The Ecology and Context of Public Administration: A Comparative Perspective

Author(s): Fred W. Riggs

Source: Public Administration Review, Vol. 40, No. 2 (Mar. - Apr., 1980), pp. 107-115
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Society for Public Administration
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 107

THE ECOLOGY AND CONTEXT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION:

A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE*

FredW.Riggs,University
ofHawaii

Whether the reasons are linguisticor culturalI do not the problems facing contemporary public admini-
know, but the fact is that we sometimeshave wordsfor stration, especially in countries of the Third World.
one side of a coin but not for the other-a fact that Perhaps the fact that we take the Americancontextand
pre-conditionsthe way we thinkabout some problems. environmentso much for granted,without specifically
For example, the word, "outline," which we use when examining its bearing on our own administrativebe-
drawinga profile around something,delimits the same havior, can be excused when we focus attentionexclu-
thingas an "inline" of whateversurroundsthe subject, sivelyon our own problemsof public management.This
but English dictionaries do not recognize the latter oversightbecomes blindingwhen we turnour attention
word. Yet, clearlyadministrative performanceis as much to the comparativestudyof public administration.
conditioned by the externalenvironmentand contextin
which it is carriedout as by the preferencesand choices Contextvs.Environment
of the immediate actors concerned. Indeed, analysis of
what is inside any systemtypicallytellsus how it works In ordinary speech it seems unimportantto try to
but not why-by contrast,it is only when somethingis distinguishbetween the "context" and the "environ-
inclined" that we can discover why it is the way it is. ment" of something, but here I want to stress a
Any subject, in short, needs to be both outlined and fundamental distinction and will use these words to
inclined. mark the difference.The contrastto be made involves,
One consequence of our persistenteffortsto "out- essentially,the question of whetheror not the outlined
line" problems is that we focus ever more deeply on subject belongs to the same order as the inlined
smallerand smallersubjects. No doubt thisenables us to externals. Since whatever inlines a subject typically
dissect, with considerable precision,the intricaciesof a contains elementsof both the same and differentorders,
very concrete and specific problem-as we typicallydo we find that both the environmentand context of
in our published research. Occasionally, however, we anythingmust be complementaryand equally deserving
need to pull back and take a broader view, thereby of study.
achieving an explanatory perspective on the interre- To speak of the "context" of anything,then, is
latedness,at higherlevels, of many of our problems.We typically to refer to something at the same level of
can only achieve this broader perspective when we analysis or abstraction as whatever may be "contex-
attempt not only to outline but also to inline the tualized." By contrast,the "environment"of anything
problemsat hand. differsqualitativelyfromwhateveris "environed."
Another one-sided term is "environment";whatever
has an environmentis molded by it, yet we feel When speaking about the environmentas a
tongue-tiedwhen we try to speak of whateveris "en- "parameter,"I have in mind one of the defini-
vironed," using a non-existentword again. Discussions
of the "environment"frequentlynote how difficultit is tions of thiswordas a "variableconstant."The
to define the concept, yet, obviously,the environment environment is, indeed, at any momenta con-
of one thing is differentfrom the environmentof stant, but in the long run, it also becomes a
somethingelse. Until you identifythe "environed,"you variable.
cannot determineits environment.The environmentof
Hawaii, to take a simpleexample,is quite differentfrom The relations between any environment and its
the environmentof Arizona-or of Afghanistanor the environedsystem may be discussed by using the word
moon. "ecology." Originatingin biology, "ecology" was first
The same paradox affects our use of the word, used to refer to the interactionsbetween living,non-
"context," since we lack obvious termsforwhateverit is human species and their environments.Later, sociolo-
that is "contextualized," if we may use thiscumbersome gistsbegan to talk about "social ecology" in theirwork
coinage. Indeed, if we are permitted to use such on human habitations,especially in cities. We now find
unorthodox words as "inline," "environed," and "con- demographersspeaking also of "human ecology" when
textualized," we can thinkmore clearly about some of examining interrelationsbetween people, as "popula-

*Thisessay is a revisionof partof a paperentitled,"The Fred Riggsis professorof politicalscienceat theUniversity

of
Ecologyof AdministrativeDevelopment," thatwasprepared for Hawaii.He waschairman ofASPA'sComparative Administration
the International
Conference on the Futureof PublicAdmini- Groupfrom1960 to 1971. He is currently thechairmanof the
stration,sponsoredby the Ecole Nationaled'Administration advisory committee to UNESCO on its INTERCONCEPTpro-
Publique,of the Universityof Quebec,fromMay27-31,1979. gram.He is theauthorofnumerous booksandarticles.

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108 PUBLICADMINISTRATIONREVIEW

tions," and environment.The time has now come, I way of thinking,studies of "bureaucraticpolitics" which
believe, to use this word also in our discussionsof the focus on the relationsbetween officials,theirconstituen-
interrelations between authoritative decision-making cies, and legislativecommitteesalso point to complex
systems and their environments.We may speak of patternsof interdependency.'
"political ecology" and "administrativeecology," but a
more precise notion would be conveyed by the expres-
andthe
Administration
Environmental
sion "decision-makingecology," or perhaps "politico-
EcologyofAdministration
administrative ecology."
Equally important problems surface when any sys-
In this essay let me say a few introductorythings
tem's relations to other systemsof the same order are
about both ecology and interdependenceas theyset the
considered. These are the problems of "contextual
parametersof administrativeperformance,especially in
analysis." The word "context" was originallyused to
Third World countries. To start the discussion on the
designate relations between words as they are woven
firsttopic (ecology), we need to distinguishbetween
together in discourse. It became apparent that one
environmentaladministration,and the ecology of ad-
cannot understandthe meaningsof words apart fromthe
ministration.By the "ecology of administration"we
contexts in which they are used, since typicallywords
may referto ways in which the environmentconditions
-have a variety of possible meanings, and one can
the politico-administrative process. Let me say immedi-
interpreta user's intentionsonly in the full context of
ately that to "condition" is not to "determine." The
what is said or written.By extension,the same idea has
environmentof anythingsets parametersforwhateverit
come to be used at other levels. Organizationtheorists,
environs, and parameters must be viewed as both
for example, have writtenabout "organization sets,"
constraintsthat limit what can be done and, concur-
which simply consist of a class of organizationsof the
rently, as resources that may be used by decision
same type which reciprocally influence each other.
makers. When making choices it is just as importantto
International relations, clearly, involves the study of
know what cannot be done as it is to see the alternative
how nations, forming an organization set, mutually
courses of action that are, indeed, feasible. Not to
influenceeach other'sbehavior.
recognize the constraintsimposed by one's environment
Often it would seem thatpublic officialspro- is to riskattemptingthe impossibleand, hence, to court
mote policies to be administeredby theirown frustrationand defeat.
When speaking about the environmentas a "para-
agencies only to block theirsubsequentimple- meter," I have in mind one of the definitionsof this
mentation.... This can lead to a kind of word as a "variable constant." The environmentis,
"catch-22" or double bind in which officials, indeed,at any momenta constant,but in the long run,it
called upon to take correctiveactions against also becomes a variable. To the degree that decision
theirown abuse of power,can do so onlyat tile makers become aware of this fact, they not only take
the existingenvironmentinto account, but theyconsider
priceof personalsacrifices. how it may be changed-or, inversely,how environ-
We do not have a single word that can be used mental transformationswhich are occurringby them-
unambiguously to designate such interaction patterns selves may be modified.Often thisamounts to the same
between contextualized systemsand theircontexts.One thing-the problem of air pollution, for example, could
word that, in context, may be used to referto thisidea be thoughtof as reversinga patternof transformation so
is "interdependence." In current discussions of world as to restore the originalstate of affairsor, equally, as
politics,one reads a lot about "dependency" in the sense generating an environmental impact designed to achieve
that Third World countries are much affected,indeed a more desirableconditionof pure air.
"exploited," by powerful industrialized nations with Considerations about the impact of a changing
which they are interdependent.Recent crisesin Iran and environment on politico-administrative systems,in short,
Afghanistan make it equally clear, however, that even immediately lead to considerations about how decision
the greatestof greatpowersis not an island to itself,but makers can affect their environment,leading, thus, to
is also highlyvulnerableto the interdependentforcesof "environmentaladministration."When one talks about
world politics, some of which can be triggeredby environmental"politics," one typicallydiscusses what
decisions taken by marginally "small" powers. ought to be done and the processes by which popular
Interdependency,of course, also relates to relations support can be secured for necessarylegislation.What
between subsystemswithin a single embracingsystem. guidelines,norms,or standardsoughtto apply, and how
Obvious examples are the interdependenciesbetween should we, in principle,cope with energyshortages,the
states in the American union and relations between depletion of resources,the pollution of air and water,
corporations that compete with each other for sales and the population explosion? Fundamental as such
dollars. The classic notion of the American Constitution questions are, they need to be supplementedby giving
as a systemrestingon a balance of power between three attentionalso to the problemsinvolvedin implementing
branches of governmentalso presupposed important environmentalpolicies,i.e., the problemsof environmen-
notions of interdependency.In a more contemporary tal administration.

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FROMTHE PROFESSIONALSTREAM 109

SomeUbiquitousProblems
of movement of rural folks to urban settings,and from
PolicyImplementation urban to suburban areas. At the individuallevel, more-
over, we try to shape the characteristicsof our popula-
In primitive societiesthereis no need forpolicies tion by educational or "socialization" policies thatseek
concerning airpollutionorenergy shortages. However, if to raise literacylevels, produce skilled technicians,and
fornaturalreasons,pollutionshouldoccur,suchsocie- cultivateleadership.We seek to influence,similarly,the
ties could do nothingabout it. Knowingnothingof physicalenergy,emotional stability,and life expectancy
oil-basedenergy,theycould not miss(or rectify!)its of individualsby means of public health policies or by
absence. limitingenvironmentalagentsof disease.
By contrast,the need forenvironmental policiesis
ubiquitousin our times.Everycountryin theworld,in Paradoxically,the activismof bureaucratic poli-
greateror lesser degree,is confrontedwith serious tics at lower levels of government may actually
environmental problemsthatadd to, withoutreplacing, contributeto, ratherthan undermine,admini-
all the more familiarproblemstraditionally faced by strative performance.
governments. The moreindustrialized and the largera
society,of course,the more complexare its environ- Many environmentalists,while acknowledging the
mentalproblems.However,the resourcesavailableto importance of the human (demographic) environment,
such governments to handlethese problemsare also, draw lines there. They do not confrontwhat, to me,
commensurately, greater. appears to be an equally important part of the total
Even the less industrialized(so-called"developing") politico-administrativeenvironment,namely, the cul-
c o untries have already imposed great changes- tural contents of human minds. All cultural elements,
sometimesintentionally, but oftenunintentionally-on parametrically,both affect and are affected (or "af-
their physicalor natural environments. Regrettably, fectable") by policy choices. For example,the languages
however, theircapacityto adoptandimplement environ- we speak, the technological "know-how" that informs
mental policies has, typically,not grown propor- our industrial system, our religious values, and our
tionately. constitutionalpractices, all affect profoundlythe way
The kindsof problemsthatI have in mindmaybe our environedsystem of governmentoperates. In turn,
mentionedhere by way of illustration-it will not be however, all of these cultural parameterscan also be
possible to analyze any of them individually. Most affected,for betteror worse,by public policies. Accord-
salientin our thoughts in thesedaysis theenergy crisis, ingly,for example, we tryto induce culturalchangesby
precipitated as the growinguse of oil in all countries inventingnew technologiesthroughR&D programs,as
crashesagainsttheincreasingly apparentlimitsto future when we support technologicalresearchin our quest for
oil supplies.An important policyissuein everycountry, new energysources. Research on the causes of cancer or
includingoil-richSaudi Arabia,is how to conserveoil on pedagogy equally reflectpolicies designedto change
and findalternative energysources-they, aboveall, are the quality of human populations by means of cultural
sensitiveto the finiteness of fossilfuels.Similarly,the modifications. We may modify our speech practices
need for policiesrelatingto the pollutionof air and throughso-called "language planningprograms,"as by
water,the destructionof forests,the desertification, adopting official languages, standardizing technical
salting,and siltationof arablelands,andtheexhaustion terms,improvingtranslationfacilities,and the like. The
of raw materialsused in manufacturing is globally computerizedterminologybanks and languagemodifica-
pervasive.No doubt theseproblemsoccurin different tion programsof Ottawa and Quebec, for example, far
proportions in differentcountries, and someare feltto exceed in scope and technology any comparable pro-
be acutewhileothersremainunsensed.To acknowledge gramscarriedout in the United States.
these differences, however,is not to say that the Equally importantare the value premisesinherentin
problems lackubiquity. contemporarycultures.The implicitvalues manifestedin
The issuesjust mentionedbelong primarily to the the revolution and rule of the Ayatollah Khomeini
realmof the physicaland/ornaturalenvironment-the baffle Americans, but they surely undergird recent
leading preoccupationof environmentalists. Equally eventsin Iran. More familiarto Americansare the basic
important, however, aretheproblems thatcometo mind premisesthat guide the women's liberationmovement,
whenwe thinkabout ourselvesas a humanpopulation the debate about abortion, the question of homosexual-
and, hence,also a partof our own (political)environ- ity, and ethnic issues. All suggest problems deeply
ment-sinceall actorsare,indeed,environmental to their rooted in our own culturalenvironmentand raiseissues
own actions.At thislevelwe findourselves facingmany of profoundimportanceforpublic policy makers.
complexand perplexing problems relatingto population Anotherimportantsphere of induced culturalchange
and familyplanning, includingthe uses (or abuses) of can be foundin the veryfieldof public administrationas
contraception and abortion.Similarly, whenwe thinkof celebrated in thisjournal. Whenwe studyadministrative
the distribution of human populations,we confront performance,and promote "O&D," "M.B.O.," or any
intractableproblemsof migrationand mobility,the other managerialapproach, we are tryingto change the
assimilationof refugeesand other immigrants, the cultural norms and technologies that bear directlyon

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110
administrativeperformance.
Recent innovationsin public policy planning,such as
"technology assessment" and "environmentalimpact
analysis," enhance our ability to predict the environ-
mental consequences of public choices. Increasingly,we
are takinginto account the environmentalside-effectsof
governmentpolicies and new industrialtechnologies.As
the concept of environmentbroadens to include the
culturalas well as the human and physicaldimensionsof
our environment,the complexityand comprehensiveness
of these effortsalso increase. We become more self-con-
scious about the unintended as well as the intended
impact of technologyand public policies on our environ-
ment.
Complexity
Multi-Dimensional
Although it is useful, analytically, to distinguish
between the various levels or layers of our environment
as identifiedabove, we also know that in any concrete
situation all of the levels are interactivein complex and
inseparableways. A decision to supportthe exploitation
of a syntheticsource of fuel, for example, not only
affectsthe availabilityand distributionof watersupplies
and impinges on air quality, but may also affect the
distribution and quality of human populations and
require technological innovations and institutionalre-
alignments.
In economic policy, we formerlythoughtof the costs
of production in narrowtermswithout consideringthe
side-effectsor "externalities" which have now become
alarminglyapparent, as, for example, by imposing on
privatecorporationsresponsibilityfor compensatingthe
victims of their long-standingwaste disposal practices.
The requirementthat environmentalimpact statements
be assessed not only in terms of the physical,but also
the social, consequences of proposed projects greatly
increases the complexity of interrelatedenvironmental
parametersin the formationof public policies.
We were once content to evaluate policies primarily
in terms of their so-called "economic" consequen-
ces-especially in our aid programs to Third World
countries. If we could see an increase in GNP or per
capita income, we felt that success had been achieved.
Now, however,we have become increasinglyinterested
in something called the "Physical Quality of Life
Indicators," reflectingmore than the cash values of
productionand consumption.These measurestake many
environmentalvariables into account. For example, if
water and air are polluted, if health declines, if more
people go to prison, the PQLI level may drop, even
though,concommitantly,per capita cash income should
rise. If we were to add considerations about justice,
equality, freedom,and stabilityto our calculus, an even
more intangiblebut meaningfulindex mightbe created,
a "Social and PsychologicalQuality of Life Indicator."
When we add time and long-termsurvival to our
considerations, the complexity of analysis furtherin-
creases. We begin to see that policies which enhance
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PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REVIEW
short-term benefitsoftenhave disastrouslong-runconse-
quences. The depletion of raw materials and non-re-
newable energy resources, for example, permits our
generationto enjoy a "bonanza" at the expense of still
unborngenerationswho will findit increasinglydifficult
to sustain the levels of consumptionthatwe now regard
as necessary.
Clearly, one of the most important environmental
parametersis the numberof people to be fed, clothed,
and housed. As the world populationgrows,the capacity
of the earty to produce enough food and goods to meet
theirneeds becomes increasinglystrained.In responseto
this challenge, more and more governments have
adopted population policies designed,in variousways,to
inhibitpopulation growth.Few have gone so farin this
direction as the city-stateof Singapore,or the People's
Republic of China, which has now instituted tough
incentivesystemsthat penalize parentshavingmore than
two children. Increasingly,strict demographic control
will be adopted in more and more countries. Again,
however,the traditionalvalues of familylifeas theyare
reflected in the "Right to Life" and anti-ERA move-
ments clash with new values rooted in long-term
consciousness of the environmental impact of our
behaviors.
Parameters Development
ofAdministrative
As the complexities and urgencies of the environ-
mental issues mentioned above increase, the need for
decision-makingsystemscapable of administering as well
as formulatingpolicies becomes more and more ap-
parent. A key institution to think about in this
connection is that of public bureaucracy. There are
many cynical observerswho hold that public bureaucra-
cies obstruct the proper formationand execution of
environmentalpolicies. If this be true in the industri-
alized countries,it appears to be even more the case in
the ThirdWorld.
At the heart of this question is the role that
bureaucratsplay in the formulationof public policies,
i.e., their political as distinguishedfrom theiradmini-
strative functions. Often it would seem that public
officials promote policies to be administeredby their
own agencies only to block theirsubsequent implemen-
tation. It may be felt that the expediency interestsof
public officialsclash withtheirown programmaticgoals.
This can lead to a kind of "catch-22" or double bind in
which officials,called upon to take correctiveactions
againsttheirown abuse of power, can do so only at the
price of personalsacrifices.All too often,I suspect,the
costs of reform seem to them far greater than the
benefits.
What can be done to rectify or overcome these
apparent contradictionsthat may well impede or ob-
struct the implementationof many well-conceiveden-
vironmentalpolicies? A traditional startingpoint for
reflectionson the problems of administrativedevelop-
ment involves analysis of the way existingpolicies and
1980
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laws can be more effectivelyand efficientlyimple- It is relevant to our purposes here to mention
mentedwithinthe frameworkof establishedinstitutions, Maslow's familiarhierarchyof needs, transferring it to
notably bureaucracies.I believe that a differentperspec- the societal level. No doubt, what is importantfor an
tive or paradigm is now called for, however. Such a individual is not the same as what is importantfor a
paradigm has to start with an evaluation of the total society. However, I suspect that the hierarchicprinciple
administrativerequisites that have to be met if the applies at both levels. The implication of Maslow's
environmentalpolicies needed for human survivalare to analysisis that what one person needs most is not what
be implemented,and it then has to assess the capacity of everyone else also needs most, and when one funda-
different institutions,non-bureaucraticas well as bureau- mental need is met, other needs immediatelyarise. We
cratic, to participate in the administrationof these do not defend Maslow's specificlistingof needs,but we
policies. Tinkeringwiththe machineryof governmentor do accept the basic premise that no particularneed is
increasingthe size of bureaucracy will not, I believe, universallyuppermostin the minds of decision makers,
generate the enhancementof administrativecapabilities and for very good reasons. What is urgentlyneeded in
thatis surelygoingto be required. one society is not necessarilythe same as what other
One response to this challengeis simplyto abandon societies need. Similarly,what a givensocietyneeds this
hope. If we look at the environmentsimplyas a set of year may well not be what it needs most next year or
constraints,we may well become discouraged. We will after ten years. Moreover, changes occurring in the
see how the lack of resources,e.g., of oil, low levels of environmentof each society affect its hierarchy of
per capita production, increasingpopulation densities, needs, and the choices that it makes through its
the erosion, salting,siltationand desertification of soils, politico-administrativeapparatus,in turn,affectits own
the social mobilization of minoritycommunitiesand environmentand, therefore,its futureneeds and feasible
increasingly hostile confrontations between ethnic options.
groups,all hamperthe capacity of governmentsto carry
out their present policies. As the burdens placed on Widespread
Problems,
notUniversal
Principles
governmentincreaseand as bureaucraciesexpand, all too
often the quality of administration declines while Given this way of looking at administrativedevelop-
corruption, time-serving, nepotism, underemployment, ment, it is clearly impossible to prescribe universal
and variousbureau-pathologiesincrease. remedies. The more traditional "principles" of public
administrationoften resemble the recipes found in a
As the burdensplaced on governmentincrease cookbook, on the premise that anyone followingthe
and as bureaucraciesexpand, all too often the recipe would surely produce an equally fine culinary
quality of administration declineswhilecorrup- triumph. The availability of ingredientsand dietary
tion, time-serving, nepotism,underemployment, preferencesare not taken into account. A contrasting
and variousbureau-pathologies increase. paradigm,more in keeping with the Maslovian perspec-
tive on needs, would stress that what is necessaryand
Our outlook will become more positiveif, instead of workable in one society at one time may well be
seeing only the constraintside of our environmental unnecessaryand unworkablein another.A good analogy
parameters,we look also at the resource side. We will for this contrastingapproach is that of the untutored
then startasking ourselveswhat choices are available to cook who simply makes do withwhateverresourcescan
policy makersand leadersin developingcountrieswithin be found in his pantry,taking the food preferencesof
the limitsimposed by whateversystemnow exists. It is his clienteleinto account.
both unrealisticand utterly frustratingto think only These considerationshave led me to believe that the
about things that cannot be done. No matter how traditional principles of public administrationhave
wonderfulit would be if theycould be done, one simply limited relevance to the problems of most developing
becomes demoralized and frustratedthinking about countries. They were, after all, originallydesigned to
them-an experience often felt by U.S. technical as- meet the needs of certain Westernindustrializedcoun-
sistanceadvisersoverseas. tries-notablythe U.S. itself-withinthe ecological para-
When, by contrast,we think about the alternatives metersof theirown total environments.
that are viable, the choices that can be made, then a It is possible, nevertheless,to raise some questions
differentand more hopefulperspectiveappears. The key which can be considered fruitfullyin any country.
question becomes how to make the best possible use of Although the answers will vary within wide limits,the
available resources and subsequently to evaluate and, questions appear to have generic applicability. For
hopefully, to appreciate the benefits of appropriate example, if one looks at the environmentas a set of
choices-i.e., the decisions that do indeed improveone's available resources,then one can always surveythemand
condition in life and one's administrativecapabilities. ask how they can be best used in order for a given
This is the central import of an ecological approach to society to achieve, at the collective level, its highest
administrativedevelopment: the selection among feasi- priorities.
ble alternativesof those best calculated to serve one's Questions like this, of course, have to be raised in a
purposes. long-termperspective.We need to ask not only how to

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112
satisfy immediate needs, but also how to change the
environmentso as to increase the resourcesthat can be
tapped later on. In traditionaleconomics this is treated
as the problem of savingsand investment, versuscurrent
consumption. The same principle,of course, applies to
non-economic parameters.For example, effortsto pro-
mote a long-termpopulation policy will scarcely pro-
duce any immediatebenefits,but they will, in the long
run, greatlyenhance the ability of existingpopulations
to meet their needs. If schools are established and
teacherstrained,the long-termimpactshould be changes
in the quality of individuals and their ability to
contribute to the meeting of societal needs, including
participation in the administrationof environmental
policies.
Anotherset of widelyrelevantquestionsconcernsthe
degree to which public bureaucraciescan, in fact,carry
the burdens placed upon them, or whether they are
overburdened. When such questions are asked, one
typical responseis to attemptto enhance the administra-
tive capacities of existingbureaucracies,but an equally
relevant, though unusual, response would be to ask
whetheror not the burdensplaced on a bureaucracycan
be reduced. The useful analogy of a truck's carrying
capacity mightbe used to help make this point. If one
keeps loading more and more goods on a truck, the
point will come when partof the load will fall offor the
truck itself will collapse. More efficientmovement of
goods will occur only if the load is reduced-and the
long-termviability of the truck also depends on user
restraintin not over-burdening it.
Essentially,a similarrelationshipmay hold in public
administration.A public agency that can performone
task quite well is sometimes compelled to take on so
many additional tasks that it cannot performany of
them well. The same principleapplies to individualsand
underlies what has come to be known satiricallyas
"Peter's Principle." If an official does well in one
position, he will be rewardedby promotionto another
that overtaxes his capabilities so that his performance
level drops. Then he must remain in that position
indefinitelysince he will be considered too "incom-
petent" to be promoted. Similarly, public agencies
thought to be incompetent may simply be over-
burdened.
The solution to problems of overloading,whetherat
the individualor organizationallevel, is surelyto engage
in "unloading." What tasks can be transferredto
someone else or to a differentkind of institution?Can
private organizations,whetherfor profitor non-profit,
pick up and carryout autonomously or throughmarket
mechanisms some of the tasks of government? In
practice, the reverse tendency is probably more com-
mon: governmentsexpand the scope of theirresponsi-
bilities by nationalizing industries and assuming, as
bureaucraticresponsibilities,a growingnumberof devel-
opmental tasks. Admittedlythere are costs to society,
notably in the area of social justice, when fundamental
burdensare carriedoutside of governmentin the private
sector. However, the trade-offto be considered is
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PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REVIEW
whether society will benefit more frombadly admini-
steredbut moreresponsiblepublic programsor fromless
equitable but betterrun privateenterprise.Also, it may
be possible by strengthening local self-government and
decentralizingadministrationto reduce the burdens on
central governments. Conversely, less reluctance to
transferfunctionsto internationalagenciesmightenable
national governmentsto performmuch betterthe tasks
that they retainas theirown distinctiveresponsibilities.
Bureaucraciesin Context
Any discussion of the unloading of a bureaucracy's
administrative burdensimmediatelyforcesus to consider
some contextual matters-to what degree, indeed, are
alternativeinstitutionsavailable to which administrative
tasks could be transferred? Most discussionsof interde-
pendency focus on relations between countries and
governmentsconsidered as a whole. However,when we
thinkabout the apparatus of government, its bureaucra-
cy, as a unit of analysis,we are led to considerhow any
bureaucracy interacts with extra-bureaucraticinstitu-
tionsin the same polity.In the United States we take for
grantedthe existence of such institutions,includingnot
only a powerful private sector (both for and not for
profit),but also the legislatures,politicalparties,courts,
and state and local governmentswhich flourishoutside
of our federalbureaucracy.
At the other extreme there are many countries in
which extra-bureaucraticinstitutions are exceedingly
weak. One sign that this is the case is the existence or
frequencyof coups d'etat, since when extra-bureaucratic
power is very weak the main struggles for power
necessarilytake place between elementsof the bureauc-
racy. In such struggles,it is scarcelysurprisingif those
most able to seize power are the officialswho control
the use of militaryweapons. When preferredmodes of
achievingauthority,e.g., elections or the inheritanceof
office,are not available, what alternativesto force can
be found?
When extra-bureaucraticinstitutionsare weak, it is
not only difficultto findalternativeinstitutionscapable
of accepting responsibilitiesthat may be unloaded from
a bureaucracy,but theirweakness reduces the pressures
that mightotherwisebe exercisedin supportof a policy
of unloading-why should officials voluntarily divest
themselves of responsibilitieswhich they may well
consider to be the necessary bastions of their own
special privilegesand perquisites,rooted as these are in
theirmonopoly of power?
Moreover, many social forces at work in a society
that is dominated by its state bureaucracy tend to
reinforce this monopoly of power. For example, the
increasing number of university graduates in many
(though not all) countriesis not matchedby a growthin
the numberof job opportunitiesoutside of government.
Indeed, the more governmentsinsiston performing tasks
in the public sector, the fewer will be the number of
positions outside of governmentbureaucracy. At the
same time, if prestigeand income are widelyviewed as
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dependent on highereducation-the normalprerequisite bureaucratic polities. Paradoxically, the activism of

for all higherrankingbureaucraticappointments-then bureaucraticpolitics at lower levels of governmentmay
the pressure for access to higherdegrees will become actually contributeto, ratherthan undermine,admini-
overwhelming.The resulting demand for ever more strativeperformance.
public jobs reinforcesthe pressurefor a growingburden
of public responsibilities.
Extra-Bureaucratic
Institutions
If, at the same time, GNP does not increase and the
taxable base remainslow, thenthe public fundsavailable
To the degree that the dynamicsof bureaucratization
for payingmore salaries necessarilyremainsinadequate.
outlined above prevailin a country,it is difficultto see
In my opinion, the counter pressuresgeneratedby an
how the vicious circleof decliningadministrative perfor-
increasing number of officials for more real income
mance can be broken withoutinstitutionalizing centers
when national income does not rise proportionately
of effective power outside the ranks of the state
creates a vicious squeeze which reinforces virtually
bureaucracy.2
irresistabletemptationsto engage in officialcorruption,
In certain Westerncountriesthe growthof partyand
therebyundermininga bureaucracy's capacity to carry
legislative power was linked to a spoils system in
its assignedadministrative burdens.
government.It was the promise of public jobs that
induced political activiststo work hard for the election
. . . the traditional principles of public admini-
of their party's candidates. Moreover, the institution-
strationhave limitedrelevanceto the problems alization of bureaucraticstructures remained at a rudi-
of most developing countries.... It is possible, mentary stage in most of the countries while extra-
nevertheless,to raisesome questionswhichcan bureaucraticinstitutionswere risingto power.
be considered fruitfullyin any country.Al- By contrast,in most ThirdWorldcountriespresumab-
thoughthe answerswill varywithinwidelimits, ly "modern" administrative"principles" have already
been institutionalized,whether by colonial rulers or
the questionsappear to have genericapplicabili- indigenous
modernizingelites, well before the counter-
ty. vailing political institutionsrepresentedby legislatures
and political parties could become entrenched.A clear
To the degree that bureaucracyconstitutesthe ruling evidence of this situationcan be found in the degreeto
class of a society, its context supplies no support for which cabinet-level positions in any governmentare
institutionsor forcesthat can exercise effectivecontrol monopolized by career officials, both military and
over the apparatus of governmentand enforce accept- civilian. The main exceptions in the Third Worldare to
able standards of administrativeconduct on its public be found in the countriesthatare dominatedby a single
officials. Politics, under these conditions, becomes, ruling party that came to power duringrevolutionary
actually,intra-bureaucratic politics. Officialsworkingin upheavals, and also in a few countrieswhere hereditary
such a system, notably those at the higher levels, ruling familieshave been able to perpetuatemonarchic
typically find that administrativerationalityhas to be institutionsand sustaintheirown capacity to dominatea
sacrificed to the inexorable requirementsof a brutal state bureaucracy.
struggleforsurvivalor domination. Once a career-basedbureaucracyhas been established,
However, the fact that top officialsin a bureaucra- political spoils become meaningless,however, and it
tized polity contend with each other for political seems doubtfulif any countrywith such a bureaucracy
supremacy does not necessarilyentail the politicization can actually turn the clock backwards in order to
of officials at all levels of government. Quite the provide the incentivesand private resourcesneeded to
contrary,there is some evidence that in such systems, build an autonomous and competitivepartysystem.The
widespreadin Third Worldcountries,lower level officials question then arises whetherthereis any otherroute by
seek to protect their own expediency interests by which extra-bureaucraticpower can be generated,fol-
adopting a pose of political "neutrality."By formalistic lowing a dynamicsof developmentquite differentfrom
conformityto rulesand regulations,theyhope to survive that experienced by Western countries. Judging by
regime changes in which they would, assuredly, have historicalexperience, I see few if any examples where
little chance otherwise of risingsignificantlyto higher this has been done, so one can only speculate about the
levels of authority.Such "bureaucratic" behavior,in the possibilities.
pejorative sense, furtherunderminesthe capacity of a For example, if a governingelite were to recognize
government to administer effectivelyits own public that overloading had indeed occurred in its public
policies. bureaucracy, then even a ruling group might be far-
By contrast, in a country like the United States, sighted enough to decide-however improbably-to re-
where officialsoften find that theircareerprospectsare duce its government'sadministrativeburdens by trans-
enhanced if they cultivate effectiveworking relation- ferringsome of their responsibilitiesto non-govern-
ships with constituency groups and their legislative mental agencies, while concurrentlyprovidingsupport
backers, we find bureaucraticpolitics much more pre- for theirinstitutionalization as autonomous entities.The
valent in the lower levels of bureaucracythan we do in widespreaduse of public enterprisesrepresentsa kind of

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1980

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114
tokenism in this regard, since these agencies actually
mask, in the guise of autonomy, an actual extension of
bureaucraticpower.
Admittedly, there are some important differences
between the social forcesat work in contemporaryThird
World countries and those that operated in Western
societies during their political and administrativemod-
ernization.For example, the large number of university
graduates who press for bureaucratic appointments
constitute a major threat to many regimes, as the
frequencyof student protestmovementsdemonstrates.
If not suitably employed, graduates may well take
leadership roles in undergroundrevolutionarymove-
ments. It mightseem reasonable to assume that some
rulingelites would see the advantagesto themselvesof
encouragingthe formationof truly autonomous socio-
economic organizationsin which these graduatescould
both secure gainful employment and channel their
energiesin acceptable ways.
Perhaps a more typical response by rulingbureaucra-
tic elites involvesthe attemptto increase the legitimacy
of their power by establishingelected legislaturesand
sponsoring multi-partyelections. In practice, unfor-
tunately,the temptationto manageelectionsin favorof
an officially-sponsoredparty, to dominate the legisla-
tures,and in other ways to vitiatewhat mightappear to
be the promisingmovement toward constitutionalism
appears to be too powerfulto overcome.
It should be added that what mightprove feasiblein
one country would no doubt not work in another.
Surely a variety of developmental patterns and se-
quences will emerge. Those who think of bureaucratic
polities as a temporarystage on the path of political
development seem to me to be guilty of wishful
thinking.I am afraidthis kind of politymay well have a
surprisingtendency to maintain itself,which is not to
say thatit has long-termstability.Indeed, if bureaucratic
elites who want to extend their power indefinitelydo
not accept reformsthat appear to entail sacrificesof
their own power position, accompanied by significant
risks, they will almost certainly,in the longer run, be
overthrownby revolutionarymovements,followingnot
only the Marxist examples set by Cuba, China, and
Vietnam, but also the neo-traditionalist model so recent-
ly exemplifiedby Iran.
Context
The International
It is not, certainly,in the long-runinterestof the
great powers to subsidize the continued role of
bureaucratic elites (chiefly militaryoligarchies) when
this permits them to perpetuate the domination of a
bureaucraticrulingclass and underminestheircapacity
to administereffectivelynot only environmentalpolicies
but many other kinds of importantsocial and economic
measures.The resultis not only deterioratingadministra-
tion but increasinglyirresponsiblepolitics, leading to
internationalas well as domesticinstabilityand disorder.
However, insofar as the failure of bureaucraticpoli-
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PUBLICADMINISTRATIONREVIEW
ties to support urgentlyneeded fundamentalpolitical
reformscan be attributedto the internationalsupport
received by such regimes,the greaterpowers have only
themselvesto blame for the continued instabilityand
poor administrativeperformanceof many Third World
countries. This consideration brings us, now, to the
fundamentalimpact of the internationalcontext as it
affects the politico-administrativecapacities-and
bureaucratic domination-in many Third World coun-
tries.
This point has been largelyignoredin the literature
on "dependency" which tends to view the structureof
the "center" and also of the "center of periphery
countries" as homogeneouslycomposed of rulingelites,
regardless of their institutional basis for exercising
power. When we considerthe importanceof bureaucra-
tic domination in many of the "peripheral" countries,
however, then the structure of dependency becomes
more sharplyetched.
If we consider the classic case in which the ruling
(bureaucratic) elite of a dependent countryis sustained
by its alliance with a great power, we will readily see
that the perpetuation of an unstable political system,
one that can not and will not carry out desperately
needed social reformsand environmentalpolicies, de-
pends in large measure on its externalsubsidizationand
protection.
Even the most well-intentioned and supposedly"non-
political" programs of bilateral and internationalas-
sistance often have the unintendedeffectof strength-
ening and expandingbureaucraticpower in Third World
countries. This is notably true so far as military
assistance is involved. However, it also occurs through
programs intended to improve agriculture,education,
public health, police work, community development,
industrialgrowthand, paradoxically,public administra-
tion. All of these programsare invariablychanneled
throughpublic bureaucracies.They increasethe number
of governmental positions, supply training for their
incumbents,and indirectlyenhance the power position
of state bureaucracies.
How rare, by contrast,are those inter-governmental
programs which deliberately set out to strengthen
extra-bureaucraticinstitutions,notably political parties
and elective assemblies? One might suppose that the
impact of transnationalcorporations,by contrast,would
tend to create autonomous (bourgeois) centersof power
in the private sector. Although there may well be
exceptions, this typically seems not to be the case.
Firstly, it seems clear that the local branches of
transnationalfirmsare, indeed, dependent on theirhost
companies for survival. The normal policy of the
transnationals is, surely, to appease and conciliate
whoeverhappens to be in power ratherthan to take any
kind of oppositional stand. The essence of the "liberal"
notion of middle-classpower is that of an independent
social class able to organizeeffectivelyto make its needs
and demands felt in governinginstitutions.Where,if
ever,have the local branchesof transnationalfirmsdared
to play thiskind of autonomous role?
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Moreover,to the degree that corruptionis, typically,
a way of life among the officialsof politicallydominant
bureaucracies, the agents of transnationalcorporations
will find it more expedient to bribe high officialsin
order to secure wanted protectionand contractsthan to
support the growth of countervailingpower structures
that would constrain officials to be more honest and
efficientin the conduct of administrativeresponsibili-
ties.
Conclusion
At a time when the international climate of an
increasinglytumultuousworld has become fraughtwith
growing tensions, and when simultaneously we have
become increasinglyconscious of the "limitsto growth," 1. In 1962 mybook,TheEcologyofPublicAdministration,
the precariousnessof our energyfuture,the population
explosion, the underminingof agriculturallands and
forests,and the growingthreatto the ocean's resources-
and many more such problems-we have to consider
more carefullythan ever before the ecological interde-
pendency of all these variables. It is no longer possible about the culturalenvironment,
simply to think about how administrativeperformance
can be improved by taking the "managerial" or "in-
house" approach suggestedby any conventional"outlin- 2. Some of the reasonsfor thisare discussedin my article,
ing" of the problem. We need, instead, to view our
administrativeproblems in both an ecological frame-
work-related to the increasinglyacute environmental
problemsnot only of the United States but of the whole
world-and also in a context of interdependency,taking
into account the relations of bureaucratic to extra-
bureaucratic institutionsand those of central to peri-
pheral countriesin our growinglyinterdependentworld
system.
In short, when we view public administrationas an
environedand contextualized open system-ratherthan
system-we will, I believe,
as a closed and self-sufficient
secure a far more effectivegrasp of its important,
interrelatedproblems.We shall then,indeed, be able to
"inline" ratherthanjust to "outline" our subject.
Notes
was
published in Bombay, India. Actually,it was misnamed, if
one uses the termspresented here,forit shouldhavebeen
called,"The Context"or "The Interdependencies" ofpublic
administration,sinceitdealtprimarilywithrelations between
a publicbureaucracy and its context.To the degreethatI
considered theenvironment ofbureaucracy, I thoughtmainly
ratherthan about the
physicaland humanenvironments, subjectsthatalsoneedto
be givencarefulattention.
"Bureaucratsand Political Development:A Paradoxical
View," in J. LaPalombara, ed., Bureaucracy and Political
Development (Princeton,
1963),pp. 120-167.

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1980

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