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Catharine R. Stimpson - 'Federal Papers', October, 53, 'The Humanities As Social Technology - A Special Issue', Summer 1990 PDF
Catharine R. Stimpson - 'Federal Papers', October, 53, 'The Humanities As Social Technology - A Special Issue', Summer 1990 PDF
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Federal Papers
CATHARINE R. STIMPSON
1. A historianof bureaucracycould trace the modern splittingof the concept of "the year" into
"calendar," "academic," "fiscal,"etc. I have previouslywrittenabout NEH in "The Humanitiesand
EverydayLife," WhereThe MeaningsAre: Feminismand Cultural Spaces, New York and London,
Methuen, 1988, pp. 165-178; and "Politics and Academic Research," in BettyJean Craige, ed.,
Literature,Language, and Politics,Athens,Georgia, Universityof Georgia Press, 1988, pp. 84-98.
2. Let me stressthatmyessaystopswithan NEH reportfor 1987, two yearsbeforethe eventsin
Congress in Summer, 1989, summarizedas "The Helms Amendment," even though the Amend-
ment itselfwas not adopted. Congress put controls,at least until 1990, on the activitiesof both the
National Endowmentfor the Arts (NEA) and the NEH. If the general object of these controlsis
"obscenity,"a specifictargetis the homosexual body. The absence of the homosexual body fromthe
NEH reports,its unfundability, shows what an easy targetit is for social and culturalconservatives.
The language of the Helms Amendmentis both vague and brief.Its purpose is: "To prohibitthe use
of appropriated funds for the dissemination,promotion, or production of obscene or indecent
materials or materials denigratinga particular religion." It then specifies: "None of the funds
authorizedto be appropriatedpursuantto thisAct maybe used to promote,disseminate,or produce
-(1) obscene or indecent materials,including but not limited to depictions of sadomasochism,
homo-eroticism, the exploitationof children,or individualsengaged in sex acts; or (2) materialwhich
denigrates the objects or beliefs of a particular religion or non-religion;or (3) material which
denigrates,debases, or revilesa person, group, or class of citizenson the basis of race, creed, sex,
handicap, age, or national origin."
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PresidentReagan addressingtheheads ofindependent
researchlibrariesduringa meeting to announcea
specialurban initiativelaunchedbytheNEH. William
Bennettin background. (Photo:Billie B. Shaddix.)
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26 OCTOBER
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Federal Papers 27
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28 OCTOBER
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Photoson thisand followingpage arefromtheNEH's
15th Annual Reportfor FY 1980. (Photos:Morton
Broffman.)
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Federal Papers 29
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30
fromtheNEH's 17thAnnualReportfor
Bothphotos
FY 1982.
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Federal Papers
Milwaukee
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3. In 1983, JaroslavPelikan; in 1984, Sidney Hook; in 1985, Cleanth Brooks; in 1986, Leszek
Kolakowski;in 1987, ForrestMcDonald. Anotherchange in formatconcernsthe announcementof
grants.In 1980 and 1981, theyare organized by the state in whichthe awardee (person or institu-
tion) lives, which permitsquick Congressionalscrutiny.Now theyare organized according to the
programthatawarded them. In effect,geographyhas givenway to bureaucraticcategories.Politics,
however,creeps back in. The 1984 Reporthas an "Index of Grants,"listedby state.
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32 OCTOBER
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Federal Papers 33
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34 OCTOBER
Despite such militancies,the annual reports must strive for the serene,
quiet, dignifiedtone that they assert the humanitiessustain. These documents
pitchthe humanitiesin general and NEH in particularabove the fray.So doing,
they replicate that idealized, decontextualized picture of the humanitiesas a
precious,separate domain that miraculouslyreaches into our lifeonly to inspire
and enhance us. The reportsalso suggestthatthe pictureof the humanitiesthey
draw is the only plausible one for reasonable Americans. The descriptionof
awards,at best a sentenceor two about theirtopics,reinforcesthisunseasonable
tranquillity.One example: in 1984, Bennettgave a much-reported$30,000, as a
Chairman's EmergencyGrant,to the right-wing organizationAccuracyin Media
(AIM). The 19th Annual Report for FY 1984 lists thisaward alphabeticallyunder
"Humanities Projects in Media." Though it is identifiedas a Chairman's Grant,
the entryreads as if the producer, Reed J. Irvine, had neithersubject position
nor scores to settle.The mild and skim-milky language reads: "To supportthe
production of a two-hour televisionprogram in response to the previouslyaired
series, 'Vietnam: A Television History.'The programwill focus more generally
on the role of the media in creating perceptionsthat influencethe course of
history."(p. 79)
So constructed,so construed,these NEH textsare even less candid than a
corporatereport,whichmust,somewhere,in some footnote,murmursome truth
about the company'sfinancialconditionand prospects.Yet, duringthe Bennett/
Agrestoyears,NEH provoked politicalcontroversyaftercontroversyabout the
theoryand practice of the humanities.Visible and publicized, the fightswere
withCongress,its funder;and withacademics and intellectuals,its fundeesand
potential peer reviewers;and with National Committee members,its adjunct
administrators.Among the textsthat record the strugglesare the Congressional
Record,in which legislativemannerscan hone ratherthan deny disagreements;
publicationsof professionalorganizations;the press;and the occasional scholarly
workabout NEH. The NEH reportsignore,sanitize,and evade the dirtand grit.
Their apparent detachmentfromcontestsconveysthe impressionthatany con-
test that mighthave gotten firedup is either unworthyof notice or over.
To note but four conteststhat became disappearingacts:
1. Budgetary.Bennettconsistently soughtto reduce the budget forthe State
HumanitiesCouncils. In 1985, forexample, NEH asked for9.6 percentless than
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Federal Papers 35
it had received in 1984 and for a 21.45 percent cut in the Division of State
Programs. This Division, a remarkable innovation,seeks to bring professional
humanistsand the public, academic humanitiesand public issues, together-a
meeting that state-runorganizations orchestrate.Congress insisted on giving
NEH more than it wanted. Framingthisdebate was another,whichthe creation
of NEH and NEA in 1965 ought to have put to rest but which continueswith
increasingvirulence:whetherthe federal governmentought to be fundingthe
arts and humanitiesat all. Some radical conservativesoppose the mean, daft,
craftyHelms Amendment,not because they dislike Helms, but because they
would rather get rid of NEH than control it. Their rhetoricinvokes "the tax-
payers" as iftheywere deitiesto be placated, not throughgiftsand sacrifices,but
through the resolute refusal to take their manna to feed philosophers and
painters.
2. Contemporary approachesto thehumanities.NEH reports insinuate that
such new movementsas women's studies,which theyencode as "advocacy" or
"having an agenda," traduce the humanities.Many in the field fought back,
oftenimplyingor statingthat NEH had taintedthe peer reviewsystemin order
to get projectsfromnew fieldsrejected, usuallywiththe summaryjudgment of
"trendy." On March 23, 1982, for example, Joan Hoff-Wilson,the Executive
Secretaryof the Organization of American Historians,wrote Bennettin a pub-
liclydistributedletter:
As a historian,I am especiallyconcerned thatsome of the more recent
and productivefieldsof specializationsuch as familyhistory,women's
history,public historyand quantitativemethodologyso oftenutilized
by the "new social" historiansin general will not be given equal
considerationalong with more traditionalhistoricalprojects. (p. 1)
3. Governance.Fillingthe officeof the chairmaninspiredtwo outcries.One,
ironicallyamong conservatives,was over Bennett's appointmentin 1981; the
second, in 1985, between the Reagan Administrationand a coalition of oppo-
nents,concerned the nominationof Edward J. Curran, an ex-headmasterthen
deputydirectorof the Peace Corps. A Senate committeeultimatelyvoted eight
to seven againstthe nomination.In addition,Reagan appointees to the National
Council were often roundlyaccused of being unqualified,theirappointmenta
cheap politicalreward fora Reagan loyalist.In 1984, forexample, Helen Marie
Taylor of Virginiawas a candidate. In part,her resumeshowsthe startsand stops
of a woman of her class and generation.5A graduate of Waco High School in
1940, she trainedas an actress. Her career, however,seems to be less that of a
professionalthanof a philanthropist and civicactivist,who was even arrestedand
jailed in Richmond for "attempting to save the historicBenjamin FranklinPress
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36 OCTOBER
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FY 1987.
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SydneyHook. 1984 Jefferson
Lecturer.(Photo: Cleanth Brooks. 1985 Jefferson
Lecturer.
MortonBroffman.)
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Federal Papers 39
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