Rajiv Gandhi National University of Law Patiala, Punjab: Regionalism: Problems and Solutions

Regionalism: Problems and Solutions
Rajiv Gandhi National University of Law
Patiala, Punjab
In the Partial Fulfillment for the Requirement of the Project on the
Subject of Sociology of B.A., L.L.B. (Hones.), Second Semester
REGIONALISM
PROBLEM AND SOLUTIONS
Submitted on: April 25, 2011
Submitted To: Submitted by:
Dr. Jasleen Kewlani Group No. XII
(Assistant Professor in Sociology) Jaspreet Chadha (542)
Jatin Garg (552)
Shaili Kailasia (562)
Harendar Neel (572)
Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 1

RAJIV GANDHI NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF LAW
PATIALA-147001 (PUNJAB)
Dr. Jasleen Kewlani Patiala (Punjab)
Assistant Professor in Sociology Date: ________
RGNUL, Punjab
Patiala
SUPERVISOR’S CERTIFACTE
This is to certify that the Project Report entitled: ‘Regionalism: Problem and Solutions’
submitted to the Rajiv Gandhi National University of Law, Patiala in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for B.A. LL.B (Hons.), 2nd semester is an original and bona-fide research work
carried out by Jaspreet Chadha, Jatin Garg, Shaili Kailasia and Harendar Neel under my
supervision and guidance. No part of this study has been submitted to any University for the
award of any Degree or Diploma whatsoever.
______________________
(Dr. Jasleen Kewlani)

PREFACE
We feel great pleasure in presenting the project under study. We hope that the readers will find
the project interesting and that the project in its present from shall be well received by all. The
project contains the explanation and analysis relating to Regionalism under Sociology.
Every effort is made to keep the project error free. We would gratefully acknowledge the
suggestions to improve the project to make it more useful.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT
We have been taught the subject of Sociology by our Respected Lecturer, Dr. Jasleen Kewlani
who helped us all through in the accomplishment of this project. Our sincerely thanks to the
Respected Lecturer, who helped us to gather the various sources which we could give final shape
to the topic under study. She not only provided us a platform to compile but also guided us at all
levels.
We, also thank the members of the library staff and computer section for the cooperation in
making available the books and accessing the internet even during their free time.
We hope that the project in its present form shall be received by all.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………8
1.1 Region……………………………………………………………………………......8
1.2 Regionalism………………………………………………………………………....10
CHAPTER II
2. The Problem of Regionalism in India……………………………………….……12

2.1 Different Forms of Regionalism in India…………………………………………...12
2.2 Development of Regionalism in India……………………………………………...12
2.3 Causes for Growth of Regionalism……………………………………………….....14
2.4 Determinants of Regionalism in India……………………………………………...15
CHAPTER III
3. Regionalism in Odisha……………………………………………………………..17
3.1 Historical Background……………………………………………………………....17
3.2 Genesis of Regionalism……………………………………………………………...18
3.3 Factors Accounting for the Growth of Regionalism………………………………...20
3.3.1 Major Regional Cleavages………………………………………………………20
3.3.1.1 Historical Cleavages…………………………………………………………….20

3.3.1.2 Cultural Cleavages………………………………………………………………21
3.3.1.3 Linguistic Cleavages…………………………………………………………….21
3.3.2 Regional Socio-Economic Disparities…………………………………………..22

3.3.2.1 Geographical and Demographic Disparities…………………………………….22
3.3.2.2 Agricultural Development………………………………………………………22
3.3.2.3 Employment and Occupation…………………………………………………...22
3.3.2.4 Education……………………………………………………………………….23
3.3.2.5 Health Care……………………………………………………………………...23
3.3.2.6 Infrastructure……………………………………………………………………24

3.3.2.7 Urbanization…………………………………………………………………….24
3.3.3 Political Cleavages and Politics of Regionalism………………………………..24

3.4 Movement for a Separate State……………………………………………………..25
3.5 Current Situation……………………………………………………………………26
CHAPTER IV
4. Regionalism in Andhra Pradesh (Telangana Issue)………………………...…...27

4.1 Historical Background……………………………………………………………...27
4.2 Demands for Andhra State………………………………………………………....27
4.3 Declaration of Andhra Rashtra (State) in 1953………………………………….....28
4.4 State Reorganization Committee…………………………………..……………….28
4.5 Formation of Andhra Pradesh State………………………………………………..29
4.6 Jai Telangana Movements…………………………………………………………..30
4.7 Factors Accounting for the Growth of Regionalism……………………………….31
4.7.1 Education……………………………………………………………………….31
4.7.2 Employment…………………………………………………………………….31
4.7.3 Irrigation………………………………………………………………………..32
4.7.4 Agriculture……………………………………………………………………...32
4.7.5 Finance………………………………………………………………………….33
4.7.6 Medical and Health Services…………………………………………………...33
4.7.7 Industries and Small Scale Cottage Industries…………………………..……..33
4.7.8 Urbanization……………………………………………………………………34
4.7.9 Political Power………………………………………………………………….34
4.8 Reasons for Telangana to be a Separate State……………………………………...35
4.9 Current Telangana Movement……………………………………………………...36
4.10 Advantages of Separate Telangana Region………………………………...37
CHAPTER V
5. Regional Issues in India………………………………………………………......39

5.1 Anti North Indian Attitude of MNS Workers……………………………………..39

5.2 Attacks on Bihar Laborers by the United Liberation Front of Assam……………..39

5.3 Demand for Dravida Nadu………………………………………………………...41
5.4 Bodoland Demand within Assam………………………………………………….41
5.5 Inter-State disputes………………………………………………………………...42
5.6 Demand for Khalisthan………………………………………………………….....42
CHAPTER VI
6. Measures and Solutions to Prevent Regionalism………………………………..44
CHAPTER VII
7. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………47
Bibliography……………………………………………………………………….52

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Region
A region is a defined territorial unit and a nucleus of a social aggregation for multiple purposes1
including particular language or languages, jatis, ethnic groups, tribes, particular social settings
and cultural pattern, music, dance, folk arts etc. Several variables engage in a simultaneous inter-
play in varying degrees over a considerable period of time, which then sets a particular theory
apart from other areas. The region is characterized by a widely shared sentiment of
„togetherness‟ and „separateness‟ from others in the people, internalized from a wide v88ariety of
sources which might include common prosperity and camaraderie developed in a common
struggle.
According to Odum and Moore, some spatial generalizations that is, a set of geographical traits
which define and distinguish a particular area and give it a distinct character. The Penguin
dictionary of Geography defines region as an area of the earth’s surface with one or more
features or characteristics (natural or the result of human activity) which give measure of unity
and make it differ from the areas of surrounding it.2
According to the criteria used in the differentiation, a region may be termed cultural, economic,
morphological, natural, physiographic, political etc., and a region may be identified by a single,
multiple, or total attributes.3 In this sense, region connotes an amalgam of spatial, physical and
socio-cultural features. As a way of describing spatial areas, the concept of regions is important
and widely used among the many branches of geography, each of which can describe areas in
regional terms.4
1
A.S. Narang, Indian Government and Politics, Gitanjali Publishing House, New Delhi, 2003, p.409.
2
Ibid, p.411.
3
A. N. Clark, Penguine Dictionary of Geography, Penguin Books, London, 1990, p.243.
4
Ibid, p.246.

In the fields of physical geography, ecology, biogeography, zoogeography, and environmental

geography, regions tend to be based on natural features such as ecosystems or biotopes, biomes,
drainage basins, mountain ranges, soil types.5
According to Schwartzberg, regions have extensions both in time and space; otherwise there
would be no need for historical atlases. Thus like nation region is not a fixed territory; it
undergoes changes over time and space. Thus in Schwartzberg‟s analysis, a region may have
several connotations. But Cohn observes that, although logically a definition of region refers to
some portion of the surface of the earth, the geographic component is the beginning point for us
rather than an end in itself. He divided regions into: historical, linguistic, cultural, and socio-
structural. A region may be identified by any or all these variables.
The field of historical region involves the study of human history as it relates to places and
regions, or, inversely, the study of how places and regions have changed over time. A linguistic
region can be sub-divided into three types: (a) literary standard; (b) regional or dialectal
standard; and (c) the broad linguistic families. More often than not the linguistic region
reinforces the cultural and structural or even the historical regions.6
There are many levels of regions.
1. Region as a geographical unit delimited by more or less natural physical barriers and marked
by ecological characteristics.
2. Region as social system implies trans-local relations between human groups.
3. Region as organized cooperation in any of the cultural, economic, political or military fields.
In this case, region is defined by the list of countries which are the formal members of the
regional organization in question.
4. Region as civil society takes shape when the organizational framework facilitates and
promotes social communication and convergence of values throughout the region.
5
Retrieved from, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Region, at 10:41 at April 1, 2011.
6
Supra note 1, p.412.

5. Region as acting subject with a distinct identity, actor capability, legitimacy and structure of
decision-making. Crucial areas for regional intervention are conflict resolution and creation of
welfare.
1.2 Regionalism
Regionalism means excessive attachment for a particular region or state as against the country as
whole. Such feelings may arise either due to the feelings of continuous neglect of a particular
area by the government or it may arise because of increasing political awareness among the
people of a particular area which was one backward. Regional feelings may give rise to demands
for automny and this threatens the unity of the country.
The term „regionalism‟ has two connotations. In the negative sense, it implies excessive
attachment to one‟s region is preference to the country or the state. In the positive sense it is a
political attribute associated with people‟s love for their region, culture, language, etc. with a
view to maintain their independent identity. While positive regionalism is a welcome thing in so
far maintaining as it encourages the people to develop a sense of brotherhood and commonness
on the basis of common language, religion or historical background. The negative sense
regionalism is a great threat to the unity and integrity of the country.7
The feeling of regionalism may arise either due to the continuous neglect of a particular area or
region by the ruling authorities or it may spring up as a result of increasing political awareness of
backward people that have been discriminated against. Quite often some political leaders
encourage the feeling of regionalism to maintain their hold over a particular area or group of
people.8
The existence of a region, objective or subjective, does not per se give rise to regionalism. It is
the nexus between people and their socio- economic and political environment which gives rise
to regionalism. The degree of regionalism of particular areas can increase or decrease depending
on regional dynamics, in which global as well as national/local forces of course have an impact. 9
7
Retrieved from, http://unu.edu/unupress/globalism.html, at 17:53 at April 2, 2011.
8
9
Dr.A.K. Majumdar, Bhanwar Singh, Regionalism In Indian Politics, Radha Publication, New Delhi, 1997, p.240.

Regionalization affects and is affected by many levels of the world system: the system as a
whole, the level of interregional relations, and the internal structure of the single region. It is not
possible to state which of these levels comes first or which is the more important, since changes
on the various levels interact. There are also different dimensions of the process relating to each
other.
Regional integration was traditionally seen as a harmonization of trade policies leading to deeper
economic integration, with political integration as a possible future result. The concept new
regionalism refers to a transformation of a particular region from relative heterogeneity to
increased homogeneity with regard to a number of dimensions, the most important being culture,
security, economic policies and political regimes. The convergence along these four dimensions
may be a natural process or politically steered or, most likely, a mixture of the two. A certain
level of sameness is a necessary but not sufficient condition.10
Regionalization does not come about unless the states in a particular region want it. It may come
about through a more or less spontaneous or unintended convergence in terms of political
regime, economic policy or security, but often one can identify a triggering political event which
sets the process in motion. Naturally, this political event is related to the main players in the
region, the policy makers, in contradistinction to policy takers, the smaller players. In order to
understand the regionalization in various areas of the world, it is thus wise to observe the
behavior of the policy makers.11
National disintegration seems to reinforce the process of regionalization via threats to regional
security, provoking some kind of reaction on the regional level. It may even form part of the
process of regionalization, since the enlargement of political space provides opportunities for
different sub-national and micro-regional forces, previously locked into state structures, to
reassert themselves. The collapse of political authority at one level of society tends to open up a
previously latent power struggle at lower levels, and in a complex multi-ethnic polity the process
of disintegration may go on almost indefinitely.
10
Retrieved from, http://129.3.20.41/eps/it/papers/0309/0309007.pdf, at 20:30 on April 2, 2011.
11

CHAPTER II
THE PROBLEM OF REGIONALISM IN INDIA
2.1 Different Forms of Regionalism in India
Regionalism in India has assumed various forms like:
1. Demand for State Autonomy: Regionalism has often led to the demand by states for greater
autonomy from the center. Increasing interference by the Centre in the affairs of the states has
led to regional feelings. Demand for autonomy has also been raised by regions within some
states of the Indian federation.
2. Secession from the Union: This is a dangerous form of regionalism. It emerges when states
demand separation from the Centre and try to establish an independent identity of their own.12
Disputes between states over the sharing of river water, primacy given by the states to the
language of majority and to people of their own states in job opportunities have also given rise to
feelings of regionalism. Migration of people from backward state to a developed state for
employment opportunities have often resulted in a hostile attitude against the migrants for
example, problems going on in Karnataka and A.P.
2.2 Development of Regionalism in India
Regionalism is not a new phenomenon in the Indian political system. In the pre-independence
days it was promoted by the British imperialists and they deliberately encouraged the people of
various regions to think in terms of their region rather than the nation as a whole, with a view to
maintain their hold over India during the national movement. After Independence the leaders
tried to foster a feeling among the people that they belonged to one single nation. The framers of
the constitution sought to achieve this by introducing single citizenship for all. With the same
12
Retrieved from, http://www.nios.ac.in/srsec317newE/317EL20.pdf, at 11:12 at April 3, 2011.

objective a unified judiciary, all Indian services, and a strong Central government was provided.
But in view of the vastness of the country and cultures regionalism soon made its appearance in
India.13
The first manifestation of regionalism was the demand for reorganization of states on linguistic
basis, but the most effective play of regionalism was the victory of the DMK against Congress in
Tamil Nadu in 1960s. Initially the central leadership felt that regionalism was a peripheral
political factor confined to Tamil Nadu and hence did not pose any threat to national unity.
However, that assessment was ill-founded.
Soon in Punjab the Akali movement gained momentum, while in Jammu and Kashmir Sheikh
Abdullah revived the National Conference. During these initial years all the Indian political
parties continued to adjust with these regional forces on the plea that they would ultimately
succeed in making inroads into the bases of the regional parties and absorb them in their
organizations.14
The Indian National Congress which enjoyed monopoly of power 1947–1967 and followed a
policy of blowing hot and cold toward the regional forces, also contributed to the growth of
regionalism in India. It accommodated the regional forces when it was convenient and raised a
hue and cry against them when it was pitted against them.
The local Congress leaders also encouraged the growth of regionalism and strengthened their
hold on local party organization, with a view to increase their bargaining power with the central
leaders. In fact a close link developed between central and regional leadership. This close link
between the central and regional leadership greatly encouraged the growth of regionalism.15
13
N.Malla, Nationalism, Regionalism and Philosophy of National Integration, Regency Publications, New Delhi,
2005, pp. 135-47.
14
Retrieved from, http://win2vin.wordpress.com/2008/08/20/regionalism-in-india/, at 14:21 on April 3, 2011
15
Retrieved from, http://www.cairn.info/load_pdf.php?ID_ARTICLE=ECOI_109_0009, at 16:30 on April 3, 2011.

2.3 Causes for Growth of Regionalism
There are many causes for the growth of regionalism:
1. Have and Have not‟s
Contradictions out of the development strategy adopted in the country are one of main reason for
regionalism in the country. In a period when capitalism in some parts of the world has already
advanced significantly and is subordinating the backward societies, development through
capitalist path in the latter gives rise to peculiar problems. Gap between the producer states and
consumer states came bigger than bigger. For example producer states like Maharashtra and
consumer states like Bihar and Kerala.
2. Cultural aspects
Minorities seek protection for their cultural values against deliberately hostile actions by the
majority in the fields of school and languages so much as the desire for protection against
deliberately hostile actions by the majority in the field and languages so much as the desire for
protection against the effects on their culture of natural, economic and social developments. The
ability to protect the cultural identity very much depends upon economic and political power.
This become important in India, because in view of scarce resources the conviction that
minorities are vulnerable to discrimination, exploitation and suppression by those who control
the state and its resources is easy to grow. The concentration of power at the centre, absence of
sound language policy and very ambivalent attitude towards secularism have continued fear
among linguistic and cultural groups that attempts were made to assimilate them in larger Hindi
culture.16
3. Growing population
Disregard of the special provision relating to language spoken by minorities of the state, the
rearrangement of the state boundaries of the state and imposition of the language of majorities on
the minorities added to the economic frustration stirred up riots and inter regional rivalries in the
country.
16
Retrieved from, http://www.nios.ac.in/srsec317newE/317EL20.pdf, at 19:30 on April3, 2011.

4. Regionalism has also emerged because of the attempts made by the government to improve a
particular or ideology on people who desire to follow a different path.
5. Continuous neglect of an area or region by the ruling parties and concentration of

administrative and political power has given rise to demand for decentralization of authority and
bifurcate of unilingual states.17
6. The desire of the various units of the Indian federal system to maintain their sub cultural
regions and greater degree of self-government has promoted regionalism and given rise to
demand for greater autonomy.
7. The desire of regional elites to capture power has also led to rise of regionalism. It is well
known that political parties like DMK, AIADMK, Akali Dal, Telugu Desam Asom Gana
Parishad etc., have encouraged regionalism to capture power.18
8. To enhance their authority and power and they didn‟t hesitate propagating regionalism among
people. Narrow and sectarian instincts of the common masses were at times stirred up by the
politicians to serve their own narrow interests.
9. Almost all the states have spawned a military native movement directed against outsiders. The
fundamental issue has the employment for the local people and many state governments either
officially or unofficially have supported the protection of jobs for the „sons of the soil‟. Shiv
Sena of Maharashtra is one example of this.
2.4 Determinants of Regionalism in India
While the cultural factors, real or imagined, focus upon the symbolic dimension, the socio-
economic and political disparities highlight the instrumental dimension. The major determinants
of regionalism in India are examines as under:
17
Charan D. Wadhva and Yuen Pau Woo, Asian Regionalism: Canadian and Indian Perspectives, Eastern Book
Corporation, New Delhi, 2007, p.176.
18
Retrieved from, http://www.nios.ac.in/srsec317newE/317EL20.pdf, at 19:41 on April 4, 2011.

1. Geographical Factor: - The geographical distinctiveness gives a symbolic identity which

needs economic and political props for its resurgence from time to time. For example, the old
geographical boundaries of the ex-princely states still haunt and are implied in defining regional
identity in India.
2. Historical Factor: - Common historical experience often buttresses regionalism by way of

creating differences in social heritage, attitude, myths and regionalism.
3. Socio-cultural Factor: - Socio-cultural differences between regions fan regional feeling to

some extent. Socio-cultural symbols often provide the necessary inputs for identity –formation
for a people living in a particular region. Regional caste, sub caste and kinship differences
motivate regional feeling within a broad socio-linguistic area.
4. Socio-Economic Factor: - Socio-economic imbalance between regions is the crux of

regionalism in India. Regional imbalance is also inherent in the pattern of capital investment and
distribution. The uneven nature of capital investment is bequeathed to India by the colonial
government.
5. Political Factor: - In a sense, all regionalism is a form of politics, i.e. politics of natives. In
political sphere, regionalism is against centralization of power and administration. It stands for
more power and administration.19
19
Retrieved from, http://nos.org/317courseE/L-27%20COMMUNALISM%20AND%20REGIONALISM.pdf, at 20:31
on April 4, 2011.

CHAPTER III
REGIONALISM IN ODISHA
3.1 Historical Background
It is well- known that national consciousness among many culturally distinct nationalities in
India grew in the wake of colonial rule. The colonial ruler in India created administrative
provinces which fragmented territorial boundaries of several cultural communities. The Odia
national movement was such a case in point, although the circumstances which led to its
emergence were in many ways different from other such regional movements. 20
As a socio-culturally distinct people, the Odias enjoyed great political and cultural unity under
different native Hindu dynasties. Several powerful kingdoms and empires such as Kalinga,
Utkal, Odra and Kosal flourished in different periods in the Odian- speaking region.21
The cultural distinctiveness of Odias continued to grow further under the Gajapatis who
succeeded the imperial Gangas in Odisha. However, towards the end of the Gajapati rule the
political boundaries of Odisha had shrunk to its geographical limits and it roughly coincided with
the cultural boundary of the Odia speech community. After their downfall, the land of Odias
came under the Muslims. For the purpose of revenue, the Mughals divided the Odia territory into
two political divisions: the „Mughalbandi‟ and the „Garhjats‟.22 The Marathas, who conquered
Odisha in 1751, retained the same Mughal system for the purpose of administrative and political
convenience.
But under the British the Odia territory was systematically fragmented. The land of Odisha came
under British occupation in a piece-meal fashion and different parts of Odia territory conquered
at different times were placed under different administrations. The British Government divided
the State of Odisha into many parts: - a). the three coastal districts of Balasore, Cuttack, and Puri
20
H.K. Mahtab, History of Orissa: Part-I, Orissa State Bureau of Textbook Preparation and Production, Cuttack,
1959, pp.1-7.
21
M.N.Das, Ancient and Medieval Empires and Kingdoms- Sidelights on History and Culture of Orissa, Orissa State
Bureau of Textbook Preparation and Production, Cuttack, 1977, pp.86-103.
22
A. Sterling, An account: Geographical, Statistical and Historical of Orissa Proper or Cuttack, Sweet and Maxwell
Ltd., London, 1846, p.32.

of Odisha division in Bengal Presidency; b) the district of Sambalpur in Central Provinces; and
c) the district of Ganjam and Koraput tract in Madras Presidency. The rest of the Odia territory
remained under the native princes who ruled in their land as subordinate allies to British
paramount power.23
It is clear then that the Odias under the British administration went through a complete process of
structural integration, cultural fragmentation and economic exploitation. These conditions in the
long run posed serious threats to Odia identity.24
3.2 Genesis of Regionalism
The articulation of regional consciousness in western Odisha originated since the times of
merger of princely Odisha. On the eve of merger, the rulers of Patna, Kalahandi and Sonepur
launched counter-mobilization to resist merger and to form a separate political identity of their
25
own. Meanwhile, the then Odisha premier H.K. Mahtab made frantic political efforts to
amalgamate the states on linguistic basis. Meanwhile, the Kalahandi State Legislative assembly
in its first sitting on 12 August 1946 passed a resolution disapproving the amalgamation of
Odisha states. At the conference of 14 December 1947 the Patna ruler pressed for joining of
Odisha states with Eastern States Union. The Government of India, however, strongly opted for
merging Odia-speaking states with Odisha. At a last resort then, the rulers of Patna, Kalahandi
and Sonepur insisted on some form of local autonomy. They alleged that in the absence of local
autonomy, power would be totally concentrated in the politically more advanced coastal people,
i.e. the „Katakias‟ and the Sambalpur states would be completely deprived.
Katakias and Sambalpur spread the Mahakoshal Movement. Later, Angul and Khondmals were
added to demand a Mahakoshal (i.e. greater Koshal) province. It may be noted that here that the
idea of Koshal province at this stage was based on Odia regional identity and not on separate
linguistic identity. However, with the merger of Odisha states the hopes for Koshal province
were buried. Immediately, anti-merger agitation broke out in some key Sambalpur states.
23
N.K. Sahu, History of Orissa, Vol.I, Eastern States Agency, Cuttack, 1964, pp.347-52.
24
A.C. Mittal, An Early History of Orissa, Central States Agency, Banaras, 1962, pp.323-33.
25
Some people even trace the origins to 1905 when the Sambalpur district was merged with Odisha division of
Bengal Presidency. It may be noted that, the merger of Odisha princely states in 1948 led to the unification of two
conspicuous regions (i.e. British Odisha and Princely Odisha) with different stages of socio-economic and political
development. Some people even argue that integration of states laid the very foundation of regionalism in Odisha).

Pro-union and anti-corruption slogans were raised at the behest of the ruling chiefs. The
Government of Odisha took precautionary measures to prevent any untoward happenings. It
follows that the anti-merger resistance marked the beginning of regionalism in Odisha. The pro-
merger lobby was identified with coastal region and the anti-merger move was identified with
western Odisha.
Close on the heels of the anti-merger resistance came the agitation against the construction of the
Hirakud dam. Local chiefs and the land owning class of the western region played a vital role in
the agitation. Foundation stone was laid down at Hirakud in Sambalpur district. But at the same
time it led to the submerging of land inhabited by poor persons of the western region. It also
involves large-scale displacement and evacuation of people.26
The people of western Odisha region perceived the construction of the dam as a part of a larger
scheme intended to prevent the coastal Odisha districts from the misery of recurring floods. The
affected people launched a strong protest. An anti- dam committee also passed resolution to
oppose the construction and take steps to separate Sambalpur from Odisha. The rulers of
erstwhile Sambalpur group of states seized this opportunity and goaded the local people to
protect their regional protest. The Hirakud dam displacement and rehabilitation problems thus
provided a crucial ground for the origins of regionalism in Odisha.
Another significant factor for origins of regionalism was the emergence of the political party
called Ganatantra Parishad. The loss of power after integration of states motivated them to
launch a regional political party. A few Congress dissidents and disgruntled Prajamandal
activists of the region joined hands with the rulers. Within a short time, party spread through the
ex-states areas. Its rise accentuated regional animosity further. It filled the minds of the local
people with the impression that Congressman Leadership was biased towards coastal Odisha.
They justified the anti-Hirakud dam agitation by the affected people of the western region.
Displacement of people at the time of Rourkela Steel Plant construction (Sundargarh district of
western Odisha) also contributed to the rise of regionalism in the Western Odisha region. Being
the opposition party at that time, they strongly opposed it. Finally, the Congress Ministry
yielded to opposition demand and agreed to stop demolitions until an enquiry was held.
26
S. Supakar, Itihasara Parihas (Oriya), B.R. Publishing, Sambalpur, 1988, pp. 7-8.

Some other miscellaneous factors were also responsible for the rise of regionalism. The rise in
the price of rice caused acute economic hardship to western people. The sudden transformation
of the administrative machinery also created considerable stress and strain among the local
people of the western region. The administrators, who were sent by the provincial government,
descended in the western region like conquerors and each one of them seemed to feel that he was
a little „Maharaja‟.27
3.3 Factors Accounting for the Growth of Regionalism
It is clear from the above analysis that anti-merger resistance, Hirakud agitation, emergence of
Ganatantra Parishad, Rourkela agitation and above all the attitudinal conflicts have contributed
to the origins of regionalism in Odisha. In this section some of the core factors which accounted
for the growth of this regional tension have been discussed.
3.3.1 Major Regional Cleavages
Post-merger Odisha reveals striking regional cleavages. The two principal regions, i.e. western
Odisha and the coastal Odisha exhibit natural difference in terms of history, culture and
linguistic/dialectal affiliation.
3.3.1.1 Historical Cleavages
Historically, coastal Odisha is associated with the Utkal- Kalinga empires and western Odisha is
identified with the Koshal kingdom. The historical record which these empires/kingdoms left
behind and the nostalgic sentiment they create in recent times contributed to the growth of sharp
regional divide between these two conspicuous regions of Odisha state.
In comparison to western Odisha, the history of coastal Odisha is well recognized. The glories of
Utkal-Kalinga empires of the ancient and medieval times are fairly well known. The kingdom of
Kalinga existed as a famous independent state even during the powerful Nanda and Maurya
dynasties of the Magadh Empire.
27
K.V. Rao, Politics in Orissa- Social Ecology and Constitutional Compulsions, Indian Journal of Political Science,
Ashish Publishing, Cuttack, 1965, pp. 101-10.

The historical cleavages between the two regions became more pronounced during the Mughal,
Maratha, and finally the British rule over Odisha. Under the Mughals the Koshal states of
western Odisha remained in the „Garhjat‟ division; while the coastal parts of Odisha comprised
the „Mughalbandi‟ division.
3.3.1.2 Cultural Cleavages
The culture of western Odisha differs significantly from that of the coastal Odisha districts.
Popularly, western Odisha culture is known as the „Sambalpuri‟culture; while the culture of
coastal Odisha is dubbed as „Odia‟ or „Kataki‟ culture. The factor which causes cultural diversity
in Odisha is the presence of a sizeable tribal population. Only of the 62 tribes living in Odisha,
quite a large number is found in western Odisha which makes growth in regionalism.28
The dance style is also different in these two regions. Many folk songs are also different in
coastal and western region.29 As far as festivals are concerned, some typical festivals like
„Nuakhai‟, „Puspuni‟, „Karamasani‟, „Puajitia‟ and „Bhaijitia‟ are exclusively observed in
western Odisha and with which the coastal people are not at all acquainted. Yet another
difference between the two regions exists in the form of worship. It may also be noted that some
caste groups and surnames commonly found in western Odisha are alien to the coastal Odisha
districts.
3.3.1.3 Linguistic Cleavages
The people of western Odisha speak „Sambalpuri‟ as their mother tongue which is regarded as a
regional or colloquial variation of Odia language. Sambalpuri-Odia speech is distinct in its own
right, and it is easily distinguishable from coastal Odia speech.30 The difference is noticed at the
lexical level and phonological levels. The Odia language spoken by the coastal Odisha people is
referred to as „Kataki speech‟ by the western people. On the other hand, average coastal Odisha
people regard the „Sambalpuri‟ speech as an „adivashi‟ (tribal) language.31
28
Govt. of India, Census of India, 1991.
29
M.K. Mishra, Folk-songs of Kalanadi, Mayur Publications, Bhubaneswar, 1989, pp.145-47.
30
P.K. Padhee, Sambalpuri O Bhatri, APH Publishing Corporation, Saptrishi, 2006, pp.9-22.
31
Retrieved from, http://www.flipkart.com/nationalism-regionalism-india-subrat-nanda-book-8178355493, at 21:34
on April 4, 2011.

3.3.2 Regional Socio-Economic Disparities
In this section the extent of regional socio-economic disparities existing between coastal and
western regions of Odisha have been analyzed to find out the socio-economic factors giving rise
to regionalism.
3.3.2.1 Geographical and Demographic Disparities
The western region has a large geographical area, but supports much less population compared to
coastal group. Moreover, the density of population in the coastal region is much higher than the
western region as whole. This shows that the pressure of population is much larger in the coastal
belt compared to the western region.
In terms of demographic size the coastal region holds a predominant position, which has serious
implications in the context of political power and domination. The western region on the other
hand on account of its smaller size in terms of population feels dominated and neglected.32
3.3.2.2 Agricultural Development
The disparities in the proportion of workforce absorbed by the agricultural sector are hardly
noticeable between the two regions at least in the early period of independence, i.e. up to 1971.
But by 2001 the disparities are conspicuous.
The changes over time in proportion of such workers sufficiently indicate growing disparities in
the economic development of the two regions as declining proportion of agricultural workers in
the coastal region definitely indicates structural transformation in the economy by way of
redistribution of the work force into the non-agricultural sectors (i.e., into the secondary and
tertiary sectors) of the economy, whereas such a transformation is conspicuous by its absence in
the western region.33
3.3.2.3 Employment and Occupation
Coastal region as a whole absorbs much less proportion of the workforce in gainful activity
compared to the western region. The smaller proportion of workers in the coastal region is
32
33
Supra note 30, p. 24.

indicative of a better state of economy as lesser proportion of workforce as in a position to

support larger dependency. A relatively higher participation rate in the western region may
indicate that more people have to work in order to support themselves economically The entire
western region is industrially much more backward than the coastal region which is at least
agriculturally more advanced.34
3.3.2.4 Education
In education, western region lags far behind its counterpart in the coastal regions. Provisions of
educational institutions at the primary level are much better in the western region than in the
coastal region. This is of course not true in the area of the secondary and graduate levels of
educational institutions.
In the matter of university education, out of the five universities of the state, four are located in
coastal region and only one is situated in western region. As far as the literacy rate is concerned,
western region lags far behind its counterpart in the coastal regions.35
3.3.2.5 Health Care
In the area of health care provisions, i.e. medical infrastructural facilities, there exist some
disparities between the two regions during the period from 1971 to 1981, especially in the case
of some districts of the western region. But after 1991 the situation has improved drastically for
all the districts in both the regions. In 2001-2003 the regional average of the western region in
the areas of availability of different kinds of health care facilities, number of doctors and number
of hospital beds per one lakh population remains better than the average of the coastal region.
This clearly shows that the state government has taken effective measures to improve the
situation of health care facilities in the western region which in turn has contributed positively in
correcting the regional imbalance.
34
Retrieved from, http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/4226519, at 22:10 on April 5, 2011.
35
Statistical Abstract of Odisha, 1981, 1991 and 2005.

3.3.2.6 Infrastructure
The levels of road connectivity in the coastal and the western region of Odisha show significant
disparities. There have been little efforts to correct this regional imbalance in the last three
decades is evident, although western region have made progress.
In the case of rail connectivity the disparities between the two regions are not substantial,
although the coastal region is slightly better placed in terms of railway route length than the
western region. As regards bank-population ratio even the districts of the coastal region are
better served than the districts of the western region.
The western region as whole remains less electrified compared to the coastal region districts. The
rural electrification in the coastal region has always been higher than the state average. With
regard to the availability of post offices per one lakh population, the gap between the two regions
is not too wide to merit serious attention.36
3.3.2.7 Urbanization
In case of urbanization, which is often viewed as an indicator of development, the western region
indeed seems to be more developed than the coastal region of Odisha. A closer examination,
however, reveals that urbanization is localized in a few pockets in the western region, especially
in Sundargarh and Sambalpur districts.
The pattern of urbanization in the western region is such that its spatial impacts are of enclave
character. Only one or two towns, particularly Rourkela and Sambalpur, account for much of the
urban population while the remaining areas in the western region are vastly rural. In coastal
region, however the spread of urbanization is spatially more uniform.
3.3.3 Political Cleavages and Politics of Regionalism
Another critical factor which promoted regionalism in Odisha is the political cleavage. Politics in
Odisha assumed new dimensions after merger of the princely states with Odisha province. The
active participation of the ex-princes in Odisha politics, which led to the formation of the
36
Census of India 1971, 1991 and 2001 (Odisha Series).

regional political party called Ganatantra Parishad (GP), was a significant development in
creating political cleavage and regional antagonism.37
The Ganatantra Parishad, which emerged in western region as a strong regional party since 1950,
posed formidable opposition to Congress since the first general election till 1971. Because of this
regional bipolar trend, the Congress and GP came to be identified with coastal and western
Odisha respectively.
The fourth Odisha Legislative Assembly elections were memorable in several respects. First, it
provided the first non- Government; second, it gave the first Chief Minister (R.N. Singh Deo)
from western region of Odisha; third, it saw the first coalition between two regional parties
(Swatantra Party and Jana Congress) having strong regional affiliation.
The Office of Chief Minister has been mostly monopolized by the political leaders from the
coastal region. Out of the 18 times the post of Chief Minister was held between 1952 and 2004,
only two persons (i.e. R.N. Singh and Hermanda Biswal) belonged to western region. Further,
barring few occasions, the western region has very poor representation in the Council of
Ministers of the state.38
3.4 Movement for a Separate State
The movement for separate state was started strongly in the western region. They strongly
demanded a separate region for them so that can develop in every field.
In the late 1980s and early 1990s the regional movement in western Odisha took a significant
turn as the demands for a separate Koshal state comprising the five districts of western Odisha
were vigorously made by some separatist groups. The demand for a separate state for western
Odisha was made on earlier occasions also. For example, during the anti-Hirakud dam agitation
in 1948 some leaders of Sambalpur manifestly advocated for constituting Sambalpur and its
adjoining areas into separate state. The echoes for a separate state were also heard during the
1970s. Some Swatantra Party leaders demanded to constitute the coastal districts into a Union
Territory and the rest of Odisha into a separate province. Even some Swatantra MLAs from
37
F.G. Bailey, Politics and Social Change: Orissa in 1959, University of California Press, California, 1963, p.331.
38
Retrieved from, http://www.easternbookcorporation.com/moreinfo.php?txt_searchstring=13054, at 22:30 on April
5, 2011.

western region made a strong plea for bifurcation of the state into Utkal and Koshal provinces.
This favored a separate state for western Odisha on geographical, historical and socio-cultural
grounds.39
3.5 Current Situation
The current situation in Odisha is not worse. Recently, the Odisha government has introduced
excellent schemes for the development of the western region. The field of agriculture, industry
had made much progress in the recent years. Educational and employment opportunities have
been increased. But at the same time more development is required to completely fade away the
feeling of regionalism from the minds of the western region people. The Biju Janta Dal
government at the present at the same time involves higher number of council of ministers from
the western region. They represent the western region in all sectors. But the feeling of
regionalism is still prevalent in some parts of the western region. The tone and the tenor of
earlier demands differ from the demand made in the recent times. The recent demand is based on
cultural deprivation and is rooted in the concept of „Koshali Nationalism‟. But the situation is
under control. No more violence had been occurred in the Odisha in recent times. The
government of Odisha should keep the good work going. More new schemes for development of
western region should be introduced by the government of Odisha.
39
Muralidhar Pandha, Orissa Mantrimandal ‘O’ Purbatana Garjat (Oriya), Saptarshi Publications, Bolangir, 1972,
p.344.

CHAPTER IV
REGIONALISM IN ANDHRA PRADESH
(TELANGANA ISSUE)
4.1 Historical Background
Telangana was historically well known as a prosperous state. Telangana Region was erstwhile
Hyderabad State till 1956, ruled by the Asaf Jahi Nizam VII (Mir Osman Ali Khan Bahadur).
The state of Hyderabad was the largest of the princely states in pre-independence India, among
other 600 princely states. After Indian independence in 1947, the country was partitioned on
communal lines. The Nizam ruled over more than 16 million people of territory when the British
withdrew from the sub-continent in 1947. The Nizam refused to join either India or Pakistan,
preferring to form a separate kingdom within the British Commonwealth of nations, but the
proposal was rejected by the British government. Thousands of peasants in the entire state of
Hyderabad revolted against the Nizam. The Communist Party of India leaders also joined in
fighting against the Nizam and Razakars. Since majority of the people of Hyderabad State were
Hindus and as the Hyderabad state was surrounded on all sides by Indian Territory, the violence
in Hyderabad state prompted the new Indian government to invade and annex Hyderabad in
1948. Hyderabad state was liberated from Nizam on September 17, 1948, using military force, in
what was known as Operation Polo, led by Sri Sardar Vallabhai Patel and made part of Indian
Union and was a separate State during 1948-56. In 1952, the first legislative Assembly elections
were held wherein, Sri Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, was elected as the first Chief Minister.40
4.2 Demands for Andhra State

Next to Hyderabad state, leaders from Andhra area which was part of Madras Presidency were
keen on fighting for a separate state for the Telugu speaking people. The ceded districts of
Madras presidency known as coastal Andhra put forward their case for a separate state in 1950
on the ground of domination of Tamils in employment and industry and for neglecting the
Andhra area. Hence, they demanded for separate state of Andhra. A Gandhian, Sri Potti Sri
40
Retrieved from, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Telangana, at 10:21 on April 6, 2011.

Ramulu undertook fast-unto-death in October, 1952, demanding that Madras be made capital of
the separate Andhra State. After 58 days of fasting, he passed away on December 15, 1952.
While taking out his funeral procession, violence broke out in several parts of Madras and
Andhra areas.41
4.3 Declaration of Andhra Rashtra (State) in 1953

The Central Government declared the Andhra state on 19th December, 1952, retaining Madras
city for Tamils as it was the home for Tamils. At this point in time, we need to mention that
based on JVP (Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhai Patel and Pattabhi Seethramaiah) committee report,
the Andhra state was decided to be formed in 1950 itself, but since, people were demanding
Madras city for the Andhra state, it was delayed.
The Andhra State came into effect from October 1, 1953 with Kurnool as its capital city. Due to
lack of minimum requirements, at certain stage, not even have a place to set up head quarters;
they failed to rule the state as all major administrative offices were housed in tents, and they had
a deficit budget of 5 crore and the State Govt., was unable to pay staff salaries.
4.4 State Reorganization Committee

In December 1953, the State Reorganization Committee was appointed to prepare for the
creation of states on linguistic lines. It was not in favor of an immediate merger of Telangana
region with Andhra state, despite the common language between the two. Paragraph 382 of SRC
said- opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favor of the larger unit; public opinion in
Telangana has still to crystallize itself. Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves
seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be
based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people
of Telangana to take a decision about their future.
The main reason, for the Andhra leaders to propagate Telugu brotherhood in the name of
Vishalandra was that the Hyderabad had readymade infrastructure. The people of Telangana had
41
Retrieved from, http://www.trendingtech.info/trending/oppressed-telangana/, at 11:21 on April 6, 2011.

several concerns. The region had a less developed economy than Andhra, but with a larger
revenue base (mostly because it taxed rather than prohibited alcoholic beverages), which people
of Telangana feared might be diverted for use in Andhra. They also feared that planned irrigation
projects on the Krishna and Godavari rivers would not benefit Telangana proportionately even
though people of Telangana controlled the headwaters of the rivers. It was also feared that the
people of Andhra, who had access to higher standards of education under the British Rule, would
have an unfair advantage in seeking Government and Educational jobs.42
The commission proposed that the Telangana region be constituted as a separate state with a
provision for unification with Andhra state, after the 1961 general elections, if a resolution could
be passed in the Telangana state assembly with a two-third majority.
4.5 Formation of Andhra Pradesh State
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru made a statement made a statement on proposed Andhra Pradesh state-
Ek Maasoon bholi bhali Ladki Ko ek Natkat Ladke ke saath Shaadi kiya jaa raha hain, chahe toh
woh milke reh sakte hai, ya Bichad sakte hain. i.e., an innocent Girl (Telangana) is being married
to a clever Boy (Andhra), it is of their choice to continue or get separated.43
The central government established a unified Andhra Pradesh on November 1, 1956. While
forming the Andhra Pradesh state, a Gentlemen‟s Agreement of 1956, was entered between
Andhra and Telangana leaders, which assured of fair play for Telangana region in terms of
education and employment for its people, utilizing the excess revenue collected from Telangana
region on the development of Telangana only, and funds disbursement for the region to be shown
separately and a separate Telangana Regional committee to be constituted.
At least two important portfolios in the Ministry should be given to the Telangana ministers. The
agreement was scuttled the same day after formation of AP Government. No minister was given
a high status. Except Home Ministry, the other important portfolios were given to Telangana
ministers once in a while in 53 years.
42
Krishna P. Mukerji and Suharini Ramaswamy, Reorganization of Indian States, Popular Book Depot, Bombay,
1955, p. 88.
43
Retrieved from, http://www.easternbookcorporation.com/moreinfo.php?txt_searchstring=13054, at 17:04 on April
7, 2010.

Anti-Nehru politics emerged with the repression of the Telangana movement; many within the
Congress extended their hands to radical and not-so-radical leftist causes. Feroz Gandhi was
among them.44
4.6 Jai Telangana Movements

After formation of Andhra Pradesh agreements were not followed and there was a feeling of
betrayal among the students and employees of the region. People from Andhra region occupied
the jobs of Telangana region.
Promotions were not given based on Seniority and to the Locals, but were filled with non-locals
being transferred from Andhra Region. By this time, the surplus funds collected in the form of
taxes etc., to the state exchequer from Telangana region were diverted to Andhra region and
natural resources like coal and water were diverted to develop Andhra region. This led to a
historical agitation which is called as Jai Telangana Movement in 1968-69.45
Basically movement started in the Osmania University but later spread to the whole state.
Students and government officials revolted. State legislative‟s opposition members threatened
government. Even, the political leaders like Sri Konda Laxman Bapuji, the then Minister
resigned and joined the movement. Other Telangana leaders joined the movement.
Many people were killed and arrested by the police. But the movement was suppressed by the
government at the same time. In 1971, In Parliament elections, Telangana Praja Samithi won 10
out 14 Parliament seats in Telangana. Despite electoral successes, however, some new party
leaders gave up their agitation many separatists including M Chenna Reddy rejoined the safer
political haven of the Congress ranks.46
P.V. Narashima Rao, from Telangana Region was made as Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, on
the advice of Former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. In 1972, the Supreme Court of India upheld
44
Retrieved from, http://www.mongabay.com/history/india/india-telangana_movement_regionalism.html, at 11:01
on April 8, 2011.
45
J. V. Narasing Rao, Separate Telangana- A Suicidal Slogan, Department of Information and Publicity-Government
of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1969, p. 2.
46
Retrieved from, http://countrystudies.us/india/75.htm, at 11:37 on April 9, 2011.

the decision for providing reservation in education and employment for the Telangana region.
Due to pressure from Telangana people, he resigned. The central government imposed
emergency. The Jai Andhra agitation was started in the state. A Six-Point Formula was agreed
upon by the leaders of the two regions to prevent any recurrence of such agitations in future. The
most important decision was that Mulki rules were diluted and Telangana Regional Committee
was cancelled. Resulted in a diluted Six Point Formula and the promises made to Telangana
people and region were once again disobeyed.
And since 1972 the condition in Telangana region became worse. Every time there demand for
separate Telangana state was rejected by every government on the basis of common language.
Till 2009, Telangana people have not given proper rights in their region.
4.7 Factors Accounting for the Growth of Regionalism

Several problems exist in Telangana districts like fluoride problem in Nalgonda, continuous
farmers and weaver‟s deaths in rural Telangana, viral fevers in tribal areas.
4.7.1 Education
The population is almost same in Andhra and Telangana, there is a huge difference in terms of
educational facilities and the no. of teachers engaged in teaching. Many universities started in
Telangana but later shifted to politics due to politics. Recent example of this is that IIM had to
set up in Hyderabad. But it was set up in Vijaz (Andhra Pradesh). The universities in Telangana
do not have proper infrastructure and teaching faculties.47
4.7.2 Employment
Majority of Andhra people were employed in Telangana region. The government of state ordered
to transfer these people to Andhra region but these ordered were not implemented. Majority of
workers in the state government are from the Andhra region only. Since formation of state, not a
single advocate general is appointed from Telangana region.
47
Retrieved from, http://testfunda.com/examprep/mba-resource/user-resources/article/telangana-issue-and-rise-of-
regionalism.htm?assetid=919220bd-98a6-4636-940c-c4b3830c72e9, at 22:10 on April 10, 2010.

Mainly, judges and tax officers are appointed from Andhra region. Similarly IPS, IAS officers
and collectors are mainly from Andhra region. This is due to the full control on the
administration by the Andhra region. And average salary per month of Telangana region is less
than the other region. The officers don‟t show much importance to projects in Telangana and
don‟t take decisions judiciously which are due for Telangana region.
4.7.3 Irrigation
One of the major grievances of the people of Telangana has all along been, and continues to be,
the raw deal meted out to the region regarding the allocation and utilization of river waters. It is,
however, not an unexpected development. It has happened as was feared at the time of merging
Telangana with Andhra.
The allocation of river water mainly goes to Telangana region. The Coastal Andhra has usurped
80% of assured waters of Krishna allocated to the State by the Bachawat Tribunal. 90% of
surplus waters, yet to be allocated, are reserved for the Rayalaseema, denying the Telangana its
rightful share.
The Godavari waters have already been harnessed to irrigate more than 12 lakh acres in Coastal
Andhra while the corresponding figure for Telangana is 4 lakh acres. The Telangana farmers
mostly depend on well irrigation. The farmers of Coastal Andhra get cheap canal water
subsidized by the State, while the Telangana farmers are forced to pay higher electric pump bills.
4.7.4 Agriculture
The net cultivated area in the Telangana region has decreased by 22% during the period 1956
and 1998, while it has increased by 4.25% in Coastal Andhra region. 40% of the cultivated area
in the State is in the Telangana region, and the institutional credit available to the Telangana
farmers is far less. Inadequate Institutional credit is forcing the Telangana farmers to fall into the
debt trap laid by the private moneylenders, leading to an unprecedented number of suicides
during the last five years.48
48
LLC Books, Telangana Rebellion: Kaloji Narayan Rao, Telangana Rebellion, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, Raavi
Narayana Reddy, Makhdoom Mohiuddin, Books LLC, Hyderabad, 2007, p.191.

4.7.5 Finance
The contribution of Telangana region to the State‟s Exchequer has all along been around 43%.
But the expenditure incurred on the development of this region has never been more than 25%.
The lower per capita income of the Telangana region enabled the State Government to get higher
allocation of funds from the successive Finance Commissions. But the benefit of such higher
allocation of funds never materialized for the Telangana region.
More than 80% of loans taken from the World Bank and other International and National
agencies are being spent for the development of Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema. But the
burden of repayment of these loans and interest on them is being borne by the people of
Telangana to the extent of 40 to 43%. A cumulative effect of these and similar factors, over the
years, has been the diversion of thousands of crore of rupees meant for the development of
Telangana region, for the development of other regions.49
4.7.6 Medical and Health Services

Telangana region already had the following hospitals before 1956. Post-merger no major hospital
has been established in Telangana region except MGM in Warangal. The regional average of the
Andhra region in the areas of availability of different kinds of health care facilities, number of
doctors and number of hospital beds per one lakh population remains better than the average of
the Telangana region.
4.7.7 Industries and Small Scale Cottage Industries
Major industries have not been set up in Telangana region since unification of state. On the other
hand many industries had been set up in the in Visakapatnam, Vijayawada, Kakinada, Nellore,
Tirupati, and Cuddapah. Many industries established during the regime of Nizams are being
closed by one or other government. Famous Nizam Sugar Industry (Nizamabad) is on the verge
of closure. The persons working in the industries are mostly from Andhra region.
49
Retrieved from, http://testfunda.com/examprep/mba-resource/user-resources/article/telangana-issue-and-rise-of-
regionalism.htm?assetid=91922 0bd-98a6-4636-940c-c4b3830c72e9, at 23:40 on April 11, 2011.

Several small and cottage industries including handloom and power looms in Telangana region
have become sick due to government policies. As majority of the Bank Officers and Employees
are from non-Telangana regions, very few Telangana Entrepreneurs could avail the bank loans
and successfully set up their industries.50
The entire Telangana is endowed with rich natural Toddy Trees, and the toddy is not allowed to
be sold publicly. People of Telangana consider it as a natural product derived from trees, but the
successive governments passed orders not to sell it in city limits. However, the Coconut Water
which is a predominant crop in Coastal Andhra, is supplied all over the state and including
Telangana Region and thousands of lorries are supplied thereby a turnover of hundreds of crore.
4.7.8. Urbanization
State Government gets funds from Centre for urban development projects, under JNNURM.
Hundreds of Crore funding received from Centre is spent in developing Hyderabad, Vijayawada,
and Vizag cities. It is a misconception that only Hyderabad is developed and not other cities,
then who had developed Vizag and Vijayawada. The biggest cities in United Andhra Pradesh
include Hyderabad, Vijayawada, Vizag and Tirupathi. These Cities are developed after 1956
except Hyderabad; all other are not in Telangana.
4.7.9. Political Power

Politics played a very important role in the development of any region. In the combined AP
history of last 53 years, Andhra Chief Ministers ruled for 24 years, Rayalseema CMs ruled for 22
years and Telangana CMs for 6 years. In these 6 years also, 3 Telangana CMs were used as
make-shift arrangements while changing some of non-Telangana CMs. Telangana CMs never
got power as CM and were never allowed to be CM for their full term of five years by other area
leaders. Each ruled for hardly a year or so before they were removed.
Telangana would not have been neglected if Telangana CMs were also allowed to rule. An
intellectual like Sri P V Narasimha Rao also could not continue for full term due to the pressure
50
Retrieved from, http://www.merinews.com/article/the-telangana-issue-and-rise-of-regionalism/15790350.shtml,
on 1:00 on April 12, 2011.

politics. Also, there is a general saying that for vacating Marri Chenna Reddy from the post of
Chief Minister, the Rayalaseema leader, instigated communal riots in Hyderabad.51
4.8 Reasons for Telangana to be a Separate State

There are many reasons for telangana to be a separate state:
1. Telangana was a separate state before 1956.
2. Telangana people want self-respect, self-governance and development, as the post-merger in

53 years, the area is under managed by Andhra and Rayalaseema Political leadership, and
systemically the Telangana economy is weakened and collapsed.
3. Though the language spoken is Telugu which is common, there is a cultural diversity.
4. In terms of total area, Telangana region is bigger than 18 states in India and 60 countries in the
world.
5. Since, last 5 decades, the Telangana movement is alive and people aspire to be in a separate
state.
6. Muslim community constitutes a major population in Telangana. In the erstwhile Hyderabad

state, about 40% of the employees were Muslims, and today, they are hardly 2 to 3 percent.
7. In united Andhra Pradesh, the Telangana weaker sections, minority, and women could not
have their voice heard and their problems are unattended.
51
Krishna Y.V.Rao and S. Subramanyam, Development of Andhra Pradesh, 1956-2001: A Study of Regional
Disparities, NRR Research Centre, Hyderabad, 2007, p.90.

4.9 Current Telangana Movement
1. 2000 movement- BJP, to get into power, announced that it would separate telangana. But
when they came into power, they could only build 3 states but not telangana because of
opposition from there coalition party Telegu Desam Party, which led to frustration and formation
of a new party called Telangana Rashtra Samithi with a sole motive of creating a new state of
Telangana with Hyderabad as its capital city lead by K.Chandrasekhar Rao.52
2. 2004 movement- to come in power, Congress and the TRS had an electoral alliance in the
Telangana region with the promise of a separate Telangana State. Congress came to power in the
state and formed a coalition government at the centre. TRS joined the coalition government in
2004 and was successful in making a separate Telangana state a part of the common minimum
program (CMP) of the coalition government. In September 2006 TRS withdrew support for the
Congress led coalition government at the centre on the grounds of indecision by the government
over the delivery of its electoral promise to create Telangana.
3. In May 2008, another attempt to create a new state was brought down due to the lack in
majority.
4. In Nov 2008, the second leader of TDM, Mr. Goud left his post and decided to help telangana
state separation by forming a new political party named Nava Telangana Praia Party, which
later on Nov 2, 2008 declared telangana as a free state by freeing 10 pigeons signifying 10
regions under the new state. Following which, all the NTP proponents were arrested.
5. 2009- TRS president, K. Chandrasekhar Rao started a fast-unto-death demanding that the
Congress party introduce a Telangana bill in the Parliament. Student organizations, employee
unions and various organizations joined the movement. The decline of KCR's health has
contributed to a sense of urgency for the central government to take a decision on the issue of
Telangana statehood. Mr. Chidambaram informed that process for the formation of a separate
Telangana state will be initiated soon. KCR ends his 11 day fast.
52
Ibid, p.99.

On December 10, 2009, Central government asked Andhra Pradesh state government to pass of a
resolution in the legislative assembly (as per article 3 of Constitution). Non- Telangana regions
protested. Several members of Andhra Pradesh's legislature submitted their resignations to
protest the creation of the new state.53
4.10 Advantages of Separate Telangana Region

There are many advantages of separate telangana region:
1. Small States will give better benefits to the masses and help to create wealth as well as help in
nation development. There will be an end to exploitation of resources in Telangana Region, and
the resources can be fully utilized for the development of Telangana region.
3. This will generate an additional income of Rs.7800 Crore per annum on agriculture produce
and create more employment opportunities in the agriculture and allied sectors. Extra energy
produced can be utilized for agriculture and industry, without any power cuts in rural areas.
4. Job opportunities would be available for local people. This will generate income potential for
Telangana economy.
5. Students will have their increased opportunities and facilities for pursuing higher education
and career growth.
6. Special thrust can be given to Arts and Handicrafts units, and cottage industries for promoting
the Telangana culture.
7. Rural Electrification can become a reality with increased power generation Infrastructure in
the form of Roads, Buildings, and Railway network can be improvised.
53
Retrieved from, http://www.merinews.com/article/the-telangana-issue-and-rise-of-regionalism/15790350.shtml, at
16:17 on April 13, 2011.

8. Historical places can be improvised for attracting Tourism, and thereby more employment
opportunities in tourism and hospitality. Health, Sanitation and Public Utility services can be
given prominence.

CHAPTER V
REGIONAL ISSUES IN INDIA
5.1 Anti North Indian Attitude of MNS Workers
Continuous large scale arrival of industrial labor from south India and other parts of India and
other parts to Bombay, from Bihar and Odisha to Calcutta and agricultural labor from eastern UP
and Bihar to Punjab. Of the movements the most virulent has been Shiv Sena, founded in 1966 in
Bombay. Exploiting Maharashtrian grievances and economic frustration, the Shiv Sena under the
banner of „Maharashtra for the Maharashtrians‟ has directed its attack, both verbal and physical,
primarily at south and north Indian immigrants. On the one hand it affects the cultural harmony
of those areas by creating apprehensions among the linguistic and cultural groups about their
position. Second it generates ill-feeling in the local work force, which either are unable to get
jobs or in view of migratory labor‟s willingness to work at lower rates become unable to bargain
effectively with the local employees. This gives birth to the sectional organizations and the sons
of soil agitations. The phenomenon of Shiv Sena is a glaring example of this.54
5.2 Attacks on Bihar Laborers by the United Liberation Front of Assam
The United Liberation Front of Assam is a terrorist group from Assam, among many other such
groups in North-East India. It seeks to establish a sovereign Assam via an armed struggle in the
Assam Conflict. The Government of India had banned the organization in 1990 and classifies it
as a terrorist group, while the US State Department lists it under "Other groups of concern".55
It initiated major violent activities in 1990. Military operations against it by the Indian Army that
began in 1990 continue till present. In the past two decades some 10,000 people have died in the
clash between the rebels and the government. After 1985 and before it was banned in 1990,
ULFA was credited in the media with many public activities. Soon after the demolition of the
Babri Masjid in 1992, the ULFA was reported to have stopped Hindu-Muslim riots in the Hojai
region of Nagaon district by displaying arms openly. It has continued a public discourse of sorts
54
Retrieved from, http://satyameva-jayate.org/2008/02/19/there-is-a-rashtra-in-maharashtra/, at 12:13 on April 14,
2011.
55
C.N. Boruah, Assamese Response to Regionalism: A Study Based on Electoral Politics, Mittal Publications, New
Delhi, 2009, p.46.

through the local media (newspapers), occasionally publishing its position on political issues
centered on the nationality question. It has participated in public debates with public
personalities from Assam. During the last two local elections the ULFA had called for boycotts,
though media reports suggest that it had intimidated activists of the then ruling parties (Congress
and AGP respectively). Some of the major assassinations by ULFA include that of Surendra Paul
in May 1990, the brother of businessman Lord Swraj Paul, that precipitated a situation leading to
the sacking of the Government of Assam under Prafulla Kumar Mahanta and the beginning of
Operation Bajrang.56
In 1991 a Russian engineer was kidnapped along with others and killed. In 1997, Sanjay Ghose,
a social activist and a relative of a high ranking Indian diplomat, was kidnapped and killed. The
highest government officer assassinated by the group was local AGP minister Nagen Sharma in
2000. An unsuccessful assassination attempt was made on AGP Chief Minister Prafulla Kumar
Mahanta in 1997. A mass grave, discovered at a destroyed ULFA camp in Lakhipathar forest,
showed evidence of executions committed by ULFA.
ULFA continues to attempt ambushes and sporadic attacks on government security forces. In
2003, the ULFA was accused of killing laborers from Bihar in response to molestation and
raping of many Assamese girls in a train in Bihar. This incident sparked off anti-Bihar sentiment
in Assam, which withered away after some months though. On August 15, 2004, an explosion
occurred in Assam in which 10-15 people died, including some school children. This explosion
was reportedly carried out by ULFA. The ULFA has obliquely accepted responsibility for the
blast.[7] This appears to be the first instance of ULFA admitting to public killings with an
incendiary device.57
In January 2007, the ULFA once again struck in Assam killing approximately 62 Hindi speaking
migrant workers mostly from Bihar. On March 15, 2007, ULFA triggered a blast in Guwahati,
injuring six persons as it celebrated its 'army day'. The ULFA has put forward a set of three pre-
conditions for talks and negotiations with the Indian government. The government has rejected
these pre-conditions. The pre-conditions are:
56
Ibid, p.50.
57
Retrieved from, http://www.bukisa.com/articles/451582_regionalism-in-india, at 18:20 on April 15, 2011.

1. The talks should be held in a third country.
2. The talks should be held under United Nations supervision.
3. The agenda of the talks should include the sovereignty of Assam.
5.3 Demand for Dravida Nadu
As early as 1960s the DMK and the Nan Tamil organized a joint campaign throughout Madras
state demanding its secession from India and making it an independent sovereign state of
Tamiland. DMK proposed that the states of Madras, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Mysore should
secede from the Indian union and form an independent „Republic of Dravida Nadu‟.
1962: C.N Annadurai maintained that the people of South India were of different stock from that
of the north. He alleged that the south has been ignored and neglected by union government in
plans of India‟s industrial development.
1963: Constitution bill which enabled it to make laws providing penalties for any person
questioning the sovereignty and integrity of Indian union.
DMK dropped its demand for separate nation Dravida nation.
1974: Anti-Malayali demonstration in Madras city by Tamil Protection Organization demanding

to give employment to Tamilians alone.58
5.4 Bodoland Demand Within Assam
The Bodo agitation is led by the Assam Bodo Students Union which is demanding a separate
state and has resorted to wide scale violence and series of crippling bandhs to pursue their
demand. One of the basic reason Assam agitations is because of the expansion of education,
particularly higher education, but not industrialization and other job creating institutions is
increasing the army of educated youths in the backward regions. These frustrated young men are
allured by the movements against the inflow of people from other countries ands states. On the
58
Retrieved from, http://www.newsofap.com/art-155-c-n-annadurais-dravida-nadu-demand-ended-in-1963.html, at
12:00 on April 16, 2011.

other hand these unemployed youths are also attracted by the caste, communal and other
sectional agitations fighting for the protection of rights on sectarian lines.
5.5 Inter-State Disputes
Another form of regionalism in India has found expression in the form of interstate disputes.
There is a dispute over Chandigarh over Punjab and Haryana. There are disputes boundary
disputes for example between Karnataka and Maharashtra on Belgaum where Marathi speaking
population is surrounded by Kannada speaking people, between Kerala and Karnataka on
Kasargod, between Assam and Nagaland on Rengma reserved forests. The first important dispute
regarding the use of water source was over the use of water resources of three rivers mainly
Narmada, Krishna and Cauvery in which states of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat and
Maharashtra were involved. Another dispute arose among the states of Maharashtra, Karnataka
and Andhra Pradesh over the use and distribution of waters of the Krishna River. Disputes also
arose between use of Cauvery waters among the states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka.
Disputes between Punjab, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh overt the use of waters of Ravi
River. The Electricity sharing issue between Punjab and Delhi is another example of this.59
5.6 Demand for Khalisthan
Khalistan is the name given to the proposed nation-state encompassing the present Indian state of
Punjab and all Punjabi-speaking areas contiguous to its borders. A movement for Khalistan
precipitated when the Indian Army attacked the Darbar Sahib (Golden Temple) in June 1984.
The attack, which was planned several months beforehand and was timed for an important
anniversary in the Sikh calendar, sought to maximize Sikh casualties. The army operation was
followed by wholesale killings of Sikh males between the ages of 15 and 35 in Punjab‟s villages.
These events, together with organized massacre of Sikhs in India‟s major cities in November
1984, and daily terror families subsequently experienced in Punjab‟s villages gave rise to
resistance. A Sarbat Khalsa (general congregation of the Sikh people) was convened at the Akal
Takht, the Sikh seat of temporal authority in Amritsar, on January 26, 1986.60 The gathering
59
Retrieved from, http://www.northeastblog.in/bodo/absu-to-revive-separate-bodoland-state-demand/, at 15:16 on
April 17, 2011.
60
Harnik Deol, Religion and Nationalism in India: The Case of the Punjab, Routledge Publications, London, 2000,
p.121.

passed a resolution favoring the independence of Punjab (Khalistan). Khalistan is envisaged as a

secular state, rejecting theocracy and espousing a liberal form of nationalism in which all
communities may live as equals.
March 1981: Chief Khalsa Diwan in Sikh Education Conference passed a resolution demanding
Khalistan and seeking associate membership in United Nations.
June 1981: Demand for Khalistan was originally voiced by a former member of Akali Dal, which
was taken up in various milder forms by Sikh Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee.
15thAugust 1981: Khalsa volunteers gathered in a Gurudwara and saluted their flag which had
the map of proposed Khalistan state inscribed in the centre.61
Extremist Sikh movements such as the demand for Khalisatan are purely urban middle class
phenomenon. The urban Sikh has been unable to convert his economic power into political
power-the way the rural Sikh has. And his insecurity is further aggravated by the fact that the
75% of Hindu population in Punjab is concentrated in towns. This causes urban Sikh to resist
being overwhelmed by Hindu values.62
61
Ibid, p.141.
62
Retrieved from, http://www.allaboutsikhs.com/operation-bluestar/the-khalistan-movement-in-punjab.html, at
13:14 on April 18, 2011.

CHAPTER VI
MEASURES AND SOLUTIONS TO PREVENT REGIONALISM
Regionalism is short cut to attain the political ambitions by emotionally exploiting the sentiments
of the people. As long as the political leaders thrive for regional development without
discriminating against outsiders, Regionalism is good for India.
According to us, the measures to protect regionalism are as follows:
1. To promote even development of the nation. The neglected areas must be given more
importance so that they feel a part of the national mainstream.
2. The central government must not interfere in the affairs of the state unless it is unavoidable for
national interest.
3. A proper law should be passed to execute the political leaders supporting regionalism just to
gain political attention like Uddhav Thackrey and Raj Thackrey or they should be treated under
the laws of sedition.
4. Problems of people must be solved in a peaceful and constitutional manner. Politicians must
not be allowed to misuse the issue of regional demands.
5. The different departments for different states can be constituted at central government level so
that that specific department can look upon state critically and suggest the ways to government
for the upliftment of the state.
6. Except for issues of national importance, the states should be given freedom to run their own
affairs.63
7. There should be a nominal participation of all the states at central level government. The
leaders of the deprived states should come forward to participate in the central government and
raise their concern rather than sitting in the state and demanding the new state.
63
Retrieved from, http://www.jstor.org/pss/2755377, at 15:13 on April 19, 2011.

8. A system of national education that would help to overcome regional feelings and develop an
attachment towards the nation should be introduced.
9. Election Commission should lay down some norms for regional parties against regionalism.
Election Commission should define that any party who will be found in promoting unnecessary
regionalism will be banned.
10. As much as possible, public policies depicting the idea of nationalism should be introduced
and there should be uniformity in schemes and policies for all the states.
11. Irrespective of the political party whose government is the state, the central government
should not be biased with any state. Funds, packages, allocations should be equally distributed.
12. Proper committees should be set up to look into the matters where there is demand for
different state. Rationale of new smaller states need not necessarily be perceived as balkanization
or regionalization. As such the demand for new states has to be effectively scotched and
conceded after only after careful scrutiny of each case on the basis of economic development and
administrative convenience.64
13. Non-Government Organization‟s should come forward to promote idea of nationalism among
people. They should spread awareness of living by unity in the diversity. They should teach
people the advantages of living with a big nation and state rather than small and segregated
states.
According to us one solution to this problem is that separate Telangana region and western
Odisha region should be there because both these areas are completely neglected by the
respective governments. But this solution would increase regionalism in these areas. Another
solution is that the respective governments should give more rights and liberties to these regions
and provide good education and employment opportunities. Good schemes for the development
in terms of industrialization, modernization, agriculture, finance, should be introduced in these
areas.65 These schemes should be implemented effectively in the affected region. Every
64
Retrieved from, http://countrystudies.us/india/75.htm, at 14:15 on April 20, 2011.
65
Retrieved from, http://wiki.answers.com/Q/What_is_the_effect_of_regionalism_in_india, at 15:10 on April 20,
2011.

department of these regions should be developed at such extent, so that there could be no feeling
of regionalism in these regions.66
There may be nothing wrong in whatever has been projected by Thackeray but he cannot afford
to draw attention to the problems by creating a wedge between communities and identities. True,
the Centre may have failed in distribution of wealth and resources to the Indian population, but
here, the subject is of pure management. Let politics be a healthy exercise to unite and not to
divide. There is always a provision to force the authorities to grant higher budgetary allocations
for speedy development and given the way, the investments are pooled in a proper environment
of security, able law and order, it can be safely presumed that locals can be accommodated in
jobs. And there is always provision for the people of the other states also to earn their livelihood
in any part of the country.
66
Retrieved from, http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/volltextserver/volltexte/2005/5500/pdf/hpsacp27.pdf, at 18:20
on April 20, 2011.

CHAPTER VII
CONCLUSION
Conclusion by Jaspreet Chadha
To sum up it may be argued that like certain objective conditions such as compact geographical
area, distinct history, common culture and a separate mother tongue largely helped to create a
strong sense of regional identity among the people of a part region, notwithstanding the
formation of an integrated and united state in independent India. In addition to this, their
relatively backward socio-economic position in comparison to the people of other region created
a sense of material deprivation between them. The relative material deprivation in socio-
economic terms coupled with the disaffection resulting political disadvantage contributed
immensely to the growth of regionalism among the people in Odisha and Andhra Pradesh.
It seems a matter of past when we Indians used to feel proud of unity in diversity our country.
People of different states would cherish the cultural difference and felt amazed to see so many
cultures in one India. With the current regional hatred, now one feels insecure and helpless.
Regionalism is an issue that the India has faced even before the time of independence and will
have to keep on facing. If the politics of India continues to be played out on regional, regional or
even a cultural plank, the regional aspirations of many will continue to be encouraged, and more
and more demand of separation fired either by a Xenophobic belief or otherwise will continue to
be threaten the secular and Federal fabric of our constitution.
But at the same time we have to look to other angle also, we had to solve the problems of region
which is demanding separate state. In case of Odisha, if the problems of western region would
have been solved earlier, there could be no such regionalism prevalent there and same is the case
with Andhra Pradesh. But these problems should be solved through talks not by force. If a
particular region is demanding their different state, central government should deal with this
problem seriously and if their demand is justified, then they should be provided separate state as
in the case of Odisha and Andhra Pradesh.

Conclusion by Jatin Garg
It can be traced that regionalism slowly turned from non violent means to violent means to
achieve their goals. From Potti Sriramulu‟s non violent means of fasting to Maharashtra Nav
Nirman Sena (MNS) and ULFA‟s violent means, regionalism has come a long way. Regionalism
in present day India is readily used for political gains by petty politicians and secessionist
organizations. Economic reasons are exploited for political dividends. When violence is used
against people in the name of regionalism it is a criminal act and is punishable. Article 19 of the
Constitution of India provides a citizen of India to move freely throughout the territory of India,
to reside and settle in any part, and to practice any profession, or to carry on any occupation,
trade or business. When ULFA (United Liberation Front of Assam) militants or MNS
(Maharashtra Navnirman Sena) activists used violence against poor migrant workers, they
clearly violated law of the land and also the Constitution which is above all, even above the
Parliament.
The statements, vandalism are nothing but a cheap politics, just to spread the hatred between the
people and it shows how they are working against the fraternity in the name of the regionalism,
religion and game, that state outfit has targeted Sachin Tendulkar, Shahrukh Khan and Mukesh
Ambani, these people are the legends in their own field, these dirty politicians will never reach
their heights in their life. The only solution left is the intervention of the judiciary, they are fit to
be banned in all respects, what they are doing now is a clear case of violating the fundamental
rights „Any Indian can live anywhere he likes may be for his livelihood or something else, in my
view this is the part of right to freedom.
The Constitution of India guarantees the right to every citizen in the Country to live in any part
of India and take up a job for his living. These so called politicians cannot take things granted
and act beyond Constitutional provisions. If every State start adopting the concept of son of the
soil then the days are not very far, we may have to take VISA to travel to another State in India.
The Union Government should take strict action against these politicians and political parties.
These problems need to nip in the bud. Otherwise it may catch like a wild fire and spread to
other parts of our Country. The Union Government should not hesitate to take action against the

political parties which are canvassing such ideology including banning them from contesting the
elections.
Conclusion by Shaili Kailasia
Regionalism in India is only a short cut to attain the political ambitions by emotionally
exploiting the sentiments of the people. The fear of Balkanization is void of any logic. India is
bound by a common culture that has flourished on this land many thousand years ago. The states
which fought for complete independence are now part of Indian Union and they have renounced
for some extent violence; they include Mizoram, Nagaland, Kashmir, Bodoland, and Tamil
Nadu. India is too big for these states to fight against and win. They are responsible for bringing
this regionalism out in the open creating rifts in the minds of people. They started influencing the
minds of people at an emotional level where it hurts the most. Their aim is to divide on the basis
of region and religion.
The reason behind the people who are supporting the regionalism is the problems they are facing
in their everyday life by the majority people of the state. Exactly sixty years ago, India adopted
a federal system of governance wherein the central government controls and coordinates the
sufficiently empowered state governments. Since each state government represents the
aspirations of the citizens of a certain region, regionalism indeed is at the heart of Indian
constitution. There's nothing wrong in harboring regional aspirations. It can be helpful in crate
competitive environment amongst states. Instead, the petty politicians are misusing the son-of-
soil slogan for furthering their own cause in the name of lending voice to regional discontent.
We have a democratic nation, which gives equal rights to all its citizens. When we do not have
major issues, we start quarreling about petty issues. This is the root cause of regionalism or son
of soil issue. We all are Indians. We never bother to think of the caste, creed, or language of an
Indian, when we meet an Indian abroad. He is our brother even if he is from the other end of
your nation. Each state is not leading an isolated life. South Indians reaches North India in search
of job. The whole nation depends on the food grains from Punjab. What will be the future of our
daily life when we stick on to Regionalism? Will each square kilometer provide food, job and
industries required for every one living in that region? Life exists only through dependence on
others. We can never live in compartments. Son of soil calls have to be stopped at any cost. The

main reason why there are many states in India is for administration purpose and the
Government made sure that it would be convenient for administration if they have various states
according to the language spoke in the region. So we must make sure that the feeling of Indian is
more powerful than these regional or caste feeling.
Conclusion by Harendar Neel
During the time of independence struggle, all the leaders had an aim. Now, many of the leaders
are in the dark as far as aim is concerned. Several political parties are formed just because of
personality rifts. One cannot find any difference in their ideologies. It is perhaps a stepping stone
to the power. In a democratic system like the one we are having one cannot control this
mushroom growth of political parties. The worst thing is certain groups originally formed on the
basis of religion, caste, language or regionalism use a new name and become a political outfit.
They contest election and somehow manage to get a few seats. Major national parties, who are
short of majority, go after these new generation parties for support to form Government.
Naturally, these smaller parties make use of the situation to satisfy their whims and fancies. So,
national parties should think twice before joining hands with them.
India is not a nation state but a federation of states. This arrangement of governance has been
adapted to ensure that the resources of a particular region are used primarily for the welfare of
the people of that region. The demands for separate states come up precisely for this reason.
Regions like Chhatisgarh and Jharkhand are very rich in natural resources. But people of this
region were not being benefited by them. Hence demand for separate states came up which was
entirely justified. The same is the case with Telangana where the agitators don‟t want to part
with Hyderabad.
Today regional parties define how the governments are formed and conducted both at the centre
and the state level. Indeed it is a good development as some political entities such as RJD, BSP,
LJP, DMK, AIADMK, BJD have to some extent represented those people who were neglected in
the political process for long time. As long as they thrive for regional development without
discriminating against outsiders, regionalism is good for India.

I may be Kannadiga or Tamil but I am an Indian first. My identity outside India is that of an
Indian. Every Indian in India is a son of soil. Soil of Maharashtra is no different than the soil of
Bihar in its essence and of origin.
The country was divided into different regions for the convenience of ruling by the Britishers
and the same policy is being used by the present era politicians by introducing the reservation
policy in the country.
“United we Stand, Divided we Fall”

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Rajiv Gandhi National University of Law Patiala, Punjab: Regionalism: Problems and Solutions

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Rajiv Gandhi National University of Law Patiala, Punjab: Regionalism: Problems and Solutions

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Regionalism: Problems and Solutions

Rajiv Gandhi National University of Law

In the Partial Fulfillment for the Requirement of the Project on the

Subject of Sociology of B.A., L.L.B. (Hones.), Second Semester

PROBLEM AND SOLUTIONS

Submitted on: April 25, 2011

Submitted To: Submitted by:

Dr. Jasleen Kewlani Group No. XII

(Assistant Professor in Sociology) Jaspreet Chadha (542)

Jatin Garg (552)

Shaili Kailasia (562)

Harendar Neel (572)

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 1

RAJIV GANDHI NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF LAW

Dr. Jasleen Kewlani Patiala (Punjab)

Assistant Professor in Sociology Date: ________

(Dr. Jasleen Kewlani)

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 2

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 3

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 4

2. The Problem of Regionalism in India……………………………………….……12

3.3.1.1 Historical Cleavages…………………………………………………………….20

3.3.2 Regional Socio-Economic Disparities…………………………………………..22

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 5

3.3.3 Political Cleavages and Politics of Regionalism………………………………..24

4. Regionalism in Andhra Pradesh (Telangana Issue)………………………...…...27

5. Regional Issues in India………………………………………………………......39

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 6

5.2 Attacks on Bihar Laborers by the United Liberation Front of Assam……………..39

6. Measures and Solutions to Prevent Regionalism………………………………..44

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 7

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 8

In the fields of physical geography, ecology, biogeography, zoogeography, and environmental

There are many levels of regions.

2. Region as social system implies trans-local relations between human groups.

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 9

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 10

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 11

THE PROBLEM OF REGIONALISM IN INDIA

2.1 Different Forms of Regionalism in India

Regionalism in India has assumed various forms like:

2.2 Development of Regionalism in India

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 12

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 13

2.3 Causes for Growth of Regionalism

There are many causes for the growth of regionalism:

1. Have and Have not‟s

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 14

5. Continuous neglect of an area or region by the ruling parties and concentration of

2.4 Determinants of Regionalism in India

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 15

1. Geographical Factor: - The geographical distinctiveness gives a symbolic identity which

2. Historical Factor: - Common historical experience often buttresses regionalism by way of

3. Socio-cultural Factor: - Socio-cultural differences between regions fan regional feeling to

4. Socio-Economic Factor: - Socio-economic imbalance between regions is the crux of

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 16

3.1 Historical Background

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 17

3.2 Genesis of Regionalism

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 18

Project of Sociology-II Submitted by Group No. XII 19

3.3 Factors Accounting for the Growth of Regionalism

3.3.1 Major Regional Cleavages