated by the fact that the Moros eagerly served the United States Army Forces in
the Far East (USAFFE) when it offered resistance “as they could under the
circumstances of an overpowering enemy onslaught”. And when guerilla units were
organized after the USAFFE was ordered by General Wainwright to surrender, the Moros
willingly joined the guerilla units. What is interesting about these units is that, they were
composed of Muslim and Christian volunteers. Thus, Peter Gowing again noted:
In Cotabato, guerrilla forces were organized by Datu Salipada Pendatun

and his brother-in-law Datu Udtog Matalam. They were made up of both
Muslims and Christians and controlled the vast interior parts of the
province… As in Cotabato, the Lanao guerrillas were both Muslims and
Christians…210
Actually, the Japanese occupation of Moroland was very limited only to the
coastal towns, with few interior garrisons that were scattered along the highways. The
vast interior of the islands however was under the control of the guerillas. This was
especially true in Tawi-tawi, Cotabato and Lanao. In fact, in Lanao, there was a “Free
Lanao civil government which exercised greater authority over more people and
territory, than did the Japanese-controlled government”.211 The resistance of the
guerillas was sustained and made effective because they were supplied with emergency
scrip and large quantities of arms and ammunition by American submarines based in
Australia. In addition, the Japanese were not familiar with the terrain and the guerillas
were using the much tested “hit-and-run” tactic. In the early part of the Japanese
occupation, the Japanese were so infuriated because 129 Japanese soldiers were slain
208
Gowing, Muslim Filipinos op. cit p. 179.
209
See M.A. thesis of Prof. Evelyn Jamboy.
210
Loc. cit. 181.
211
Ibid.
105
in an ambush by Maranao guerrillas at Tamparan in Lanao. In retaliation, the Japanese
bombed Tamparan and the surrounding areas for 26 straight days.212
The Issue of Collaboration213
Just like the rest of the Filipinos in other places, the issue of collaboration with
the Japanese also beset the Moros. Certainly, there were some Moro leaders who
thought it was better to cooperate with the Japanese than to suffer the new colonizer’s
wrath and cruelty. But for many of those who cooperated with the Japanese, it was to
“ease the suffering of their people” – it was their own way of making the best out of a
very bad situation. This was the position, for example, of the Sultan sa Ramain, Alaoya
Alonto, who articulated his position in a letter to the American colonel who was
commanding the guerrilla units in Mindanao:
Before the surrender… I assured the late General Fort all the cooperation
that could possibly come from me, and even after the surrender I wanted
to carry on the fight with my people who had been faithful to me and
loyal to our cause and I have resolved then to stay in the forest which I
could possibly do even for years. But with the Japanese threats to burn
houses and harass my people, after a thorough and mature deliberation,
I had no alternative except to surrender to protect life and property from
lawlessness and cruelty of our enemy. As a Senator-elect, it is my
paramount duty and a sacred one above everything else to render my
people such service which I have been executing day in and day out
since that fateful day of my surrender for the sake of the civilian
population especially women and children.214
The above viewpoint would also be shared by other Moro leaders. Datu Ombra
Amilbangsa, Datu Salih Ututalum and Datu Gulamu Rasul of Sulu, and Datu Sinsuat
Balabaran and Datu Menandang Piang of Cotabato, were among the other Moro leaders
who thought it was in the best interest of their people to go along with Japanese
policies. They were confident that their people would understand their intentions and
would not blame them for cooperating with the Japanese. Indeed, their viewpoint
seemed understood by their constituents as some of them were even elected to
important government offices after the war.
After the Japanese noticed that everything cannot simply come from force, they
would eventually appeal to the Moros as their “brother Asians”. The Japanese would
then resort to involving the younger generation of Moro leaders in seminars and
leadership training programs in the hope of reeducating and reorienting their
predispositions and perspectives along “Asian” or Japanese lines. However, Japanese
time and resources were limited to sustain their efforts; and therefore, such efforts
yielded no permanent results.215 If there is one thing that the Japanese achieved during
123
Ibid.
213
Collaboration is defined as the act of betraying one’s own people by cooperating with the
enemies.
214
Sultan Alaoya Alonto. Cited in loc.cit. p. 180. It was said that “the Sultan cooperated with the
Japanese without injuring the Allied cause. On the one hand, he sold rice to the enemy but then
tipped off the guerrillas who, as they had the chance, intercepted some of the shipments. The
Sultan made no denunciatory statements against the United States, but he did go to Manila to
sign the 1943 Constitution as a Member of the Preparatory Commission for Japanese-sponsored
Philippine Independence”.
215
The Japanese occupation would not leave long lasting results because their occupation of the
Philippines lasted only for three years. Unlike the Spaniards who stayed for more than three
centuries (333 years to be exact) and the Americans who stayed for almost half of a century (47
years).
106
their occupation of Moroland, it would be “the guarded unenthusiastic obedience of
Moros living in the occupied towns”.216
After-Effects of Japanese Occupation
Three years after the Japanese committed the first acts of war in the Pacific, the
Americans would drop the atomic bombs on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and
Nagasaki. Ultimately, this incident would lead to the complete surrender of Japan to the
United States and put a close to Japanese chapter in Philippine history.
On the surface, the Japanese occupation appears ephemeral and short; yet, in
spite of its briefness, it nonetheless had three (3) long lasting effects vis-à-vis Moro-
Filipino relations. To know these after-effects, we quote again the keen observations of
Peter Gowing:
First… (Japanese occupation) welded Muslim-Christian alliances which

continued after the war. Many Muslims found satisfaction in fighting side
by the side with Christians against a common invader, and so
participating in the defense of the Philippines. In that mood, President
Sergio Osmeña (who had succeeded to the Presidency of the
Commonwealth Government when Manuel Quezon died in 1944)
appointed Muslim guerrilla leaders to political office after liberation. Datu
Salipada Pendatun was appointed Governor of Cotabato and Datu
Manalao Mindalano was placed on the executive committee of the
Philippine Veterans Legion in Manila. The 1946 national election found
Moro leaders running successfully for both houses of Congress under the
aegis of the two major political parties, the Nacionalistas and the Liberals.
Pendatun won a seat in the Senate; and Mindalano of Lanao, Datu
Gumbay Piang of Cotabato, and Datu Ombra Amilbangsa of Sulu won
seats in the House of Representatives. Soon thereafter, President Manuel
Roxas appointed three Muslim Filipino governors of the Moroland
provinces. This participation of Moros in government at the national and
provincial levels, together with their spirited involvement in partisan
politics, soon brought important economic benefits to Moroland, though
not equity in the nation’s economy.
Second, the war-damage (reparations) payments and back pay

awards to many Moros officially recognized as former guerrillas resulted
in a significant increase of moneyed wealth in Moroland. This in turn
helped finance a resurgence of Islam in postwar Moroland as more
money was available to fund increasing numbers of pilgrims on the Hajj,
build mosques and madrasas, and support large public religious
ceremonies and other prestigious events. Moreover the greater
circulation of cash prompted Moro interest in salaried positions and raised
Moro aspirations and expectations for goods and services not available in
their traditional barter economy. These two factors—resurgent Islam and
the shifting basis of Moro economy from barter to cash—helped to fuel
post-World War II Moro dissatisfaction with their place in the Philippine
Republic. Resurgent Islam served to reaffirm their Moro selfhood and
sense of nationality vis-a-vis the Christian majority population, making
their subordinate status intolerable. The shift to preference for a cash
economy brought home to Moros that they had less cash than they were
second-class citizens economically without a just share in the economic
patrimony of even their own homeland, let alone that of the nation.
The third after-effect of the Japanese occupation on Moro

relations with the Philippine nation was the widespread distribution of
216
Loc. cit.
107
arms and ammunition. After the long and painful process of disarming
the Moros during the American and Commonwealth regimes, World War
II provided the occasion for their becoming armed again. It was difficult
to persuade the Moro guerrillas (and their relatives) to part with their
arms after the war—and many simply refused to do so, while many
others conveniently “lost” their weapons. The result was that Moros in
the postwar period had the wherewithal to offer something more than
mild protest against the governmental policies, programs, and officials
they disliked.217
After the complete surrender of Japan to the United States and her allies,
Japanese forces would eventually leave the Philippines. Everything went back to normal
then – apparently, including the pre-war Muslim-Christian animosity. Of the three after-
effects of Japanese occupation, the third would have very serious implications on post-
war Muslim-Christian relations. Indeed, in spite of the briefness of Japanese occupation
in the Philippines and Moroland, it certainly had influenced the molding of the post-war
Moro-Filipino relations.
ACTIVITY #11
• The instructor may opt to let the students view the film “Letters from Iwo Jima”
Or any documentary film about the Japanese occupation of the Philippines
before discussing topic #11. If the second option is preferred, the Magandang
Gabi Bayan documentary is recommended.
Activity 1. Evaluate what is required in the box. Follow the steps to be done. Answers
must be written on one half cross wise.
WWII 1942
You need to trace the historical The Sulu Guerilla Movement

background on the coming of
the Japanese in Philippines by List down the contributions of
creating timelines guerilla movement in Sulu
Effects
How did WWII affect

Moro-Christian
relationship?
217
Ibid. pp.182-183.
108
2. Interview one or two elders in the family who was born during the Japanese
occupation. Ask their experiences and insights on the effects of Japanese
occupation in the Philippines. Then, take a photo of your elder/s and post in a
short bond paper along with their answers.
VI. References and Suggested Readings
30, 1913.
The Mindanao Herald. Zamboanga: Pub. Co., 1913.
Annura, Indah. “Kissa kan Kalingalan Kapag Bunoh Iban Jipon.” Date?
Gowing, Peter G. Muslim Filipinos-Heritage and Horizon. Quezon City: New Day
Publishers,
1979.
Lam, Manuel S. “The Sulu Guerrilla Movement: 1942-1945.” M.A. thesis, 1982.
University of the
Philippines.
Suarez, Alejandro Col. “Memorandum to All Officers, Sulu Area Command.” October 24,
1944.
Tan, Samuel K. The Filipino Muslim Armed Struggle, 1900-1972. Manila: Filipinas
Foundation
Inc., 1977.
Thomas, Ralph B. “Muslim But Filipino: The Integration of Philippine Muslims, 1917-
1946.”
Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, 1971. University of Pennsylvania.
U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey (Pacific). The Campaigns of the Pacific War. Washington:
U.S. Government Printing Office, 1946.
109
Module 12
POST-WAR ATTEMPTS AT INTEGRATION FOR MINDANAO AND SULU
Geoffrey G. Salgado, Phyllis Marie S. Teanco & Juvanni Caballero

1
History Department, CASS, MSU-IIT
I. Objectives
questions:
5. What was the Alonto Report and how did they lead to the integration programs
of the Philippine government in the post-war period?
6. What is the role of the Mindanao State University in the national integration
program?
7. What is the Commission on National Integration and what became of it after
more than a decade of existence?
8. What was the Mindanao Development Authority (MDA) and what became of it
after several years of existence?
As an introduction, the instructor may recapitulate the following:
It must be recalled that the Japanese occupation left a positive mood for
Muslims and Christians in Mindanao. Many were simply inspired by the extraordinary
experience of fighting a common invader. In fact, the post-war government was so
pleased with Moro participation in the resistance movement so that it started appointing
Muslim guerilla leaders to key government positions after the liberation. Moro leaders
were inspired too so that many would run for both houses of Congress in the 1946
national elections under the sponsorship of the Nacionalista and Liberal parties.218
The active participation of Moro leaders in the national and provincial levels of
government was interpreted by many in the government as an indication that Moros
have no problem becoming Filipinos. This assumption would be put to test when the
Kamlon uprising broke out in 1951. (The Instructor may direct the students to reread
the story of Kamlon found in Module 1).
As a government response, a senate committee was created to investigate the

cause and circumstances of the Kamlon Rebellion. This committee, which was composed
of Moro senators (namely: Sen. Domocao Alonto of Lanao, Cong. Luminog Mangelen of
Cotabato and Cong. Ombra Amilbangsa of Sulu), would accomplish and submit a very
influential report that would popularly become known as “The Alonto Report”.
III. Lesson Proper

1. What was the Alonto Report and how did they lead to the integration
programs of the Philippine government in the post-war period?
The Alonto Report refers to the document submitted by the special investigation
committee which was created by the House Committee on National Minorities to
investigate the Kamlon Uprising. Among others, the report stated that the post-
independence “Moro Problem” had been a question of “inculcating into Muslim minds
that they are Filipinos and this government is their own and that they are part of it.” As
218 Peter Gowing. Muslim Filipinos: Heritage and Horizon

110
its principal recommendation, the Alonto Committee called for the integration of the
Muslim Filipinos into the Philippine body politic in order to effect “in a more and
complete measure their social, moral and political advancement.”
The Alonto Report was so essential that it influenced the thinking of the
members of the Philippine Congress from the 1950s until the Mindanao Crisis in 1971.
The report was instrumental in prodding Congress to pass legislation for the creation of
agencies which would take the cudgel to effect the integration of the Muslims and to
develop the Mindanao region. Foremost of the agencies that were created to effect the
integration and development of Mindanao were the Mindanao State University (1955),
the Commission on National Integration (1957) and the Mindanao Development
Authority.
2.) What is the role of the Mindanao State University in the national
integration program?
Since the task of “inculcating” is largely an educational work, the government

decided to establish an academic institution that would carry the gigantic task of
educating the Muslims and other minoritized populations – the Mindanao State
University. This academic institution was made possible through Republic Act 1387
which was signed into law by President Magsaysay on June 19, 1955. Although MSU had
already a charter, its implementation was delayed by many factors, “foremost of which
was difficulty in getting the right man to serve as the university’s first president”.219
Finally, On September 1, 1961, Antonio Isidro was sworn into office as MSU’s first
president by President Carlos P. Garcia.
The role of MSU in the history of Mindanao is very vital. Aside from the fact that
it is supposed to provide the educational needs of the Moros and Lumads to give them
equal opportunity with the majority of Christian Filipinos, it also served as a social
laboratory for the diverse students of the university who are coming from the far flung
and war-torn areas of Mindanao and Sulu. For instance, the general rule in the
university’s dormitories is that no two individuals could become roommates if they come
from the same province; meaning, if you study in MSU, you will have to have
roommates who are coming from various religious, cultural and ethno-linguistic
backgrounds. According to a research, this social experiment had been very successful
so that acceptance, solidarity and lifetime friendship is observed while suspicion,
ignorance and biases are minimized (if not eradicated) among the Muslim, Christian and
Lumad students after their dormitory experience.220
The general mandate of Mindanao State University may be seen in the preamble
of its charter, which read:
1. The university is an instrument of the government policies in the southern

region of the Philippines;
2. The university must help promote the program of education to accelerate the
integration of national minorities into the Philippines’ body politic, particularly
the Muslims;
3. The university must provide extensive professional and technical training and
undertake research in native Filipino culture.221
219 Salgado
220 See Balacuit
221 See Salgado but better if we can see charter
111
As pointed out already (in module 1), the word integration, as used by the
authors of MSU, did not mean assimilation (and to the extreme “annihilation”) of the
local culture and religious belief of the Moros and IPs of MinSuPala. Rather, integration
as they conceived it at that moment only refers to the process of making the Moros and
other IPs feel they are Filipinos too by making them appreciate the government’s efforts
of advancing their heritage and cultures, counting them as part of the general Filipino
heritage and providing them with educational, economic and other opportunities so they
became at par with the other groups of Filipinos.
3.) What is the Commission on National Integration and what became of it

after more than a decade of existence?
Aside from the Mindanao State University, the government also created another
instrumentality whose task was to effect the integration of the Moros and Indigenous
Peoples. Known as the Commission on National Integration (CNI), its creation was
traceable in 1955 when two bills were filed in the lower house of the Philippine Congress
both providing for the creation of an agency that would focus on the integration effort.
One bill was introduced by Congressman Luis Hora of the 3rd District of Mountain
Province and the other one by Congressmen Domocao Alonto, Ombra Amilbangsa and
Luminog Mangelen. The two bills were consolidated and passed during its third reading
on May 23, 1957. On June 22 of the same year, it was signed into law by President
Garcia and became known as Republic Act No. 1888.
The law creating the Commission on National Integration represented, for the
first time in the Republic, a social policy towards the Muslims and other indigenous
peoples. The most striking characteristics of the CNI charter is the extremely wide range
of functions and broad powers (never fully used) entrusted to it. A total of seventeen
powers, functions and duties were vested on the Commission. Based on these functions,
one can infer that the CNI was tasked to attain two objectives: advancement and
integration of those who were then officially labeled as the “National Cultural Minorities.”
In 1964, amendments were introduced to the original CNI charter through the
efforts of the Senate Committee on Cultural Minorities. Between October 15, 1962 and
January 15, 1963, the Committee, which was composed of Senator Manuel P. Manahan
as chairman and Senators Rogelio de la Rosa, Lorenzo Sumulong, Francisco Rodrigo,
Roseller Lim, Maria Kalaw Katigbak and Alejandro Almendras as members, visited
several places in Mindanao, Sulu, Palawan, Mindoro and Northern Luzon. Their objective
was to survey the problems of the ethnic minorities including those of the Muslims. At
that time, peace and order was observed to have deteriorated again in Mindanao and
the situation precipitated the trip of the Senate Committee.
The Committee’s report, also known as the Manahan Report, showed statistically
the prevalent problems among the country’s indigenous peoples. It graphically described
these problems as perceived by themselves and by the CNI personnel. The report also
indicated that the indigenous peoples had not only been neglected, their rights had
been abused, too. Five broad classes of problems confronting the indigenous people
were identified by the committee. The consensus of the response and views indicated
the following in the order of their importance; (1) land problems; (2) education; (3)
livelihood; (4) health; and (5) transportation. The Committee also underscored the fact
that serious cases of land grabbing occurred in various Mindanao provinces and that
“the provinces of Davao, Cotabato, Bukidnon and the island of Basilan are the major
trouble spots.” In this report, the Committee was emphatic in pointing out the
significance of agrarian problems and their crucial role on Muslim-Christian relationship.
112
The recommendations of the Manahan Report were later reflected in the
additional powers, functions and duties of the Commission on National Integration, most
especially in extending legal assistance for land settlement and in giving emphasis to its
scholarship program.
The CNI had several achievements but it was beset with problems too. Part of
CNI’s achievement was that it helped out 3,000 students, mostly Muslims, to attain
college education. However, its attempt to assist the ethnic minorities in their land
cases, through its Legal Assistance Program, was not successful due to the ignorance of
the litigants or claimants and the slow turn of the wheel of justice, so to speak; and also
because of insufficient funds. The CNI was supposed to receive five million pesos
annually to finance its programs as provided for in its charter. The amount was
supposed to come from any funds in the National Treasury not otherwise appropriated.
Only half of the five million pesos was assured of release.
The creation of the Office of the Presidential Assistant on National Minorities

(PANAMIN) in 1967, added another problem for the Commission on National
Integration. PANAMIN was established by President Ferdinand E. Marcos to advise him
on non-Muslims minorities, while CNI continued to discharge its function with respect to
the Muslims. However, though both agencies had separate areas of concern, PANAMIN
was seen as a rival of the Commission in getting attention and the much-needed
additional funding from the national government.
Finally, like any government agency that is not insulated from the whims of
partisan politics, CNI finally became a dumping ground for the protégés of the
politicians. Cesar A. Majul assessed the Commission thus:
Setting aside some of the accomplishments of the Commission on

National Integration, the fact that the secessionist movement among the
Muslims began to germinate in the 1960s shows that it failed to integrate
the bulk of the Muslim population into the body politic.222
4.) What was the Mindanao Development Authority (MDA) and what became
of it after several years of existence?
To complement MSU and CNI, the government also created the Mindanao Development
Authority as another instrumentality that was supposed to effect the economic
development of Mindanao. Like R.A. 1888 which created the CNI, the legislation which
established the Mindanao Development Authority (MDA) was also based on two bills
which were separately filed in the lower house of the Philippine Congress. The first bill
was introduced on February 21, 1961 by Congressman Feliciano Ocampo of the 2nd
District of Nueva Ecija. The second bill was co-authored by eleven congressmen from
the MINSUPALA region and was introduced on April 6, 1961. Both bills were
consolidated and signed into law as R.A. 3034 by President Carlos P. Garcia in the same
year.
Because of the legal interagency implications, the Mindanao Development

Authority was formally organized as a public corporation on July 3, 1963, two years
since the enactment of the Authority’s enabling law. Its principal functions were:
222 Salgado, Mindanao Forum p.110

113
1. To draw up comprehensive and short-term plans and programs for regional
development;
2. To coordinate and integrate the activities of both the public and private
sectors;
3. To extend or facilitate the extension of financial, management, and technical
support to industrial and commercial ventures in the region;
4. To undertake, by itself or in joint venture with the private sector, agro-
industrial-commercial pioneering ventures.
MDA had a share of problems which affected its ability to translate its plans and
programs into reality. Firstly, there was a frequent turnover in the management
leadership of the agency. In a period of ten years (1963-1973), the Authority had five
chairman-general managers and three officers-in-charge. Secondly, it was not given
sufficient funding, so that in 1972, its paid-in capital was only P24 million out of the 132
million appropriated. Thirdly, MDA’s Board of Directors had not been constituted on a
more permanent basis. During one third of the period of its corporate existence, the
Authority neither had a board nor even a working majority of the board on duty.
By the time of its replacement by the Southern Philippines Development

Authority in 1975, MDA was able to establish seven commercial operating projects, an
investment in shares of common stocks in three private ventures of the projects, and a
number of special projects. Perhaps its significant, if modest, breakthrough in regional
development, is the pioneering preparation of a development plan two years prior to its
abolition in 1975. The plan envisions to open the floodgates of foreign investment for
Mindanao and achieve the capitalist development of the region.
At the height of the Mindanao rebellion in 1973, the South was hastily identified
as a priority area to be subjected to massive development efforts. The government’s
plan—“Development Plan, FY 1974-1977” conceptualized between 1973 and 1974, put
forth the “Mindanao Regional Development Project (MRDP)” along with the “Manila Bay
Ring Development Project” as the development priorities from the national point of
view. Under the MRDP scheme, several “strategic leading growth points” radiate the
tentacles that will extract and draw towards the centers the otherwise untapped
resources of the hinterlands and the countryside.
MRDP is based on a study conducted between 1973 and 1974 under the
auspices of the United Nations Development Programs (UNDP) with the cooperation of
the Mindanao Development Authority. In fact, the project director of the study was no
less than MDA’s last manager, Ernesto M. Aboitiz. UNDP was represented in the project
by a certain D.H. Cohen who prepared the seventy seven-page final report being the
project’s industrial planner and adviser.
The project proposal based on the study called for the infusion of foreign capital
for infrastructure projects to attract foreign investors. These infrastructures included a
network of highways, ports, power generation and industrial estates. A number of these
projects required the massive transformation of the countryside most often resulting in
a host of problems for communities which happen to occupy the lands identified as
project sites. Reports gathered from sources in areas in Mindanao where major
infrastructures are currently being implemented reveal the same pattern of insensitivity
to the social cost of development as observed in Luzon.
The Mindanao Regional Development Project together with a host of “economic

and social reforms in Mindanao and Sulu” was precisely aimed at giving a socio-
114
economic dimension to the military activities against the Muslim secessionist movement.
Whether or not the “socio-economic uplift” of the people of Mindanao, particularly the
indigenous peoples, was achieved through the combined programs in infrastructure
efforts in the South produced incongruous scenes of huge technological complexes in
the midst of communities living a marginal existence. This resulted in their displacement
and further marginalization. To the inhabitants of these communities the “promise” that
is Mindanao has become a nightmare.
IV. Peace Value/Challenge
The most major challenge of the post-war republic was that of nation-building;
i.e., how to make the peoples of this archipelago (especially the Moros and Lumads) feel
they are part of the Filipino nation. In the discussions above, we saw how the post-war
governments of Magsaysay, Garcia and Marcos tried to institute agencies that were
supposed to effect the integration program of the government. Yet, in the same
discussions, we also saw the variety of problems and difficulties that seemed to hinder
the achievement of these agencies’ goals. The CNI, for instance, was virtually made to
swallow more than it could chew by its charter. The first two223 of the seventeen
functions and duties assigned to this agency necessitated huge appropriations as they
were capital-intensive projects. CNI’s annual budget of five million pesos (only half of
the amount was assured of release) was not even enough for its other programs and
projects. For lack of funds, even the Commission’s task of establishing “public schools in
the regions inhabited by the National Cultural Minorities” (Section 4, (e), R.A. 1888 as
amended by R.A. 382) could not be effectively implemented. The statement of Antonio
Isidro, MSU’s first president, bears witness to this:
“The situation seems paradoxical when it is considered that all

along the government has pledged interest in the education of the
Muslims to enable them to find national identification with their Christian
brothers from the North; and yet, when the Muslims eventually accepted
the public schools, the government failed to provide the funds to
maintain the schools effectively. The government must manifest greater
interest in the welfare of Muslims if they are to develop a feeling of
oneness with the rest of the people in the country.”
Furthermore, the Commission was not also spared from political maneuverings
and patronage. Four of its six commissioners came from the three dominant Moro
groups. There were reports that in granting scholarships, one’s membership in an ethno
linguistic group was given priority over the grantee’s intellectual capacity. In 1962, CNI
was placed in bad light due to an expose by one of its highest ranking officials of
alleged irregularities in the disbursement of scholarship funds. The expose prompted the
General Auditing Office (GAO) to examine the records of the Commission. The report of
the GAO examiners pointed out that certain CNI officials treated scholarship grants like
political pork barrel items, while some of them connived with certain private schools
which make a killing by receiving from the Commission tuition fee payments for non-
existent scholars.
Even the establishment of the Office of Presidential Assistant on National

Minorities (PANAMIN) in 1967 did not save the day for CNI. PANAMIN was actually one
223Settlement of Land problems and education of National Cultural Communities (especially Moros
and Lumads)
115
side of the same coin, with the CNI as the other side. From the beginning, the PANAMIN
had certain inherent infirmities especially in its organizational and administrative set-up.
The absence of sufficient control, check and balance mechanism on the magnitude and
utilization of its resources resulted in such anomalies as bloated payroll and
rechanneling of funds for purposes other than those mandated for the PANAMIN.
As pointed out already, the Mindanao Development Authority (MDA), which was
the agency assigned to spearhead the economic component of integration, was also
beset with organizational, financial and vision problems so that for years of its existence,
it was not able to bring genuine development. After all, the agency’s development thrust
was not anchored on self-reliance as it hoped to rely on the infusion of foreign capital
for infrastructure projects to attract foreign investors. This means “No Foreign Investor,
No Development”! Besides, MDA did not look at development through the prism of the
Moro and Lumad perspectives so that often the massive transformation of the landscape
in the project sites often collides with the cultural sensitivities of the indigenous
communities in the area.224
Hence, to a large extent, the integration program of the government in the post-
war period appears to be unsuccessful.225 In fact, with just one trigger (i.e., the Jabidah
Massacre), Moro secessionism would easily take shape and threaten the very territorial
integrity of the country in the 1970s. For sure, there had been a lot of factors
contributing to the failure of the integration program in the post-war period but what
appears to be most prominent was the unitary approach and assumption of the
government that the “Moro Question” was simply a problem of underdevelopment, poor
state of education, undelivered social services, etc. Peter Gowing cogently articulated
this when he said:
The whole integration program of the Government seems to revolve

around the philosophy that if the Moros are provided with more roads,
schools, health facilities, civic centers, and industrial plants, and if they
are instructed in more modern methods of farming or are given more
scholarships for higher education in Manila or offered more jobs in
government, then in time they will be “integrated,” that is, they will
resemble the Christian Filipinos. Moros do in fact want many of these
things (hence, the cooperation of some with CNI), but they fear this
philosophy of assimilation, reflecting a basic contempt for the religious,
cultural, and historical factors upon which they anchor their psychological
and social identity.”
224
We have plenty of examples where development efforts result to conflict instead of bringing progress.
Example: Quarrying of mountains which happen to be the burial grounds of Higaunon tribesmen; mining
of gold in Subanen Ancestral Domain; setting up of geothermal plant in Mt Apo which is considered by the
Manobo as sacred; etc.
225
116
Activity 1. Research the history of Mindanao State University, Commission on National

Integration and Mindanao Development Authority. Then, present a historical analysis
of its role and contribution in the national integration program. Follow the format as
presented below.
Agency Role Contribution Historical Analysis
1. MSU
2. CNI
3. MDA
Activity 2. Research the following presidents below. Discuss their programs in order to
integrate Moro and Lumad in nation-building.
Pres. Elpedio Quirino Pres. Ramon Magsaysay Pres. Carlos Garcia
Pres. Diosdado Macapagal Pres. Ferdinand E. Marcos
117
VI. References and Suggested Readings
Antonio Isidro. Muslim-Christian Integration at the Mindanao State University (Marawi:

MSU Research Center), 1968.
------------------. The Moro Problem: An Approach Through Education (Marawi: MSU

Research Center), 1979.
Carlos P. Romulo. “Muslim Problem: A Purely Domestic Affair,” Philippine Quarterly, Vol.
5 No. 3 (September), 1973.
Cesar Majul. “Towards a Social Policy for the Muslims in the Philippines” in Michael
Mastura (ed.) Islam and Development: A Collection of Essays by Cesar Adib Majul
(Manila: Office of the Commissioner for Islamic Affairs) 1980.
Eduardo Tadem. Mindanao Report: A preliminary Study on the Economic Origin of Social
Unrest (Davao City: Afrem Resource Center) 1980.
Eugenio Demigillo. “Mindanao Development and Marginalization” The Philippines in the

Third World Papers, Series No. 20 (Quezon City: Third World Studies Center, UP
Diliman) 1979.
Filipinas Foundation Inc. An Anatomy of Muslim Affairs (Makati: Filipinas Foundation

Inc.), 1971.
Mindanao Regional Development Study. Final Report: Industrial Development of

Mindanao (Davao: MRDS), 1974.
Ministry of Muslim Affairs. An Overview on Muslim Development in the Philippines

(Manila: Plans and Policy Service, Ministry of Muslim Affairs), 1983.
Peter Gowing. Muslim Filipinos: Heritage and Horizon (Quezon City: New Day
Publishers) 1979.
Rad Silva. Two Hills of the Same Land: Truth Behind the Mindanao Problem (Mindanao-
Sulu Critical Studies and Research Group), 1979.
Report of the First National Congress on Muslim Education (Marawi: Mindanao State
University), 1980
Samuel Tan. The Filipino Muslim Armed Struggles: 1900-1972 (Makati: Filipinas
Foundation Inc.) 1977.
Senate Committee on National Minorities. Report on the Problems of Philippine Cultural

Minorities (Manila:Bureau of Printing),1963.
118
Module 13
EMERGENCE OF BANGSAMORO SECESSIONISM
Magsaysay Werbie and Juvanni A. Caballero

Social Science Department, MSU Tawi- Tawi College of Technology and Oceanography
and
Department of History, CASS, MSU – IIT
I. Objectives
questions:
1. What event/s triggered Bangsamoro secessionism?

2. What reactions and consequences did it ( i.eBangsamoro secessionism) generate?
3. How should we view Bangsamoro secessionism in terms of cause and effect?
4. How should we respond to the Bangsamoro aspiration for their right to self-
determination?
As an introductory activity, the instructors may ask the students to read two selections;
1.) Definition of Right to Self Determination and 2) Excerpts of Presidential Decree 1081
series of both 1972.
Selection 1: What is Right to Self Determination?
The right of self-determination for all peoples was first enshrined in the Charter of
United Nations. It has however been the subject of extensive debated and controversy.
Both the content of the right as well as who can assert it continue to evolve in
international Law.
According to the international Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ( ICCPR) All peoples
have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their
political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. The
right to self-determination has its economic content which gives the people the right to
freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudices to any
obligations arising out of international economic cooperation, based upon the principle
of mutual benefit and international law. The phrase ‘’ all peoples’’ instead of everyone-
attached to the right of self-determination, indicates that the right to self-determination
is a collective right; that is, only a people, not an individual can exercise the right.
Initially conceived, the right to self determination belonged to the population or people
of a fixed territorial entity, specifically peoples oppressed by a colonial power. The
declaration of the granting of Independence to colonial countries and peoples and the
jurisprudence of the international court of justice emphasized the connection between
the right to self determination and the peoples of colonized territories. In this context,
the right to self determination is ‘’ externally’’ exercised by secession from a colonial
power to form a new state. The right of colonial peoples to external self determination is
well established in international law.
More recently, it has been postulated that the right to self determination can be
exercised ‘’ internally’’ as well. International self determination allows people broader
control over their political, economic, social and cultural development of a new
conception of people’s has evolved with the development of the idea of internal self
determination. In this context, the definition of people’s is not only limited to the
population of a fixed territorial entity but also encompasses indigenous groups and
119
potentially some minorities. Although there is no fully accepted definition of people’s,
reference are often made to a definition proposed by the UN Special Rapporteur
Martinez Cobo in his study on discrimination against indigenous populations;
Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a historical
continuity with pre invasion and pre colonial societies that developed on their territories,
consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the present non dominant sectors of
the society and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit to further generations
their ancestral territories and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued
existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions
and legal systems.
Selection 2: Excerpt of PD 1001 s. 1972
Whereas, in addition to the above described social disorder, there is also the equally
serious disorder in Mindanao and Sulu resulting from the unsettled conflict between
certain elements of the Christian and Muslim population of Mindanao and Sulu, between
the Christian ‘’Ilagas’’ and the Muslim ‘’ Barracudas’’ and between our government
troops and certain lawless organizations such as the Mindanao Independence.
Whereas, the Mindanao Independence Movement with the active material and financial
assistance of foreign political and economic interests, is engaged in an open and
uncealed attempt to establish by violence and force a separate and independent political
state out of the islands of Mindanao and Sulu which are historically, politically and by
law parts of the territories and within the jurisdiction and sovereignty of the Republic of
the Philippines.
Whereas, because of the aforesaid disorder resulting from armed clashes, killings,
massacres, arsons, pillages, destruction of whole villages and towns and the inevitable
cessation of agricultural and industrial operations, all of which have been brought about
by the violence inflicted by the Christians, the Muslims, the ‘’ Ilagas’’, the ‘’ Barracudas’’,
and the Mindanao Independence Movement against each other and against our
government troops, a great many parts of the island of Mindanao and Sulu are virtually
now in the state of actual war;
Whereas, the violent disorder in Mindanao and Sulu has to date resulted in the killing of
over 1000 civilians and about 2000 armed Muslims and Christians, not to mention the
more than five hundred thousands of injured, displaced and homeless persons as well
as the great number of casualties among our government troops, and the paralysation
of the economy of Mindanao and Sulu.
Whereas, because of the foregoing acts of armed insurrection, wanton destruction of

human lives and property, unabated and unrestrained propaganda attacks against the
government and its institutions, instrumentalities, agencies and officials and the rapidly
expanding ranks of the aforesaid lawless elements and because of the spreading
lawlessness and anarchy throughout the land, all of which have prevented the
government to exercise its sovereignty over all of its territories, caused serious
demoralization among our people and have made public apprehensive and fearful, and
finally because public order and safety and the security of this nation demand that
immediate swift, decisive and effective action be taken to protect and insure the peace,
order and security of the country and its population and to maintain the authority of the
government.
Whereas, in the case of invasion, insurrection and rebellion or imminent danger thereof,
I as President of the Philippines, have under the constitution, three courses of action
open to me, namely; a) call out the armed forces to suppress the present lawless
120
violence, b) suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus to make the arrest and
apprehension of these lawless elements easier and more effective; or c) place the
Philippines or any part thereof under martial law.
After reading, the instructor may start the brain storming session by asking the following
questions; a) What do you think was the reason why there was chaos and disorder in
Mindanao and Sulu at that time? Why were the Moros rebelling against the Philippine
State?
There will be likely be plenty of stories the students will speculate. So to process these,
the instructor may end the brainstorming by proceeding to discuss the lesson proper.
III. Lesson Proper
a) What event/ s triggered Bangsamoro secessionism?
We learned in the previous module that the mood for nation building in Mindanao right
after WWII was positive. That’s why we saw institutions being created like the
Commission on National Integration ( CNI), Mindanao State University ( MSU) and the
Mindanao Development Authority ( MDA) but before nation building in Mindanao could
gain momentum, this positive mood would be interrupted by events generated out of
our North Borneo ( i.e Sabah) claim.
Here is how it started;
Remember in Module 6 ( i.e Spanish Moro Wars) that North Borneo was awarded to the
Sultan of Sulu by the Sultan of Brunei when the former helped the latter in expelling his
enemies during the rebellion in 1658 ( see also module on Sabah claim). This made
North Borneo a territory of Sultanate of Sulu since then. In 1878, however, the Dutch
Baron von Overbeck, on behalf of Alfred Dent, an English Merchant, asked the Sultan of
Sulu to lease the said territory to him for a yearly payment of 5000 Ringgit. Overbeck
was able to pressure the Sulu Sultan so that the latter eventually agreed. Thus, North
Borneo British Company administered the territory since then. But when the British
Company was dissolved, North Borneo was turned over to the federation of Malaya
instead of Sulu Sultanate226. This prompted President DiosdadoMacapagal to raise his
diplomatic protest in 1962. His reasoning was: ‘’ Since the Sulu Sultanate is now part of
the Philippines, all of its territories should be part of the Philippines and since then,
North Borneo was part of the Sulu sultanate, it should therefore be part of the
Philippines as well’’.
But the Diplomatic protest of Macapagal did not bear tangible fruits. In fact, North
Borneo was ultimately turned over to Malaysia in 1963 after a United Nations Mission
said that a sizeable majority of North Borneo’s population favoured joining with the
Malaysian federation. Thus, when Ferdinand Marcos became president, he was said to
be adopted a more radical approach- i.e the organization of the elite military force
whose mission was to infiltrate and attack Sabah. Oddly, the recruits who were to
compose the elite military force were mainly from Sulu and Tawi- Tawi. These recruits
would eventually stage a mutiny when they learned that their ultimate objective was to
attack Sabah227.
The entire operation was known as OPLAN Merdika. This is supposes to be a top secret
mission whose ultimate objective was to ‘’liberate’’ North Borneo/ Sabah. It certainly
226
Malaysia considers the Philippine claim as non issuebecause in the British version the confirmatory
deed was translated to have been said ‘’ grant and cede’’ while the Tausug version was said to have
meant ‘’lease’’. The key word in the agreement is ‘’ Padjak’’ which is a Malay term used to mean ‘’
mortgage’’,’’ pawn’’ or ‘’ wholesale’’
227
According to some sources, the mutiny was also caused by tactical officers, abuses and delays in the
payment of the recruits’ allowances.
121
involved high security and diplomatic risk, thus it needed to stay secret. But when the
Moro trainees mutinied after knowing the real mission, they were allegedly ordered to
be massacred. 68 Moro recruits were instantly killed. The lone survivor of the massacre,
JibbinArola was instrumental for exposing the incident. Arola survived by pretending to
be dead and then escaped by swimming from Corregidor island to Cavite. This incident
would then be known as the Jabidah Massacre.
b) What reactions and consequences did it ( i.eBangsamoro secessionism

generate?
When stories about OPLAN Merdika and the Jabidah Massacre spread, Malaysian was
not the only one that reacted vehemently, the Moros were furios about the incident. In
fact, it was the Jabidah Massacre that prompted DatuUdtogMatalam, former governor of
the undivided Cotabato province to organize the Muslim Independence Movement (
MIM) in 1968228. In its Manifesto, the MIM declared among others;
1. That it is a recognized principle underlying the Charter of United Nations and the
Declaration of Human Rights that all peoples consisting the minority in a given state
possess the right to self determination.
2. That the Islamic world congress has affirmed the above principles, particularly the
right of Muslims who are in the minority, in non- Muslims states, to self- determination;
3. That the systematic extermination of the Muslim youth- like the Corregidor fiasco-
and the policy of isolation and dispersal of the Muslim communities have been pursued
vigorously by the government to the detriment of the Muslims and;
4. That Islam, being a communal religion- an ideology and a way of life- must have a
definite territory for the exercise of its tenets and etchings and for the observance of its
laws.
The emergence of the MIM made many ‘’ Christian’’ settlers in Cotabato to feel insecure.
This is specially true after they heard stories of young Moros undergoing guerrilla
warfare training in Malaysia. As a response, the ‘’ Christians’’ organized a vigilante group
called ‘’Ilaga’’229 supposedly to protect their communities from Moro attacks. The Moro
communities did also organize their vigilante group. They called them ‘’Barracuda. In
other places they were known as the black shirts because of their black uniforms. The
problem with the Ilaga and Barracuda is that seldom they meet. Often, members of the
Ilaga raided civilian Moro communities while members of the Barracuda attack the
Christian communities. The Ilaga- Barracuda depredations230 were so intense that one of
its serious consequence was the entrenchment and affirmation of the ‘’bad Moro and
Ugly ‘’Christians images in each other’s minds. Furthermore, Marcos even used the
Ilaga- Barracuda atrocities as an additional justification for declaring Martial Law. Hence,
Presedential Decree 1081 mentioned them.
After several years, the Muslim Independence Movement would wane away. Eventually
it would give way to a bigger organized group spearheaded by young Moro students and
professionals. Although organizaed since 1969 , the Moro National Liberation Front (
MNLF) started to make its presence felt by the public in 1973 when it started claiming
credit for the series of fighting in Mindanao and Sulu.
And what was the response of the government? Well, President Marcos declared Martial
law and tried to suppress the Bangsamoro aspiration for their right to self
228
It was said that the Muslim Independence Movement was later changed to Mindanao Independence
Movement as the name Muslim made the non-Muslims feel insecure.
229
The name was controversial, Moros would sarcastically dub it as Illonggo Land Grabber’s Association.
230
The activities of the Ilaga include Carmen Massacre and Tacub Massacre. The Barracuda was also
believed to have committed the same against ‘’ Christian’’ individuals particularly in LanaodelNorte and
North Cotabato.
122
determination. It attempted to fight fire with fire but the revolutionary zeal was so
intense so thar Marcos eventually agreedto opened up negotiations with the MNLF in
1975. Through the mediation of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) the
government and the MNLF signed the Tripoli Agreement in 976, which stipulated among
others to establish the autonomous region in 13 provinces and 9 cities in Mindanao.
The Tripoli Agreement however did not bring peace to Mindanao as the government
unilaterally implemented the agreement points. The MNLF went back to guerrilla
warfare and that explains why the government was practically at war with the MNLF
until 1996 when the Ramos administration succeeded in securing a peace deal with the
MNLF.
It was said that the war between the government and the MNLF from the 1970s up to
1996 exacted heavy human and economic cost. Because of the violence, an estimated
100,000 to 120,000 people were slain: 50% of whom were MNLF combatants, 30%
were government soldiers and 20% were civilians. Even if we consider the lower limit of
this figure ( i.e 100,000 killed)20% of it is 20,000 civilians dead- that’s a huge number
for a collateral damage! Also, government expenditure for the war efforts against the
MNLF also reached Php 73,000,000,000.00 for combat expenses alone. This means that
if you factor into the figure the regular maintenance and budget of the armed forces for
salaries and pensions, allowances, etc the amount would even bloat higher. What is
more is that, we do not have the exact figures even an estimate of the worth of
properties and infrastructure destroyed as well as the lost of livelihood and investment
opportunities. More important than economics, the war in Mindanao has destroyed
relationships of peoples, an intangible aspect of our lives in Mindanao that no money
can buy. If we monetize all of the above, the economic and human cost of the war was
definetly more than 73 billion pesos!
And that is not it! Note that we are not only talking of the war between the government
and the MNLF. Let us remember that there is also the Moro Islamic Liberation front
(MILF) which was a splinter group of the MNLF. The MILF broke away when its mother
organization ( MNLF) after the latter accepted the autonomy offer of the Marcos
administration.it must be mentioned that the original demand for Independence was to
set up independent BangsamoroRepublik. But after the government convinced the MNLF
leadership especially its chair ,Misuari, to drop their demand for independence ,
HashimSalamat, MNLF’s vice chair disagreed. He thought that a genuine autonomy
under the present set up is not realistic231. They also disagreed in terms of the coverage
of the territory232. Thus, HashimSalamat broke away with NurMisuarind then organized
the Moro Islamic Liberation Front ( MILF) in 997, I e, a year after NurMisuari and the
Philippine government signed the 1976 Tripoli Agreement233.
While organized in 1977, the presence of the MILF as as separate force to be reckoned
with started to be felt in 1997 when the Ramos administration organized a peace
negotiation table for the group234. Despite the rocky road the peace talks was taking, it
nevertheless proceeded. However, after President Ramos term, the peace process would
encounter major setbacks as process between the government and the MILF would be
interrupted by violent episodes of ceasefire agreement. In the violence that ensued,
human and economic cost was heavy. During the 2000 all out war alone of President
Estrada, combat expenses of the government reached Php 6,000,000,000.00. the
231
In 1977, the MILF’s orihinal demand remained to be independence. But since 2012 they agrred to
fropindeednec and settled for genuine autonomy as defined on the Comprehensive Agreement on the
Bangsamoro ( CAB)
123
number of Internally displaced persons was also astonishing 30,000 + in
1997;1,000,000 + in 2000; 37000 + in 2003 and 600,00 + in 2008235.
C. How should we view Bangsamoro secessionism in terms of cause and

effect?
For sure, rebellion and secessionism is a symptom and not the cause of deep social
problem. After all, nobody would rebel against any state just for the sake of rebelling.
Any people who are happy with how their state governs and treats them, will surely love
and become loyal to that state.
To understand this argument, we take for instance the Philippine Revolution in 1896.
Can we say that Andres Bonifacio and Emilio Aguinaldo initiated the struggle against the
colonial government of Spain because the social conditions it established prevented
them from achieving their full potentials? Of course, the Philippine Revolution was the
culmination of our collective reaction against many factors that had been responsible for
systematically denying our ancestors access to the fruits of scientific and social
progress. In the parlance of peace and development, anything that is embedded in the
socio- political and economic structures that put people in disadvantage or harm is what
we call structural violence. Often, it is structural violence that pushes people to
complain, resist and even rebel against that do not do anything to alter the bad social
and economic conditions of people. In Metaphor, we can cogently say; rebellion is just
the fruit whlle structural violence is the root.
D. How should we respond to the Bangsamoro aspiration for their right to self
determination?
In the previous modules, we learned how the Bangsamoro were marginalized, through
discriminatory land laws and a program of Filipinization that seemed to exclude them.
We also learned that they sent various petitions to the Philippines and American
authorities not to incorporate them with the rest of the “ Christian’’ Filipinos in the grant
of the Philippinr Independence. But their petions fell into deaf ears236. Thus, whether
they it or not, they became citizens of a republic that needs to work very hard on
nation- building- a work that entails promoting a sense of belongingness and loyalty
among diverse groups of people who are not only divided by History and geography but
more importantly by culture and diverging sense of identity. Have we done enough for
nation building? Have we made all peoples of this archipelago feel they are Filipinos? If
we keep sending bombs, bullets and hostile combatants to those who donot feel that
they are Filipinos yet; If we continue to be biased, discriminatory and indifferent to
them.; then we will surely fail in winning their hearts to feel they too are Filipinos.
Note that becoming Filipino is a process- i.e it needs to be planted, nurtured and
entrenched in the minds and hearts of people. By these terms, we actually mean it is
not enough to teach people in school that their country is the Philippines, their national
anthem is LupangHinirang, the national capital is Manila, etc. More importantly, they
need other Filipinos if we continue to view and treat them with distrust, chauvinism and
discrimination. We cannot win them by saying ‘’ Do not join the ranks of the rebels
because we are Filipinos. But please do not live in our subdivisions or village because we
do not want Muslims/ Lumads in our neighbourhood. Or say ‘’ please do not assign me
to work with Muslim colleagues or supervisors because they are corrupt; they cannot be
trusted; they are inept; they are terrorist; etc.’’ All these statements, when experienced
in real life will surely reverse all that is taught about being Filipino in our elementary
schools. This reminds us that nation building is not only the duty of government. It is
everyone’s responsibility to contribute to this challenging task.
124
IV. Lesson Learned and Peace Message
By saying that the indolence of the Filipinos is not the cause but an effect of the
country’s backwardness, Dr. Jose Rizal in his essay ‘’ Indolence of the Filipinos’’
reminded us to be careful not to muddle the cuase from the effect of phenomena.
Indeed, Rizal’s analysis remains very relevant in looking at the Bangsamoro rebellion in
Mindanao. Rather than look at it as cause of Mindanao’s lagging behind, it should be
seen as the effect of centuries of structural violence237 through neglect, abuse and
inefficiency.
Not a few Filipinos would say that the problem in Mindanao can only be solved through
military approach. But no less than former President Ramos, retired AFP Chief of Staff
Emmanuel Bautista and other active military forces admitted that the military solution
cannot be the ultimate solution to the problem of the Bangsamoro. The military
approach is comparable only to a bandage that covers the wound but cannot address
the source of bleeding or infection. Therefore, another approach other than military is
needed to ultimately address the problem. What could it be? The next module will try to
answer this.
Activity 1. Video documentary on “Mindanao: Voices for Peace” (max 50 mins.)
Let the students view a documentary on Mindanao: Voices for Peace

(https://youtu.be/l6FSkXsxxW0) (20 mins.), which trace the historical roots of the conflict in
Mindanao focusing on the struggle of the Bangsamoro people.
Then let each student share their reflections on the documentary that they viewed through the
following guide questions
1. What are the roots of the struggle of the Bangsamoro?

2. How other areas in Mindanao like Region XI are affected by the conflict in Central
Mindanao (associated with the GPH-MILF conflict?
3. As a student from outside Central Mindanao, how would you express solidarity to the
struggle of the Bangsamoro?
4. Then let the student share their reflection through video in 5 minutes.
Activity 2 Process their reflection through the following guide question: let the student write
their answers in a piece of paper.
1. What are the issues of the discrimination experienced by the Bangsamoro as shown in
the Film?
2. What are the conflict issues being faced by the indigenous peoples and settlers vi-a-vis
the struggle of the Bangsamoro?
3. In the film, whom you think are the most vulnerable?
4. What are the initiatives done by the different stakeholders to contribute in addressing
the roots of conflict in Mindanao?
5. How grassroots initiatives contributed in addressing Mindanao conflict?
Activity 3 PAPER DANCE (max 10 minutes) note: optional for now since we are in covid.
Engage the students in a paper dance game.
⮚ Put a big Manila paper at the center of the class.
125
⮚ Let them surround the paper while dancing when the song “Cotabato” by Asin
(https://youtu.be/axX5Gzq34cg) is being played. Pause the song and let them all stand
on the paper.
⮚ Then fold some part of the paper.
⮚ Then fold the paper into smaller part again and repeat the process. The goal here is how
the students would still fit on the paper which is getting smaller and smaller without
letting anyone out from group.
VI. Reference and Recommended Readings
Jubair, Salah. Bangsamoro: A Nation Under Endless Tyranny. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia:
IQ Marin SDN BHD, 1999
Gowing, Peter G. Muslim Filipinos: Heritage and Horizon. Quezon city: New Day
Publishers, 1979
Majul, Cesar A. Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines
Press,1999
-------- The Contemporary Muslim Movement in the Philippines. Berkely, Mizan Press
1985
Muslim, Macapado. The Moro Armed Struggle in the Philippines; The Non Violent
Autonomy Alternative. MarawiCity:MSU URC Press and information Office.1994
Rodil, Ridy B. A Story of Mindanao and Sulu in question and Answer. Davao: MINCODE.
2003
Tanggol, Sukarno D. Muslim Autonomy in the Philippines: Rhetorics and Reality. Marawi
City: MSU URC Press and Information Office, 1993
126
Module 14
THE PEACE PROCESS WITH THE BANGSAMORO FRONTS
Juvanni A. Caballero and Mark Anthony J. Torres

Department of History, CASS, MSU IIT
MSU IIT Institute for Peace and Development in Mindanao
I. Objectives
questions:
1, What are the major developments in the peace process between the government and
the Bangsamoro Liberation Fronts?
2. What are the challenges that confront the said peace process?
3. What are the safeguard features of the current GPH- MILF peace process?
4. What implication does the peace process have on national development?
As an introductory activity, the instructor may ask the students to read the following;
1. The 1976 Tripoli Agreement the government and the MILF

2. The 1996 Final Peace Agreement between the government and the MNLF
3. The Memorandum Agreement on Ancestral Domain ( MOA AD) between the
government and the MILF
4. The Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangasamoro between the government and
the MILF
Alternatively, the instructor may opt to let the students view the following;
III. Lesson Proper
In the previous lessons, we learned that Bangsamoro aspiration for self determination
eventually culminated in an armed struggle for secession from the Philippine state,
along with the communist insurgency, Bangsamoro secessionism became one of the
most serious internal threats to the Philippine Republik. It was serious that, In fact, it
threatened to disintegrate Philippine territory if it seceded. Of course, the reaction from
the Philippine government under Marcos was brute force. Through Presidential Decree
1081, Marcos placed the entire Philippines under Martial law and therefore militarized
the entire country. This was pointed out by Senator Alberto Romulo in his privilege
speech:
61 percent of our army and marine battalions… more than 40 percent of our artillery
capability… 50 percent of our armor assets…63 percent of our tactical aircraft ( were
committed to Mindanao conflict)238.
Yet despite the heavy militarization, the rebellion did not disappear, Militarization
seemed to even intensify it. This goes to show that a military approach is not solution to
the problem. Because of this, even the Philippine government ( under Marcos) thought
238
127
it was prudent to sit down and negotiate with the Moro rebels. The Moro rebels must
have shared the same thought as Salah Jubair expressed;
War is always costly while negotiation is cheap. A day in war is usually costlier than a
month of talking. In negotiation, there are no lives lost, properties destroyed or people
rendered homeless239.
The above is corroborated by the statement of then the vice –chair of the government
peace panel Rudy Rodil, who said:
For the issue of armed rebellion, it seems best for the government to hold formal peace
talks with organized rebel froups..Measured in money terms, this process now called
peace process is without question less costly than war. Measured in moral and other
social standards, resolving conflict among our citizens through peaceful means will build
our character as a nation on solid moral grounds. Or put in another way, it will reveal
how profoundly we value human life- are we a nation of warmongers or a nation of
peace makers?240
What were the major developments in the peace process between the government and
the Bangasamoro Liberation Fronts?
In general terms a peace process refers to any social and political process in which
conflicts are resolved through peaceful means. It is a process that combines politics,
diplomacy, mediation, negotiation, dialogue and changing relationships241. Its objective
is not only to stop war or manage an on going violence; rather, it is aimed at addressing
the root causes of conflict through dialogue, compromise and positive action. In this
way, a peace process is aimed at creating a more conducive environment for human
beings to achieve their full potentials and transform relationship from belligerence to
friendship, because it is a process and usually involving gnarly and delicate issues, it is
often lengthy and full of challenges. This is what characterized the peace process
between the Philippine government and the two Bangsamoro Liberation Fronts.
In 1975 we have had two peace processes: One was with the Moro National Liberation
Front ( MNLF) and the second was the Moro Islamic liberation front ( MILF). Each of
these took huge amount of time and each never proceeded without serious challenges.
Nonetheless they offer us valuable lessons.
The GRP MNLF Peace Process ( 1975- 1996)
The GRP MNLF peace process started with the involvement of the Organization of
Islamic Conference ( OIC), a powerful and influential block composed of Muslim
countries242. Apparently, the OIC noticed the plight of the Muslims in the southern
Philippines that they included the Bangsamoro issue in their agenda during the
February 29, 1972 meeting. After several rounds of shuttle mediation, the OIC
succeeded in bringing the GRP and MNLF together to sit on the negotiating table on
January 18-19 1975 in Saudi Arabia.
It is interesting to note that the original demand of the MNLF was independence. But
because the OIC was only ‘’ willing to support autonomy within the territorial integrity
and sovereignty of the Republic of the Philippines, the MNLF was forced to drop
239
Eduardo Ermita quoted by Sen Albert Romulo in his privilege speech as cited in Salah Jubair p.163
240
Rodil p.166
241
Heidi Burgess. Beyond Intractibilty Project
242
GRP
128
independence in exchange for a strong autonomous region with internal security forces.
We do not exactly know why the OIC did not favour the MNLF struggle for
independence. But we can speculate that OIC, being conservative governments
themselves, would not also allow any group secede and dismember any part of their
respective countries if for example it happens to them. Anyhow, the negotiations
proceeded with autonomy as the center of the discussions, until, finally, on December
23, 1976 the GRP and MNLF, in the presence of the representatives from the OIC,
signed the Tripoli Agreement.
The 1976 Tripoli Agreement was supposed to establish autonomy to the 13 Mindanao
provinces namely; Zamboanga del Sur, Zamboanga del Norte , Sulu, TawiTawi, Basilan,
Davao del Sur, South Cotabato, North Cotabato, Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat, Lanao
del Sur, Lanao del Norte and Palawan and 9 cities therein namely; Cotabato, Dapitan,
Dipolog, General Santos, Iligan, Marawi, Pagadian, Zamboanga and Puerto Princesa.243
However, because the Tripoli Agreement was so lacking in details with many of its
provisions left to later discussions. It became very contentious. As it turned out,
succeeding talks held in Libya and in Manila to discuss details of provisions, eventually
led to the bogging down and collapse of the peace talks. On the whole, the GRP MNLF
panels ‘’ could not agree on the degree of autonomy to be handed down to the Moros
and the definite role the MNLF had to play in it. Soon in the later part of 2977, sporadic
clashes broke out between government and MNLF forces. The MNLF accused
government troops of continuing military operations against MNLF communities despite
the ceasefire agreement. The Sporadic fighting plus the deadlocks which characterized
all attempts at moving forward with the peace process between 1977 and early 1980 led
the MNLF to revert to independence. NurMisuari announce this in a press conference
held in London on April 17, 1980.244
With the apparent collapse of the peace talks, Marcos unilaterally implemented the
creation of the Regional Autonomous Governments ( RAGs) of region 9 and 12. Whether
or not this was made to project an image that his government did its part in
implementing the 1976 Tripoli agreement is uncertain. What is certain however was that
while these regions are called autonomous they are such name only. In reality, they are
nothing but administrative regions no different from the other regions of the Philippines
Anyhow, six years after the MNLF reverted to Independence, Marcos was toppled down
through the People Power Revolution of 1986. A new government under Cory Aquino
took over and manifested its interest to revive the peace process with the Moro rebels.
The OIC also took interest in sponsoring a new series of peace talks between the Moro
rebels and the new government. It even asked the MNLF and MILF ( a faction led by
then MNLF Vice Chair SalamatHashim, who broke away from NurMisuari due to
leadership and other issues in 1977) to unite so that there is only one voice for the
Bangsamoro. But the consolidated unification did not materialized because allegedly
Cory Aquino broke protocols by visiting NurMisuari ahead before the MILF and MNLF
could settle their differences. Furthermore, the initial cordial relationship between Cory
Aquino government and that of the MNLF was never sustained as later events tarnished
the GRP MNLF relationship. Rudy Rodil observed thi;
…the government, without official MNLF participation, went into full implementation of
the new constitution which contains specific provisions on how to put in place the
243
The reason for choosing the territory of the proposed autonomus region may have been based on the
old territory of old province created during the American colonial regime. It was called Moro province
because originally it was the Moro who predominates in the area. Sulu, Tawi- Tawi, and Basilan used to be
the Sulu district of the Moro Province, while the North Cotabato, South Cotabato, Maguindanao and
Sultan Kudarat was one district before and was known as the Cotabato district. LanaodelNorte and Lanao
del Sur used to be Lanao district along with the present Compostela Valley, Davao del Norte and Davao
Oriental, Davao del Sur was part of the huge Davao district before. Palawan’s inclusion may have been on
the historical fact that it used to be part of the domain of Sulu Sultanate.
244
Dansalan Quarterly Vol 25, Nos. 1-4. January- December 2005, p.48
129
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. The President created the Regional
Consultative Commission which helped draft the organic act for Muslim Mindanao. Based
on this draft, Congress enacted R.A 6734, after the plebiscite of November 1989, the
Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao was in place. But as far as the MNLF and the
OIC are concerned the Tripoli Agreement had yet to be implemented.
Because of the unilateral moves of the Cory Aquino administration, the MNLF continued
to fight the government. Another opportunity was lost to win the rebels back to the
government fold.
When Fidel Ramos became president the first move that he did was to revive the peace
process with the MNLF. He organized a team to conduct an exploratory talks with the
rebel group starting 1992. Ramos proved to be more tactful in his dealing with the MNLF
so that on September 2, 1996, 20 years after the signing of the Tripoli Agreement, the
GRP and MNLF signed a Final Peace Agreement ( FPA)
The 1996 FPA had two phases; Phase I covers a 3 year transitional period intended to
enable the MNLF to settle down and re-establish themselves back to their normal lives;
and Phase II entails the enactment of an amended organic act that will establish a new
autonomous government and the expansion of its territory based on the result of the
plebiscite.245 As part of the agreement, the territories enumerated in the original 1976
Tripoli Agreement were designated as Special Zone of Peace and Development
(SZOPAD) which was to become an area of focused and intensified peace and
development efforts in the SZOPAD, a Southern Philippine Council while the governors,
vice governors and the 9 city mayors in the SZOPAD were to become combatants into
the Armed Forces of the Philippines ( 5,750) and the Philippine National Police ( 1,750) .
How challenging the implementation was of the 1996 FPA between the government and
the MNLF was described to us by Rodil:
The integration process took more time than agreed upon but by the first quarter of
2003, the entire process was completed. The legislative process for the amendment of
the organic act took more time- almost three years than was prescribed in the
agreement; the Plebiscite was finally held on 14 August 2001…Only the Province of
Basilan and the city of Marawi opted to be added to the territory of the autonomous
region.246
Despite the delays, things seemed to go well. NurMisuari was even elected as ARMM
governor and the MNLF communities were dubbed as Peace and Development
Communities (PDC) whose residents became recipients of peace and development
projects from the government and various donors.
GRP MNLF Peace Process
Inspired by the success of signing the 1996 Final Peace Agreement with the MNLF,
Ramos made imitatives to revive the peace negotiation with the MNLF. Exploratory talks
began with series of one on one meetings between the Execuitve Secretary Ruben
Torres and MILF vice chair for political affairs GhazaliJaafar. During these meetings,
Torres and Jaafar discussed the general mechanism on how to approach the formal
talks. As soon as they were able to agree to each side would have main negotiating
panel assisted by an 11 man Technical committee which shall be split into Committee
for agenada setting and Committee for the cessation of hostilities, the formal peace
talks began on January 7,1997 at crossing Simuay, Sultan KudaratMaguindanao.
245
This was the reason why we had another plebiscite in 2001.
246
Rodil 169-170
130
At the outset, the mood was very positive. In a joint press statement released after the
meeting, the two parties considered the event ‘’ historic’’ and the step towards the
attainment of a just and lasting peace in Mindanao. But for the positive mood later on
changed, President Ramos term ended in 1998 and his successor Joseph Estrada
seemed to adopt the opposite approach. As succeeding events showed, armed
encounters between the government soldiers and MILF combatants spoiled the talks.
Skimishes quickly turned ugly until it developed into what we all know as the 2000 All
Out War. From March to July 2000, the Armed Forces of the Philippines overrun all the
MILF camps, including the main and biggest Camp Abubakar. With superior fire power
of the government, the MILF simply abandoned their camps and resorted to guerrilla
warfare. In other words, the all out war of President Estrada did not end the rebellion.
Despite the disturptions, the peace process continued. In March 2001, then Presidential
adviser on the Peace Process Eduardo Ermita and Al HadjMuradEbrahim, then chair of
the MILF panel signed a document that officially resumed the suspended peace talks.
The said document stipulated that both parties will ‘’ honor, respect and implement all
past agreements and other supplementary agreements signed by them247. Furthermore,
they signed another document on June 22, 2001 in Tripoli, Libya where they decided to
focus the agenda of the talks on those aspects, namely; Security, Rehabilitation and
Ancestral Domain.
It was very important that both parties should tackle first the security as this was a
requisite for rehabilitation and other topics in the peace talks. They needed to install
security mechanisms to minimize disruptions of the peace negotiation by misencounters
that could easily develop into major wars. Note that the minor and major violence
between 1997 and 2000 were caused among others by the absence of the rules to be
observed by combatants of both sides.248. so as to prevent the repetition of mistakes
both parties signed the Implementing Guidelines on Security Aspect on August 7, 2001.
Through this, the government and MILF agreed to; Desist from commiting prohibited
hostile and provocative acts; coordinate their respective movements to prevent
misencounters; stop hostilities to allow the conduct of inquiry on incidents by the GRP
MNLF Coordinating Committee on Cessation of Hostilities (CCCH) and guarantee the
security of the negotiating panel as well as that of the members of CCCH. Also, a local
Monitoring team (LMT) was created to monitor the ceasefire arrangement at the
provincial level. What is interesting about the LMT is that it institutionalized the
participation of the local people in the peace process as its members were obtained
from representatives of the local Government Unit. Local political communities of the
MILF, Non- Governmental Organizations (NGO) and the religious sector within the area.
Because both sides are convinced that the activities of the criminal groups impede the
peace process, they agreed to isolate the interdict them by creating the Ad Hoc Joint
Action Group (AHJAG) in 2002 whose composition is made up of PNP, AFP and MILF
elements; and whose task is to carry out the arrest and neutralization of criminals
operating or taking refuge in or near MILF areas.249 Indeed the AHJAG was a kind of
confidence building measure to promote goodwill and cooperation between the
government and MILF combatants who used to fight each other in the past. Yet, despite
this development, violence broke out again in 2003 when the military launched a major
campaign at the MILF headquarters in Buliok Complex in the LiguashanMaesh. The
Military accused the MILF of trying to take back the camps which government forces
overrun during the 200 all out war. The MILF on the other hand made counter
accusations by saying that it was the soldiers who harassed them first. This series of
247
Rodil, p.170
248
For example when AFP and PNP personnel move to arrest ordinary criminals in communities near or
within the MILF territories without coordinating with the latter, this could be easily be interpreted by the
local rebels as an attack against them. Hence, a simple police could easily leaf to a deadly misencounter
like what
249
Implementing guideline of the AHJAG
131
violence split over the other parts of central Mindanao and reaching as far as
LanaodelNorte. As a consequence, some 37,000 civilians were displaced.250
In their continued effort to look for creative ways of improving the security aspect of the
peace process, the GRP and MNLF taught it prudent to have a obejective third party not
only to monitor the implementation of the security and rehabilitation, ancestral domain
but also to serve as an objective referee between the two parties break out.thus, in
2004 the GRP and MILF crafted the terms of reference for the International Monitoring
Team (IMT) whose task is to monitor the overall implemnation of the security and
rehabilitation, ancestral domain was one of the foci of the GRP MNLF talks. The said
document was supposed to be signed on August 5, 2008. But because the Philippine
Supreme Court signing, the MOA AD did not materialize.
The leaked information about the MOA- AD and the TRO issued by the Supreme Court
created a lot of commotions. First, the predominantly ‘’Christian’’ areas of Iligan, North
Cotabato and Zamboanga organized public protest against a document which they
perceived to be affecting their lives without their knowledge.251 Then the local MILF
commanders such as Bravo and Umbra Kato launched violent attacks against Christian
communities in the North Cotabato and LanaodelNorte. As a response, the AFP launched
military operations against the two commanders. All in result of hullabaloo. Then,
ultimately, the Philippine Supreme Court declared the MOA- Ad unconstitutional on
October 12, 2008252.
While the Supreme Court declared the MOA- AD unconstitutional, it nonetheless noted
that it can be renegotiated or another one will drawn up to carry out ancestral domain
aspect as agreed in 2001. That is why the peace process continued despite the MOA-
AD debacle. And in September 2009, the parties agreed to form an International
Contact Group (ICG) to help them ensure that the gains of the peace process are
sustained. The ICG is composed of four countries ( i.e Japan, UK, Turkey and Saudi
Arabia) and four international NGO’s ( i.eMuhammadiyah, The Asian foun253dation, the
Hd Centre and Conciliation Resources) the task of ICG include the following 1) attend
the observe the negotiations, 2) maintain trust between the parties, 3) ensure the
implementation of mutually agreed approaches, 4) act as a bridge between the parties,
the facilitator, local partners, business d others 5)provide technical assistance to the
parties, 6) support communications for peace advocacy. So far, the ICG has been very
helpful in providing support to the parties the facilitator and the overall talks, ranging
from simply witnessing the talks to actively shuttling between the parties to ease
deadlocks and suggest ways forward.
Because much time, effort and resources had already been invested the some gains are
becoming apparent, the peace ensured that the negotiations will be sustained. Thus, on
June 3, 2010, before the end of Arroyo’s term, the parties signed the Declaration of
continuity for Peace negotiation. Then on February 9, 2011, the government (
henceforth referred to as GPH) now under President Benigno Aquino III formally
resumed the prace process. He then met with the MILF chair MuradEbrahim in August
to show his sincerity and determinarion to pursue a peaceful resolution of the
Bangsamoro problem. Then, on October 15, 2012, the Framework Agreement on the
Bangsamoro (FAB) was signed, spelling out general principles, measures and steps in
creating a new autonous political entity that will replace the Autonomus Region in
Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The FAB was further enhanced by pitting in more details and
250
Although according to the MILF panel member MaulanaAlonto in his blog, the 2003 violence rendered
nearly 800,000 Moro civilians displaced.
251
The protest in these places were mainly because of fear that their communities will be included in the
Bangsamoro Judicial Entity (BJE) without their consent. The BJE refers to the territories and places that
were to constitute the Bangsamoro Homeland.
252
See Supreme Court dicision on the MOA-AD
132
flesh into the framework. The Final Document was then known as the Comprehensive
Agreement on the Bangsamoro( CAB) which was signed on March 27, 2014.
Being the culminating document the peace talks, the CAB becomes the Final Agreement
between the GPH and MILF. It spells out specific details not only on the degree of fiscal
and political autonomy but also on the role the MILF will play once the new autonomous
political entity known as the Bangsamoro will be established. Below are some of the
salient features of the CAB:
1. It recognizes the Bangsamoro as a distinct identity and acknowledges that the status
quo ( i.e the poor state of Mindanao) is not acceptable to both parties.
2. It proposes the establishment of a new autonomous political entity to be known also
as Bangsamoro which will replace the ARMM and is not a separate state.
3. The proposed territory of the Bangsamoro covers the present ARMM, six
LanaodelNorte towns, 39 Barangay’s of North Cotabato voted for inclusion in 2001
plebiscite and other contiguous areas who would like to join the Bangsamoro in a
plebiscite.
4. The proposed Bangsamoro will adopt a ministerial form of government that will have
an asymmetric relationship with the national gpvernment.
5. The CAB enumerates which powers are reserved to the central government, exclusive
to the Bangsamoro and concurrently exercised by both.
6. To foster autonomy, the Bangsamoro will have an automatic release and
appropriation of an annual block grant; the devolution of foyr national taxes to the
region (namely, capital gains tax, donor’s tax, estate tax and documentary stamp tax)
increase in the share of national taxes collected in the region from metallic and non
metallic resources from 70 to 75 percent and retention of the 50-50 share from
government revenues from fossil fuel.
7. To ensure harmony of policies between the Central and Bangsamoro governments an
intergovernmental relations mechanism will be set up.
8. All residents in the Bangsamoro are guaranteed basic rights to life, property,
movement, privacy and freedom of religion and speech.
9. Implementation of Sharia shall only be to the Muslims. The region will not be an
Islamic state, rather a secular government that acknowledges the diversity of its
inhabitants.
10.The CAB also stipulated that there will be a phased decommissioning of the MILF
weapons and forces, each phase being dependent on every milestone that will achive
(e.g transformation of the MILF camps into productive normal communities etc)
11. During the transition period , the MILF led Bangsamoro parliament will be composed
of 5o members various local party list representatives (5o%) legislative district
representatives ( 40 %) and the indigenous groups, youth and women (10%)
12. The establishment of the Bangsamoro need s an enabling law to be passed by the
Philippine Congress. This law is known as the Bangsamoro Basic Law.
What Challenges confront the Bangsamoro peace process?
While the current negotiation between the government and the MILF has been moving
forward, it is not without obstacles. True enough, the fact that the GPH- MILF Peace
Process has been with us for 17 years is enough evidence to show how these obstacles
played hard and still affecting the process. The statement by the chair of the MILF
negotiating panel Mohagher Iqbal impresses upon us the difficulty of finding a
successful conclusion to the peace process when he said:
‘’ The road ahead is not paved; it is still full of twists and turns. These are dnagers
practically lurking everywhere.
As noted earlier, the peace process does not only involve top- level political negotiation
but more importantly, a social transformation that would deal with the deep rooted
133
prejudice, distrust and resistance of Christian Filipino majority who often regard any
process with the Moros as wrong, immoral and unwise. For instance, when the 1996
Final Peace Agreement between the Philippine government and the MNLF stipulated
among others, that some 7500 MNLF combatants would integrates into armed forces
that the integrated into the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National
Police, many ‘ Christian’’ Filipinos feared that the integration of the MNLF combatants
will not only downgrade the standards of the two government agencies but also
endanger them by giving the rebels access to more powerful weapons and highly
classified trainings. Many thought that the rebels would simply desert with their newly
acquired weapons and skills to better fight the government. More recently, the chair of
the GPH Peace Panel and the Presidential adviser on the peace process were tagged by
those who oppose the peace negotiations as traitors because they se them lawyering
and defending the MILF after the Mamasapano Incident. It must be mentioned that the
misencounter in the small town of Mamasapano has nothing to do with the proposed
Bangsamoro Basic Law but it is now threaten as a scrapped because of the incident.
Worse, not a few ‘’Christian’’’ Filipinos believe that the creation of a truly autonomous
government for the Bangsamoro people would only led to Muslims oppressing
Christians; to more corruptions and underdevelopment; to espousing more conflicts and
wars; to grave abuse of power by Moro leaders; to dispossess Christians by their lands
and expel them out from Mindanao. Blinded by their bias and poor grasp of the
Bangsamoro question, many Filipinos fail to realize that the ensuring success of the
peace process is everybody’s responsibility because of it succeeds, the entire country
will certainly benefit. Unfortunately, however, instead of helping the peace process
many seem to be apathetic if not working against it – making every step difficult and
countering every little gain of peace talks.
It can be assumed, however, that Christian bias against Muslims and apathy of other
Filipinos on the Mindanao Problem could be attributed to lack of information and
misinformation of stakeholders on the peace process itself. According to the special
report of the Unites States Institute of Peace in 2003, even the Moro People complained
that they were only aware of the on going peace talks between the government and
MILF, but many of them did not know the details of the negotiation. Amidst
developments in the peace talks, it is still beset with perceieved problems on the
constitutionally of some of the provisions stipulated in the proposed Basic Law for the
Bangsamoro Autonomous region. A pervading question, and perhaps the most
contentious is the issue on the exploitation of the natural resources and ownership of
land contained in the annex on Wealth sharing. In her committee report on the BBL,
Senator Merriam Defensor Santiago said that these are against the Regalian Doctrine
which is enshrined as one of the core charter principle in the 1987 Constitution of the
Republic of the Philippines. Section 2 Article XII of the Constitution incorporates this
doctrine and states that:
‘’ All lands of the public domain, waters, minerals, coal, petroleum and other mineral
oils, all forces of potential energy, fisheries, forest and timber, wildlife, flora and fauna,
and other natural resources are owned by the state.
It must be mentioned that in both the CAB and the proposed House Bill 4994, the GPH
MILF Peace panles and the BTC envisioned the Bangsamoroto have control and powers
over inland waters, including those that feed the hydroelectric plants in Lanao: Strategic
minerals such as uranium; petroleum and natural gases, Bangsmoro waters ant etc.
According to the doctrine, no other government entity shall have control over these
except for the Republic of the Philippines. The chief negotiator of the MILF Iqbar
however, stressed that:
… The Regalian Doctrine is the reason why we lost our lands in Mindanao because our
lands are controlled by the state.
134
Indeed, the conflict in Mindanao has strong roots in the question over the natural
resources especially land but also mining, timber, oil, gas and fishing resources. In the
end, the major challenge is how to find a compromise that will respect the Regalian
Doctrine and at the same time the right of the Moro for self- determination.
Aside from the constitutional issues, there also fear of an imminent sprouting of a new
armed group because of the factionalism within the ranks of both the MNLF and the
MILF. Historically, it must be remembered that while the MILF negotiation with the
national government seems to be in the pace of success in the past, some of its
members who favoured the armed struggle for independence defected and formed the
Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters that has been recently involved in skirmishes
with the military. There is also the perception that other militant groups such as the
NurMisuari led faction of the MNLF were excluded in the peace talks, adding the fear to
the creation of a more faction or break away groups.
The system of check and balance in the Philippine Government also poses difficulties in
fast tracking the peace process. Senator Merriam Defensor Santiago pointed this out
when she said that the MILF was only talking to the executive branch where OPPAP and
the GPH panel are under. This was also the point illustrated by the violence that erupted
in 2008. To the MILF they felt being fooled by the government because after
convingcing the government panel that they had a good case, still they needed to
negotiate with people from legislative and judicial branches. To them, it was absurd to
run another negotiation with the other branches of the government. After all the
government panel was supposed to be representing the Philippine Government. Because
some of the MILF Commanders perceived this to be a proof of government insincerity
and fooling around, they launched violent attacks in North Cotabato and LanaodelNorte
in 2008.
The presence of the armed groups and spoilers wanting to maintain the status quo
warrants attention considering the hullabaloo initiated by them in the past. For example,
there were those who took advantage of the unpopularity of the BBL after the botched
operation of the Special Action Force ( SAF)in Mamasapano in January 25, 2015. The
Mamasapano encounter and the BBL propaganda runs the possibility of being used as a
campaign strategy of politicians to amass votes for election in 2016.
Last but certainly not the , biased reportage by the media make or unmake the BBL and
the Peace Process. Considered by some as the fourth branch of the government
because of its wide influence over the general public, media reporting as a crucial factor
influencing the fate of the BBL cannot be undermined. In fact, the irresponsible media
reportage is believed to have contributed largely to the war drumbeating against the
MILF after the Mamasapano incident.
What are safeguard features of the current GPH MILF Peace Process?
Drawing in lessons from both the good and the bitter experienced in the past, the GPH
and MILF peace panels designed the overall architecture of the current peace process in
such a way that mechanisms and safety nets are in place to ensure the implementation
of the agreed provisions in the CAB even if it will take the next administration to
implement most parts of the peace deal, including programs for the return of the rebels
to the mainstream life.
The chair of the MILF Peace Panel, Mohagher Iqbal, lists down the four safety nets in
the current negotiation254. This includes the following:
254
Iqbaj, Mohagher, ‘’ Prospects and Obstacles of the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro’’ Asia
Pacific Peace Building Initiatives, 16 April 2013
135
1. In the past, both the GRP and the MNLF peace panels, who could have ensured the
implementation of the agreed points, were disbanded after the signing the 1996 Final
Peace Agreement. Thus, there was no effective monitoring system to rely on. In the
current peace process, however, the two negotiating panels will not be disbanded and
will continue to engage each other until a final exit agreement will be signed after all the
agreements have been fully implemented. This will assure that the two peace panes will
be around to monitor the progress and implementation what has been agreed in the
CAB.
2. There is the commitment of two negotiating panels that no party shall unilaterally
implement any of the signed agreements. In the past , there have been unilateral
decisions by the government that eroded the trust and confidence of the Moro fronts
For example, the Marcos administration, without the consent of the MNLF issued
Presidential Proclamation No.1628 to create an Autonomous region in March of 1977
and later established region IX and XII as autonomous regions in July 1979. History tells
us that this pushed the MNLF to resumed its armed conflict with the government.
3. The participation or contribution of the internationally community, both states and

international non governmental organizations (INGO’s), particularly the international
Contact group ( ICG), the International Monitoring Team (IMT) and the Third Party
Monitoring Team ( TPMT) cannot be undermined in their effort to help stabilize the
peace process. Suffice to say, these groups, whose mandate includes reviewing ,
assessing and evaluating the implementation of all agreements of the key area in the
agreement.
4. In addition of the ICG and IMT, a Joint Normalization Commission (JNC) composed of
the GPH and MILF Peace Negotiating Panels, the Malaysian Facilitator and the TPMT
was created as part of the Peace architecture to assess, review and evaluate the
implementation of activities stipulated in the Annex on Normalization.
More than safety nets mentioned above is far better argument why the current peace
process has a good shot in the arms. This is because the GPH- MILF peace process had
gained support from important sectors in the society, including among others the Armed
Forces of the Philippines, civil society and the non- governmental organizations (
especially those based in Mindanao) and majority membership of the framers of 19787
Constitution. The Church, people and academe, two of the institutions believe to have
large multiplier affects, are also generally supportive. This can be attributed to the
dialogues and consultations conducted by OPPAP with various stakeholders.
To address the perception that the government is very difficult to deal with because its
branches and agencies are not harmonized and synchronized in their stand on the peace
process. OPPAP at present continues to conduct dialogues and consultation with various
government institutions to level off their understanding and positions. Hopefully through
this, we can broaden the constituency not only among grassroots communities and non
government stakeholders, but also within in the government.
IV. Lesson Learned and Peace Message
With respect to the peace process, we want to stress two major points as lessons learn.
First, like tributaries that flow into a bigger river, the GRP- MNLF and GPH- MILF peace
processes can viewed as contributing to the overall cause of the Bangsamoro. Hence,
looking at these peace processes, we should not look at them as peace processes for
the MNLF or MILF. Rather, they should be regarded as working for the people and the
future of the Bangsamoro.
136
Secondly, regarding constitutionality and legal issues, public debates on the Bansamoro
should not be about semantics but people- their hopes, dreams, and aspiration. We
must remember that the vision and spirit that guided the framers of the 1987
Constitution is mandating the special status for autonomous region is the human
development of the people of both Muslim Mindanao and the Cordilleras. Discourses
should not be reduced to mere technicality of words; rather it should focus on the larger
context that laws are created to address needs of people rather than people being
created for Law.
ACTIVITY 1. Lead the class in watching the two video documentaries “Inside the New People’s
Army” (https://youtu.be/vOnm0tTz_m8) and “Filipino rebels’ plants seeds for new regime”
(https://youtu.be/CEuLcFKY1IM) on the revolutionary movements in the Philippines.
⮚ Encourage the students to watch the video and reflect on their feelings after watching
the video.
⮚ Then let each student go back to their output and answer this following question:
1. What feelings were evoked when you were discussing the roots causes and effects
of the armed conflict?
2. Do you agree with the government in their steps to resolve the conflict peacefully?
Why or why not?
3. How about he revolutionary groups? Do you agree with their means of resolving
conflict?
ACTIVITY 2.
Ask the students to reflect on the lesson and ask ways how they would help educate the
public to participate in processes that would address armed conflicts in Mindanao. (Some of the
actions might include the following).
⮚ To participate in the discourses and read books that provide wider perspective on the
armed conflicts happening in Mindanao.
⮚ To follow the development of the GPH-MILF-MILF-NPA-CPP peace negotiations or
advocate for the resumption of the talks.
VI.References and Recommended Readings
Gowing, Peter G. Muslim Filipinos: Heritage and Horizon ( Quezon City: New Day
Publishers, 1979
Heidi Burgess. Beyond Intractibility Project. The Conflict Information Consrotium,

University of Colorado, 2013.
Implementing Guideline of the AHJAG Communique
IQ Marin SDN BHD 1999.
Majul, Cesar A. Muslims in the Philippines: Quezon City: University of the Philippines
Press, 1999
-------The Contemporaru Muslim Movement in the Philippines, Bekerley, Mizan

Press.1985
MaulanaAlonto’s blog at http://penpointers.blogspot.com

137
Muslim, Macapado. The Moro Armed Struggle in the Philippines: The Non Violent
Autonomy Alternative. Marawivity: MSU URC Press and Information Office 1994
Rodil, Rudy B. A Story of Mindanao and Sulu in Question and Answer. Davao: MINCODE,
2003
Supreme Court Decision on the MOA –AD
Tanggol, Sukarno D. Muslim Autonomy in the Philippines: Rhetorics and Rhetorics and
Reality. Marawi city MSU URC Press and Information Office. 1993
The 1976 Tripoli Agreement
The 1996 Final Peace Agreement between the Government of the Republic of the
Philippines and Moro National Liberation Front.
The Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain.
138
Module 15
THE ISSUE ABOUT SABAH (NORTH BORNEO)
By: Prof. Alshadat B. Sabal and Prof. Manuel S. Lam

MSU-Tawi-Tawi College of Technology and Oceanography
I- Objectives
questions:
1. Where is Sabah (formerly North Borneo)?

2. What are the historical and legal bases of the Philippine claim to Sabah?
3. How did the different Philippine administrations deal with the Sabah claim?
4. What is the stand of the so-called heirs of the Sulu Sultanate vis-à-vis the Sabah
claim?
II-Introductory Activity:
The teacher may call on the students to locate Sabah in a map of Asia or a map of the
Philippines drawing their attention to its proximity to Tawi-Tawi, the southernmost
province of the Philippines. He may elicit opinions from the students regarding
consequences of this proximity to the Filipinos and the Sabahans. Moreover he may ask
the students, in the face of the recent standoff (February 2013) between the Sulu
Sultan’s Royal Army and the State of Sabah, whether they are in favor of pursuing the
Sabah claim.
III-Lesson Proper
1. Where is Sabah?
Sabah is one of the 13 states of Malaysia. It is located on the northern part of the island
of Borneo and bordered by Sarawak (Southwest) and Kalimantan or Indonesian Borneo
(South). Sabah has an 800-900 mile (1,290-1,450 kilometer) long, heavily indented
coastline that is washed by South China, Sulu and Celebes Seas. The capital of Sabah is
Kota Kinabalu. It was known as North Borneo during the British Colonial Period until
1963. Its 29,388 square mile land area is dominated by Mount Kinabalu. Sabah is often
referred as the “The Land Below the Wind”, a phrase used by Sulu pirates in the past
because of its position below the typhoon belt.
Plantation agriculture began early in the 20th century, and produces tobacco, coconut,
and oil palm. Exports include timber, rubber, copra and abaca. Industries include
sawmilling and the manufacture of rubber goods.
The Malay, Kadazan, Chinese, Bajau and Murut are the main ethnic groups.
According to historical accounts, the royal families of Sulu and Brunei were distant
relatives. Intermarriage took place among them resulting in close diplomatic relations
between the two nations.
Sabah is approximately 30 minutes away from the southernmost island of Tawi-Tawi

and around 3 hours by motor launch from Bongao, the capital. .
Sabah contacts were confined to the Philippines for centuries. Cross-border trade has
flourished in the area due to the proximity of Sabah to the Philippines.
139
The Secessionist Movement launched by the Moro National Liberation Front in the early
70’s brought an influx of migrants to Sabah for fear of being caught in the crossfire.
Sabah is now the home of nearly half a million Filipinos, mostly Muslims from Mindanao,
Sulu and Tawi-Tawi.
The Filipino workforce in Sabah has contributed tremendously to the development of

Sabah.
2. What are the historical and legal bases of the Philippine’s Sabah claim?
In the early part of the 17th century, Sabah belonged to the Sultan of Brunei. With the
assassination of the 12th Sultan of Brunei, Mohammad Ali, a war broke out over the right
of succession between the alleged perpetrator Bendehera Abdul Mubin and Pengeran
Bungso, a nephew of the slain Sultan. A leader of one of the warring functions went to
the sultan of Sulu for assistance. Badaruddin, the Sultan of Sulu, a relative of both
claimants to the throne, supported Pengeran Bungso (who took the name of Sultan
Muaddin) by dispatching his forces to Brunei to help the latter. Sultan Muaddin
emerged victorious.
In 1658, Sabah was bestowed as a gift to the Sulu Sultanate by the Sultan of Brunei in
gratitude or compensation for the assistance in suppressing the rebellion. As a
consequence, the Sultan of Sulu exercised influence, if not dominion, over the territory.
In January 1878, Baron Gustavus Von Overbeck, the Austrian Consul General in
Hongkong, traveled to Sulu to negotiate with the sultan regarding the lease of Sabah on
behalf of Alfred Dent, an English merchant, who advanced 10,000 English pounds for
the venture. At the time of the negotiation, a Spanish expeditionary force under Captain
General Malcampo was dispatched against Jamalul Alam (Ahlam), the Sulu Sultan.
Taking advantage of the situation, Overbeck pressured the Sultan of Sulu to lease
Sabah.
On January 22, 1878, his Majesty Sultan Jamalul Alam Kiram I entered into a “Deed of
Padjak” with North Borneo Chartered Company represented by Gustavus Von Overbeck
and Alfred Dent. The deed was written in the Malaysian language and in Arabic
characters. It used the Tausug word “padjak” to describe the nature of the contract.
The British and the Malaysians claimed that this word meant “sale” or “cession” and not
lease. But Dutch, American and Spanish scholars translated the word “padjak” to mean
lease or the Spanish word “arrendamiento.”
The contract stipulated that the lease prohibits the transfer of Sabah to any nation,
entity, company or individual without the approval of Her Majesty’s Government (Great
Britain).255
The 1878 Deed of Lease was translated by Professor Harold Conklin, an American
anthropologist, based on a copy in the original Arabic found by Mr. Quintero in
Washington, D.C. Bureau of Insular Affairs Archives (File No. 980-24-Treaty) in 1946
(see Box 12-1).
255
This provision is ironic since Great Britain has nothing to do with the territory, though it is the host
country of a witness of the 1878 contract, W. H. Treacher, who was then the Acting Consul General in
Borneo.
140
Box 12-1. Deed of Lease as Translated by Prof. Harold Conklin.
In 1903, the company asked Sultan Jamalul Kiram II to execute a confirmatory deed to
confirm the contract of 1878 and expressly recognized that the Sulu sultanate was
sovereign in Sabah. From 1978 to 1946, the North Borneo Chartered Company
administered the disputed territory. During this period it paid the Sultan of Sulu an
annual rental of 5,000 Malayan dollars, which was increased to 5,300 dollars. Six days
after the granting of independence of the Philippines by the United States in 1946, the
British crown entered into a contract with the NBCC thereby the company transferred to
the British crown all its rights to the State of North Borneo.
On June 22, 1962, the Philippines formally filed her claim over Sabah with the United
Kingdom. It claimed sovereignty, jurisdiction and proprietary ownership over Sabah as
successor-in-interest to the Sultan of Sulu. Despite this claim, Malaysia included Sabah
in its federal territory in 1963 when it gained independence from British rule.
Legal luminaries, such as former Senator Jovito Salonga, argue that sovereignty over
Sabah cannot be excercised, or transferred, by a non-sovereign to a sovereign country
as what happened when Great Britain assumed control over the territory from the
NBCC.256 Furthermore, the Sulu Sultanate has proprietary rights, but has lost its
sovereignty over Sabah when it was absorbed by the Philippines. Only states have
sovereign rights as far as the United Nations is concerned.
256
Speech delivered in the Senate by then Senator Jovito Salonga on March 30, 1963. His speech is
reproduced in full at Philippine Daily Inquirer, March 5, 2013, in rebuttal of a contrary position by a fellow
senator.
141
3. How did the different Philippine administrations deal with the Sabah
claim?
The Philippines, in an attempt to resolve the Sabah claim, suggested that the issue be
addressed to an international court for resolution.
In describing the importance of the Philippines’ claim over Sabah, Vice President
Emmanuel Perez during the administration of President Diosdado Macapagal said: “The
Philippines’ claim to Sabah deserves, and indeed demands, the most serious
consideration by all concerned. It involves three of the highest and most vital interests
affecting the existence and well-being of the state. These interests are sovereign rights,
national security, and the peace and freedom of the geographical area in which it is
situated.
A meeting was held in London from January 28 to February 1, 1963, between a

Philippine panel and a British panel over the Philippines claim. Evidently, the meeting
was but an exercise in futility. In 1968, President Ferdinand E. Marcos allegedly created
a military commando dubbed as “Operation Merdeka” composed of young Muslim
Filipinos from Mindanao purportedly to invade Sabah by force. The trainees protested
upon knowing the purpose of the training. Hence, they were massacred. Only one
survived the massacre, Jibin Arola.
As an offshoot of the so-called “Jabidah Massacre” the diplomatic relations between the
Philippines and Malaysia were temporarily halted. These were restored on December 16,
1969. This incident also sparked the formation of the Moro National Liberation Front
under Nur Misuari, a Tausug.
On January 17, 1973, the Philippine Constitution was ratified. It defined the national
territory to include “All territories belonging to the Philippines by historic right or legal
titles.” Malaysia objects to this provision because it implies that Sabah historically
belongs to the Philippines.
With the ratification of the new constitution on February 2, 1987 under President
Corazon C. Aquino, the phrase historic right or legal title was changed to sovereignty or
jurisdiction.
Both the administrations of President Corazon C. Aquino and President Fidel V. Ramos
opted to shelve the Philippines’ claim to Sabah. This was largely triggered by their desire
to foster and improve the bilateral relations of the Philippines and Malaysia. This was
also the strategy adopted by the past administration of President Gloria M. Arroyo.
The 2013 standoff in Sabah between the Sulu Royal Army and Malaysian authorities
seems to have no impact on the present dispensation.257 President Benigno S. Aquino III
vowed to strengthen the relationship of the Philippines and Malaysia, which brokers the
peace negotiations between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front. He said that the Sabah issue is complicated and requires careful study. He argued
that any solution should be acceptable to all parties.
4. What is the stand of the so-called Heirs of the Sulu Sultanate vis-à-vis the
Sabah claim?
257
The “standoff” was due to the incursion into Sabah on February 9, 2013 by the so-called Royal Forces
of Sultan Jamalul Kiram III, one of the claimants to the Sulu Sultanate crown. Some of those who went
into Lahad Datu, Sabah, were members of Nur Misuari’s Moro National Liberation Front.
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The sultanate of Sulu wants to pursue the claim over Sabah which the Philippine
government has failed to do for decades.
In 1962, the heirs of the Sulu Sultanate issued a declaration entitled “Recognition and
Authority in favor of the Republic of the Philippines”, which ceded and transferred
sovereignty over Sabah for the Philippines. Following the declaration, the Republic of
the Philippines accepted the cession of sovereignty made by the Sulu Sultan.
One of the provisions of the 1962 resolution states that should the Philippine
government fail to recover Sabah after exhausting all peaceful means, the transfer
document “shall ipso facto become null and void and the Sultan of Sulu shall be free to
assert his sovereignty over Sabah by other means available to all claimants.”
Complaints against the annual payment by Malaysia to the Sultan’s heirs.
Over the years, the Sulu Sultanate has asserted its ancestral right over Sabah. It asked
the Malaysian government to increase the annual rental considering that Sabah earned
almost $3B of annual income. Other claimants proposed for a joint venture in the
administration of Sabah with Malaysia. The 2013 standoff in Sabah proves that the Sulu
claimants are serious in reviving the centuries-old Sabah claim.
IV-Peace Value/Challenge:
The Philippine Constitution provides that in whatever conflicts the country may have
with other countries, it shall shun the use of force for their resolution. The Philippines
always enjoins openness through dialogue, consultation and recognition. A cornerstone
of its foreign relations is to abide by the rule of law, and its Sabah claim, just like its
other territorial claims, must go through peaceful diplomatic procedures. It may submit
the Sabah claim to an international arbitrarial court for resolution.
In its treaties with other countries and membership in ASEAN and international bodies,
the Philippines always endeavors for cooperation, harmony and solidarity in pursuit of
common interests and aspirations.
Activity 1: Examining a Political Cartoon
Political cartoon is a drawing that gives visual commentary on political events.

To convey a message, the cartoonist used images and texts which the readers easily
understand to see connections in order to draw a conclusion. To examine a political
cartoon, one should: (1) identify the principal characters and the idea they represent;
(2) read the text conveying messages and actions; (3) see connections between the
images or symbols; (4) and reviewthe message of the cartoon.
1. You describe the texts, images or symbols used in the example political cartoon
below.
2. You summarize the message or idea communicated in the political cartoon.
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President Benigno Aquino III does his "noynoying" on the recent Sabahstandoff. Photo courtesy
of The Tribune Editorial cartoon. Click linkhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=32WKHztMo04 to
view PresidentAquino's Press Conference on the Sabah Issue.
Source: http://anuncomplicatedmind.blogspot.com/2013/03/southern-discomfort.html.
Retrieved on August 6, 2020.
The message in the political cartoon is: _________________________________

_______________________________________________________________________
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Activity 2: Locate Sabah and Post It
1. You research about the geo-political maps of Malaysia and the Philippines.
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2. You draw the maps of Malaysia Borneo and the Philippines in a cartolina and
trace the territory of the Sulu Sultanate, as discussed in the precious lessons, by
encircling and labeling the islands, including Sabah, under its sovereignty.
3. You can use any coloring material available at your home to turn your output
into art.
4. Take a photo of the map with yourself and post it on Facebook.
5. Tag your instructor’s Facebook account and wait till he/she “liked” or commented
on your post to confirm evaluation of your work.
3. In the caption, you write your answer to this question: “What makes Sabah a
part of Philippine territory?”
4. You follow the deadline date.
Source: https://www.google.com/search?q=sabah+and+philippines+map. Retrieved on August 6, 2020
Sample map:
Activity 3: Establishing Cause and Effect
Any event generally has more than one cause and produces more than one
effect. A causeis any condition, person, or event that makes something happen. What
happens as a result of a cause is known as an effect. A cause may have both
immediate and long-term effects. An immediate cause leads directly to an event.
1. You read the articles: “The Lahad Datu Standoff and its Impact on the
GE13 Results in Sabah” by RomziAtiong, Marshall Clark and Juliet Pietch; and
“Lahad Datu invasion: A painful memory of 2013” by NajiahNajib. You
may download the pdf copy of the first article; and follow this link:
http://english.astroawani.com/malaysia-news/lahad-datu-invasion-painful-
memory-2013-27579 for the second article.
2. You analyze the narratives during this particular historical event. Then,
enumerate the causes and effects of this particular turn of events in 2013 based
on your readings.
3. You answer the essay question at the last part. You write in English.
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Causes Effects
Essay question: Do you agree with term “invasion” used by NajiahNajib, a Malaysian
writer, in the standoff initiated by the Lahad Datu of the Sultan Kiram Family in Sabah?
Why or why not?
_______________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________
VI. References
Agoncillo, Teodoro A. History of the Filipino People. Quezon City: Garotech

Publishing 1990.
Gowing, Peter G. Muslim Filipino – Heritage and Horizon. Quezon City: New Day
Publishers, 1979.
Halili, Maria Christine N. Philippine History. Quezon City: Rex Bookstore Inc., 2010.
MindaNews – September 5, 2002.
Philippine Claim to North Borneo, Vol. 1, Malacanang Archives.

http://www.gov.ph/1878/01/22.
Speech delivered by Sen. Jovito Salonga, March 30, 1963, full text reproduced in
“Salonga explains Sabah claim,” Philippine Daily Inquirer, March 5, 2013.
Available online at http://globalnation.inquirer.net/66739/salonga-explains-sabah-claim.
Speech delivered by Sen. Juan Ponce Enrile on September 30, 2002, at the University of
the East. http:// www. Senate.gov.ph.
The New Encyclopedia Britannica, vol. 10, 15th Edition.
Wikipedia. “Sabah,” http://eniwikipedia.org/wiki/Sabah.
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Module 16
PEACE BUILDING AT THE GRASSROOTS
Rudy B. Rodil1
1
Mindanao Historian
I. Objectives:
questions:
1) How did the NGO Pakigdait contribute to peace building in Kauswagan, Lanao
del Norte?
2) What is the accomplishment of CO Multiversity, a Davao-based NGO operating in
Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat and Lanao del Sur?
3) How did the Bual Peace Zone evolve from the ashes of more than two hundred
fifty homes burned to the ground?
4) What is the contribution of the Dungos Peace Pact in Tulunan , South Cotabato
to the peace process?
II. Introductory Activity
As an introductory statement, the instructor may opt to start the session by

stating the following:
After learning about the formal peace process at the top level, we continue our
discussions with the peace-building initiatives at the community level. Actually, we can
cite a lot of examples where ordinary people organized themselves and struggled to
change their unpeaceful situations into something very inspiring and hope-giving. But
due to limited space, we shall limit our discussions to the experiences of Pakigdait in
Kauswagan in Lanao del Norte, CO Multiversity in Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat and
Lanao del Sur, and then the Peace Pact in Dungos, Tulunan, South Cotabato. Out of
their experiences, we hope to inspire hope to each one of us that peace is possible
through dialogue and collective efforts.
1.) How did the NGO Pakigdait contribute to peace building in Kauswagan,
Lanao del Norte?
Kauswagan is a coastal town in Lanao del Norte, a mere twenty minutes drive
from Iligan City. In mid-March 2000, the town hall of Kauswagan,258 was occupied by
the MILF. Scores of citizens were taken hostage, hundreds of others had to wade
through mud and deep water in fright and flight. The Christian population felt deeply
betrayed by their Muslims friends whom they felt could have forewarned them of the
forthcoming attack. The Muslims claimed they, too, did not know but were not believed.
Five days after the Military had recovered the hall and the town, President Joseph
Estrada arrived to declare an all-out-war against the MILF. This was the same war that
hit Pikit, North Cotabato, less than two months later.
Like fourteen other towns, mostly along the coasts in Lanao del Norte,
Kauswagan has experienced bloody clashes between Maranao and Bisayan Christians.
The worst was in 1971 when the entire year from January to December was
accentuated with massacres, indiscriminate killings on both sides, ambuscades, burning
of homes, even kidnapping. Mindanao Scoop, a local newspaper recorded a total of
seventy-nine incidents along the eleven Christian-dominated coastal towns. Top three in
258 A Bisayan word which means “progress”.

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the list were Bacolod, immediate neighbor to Kauswagan, with eighteen incidents,
Tubod with thirteen and Kauswagan with twelve, one of which was the infamous Tacub
massacre. The forty bloody incidents recorded last years, 1976 to 1999, varied in
number: 1980 had sixteen; 1999 had ten; the other years environment of mutual
animosity and mutual distrust between the two major segments of the population. The
MILF occupation of the Kauswagan town hall was merely an icing in the cake, as it
were, and served to re-open old wounds.
Old friends could not look each other in the eye afterwards and find the same
trusting look. It was within this climate that some hardy souls, Muslims and Christians,
mostly old timers, drew their determination to re-think their situation and go out of their
way to revive the good old days, not thirty years ago but earlier, when Muslims and
Christians of Kauswagan treated each other like brothers and sisters. A few months after
the outbreak of the all-out-war, an attempt was made for a meeting between old-timers
at a neutral venue in Iligan City. It did not work. The Christians who said yes earlier did
not bother to show up. When queried later, they admitted that they did not feel the
trust they used to have for Muslims. It would take a full year of incubation before a
breakthrough of an idea could be made. This was when Pakigdait or, spelled out,
Pakigdait ug Pag-amuma sa Kalinaw was born. Religious leaders and old-timers on both
sides formed the core.
In Cebuano Bisaya, pakigdait is not just a word. It is a gesture that carries a

deep social significance. It means going out of one’s way to be one with the other in the
latter’s moments of Joy, Sadness, Work, Play, and so on. Pag-amuma is to nurture or
care for. Kalinaw means peace or tranquility as in deep, clear body of water. So, the
whole phrase would mean “uniting with one another in nurturing peace.” With this, they
did not have to call themselves a peace zone.
On the anniversary of the MILF capture of the town hall, two separate rallies
convened: one to celebrate the town’s survival and recovery; the other to deplore the
event of the previous year. That was a good beginning for the peace advocates.
In June 2001, Pakigdait adopted a Five-year Peace-building Program for the

Municipality of Kauswagan. The goal was to facilitate healing and reconciliation in the
municipality. The first year was for the mobilization of the religious groups, local
government unit, civil society organizations and the young people, regarded as the four
strategic pillars of their work. They have special reasons for anchoring their peace-
building work on these four pillars. The local government has a crucial role in crafting
policies that would promote peace in the municipality. As a starter, the Sangguniang
Bayan of Kauswagan passed a resolution declaring 17-21 March as the “Kauswagan
Week of PEACE”. Peace-building requires major changes in moral values. This is where
the religious leaders can play a significant role. The civil society organizations, too, can
initiate, as they have already done and still do, in the enhancement of participation of
the people in any peace-related activities in the community. Finally, by investing in the
youth, the vicious cycle of violence, among others, can be checked and a new
generation of relationship can be molded. Hand in hand with the young are the women,
who as mothers have the natural inclination to nurture a life of peace in their children.
Through slow meticulous work, two inter-religious assemblies were organized in

2001, and a peace summit was assembled in March 2002. In all these activities, the
officials of the municipality actively participated. A loose federation was also established
among the three neighboring towns of Kauswagan, Linamon and Bacolod. Assisting
them were Davao-based CO Multiversity, specialist in capability building and the Local
Government Support Program of Canadian Aid. Other funding and peace-oriented NGOs
have also thrown in their funding assistance, CAFOD, VSO-TOSCADAR and Catholic
Relief Service.
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2.) What is the accomplishment of CO Multiversity, a Davao-based NGO
operating in Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat and Lanao del Sur?
CO Multiversity is an NGO put together in 1998 by people who have twenty years
of experience in rural and urban organizing. But their affair with peace process among
the Muslims is a fairly recent one although in the 1980s it started an intensive CO
training program in Kibawe, Bukidnon with people like Dinky Soliman, Celia Santos and
Fides Bagasao at its helm. It has its national office in Metro Manila and also maintains
an office in Davao City. Its stated vision is the realization of “empowered sustainable
communities engaged in civil society initiatives towards peace and social
transformation.”
Its engagement in the peace process started in the year 1999, through series of
training seminars on community organizing sponsored by United Nations Development
Program (UNDP) for Peace and Development Advocates in the MNLF communities. This
was followed by its pilot project, an on-the-job training for six months of four
community organizers – two Muslims and two non-Muslims – in Barangay Chua in
Bagumbayan, Sultan Kudarat. Each month, CO Multiversity convened a reflection
evaluation session in Davao, with other PDAs attending. From Chua its involvement
shifted to select areas in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), this time
under the auspices of the Canadian International Development Agency-funded Local
Government Support-program (LGSP).
During the six-month period, from November 2001 to April 2002, LGU (Local
Government Unit) and CSO (Civil Society Organization) participants went on exposure-
learning trips to existing zones of peace in Maguindanao and Lanao Sur to draw from
their concrete experiences in stimulating and managing a community based peace
process.
Then the peace development advocates, as the training participants are called,
plunged into painstaking organizing work and facilitated peace-building processes in
their assigned communities: barangays Bayanga Norte (Matanog), Barangay Barorao
(Balabagan), Barangay Daguan (Kapatagan), Barangay Makir (Datu Odin Sinsuat) and in
its expansion areas in Barangay Mataya (Buldon) and Barangay Cagarawan and
Barangay Tugaid (Barira). These communities – except for Makir in Datu Odin Sinsuat –
were located mostly around or near Camp Abubakar and were badly devastated during
the all-out-war. In time municipal leaders, after consultation with stakeholders, were
persuaded to cooperate and officially declared the focused barangay as peace zones.
They had two significant activities in March and June of 2003. In March, partly as a
reaction to the outbreak of large-scale fighting between the AFP and the MILF, the
alliance organized an Inter-Area Peace Advocates’ Forum and came up with a statement
calling for ceasefire and the resumption of peace talks. The Forum was their first
opportunity to explore their bargaining strength as an inter-area formation and from
there came other resolutions to pursue peace advocacy at that level. An Ad Hoc
committee served as the transition body to ensure that the resolutions were carried out
while the process of further strengthening the alliance was taking shape.
They also conducted a Walk for Peace on 8 June 2003. For the three hundred
leaders or so, it was an opportunity to flex their muscles and show their capacity to
mobilize their constituency for peace advocacy as they symbolically reclaimed, even for
a brief moment, the Langkung-Sarmiento stretch of the Narciso Ramos Highway, the
scene of many battles between the AFP and the MILF. The walk culminated in the
participation of the peace marchers in the launching of Sitio Cagarawan, Tugaig, Barira
as a peace zone.
On 21 October 2003, seventy community peace advocates from seven areas of

Balabagan and Kapatagan in Lanao Sur, Matanog, Buldon, Barira and Datu Odin Sinsuat
in Maguindanao and Bagumbayan in Sultan Kudarat, came together at the NDFAI
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Philippine-Japan Learning Resource Center in Krislamville Subdivision, Cotabato City, to
form an alliance in order to intensify the peace the peace initiatives that they have so
far pursued together through community-declared peace zones.
Aside from the usual organizational task of formulating its vision, mission, goals
and plans an the election of its officers; it also came up with a striking name for the
alliance: Sindaw Ko Kalilintad (Flame of Peace). Its battle-cry is Salimbago sii ko
kalilintad (transformation towards peace and unity). No formulation can be better. In
their own words, they used to live in a state of depression and passivity that the all-out-
war of 2000 has brought them to. Now they see the light and they feel a renewed
energy to move forward.
3.) How did the Bual Peace Zone evolve from the ashes of more than two
hundred fifty homes burned to the ground?
The Bual Peace Zone in Isulan, Sultan Kudarat was established in 1997, but how
it became a peace zone is one story for the books.
It was not clear who did it, a group of Ilonggos or a third party traceable, as
alleged by some parties, to the MNLF or MILF or the military-led CAFGUs. The idea
apparently was to blow up a land conflict between two families and intensify Muslim-
Christian tension. This may never be settled to everyone’s satisfaction, but the fact is
that on 16 December 1996, between 250 to 300 homes of Maguindanawon Muslims in
Bual were deliberately razed to the ground by a band of Ilonggos, thus forcing them to
live in the evacuation centers in Isulan. Four persons were killed. The key figure of the
perpetrators was in jail, awaiting court sentence, while the others were at large. But the
remaining problem was how to restore the long history of harmonious relationships
destroyed by that single event.
Bual’s total land area of 133,000 sq. kms. Lies at the foot of Mt. Daguma Range.
This territory easily makes Bual the biggest barangay of Isulan, Sultan Kudarat. A 1995
census placed the population of the area at 3,580, sixty percent of which were
Maguindanao Muslims, thirty percent Christian settlers, mostly Ilocano and Ilongo, and
two percent indigenous Manobo. Straddling the provinces Sultan Kudarat and
Maguindanao is Mount Daguma Range which allegedly provides sanctuary to MNLF and
MILF rebel groups. A military camp and a few CAFGU detachments were nestled in the
heart of Bual.
A Cotabato City-based NGO, Kadtuntaya Foundation, Inc. (KFI) headed by

Guiamel Alim, which in turn also sought the support of the Catholic Relief Services
(CRS), provided the needed succor to the evacuees, consisting initially of food and other
short term relief items. Eventually, more support was mobilized from local government
units.
It took some time for the evacuees to acquire the courage to return and rebuild
their homes. Some of them started back after four months. But the greater number
remained hesitant. By 12 April 1997 only around thirty families had returned to Bual.
As tension settled down, and more evacuees returned home, the process of
rehabilitation and healing also started. Kadtuntaya’s first such step was the conduct of
culture of peace seminars in 1997, attended by residents from both Muslim and
Christian groups, representatives from local government, from the MNLF and the MILF,
and from the military. It was realized in these seminars that they, the Muslims and
Christians, were not natural enemies and were only victims of events beyond their
control. So they responded positively to suggestions to improve their relations.
Organizing themselves into Samahan ng Nagkakaisang Mamamayan ng Bual or

Association of the United People of Bual, they produced a nine-point document to
150
express their desire to transform Bual into a zone of peace. Or how they wish to relate
to one another in peace and cooperation.
a. The use of peaceful means in settling conflicts

b. Non-displays of firearms
c. Reporting all cases of conflict to the barangay officials for peaceful
settlement
d. Promotion of peaceful co-existence among the people
e. Joint efforts against peace saboteurs
f. Joint efforts towards helping improve the socio-economic life of the
community
g. Respect for each other’s culture
h. Establishment of a local organization that will serve as a venue to promote
the common good
i. Sustaining peace building activities
How successful have they been in these nine points? Fewer conflicts in the
community, they said. And if there were, the peace and order committee handled the
settlement process very well. Non-display of firearms have largely been complied with.
But most important, perhaps, is the deepening relationship between Muslims and
Christians as shown in community activities. Christians express their solidarity with
Muslims during Ramadhan; Muslims reciprocate the gesture during the fiesta of the
Christians’ patron saint.
Asked that peace is to him, a Muslim Mustapha Muhammad said it is being

secure each day. It does not mean the absence of conflict. People are different from
one another and there will always be conflicts. But they have the power to deal with
these conflicts through peaceful means.
4.) What is the contribution of the Dungos Peace Pact in Tulunan, South
Cotabato to the peace process?
Dungos is a barangay of the municipality of Tulunan, Cotabato. Sometime in

August 1999, Dungos Barangay Chairman Mario M. Baloniebro Sr. said that a group of
MILF arrived at the place to inform the people that they were going to establish an
armed detachment there. Dungos being part of MILF Camp Rajamuda.
Christian and Muslim residents of the place met with them to inform them that
they have this peace pact in Dungos not to allow any armed men inside the area. And
this included the military and police as well.
This Peace Pact was signed on 20 March 1995 by representatives both the
Christian and Muslim inhabitants of the Barangay. Among the signatories were the
Barangay Chairman himself, Mayor Rodolfo Penafiel of Tulunan, the parish priest, Father
Buenaflor, and witnesses included no less than Governor Rosario Diaz of Cotabato,
Congressman Gregorio of Cotabato, Mayor Ibrahim Paglas III of Datu Paglas, Mayor
Pendatun of SK Pendatun, the provincial director of the PNP, the Battallion Commander
of 40IB, 6ID, and Boy Hasim, MNLF Brigade Commander of the Upper Kutawatu
Revolutionary Command.
Sometime after the signing, a delegation led by Mayor Penafiel travelled to Camp
Abubakar where they informed Hadji Murad, then MILF Vice Chairman for Military
AFFAIRS, about the peace pact. The response of the MILF leader was encouraging.
Reacting to the August attempt of the MILF to establish a detachment in Dungos, the
people again conferred with the MILF leadership. The latter decided to respect the
agreement of the people. Asked how exactly Kagi Murad reacted, Nao Guiamad, one of
the signatories of the pact, said in Ilonggo: Sige pud siya katawa sa amo didto kay
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nakasulti pa siya sa tibook Mindanao nga sa ga mayor, si mayor pa sa Tulunan ang
nakasaka sa Kampo Abubakar. He was laughing with us, amused that among the
mayors of Mindanao, he was only the mayor of Tulunan who had gone to Camp
Abubakar.)
The Dungos peace pact was born out of the turbulence of the early 90s and the
insecurities resulting from the raging war between the AFP and the MNLF afterwards. It
was also inspired by the successful creation of the Peace Zones of Sitios of Miatub and
New Alimodian and Barangays Bituan, Banayal and Nabundasan. It was Mayor Penafiel
and the barangay captain who introduced the idea of a peace pact in Dungos. After one
year of processing – mainly because Muslims and Christians were hesitant to come near
each other – twelve Muslims and more than twenty Christians signed the document.
Among the agreements of Dungos were the settlement of international conflicts

by peaceful means and the disallowance of armed groups, including the military, to
enter the area unless requested by the members of the Ad Hoc Committee. So far, this
arrangement has been holding and serving the community well.
In the words of Nao Guiamad, “prior to the peace pact, three years as long
enough before an outbreak of conflict would turn us into instant evacuees. Now, we
have not had any trouble. A few little ones, yes, but aware that we can settle this
peacefully, we don’t leave anymore. Indeed, these are easily settled.”
IV. Peace Value / Challenge
What lessons can we derive from the foregoing stories of peace-building? First,
something good grows from the ashes of war. But this depends on the attitude and
outlook of the affected population. The idea of peace-building germinates and grows
when and where the people are ready for it. Even if the initial concepts are introduced
from the outside, the people who feel the need readily make it their own and go on
from there.
Second, the people, the Lumad, Moro and Christian settlers need not wait for top
level negotiations between GRP and MNLF or GRP and MILF to come to terms. They
know what kind of peace they want and they have proven that they can agree among
themselves within the community.
Third, the self-sustaining energy that drives the zone forward flows from within.
In the same token, self-regulation is an important ingredient in initiating and sustaining
a peace zone or a sanctuary of peace or a peace pact area or pakigdait. But vigilance is
also important as a constant demonstration of the stakeholders’ political will.
Fourth, under the present circumstances when external forces, mainly the
protagonists in the war, the AFP and the MILF, remain a threat to its stability,
recognition of and support from both protagonists and the civilian government is a
must. Recognition by the national government is desired but not immediately necessary.
Fifth, relationship of equality, respect for differences among the tri-people of

Mindanao takes primacy in creating a new Mindanao. The peace zones or peace pact
area or the spaces for peace or sanctuaries of peace have demonstrated that such a
relationship can be coaxed from the ashes of war. There is concealed deep within each
of us a vast store of goodwill. Tickle it to the surface and a new Mindanawon shall be
born, three stones a single cooking pot that is Mindanao.
152
Activity 1: Making a Roadmap
A roadmap is a strategic plan that defines a goal or desired outcome and

includes the major steps or milestones needed to reach it.
1. You make your own roadmap towards peacebuilding efforts in Mindanao.

2. You set the major steps that need to be done based on your own context,
experiences, and interpretation.
3. Make sure that those steps are feasible.
4. You use cartolina and any art materials available at your home.
5. Post your roadmap on Facebook with the caption: “Roadmap to Lasting
Peace in Mindanao.”
6. Tag your instructor’s Facebook account.
7. See the roadmap sample.
Activity 2: My Opinion Matters
1. You analyze the words and ideas in the statements below.

2. Determine what the topic is all about.
3. You choose an opinion in which you have strong feelings.
4. You support your opinion with reasons.
153
a. Peace in Mindanao is not achievable.
b. Mindanao should separate from the Philippines in order to achieve lasting
peace.
Activity 3: Interpreting Quotes
1. Review your understanding about the discussions on the peacebuilding

efforts in Mindanao.
2. You interpret the quotes about peace stated below.
3. Select one quote and post it on Facebook as your status together with your
interpretation.
4. Tag your instructor’s Facebook account.
5. Confirm if your instructor already “liked” or commented on your Facebook
status for completion.
a. “Peace is not absence of conflict, it is the ability to handle conflict by

peaceful means.” —Ronald Reagan
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154
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_________________
b. “Not one of us can rest, be happy, be at home, be at peace with
ourselves, until we end hatred and division.” —John Lewis
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c. “We have to tackle ancestral domain, because if we cannot tackle this
one and come up with an agreement, then we cannot proceed to the
final agenda of the peace talk. And that is finding a just, lasting, and
comprehensive negotiated political settlement to the Moro problem in
Mindanao.” —Mohaqher Iqbal
_______________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________
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___________________________________________________
VI.References / Suggested Readings
Fidel V. Ramos. Break Not The Peace: The Story of the GRP-MNLF Peace
Negotiations 1992-1996 (Published by the Friends of Steady Eddie) 1996.
Fr. Roberto Layson, OMI. Muslim-Christian Dialogue in Mindanao Amidst

Uncertainties” (A sharing presented to the National Interfaith Conference held at SGV
Hall, AIM Conference Center, Makati City) October 28, 2002.
155
References
A Story of Mindanao and Sulu in Question and Answer. MINCODE.Davao City. 2003.
Agoncillo, Teodoro A. and Mangahas, Fe B. (2010) Philippine History: Expanded and

Updated Version. C & E Publishing, Inc.
Agoncillo, Teodoro A. History of the Filipino People. Quezon City: Garotech Publishing
1990.
Agoncillo, Teodoro A. (1974) Introduction to the Filipino History. Garotech Publishing,

Quezon City.
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Mindanao State University System

A HISTORY OF FILIPINO MUSLIMS AND LUMADS OF MINSUPALA:

Modified Modular Activities

Zizzle Dawn M. Abecia Maria Cecilia B. Tangian

Fortunately, the Charter mandates History 3 only to enforce University concept of

A few additional notes related to several modules:

Printed in Iligan City, Philippines

Juvanni Yahya A. Caballero

HISTORY OF FILIPINO MUSLIMS AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF MINSUPALA

Course Title: History of Filipinos and the Indigenous People of MINSUPALA

At the end of the course, the learners:

Course Outline and Study Schedule

Week Topic Learning Activity

4-7 Module 3: Institutions of Image Analysis

9-12 Module 9: American Occupation Article Reading

16-18 Module 14: The Peace Process Film Viewing

Editorial Notes …………………………………………………………………………………….…………..iv

1. Why Study History 3?................................................................................1

WHY STUDY THE HISTORY OF THE FILIPINO MUSLIMS

By: Juvanni A. Caballero1

1.) How was the Mindanao State University System created?

II. Introductory Activity: Listen to the Story of Kamlon

Contrary to government’s view, many Tausugs considered Kamlon as a legendary folk

As a result of the recommendation, the government created several programs and

III. Lesson Proper

1.) How was the Mindanao State University System created?

As a crucial mandate, integration is very evident as stated in the university’s official

The 1954 congressional committee conceptualized it (i.e. MSU) as social

“Committed to the attainment of peace and sustainable development in

IV. Peace Challenge

1. The History of MSU

VI. References & Recommended Readings

1. Isidro, Antonio. The Moro Problem: An Approach through Education. Marawi

MINSUPALA AND ITS PEOPLES AT PRESENT

By: Juvanni A. Caballero1 & Sittie Juhanna M. Pandapatan1

4.) Where is Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan (Minsupala)?

II. Introductory Activity: Getting to Know Each Other

III. Lesson Proper

1.) Where is Mindanao Sulu and Palawan?

Island Group of Mindanao

The island group of Mindanao is an arbitrary grouping of islands in the southern

Zamboanga Peninsula (Region IX), formerly Western Mindanao, is located in the

Northern Mindanao (Region X) consists of the provinces of Bukidnon, Camiguin,

SOCCSKSARGEN (Region XII), formerly Central Mindanao, is located in the south-

The Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) is a special region which

While Palawan is not in Mindanao, we deem it necessary to introduce the island

2.) Why is Palawan included in the study of History 3?

The Migrants and Their Descendants

Of the migrant peoples, the following have significant population in Mindanao:

1.) The Indigenous “Christians”

It is no longer easy to identify them because they have assimilated into

In other words, being a “Christian” is not necessarily being a “migrant”. To

Kung tan-awon nimo ang batasan sa typical nga Iliganon, actually

2.) The Moros

The second group of indigenous peoples in Mindanao is the Moro. As commonly

Name of Tribe Traditional Homeland

The definition of the term Moro is actually a product of evolution. Etymologically,

Anyhow, the Spaniards appeared to be making the Muslims of Mindanao and

3.) The Lumads

Name of Tribe Traditional Homeland

3. B’laan Davao del Sur, South Cotabato, Sarangani Province

4. T’boli South Cotabato (Lake Sebu, Siluton, Lahit)

5. Mandaya Davao Oriental, Davao del Norte, Surigao del Sur