MILETOSS Gorman Vanessa Barrett Miletos The Ornament of IONIA 2001 PDF

Miletos, the Ornament of Ionia
A History of the City to 400 b.c.e.
Vanessa B. Gorman
Ann Arbor
Copyright 䉷 by the University of Michigan 2001
All rights reserved
Published in the United States of America by
The University of Michigan Press
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A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Gorman, Vanessa B. 1963–

Miletos, the ornament of Ionia : a history of the city to
400 B.C.E. / Vanessa B. Gorman.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 0-472-11199-X (cloth: alk. paper)
1. Balat (Ayd¸i çli, Turkey)—History. 2. Balat (Ayd¸i çli,
Turkey)—Antiquities. I. Title.
DF261.M5 .G67 2001
939⬘.11—dc21 2001041479
To Robert Joseph Gorman,
sine quo non
Preface
This history of Miletos has been a long time in the making. It began in
1988, when I started work on my doctoral dissertation about fifth-
century Miletos. In the years since then, many people have helped me in
composing and assembling this book. A. John Graham served as mentor
and dissertation advisor, and he has continued to read and criticize vari-
ous chapters as I have progressed toward completion of this manuscript. I
also wish to thank Martin Ostwald and Keith DeVries for the suggestions
they made in the course of reading my dissertation and to note that this
whole project arose as a result of a seminar paper I wrote for Martin
Ostwald about the Athenian Regulations for Miletos. In the later stages,
Kurt Raaflaub and Madeleine Henry were extremely helpful in reading a
draft of the whole book as it neared publication and for recommending
its publication to the press, while Ellen Bauerle was instrumental in get-
ting it accepted.
The logistics behind producing such a book are monstrous. Accord-
ingly, I wish to offer my gratitude to many people who made matters easier.
I thank Paul Dangel and Sonja Rossum for producing maps for this vol-
ume. Audiences at the Association of Ancient Historians, the American
Philological Association, the University of Wisconsin-Madison, and else-
where have heard and commented on talks derived from this work. The
archaeologists working on Miletos graciously entertained my husband and
myself for two weeks during the summer of 1995; I wish to thank particu-
larly Volkmar von Graeve, Berthold Weber, Hans Lohmann, Carsten
Schneider, and the other inhabitants of Alman Kulasi for their assistance
and hospitality. In addition, I have been financially sustained throughout
this endeavor by the Department of Classical Studies at the University of
Pennsylvania, which supported my graduate education generously with
fellowships and assistantships, and the Department of History at the Uni-
versity of Nebraska-Lincoln, which has provided miscellaneous research
funds. The Mellon Foundation gave me a graduate fellowship, while the
viii Preface
Nebraska Research Council awarded me a substantial grant to visit Ger-

many and Turkey in 1995. My colleagues have been supportive and helpful
as I labored away, and the following people have been especially generous
with their advice and friendship: Elizabeth Beckwith, Joseph Farrell, James
O’Donnell, and Ralph Rosen. Finally, Bob Gorman has labored long and
diligently as chief editor and sounding board. I fear he now knows much
more about Miletos than he may ever have wished.
Contents
Introduction 1
Chapter 1. Foundations 13
Chapter 2. Trade and Colonization 47
Chapter 3. The Archaic City 87
Chapter 4. Ionian Revolt and Refoundation 129
Chapter 5. Archaeology and Cult 165
Chapter 6. The Fifth Century 215
Appendix: The Milesian Colonies 243
Bibliography 259
Maps 280
Index Locorum 287
General Index 297
ï»¿Introduction
Miletos is located in southwestern Turkey, a few miles from the Aegean
coast and slightly to the south of the island of Samos. The city marked the
southern limit of the region in Anatolia that stretched north to Phokaia,
an area the Greeks called lonia. For several centuries, lonia was the chief
arena of Greek cultural development, and Miletos was its first city and
leading light. During the Archaic period-roughly 750 to 490 B.C.E.-it
easily surpassed Athens and Sparta in power and prosperity. Most espe-
cially, Miletos could boast of the remarkable number and vitality of its
colonies. It was the most prolific mother city in Greek history, sending
out at least forty-five known primary and secondary settlements into the
Introduction
Sea of Marmara (Propontis) and the Black Sea (Pontos), some of which
have lasted into the modern era: Varna in Bulgaria; Bursa, Samsun,
Sinop, and Trabzon in Turkey; Kerch and Feodosiya in Ukraine. Its
success abroad was matched by extraordinary achievements at home:
Miletos has been recognized as the birthplace of Western science and
philosophy. Thus, it is without exaggeration that the first historian, He- Miletos is located in southwestern Turkey, a few miles from the Aegean
rodotos, could describe the city as tiflg 'Iwv'rg mQoOXrlLa [the ornament
coast and slightly to the south of the island of Samos. The city marked the
of lonia] (5.28).
southern limit of the region in Anatolia that stretched north to Phokaia,

If Miletos is most widely known for its achievements in the Archaic
era, its importance was certainly not limited to that period, since for
an area the Greeks called Ionia. For several centuries, Ionia was the chief
more than a thousand years it was a paramount center of Aegean culture
arena of Greek cultural development, and Miletos was its first city and
in Asia Minor. As early as ca. 1700 B.C.E., it received its first significant leading light. During the Archaic period-roughly 750 to 490 B.C.E.-it
settlement as an outpost of the flourishing Minoan civilization. Al-
easily surpassed Athens and Sparta in power and prosperity. Most espe-
though Minoan cultural influence spread widely through the eastern
cially, Miletos could boast of the remarkable number and vitality of its
Mediterranean, actual Cretan foundations are rare outside the home
island. Therefore, Miletos is of special interest since it was the site of

colonies. It was the most prolific mother city in Greek history, sending
the only certain Minoan colony in southwest Anatolia to date. Later, the
out at least forty-five known primary and secondary settlements into the
Mycenaeans, too, recognized the advantages the site offered to those Sea of Marmara (Propontis) and the Black Sea (Pontos), some of which
who controlled it: the city became a foothold for the Bronze Age Greeks
have lasted into the modern era: Varna in Bulgaria; Bursa, Samsun,
on the east coast of the Aegean. From this base, the Mycenaeans exerted
Sinop, and Trabzon in Turkey; Kerch and Feodosiya in Ukraine. Its

success abroad was matched by extraordinary achievements at home:
Miletos has been recognized as the birthplace of Western science and
philosophy. Thus, it is without exaggeration that the first historian, He-
rodotos, could describe the city as t~£ 'IwVlYJ£ JtQOOXYJila [the ornament
of Ionia] (5.28).
Generated on 2013-01-11 12:28 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/mdp.39015053540293
If Miletos is most widely known for its achievements in the Archaic

era, its importance was certainly not limited to that period, since for
more than a thousand years it was a paramount center of Aegean culture
in Asia Minor. As early as ca. 1700 n.c.E., it received its first significant
settlement as an outpost of the flourishing Minoan civilization. Al-
though Minoan cultural influence spread widely through the eastern
Mediterranean, actual Cretan foundations are rare outside the home
island. Therefore, Miletos is of special interest since it was the site of
the only certain Minoan colony in southwest Anatolia to date. Later, the
Mycenaeans, too, recognized the advantages the site offered to those
Open Access / http://www.hathitrust.org/access_use#oa
who controlled it: the city became a foothold for the Bronze Age Greeks
on the east coast of the Aegean. From this base, the Mycenaeans exerted
ï»¿2 Miletos, the Ornament of lonia
their influence further toward the interior, so that Miletos became the
focal point of the relationship between the Greeks and the powerful
Anatolian empire of the Hittites.

2 Miletos, the Ornament of Ionia
This position at the juncture of two worlds-at the meeting place
between Greece and the Near East-presented the Milesians with dan-
their influence further toward the interior, so that Miletos became the
focal point of the relationship between the Greeks and the powerful
gers as well as opportunities. After four centuries of independence,
Miletos fell into the hands of Eastern powers: it was first conquered in
the sixth century B.C.E. by the Lydians under Kroisos; shortly thereafter it
Anatolian empire of the Hittites.
joined the Persian Empire under Cyrus the Great. While a subject of the
This position at the juncture of two worlds-at the meeting place
Persians, the city continued to exercise inordinate influence on the course
between Greece and the Near East-presented the Milesians with dan-
of Greek history, instigating and leading lonia in a bloody revolt against
gers as well as opportunities. After four centuries of independence,

Miletos fell into the hands of Eastern powers: it was first conquered in
the Persian king. This uprising was of momentous importance, for the
Greeks themselves saw it as the provocation for the Persian invasions of
the Greek homeland, one of the defining moments of the Classical age.
the sixth century B.C.E. by the Lydians under Kroisos; shortly thereafter it
Not even the destruction of Miletos in 494 B.C.E. by the vengeful Persians
joined the Persian Empire under Cyrus the Great. While a subject of the
completely ended this influence. The city was soon revived and rebuilt, Persians, the city continued to exercise inordinate influence on the course
providing the Greeks with the most noteworthy model of a completely
of Greek history, instigating and leading Tonia in a bloody revolt against

planned city. While Miletos never again regained the prominence it had
the Persian king. This uprising was of momentous importance, for the
enjoyed in the Bronze Age and Archaic period, memory preserved its
great glory in a popular saying among later Greeks: QThX tot' flouv
Greeks themselves saw it as the provocation for the Persian invasions of
&i)xL oL MX) cOYlo [Once, long ago, the Milesians were mighty men] (Ar.
the Greek homeland, one of the defining moments of the Classical age.
Plut. 1002; Ath. 12.523e-f). Not even the destruction of Miletos in 494 B.C.E. by the vengeful Persians
Today the site of Miletos is obscured under centuries of mud and
completely ended this influence. The city was soon revived and rebuilt,
debris. For many years it was occupied by the small Turkish village Balat,
providing the Greeks with the most noteworthy model of a completely

whose name derived from the Byzantine word palation, or "fortress,"
after a fortification built into the third tier of seats in the Milesian theater.
planned city. While Miletos never again regained the prominence it had
Because of the importance of the ancient city, this site was a prime object
enjoyed in the Bronze Age and Archaic period, memory preserved its
of interest for the nascent discipline of archaeology, and the Berlin Mu- great glory in a popular saying among later Greeks: naf..m rr01:' ~aav
seum initiated excavations at Balat at the end of the nineteenth century,
a/,xL~LOL MLAllO'LOL [Once, long ago, the Milesians were mighty men] (Ar.
funding the dig from 1899 to 1914. After various interruptions, the
Plut. 1002; Ath. 12.523e-f).

Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft provided the backing in 1955 so that
Today the site of Miletos is obscured under centuries of mud and

the dig continues to the present day.1
The archaeologists have encountered tremendous difficulties: the first

debris. For many years it was occupied by the small Turkish village Balat,
director of the site, Theodor Wiegand, was faced with excavating a whose name derived from the Byzantine word palation, or "fortress,"
marsh. He had to construct a system of ditches into the Maiandros River
after a fortification built into the third tier of seats in the Milesian theater.
to remove much of the excess water for part of the year, enabling his team
Because of the importance of the ancient city, this site was a prime object
to initiate the ongoing multivolume work Milet: Ergebnisse der Ausgra-
of interest for the nascent discipline of archaeology, and the Berlin Mu-
1. Kleiner 1966, 5-11.
seum initiated excavations at Balat at the end of the nineteenth century,

funding the dig from 1899 to 1914. After various interruptions, the
Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft provided the backing in 1955 so that
the dig continues to the present day.l
The archaeologists have encountered tremendous difficulties: the first
director of the site, Theodor Wiegand, was faced with excavating a
marsh. He had to construct a system of ditches into the Maiandros River
to remove much of the excess water for part of the year, enabling his team
to initiate the ongoing multivolume work Milet: Ergebnisse der Ausgra-
1. Kleiner 1966, 5- 11.

ï»¿Introduction 3
bungen und Untersuchungen seit dem Jahre 1899. When Carl Weickert
succeeded Wiegand as director of the Miletos site in 1938, his task was
greatly facilitated by two events. Shortly after World War II, the plain
Introduction 3
near Balat was planted with cotton, and Weickert used pumps to irrigate
the fields while, happily, draining the city site, if only for a portion of
bungen und Untersuchungen seit dem jahre 1899. When Carl Weickert
succeeded Wiegand as director of the Miletos site in 1938, his task was
the year. Then, in 1955, an earthquake destroyed the village of Balat. The
inhabitants built a new home, called Yeni Balat (New Balat), a kilometer
to the south on the road to Akkoy and Didyma, abandoning Eski Balat
greatly facilitated by two events. Shortly after World War II, the plain
(Old Balat) to the farmers and archaeologists.2 Work continues today
near Balat was planted with cotton, and Weickert used pumps to irrigate
under the direction of Volkmar von Graeve, and although the problem
the fields while, happily, draining the city site, if only for a portion of
with the groundwater is still considerable, valuable new information con-
the year. Then, in 1955, an earthquake destroyed the village of Balat. The
tinues to be discovered year by year.
inhabitants built a new home, called Yeni Balat (New Balat), a kilometer
Difficult as it may be, the efforts of the archaeologists have brought to
light the situation of the ancient city. Originally a series of small islands,
to the south on the road to Akkoy and Didyma, abandoning Eski Balat
by the time of its earliest habitation, Miletos was situated on the coast of
(Old Balat) to the farmers and archaeologists. 2 Work continues today
the mainland. Over the centuries since then, it has been transformed into under the direction of Volkmar von Graeve, and although the problem
an inland marsh by silting of the wandering Maiandros River, a develop-
with the groundwater is still considerable, valuable new information con-

ment already noted in antiquity by the geographer Strabo (12.8.17),
tinues to be discovered year by year.

writing in the first century B.C.E.3 Slow deposits between ca. 3875 and
450 B.C.E. gave way to a more rapid progradation in the Hellenistic and
Difficult as it may be, the efforts of the archaeologists have brought to
Roman periods, so that the city was located in a swamp by the Early
light the situation of the ancient city. Originally a series of small islands,
Byzantine era. Today the Maiandros deposits enough silt to advance the by the time of its earliest habitation, Miletos was situated on the coast of
coastline by some twenty feet per year. Due to this factor, combined with
the mainland. Over the centuries since then, it has been transformed into
a general rise in the groundwater level, Miletos is now nine kilometers
an inland marsh by silting of the wandering Maiandros River, a develop-

distant from the sea, and the ancient Gulf of Latmos has become a
freshwater lake called Bafa.4

ment already noted in antiquity by the geographer Strabo (12.8.17),
The ancient city was located on a peninsula 1 km. wide that extended
writing in the first century B.C.E.3 Slow deposits between ca. 3875 and
1.8 km. north-northeast into the Gulf of Latmos.5 Three smaller fingers of 450 B.C.E. gave way to a more rapid progradation in the Hellenistic and
land jutted north out of the main peninsula; these spits shaped three of the
Roman periods, so that the city was located in a swamp by the Early
four natural harbors of Miletos (Ephor. FGH 70 F 127 = Str. 14.1.6). The
Byzantine era. Today the Maiandros deposits enough silt to advance the
westernmost of the three extensions is fairly flat, but toward the interior it
coastline by some twenty feet per year. Due to this factor, combined with
contains a slight elevation that scholars call the Stadium Hill, after the chief
2. Kleiner 1966, 8-9; Bean 1966, 219.

a general rise in the groundwater level, Miletos is now nine kilometers
3. Cf. Str. 12.8.19, where he discusses lawsuits brought against the god of the river for distant from the sea, and the ancient Gulf of Latmos has become a
altering the borders of the countries on his banks by sweeping away projections of land.
freshwater lake called Bafa. 4
4. Brickner 1998, 251-53; Bean 1966, 219; Kleiner 1966, 10; Miller-Wiener quoted
The ancient city was located on a peninsula 1 km. wide that extended
in Mitchell 1984/85, 86.
1.8 km. north-northeast into the Gulf of Latmos. 5 Three smaller fingers of
5. See the maps at the end of this volume. Voigtlainder (1985) offers a reconstructed
model of the city, which can be seen on display at the Pergamum Museum in Berlin. Cf.
land jutted north out of the main peninsula; these spits shaped three of the
Voigtlainder 1986a, 30-36.
four natural harbors of Miletos (Ephor. FGH 70 F 127 = Str. 14.1.6). The
westernmost of the three extensions is fairly flat, but toward the interior it
contains a slight elevation that scholars call the Stadium Hill, after the chief
2. Kleiner 1966, 8- 9; Bean 1966, 219.

3. Cf. Str. 12.8.19, where he discusses lawsuits brought against the god of the river for
altering the borders of the countries on his banks by sweeping away projections of land.
4. Bruckner 1998, 251-53; Bean 1966, 219; Kleiner 1966, 10; Muller-Wiener quoted
in Mitchell 1984/85, 86.
5. See the maps at the end of this volume. Voigrlander (1985) offers a reconstructed
model of the city, which can be seen on display at the Pergamum Museum in Berlin. Cf.
Voigtlander 1986a, 30- 36.
architectural feature of that neighborhood. The middle spit of land is quite
steep and is usually called the Theater Hill, or Kaletepe. Finally, the east-
ernmost finger, also fairly steep, is called the North Hill, or Humeitepe.
Miletos also had four harbors; only two were of much importance. The
eastern harbor, which is unnamed, and the harbor on the far southwest,
architectural feature of that neighborhood. The middle spit of land is quite

steep and is usually called the Theater Hill, or Kaletepe. Finally, the east-
called the Athena Harbor after the nearby temple of the goddess, were used
very little. The remaining two, the Theater Harbor and the northern Lion
Harbor, were the commercial centers of the city. The Lion Harbor was
ernmost finger, also fairly steep, is called the North Hill, or Humeitepe.
named for the two Hellenistic stone lions installed on either side of its
Miletos also had four harbors; only two were of much importance. The
narrow mouth: a chain could be drawn up between them, effectively clos-
eastern harbor, which is unnamed, and the harbor on the far southwest,
ing the harbor to intruders. Locations on the peninsula are usually de-
called the Athena Harbor after the nearby temple of the goddess, were used
scribed in relation to these harbors and hills, as well as a number of later
very little. The remaining two, the Theater Harbor and the northern Lion
structures that serve today as landmarks, especially the North Market, the
Bouleuterion (Council House), the Baths of Faustina, and the southern

Harbor, were the commercial centers of the city. The Lion Harbor was
cross wall. Beyond the city proper, to the southwest, rise four hills named,
named for the two Hellenistic stone lions installed on either side of its
from west to east, Zeytintepe, Degirmentepe, Kalabaktepe, and Kazartepe. narrow mouth: a chain could be drawn up between them, effectively clos-
To the east of these hills lay the course of the Sacred Way, which ran from
ing the harbor to intruders. Locations on the peninsula are usually de-
the sanctuary of Apollo Delphinios at the base of the Lion Harbor in
scribed in relation to these harbors and hills, as well as a number of later

Miletos, over the large mountain plateau known as Stephania, ending at
the Oracle of Apollo at Didyma, fourteen kilometers to the south.6 In the

structures that serve today as landmarks, especially the North Market, the
distance to the west rises what was once the island of Lade, now a part of
Bouleuterion (Council House), the Baths of Faustina, and the southern
the Turkish mainland. cross wall. Beyond the city proper, to the southwest, rise four hills named,
A history of Miletos is overdue: despite the significance of this city in
from west to east, Zeytintepe, Degirmentepe, Kalabaktepe, and Kazartepe.
antiquity and the important results of the ongoing excavations, the mod-
To the east of these hills lay the course of the Sacred Way, which ran from
ern reader in search of a detailed treatment cannot fail to be disappointed
by the scholarly offerings up until now. The last full-scale discussion of

the sanctuary of Apollo Delphinios at the base of the Lion Harbor in
the city was written by Dunham in 1915 and was not widely published.
Miletos, over the large mountain plateau known as Stephania, ending at
Meanwhile, more than eight decades of scholarly research, innovation, the Oracle of Apollo at Didyma, fourteen kilometers to the south.6 In the
and archaeology have rendered her book largely obsolete. In that inter-
distance to the west rises what was once the island of Lade, now a part of
val, other scholars have produced specialized works about Milesian trade
the Turkish mainland.

A history of Miletos is overdue: despite the significance of this city in
(Rohlig 1933), colonization (Ehrhardt 1983), and archaeology (Kleiner
1966, 1968). However, the tight focus of these works prevents them from
offering an integrated view of Milesian history, and they are particularly

antiquity and the important results of the ongoing excavations, the mod-
difficult for the general reader, since their argumentation is often esoteric ern reader in search of a detailed treatment cannot fail to be disappointed
and they are available in only a few libraries. Equally, Miletos is always
by the scholarly offerings up until now. The last full-scale discussion of
treated in more general books, such as works about lonia (Cook 1962;
the city was written by Dunham in 1915 and was not widely published.
6. Schneider 1987; Brtickner 1998, 251 (eastern harbor).
Meanwhile, more than eight decades of scholarly research, innovation,

and archaeology have rendered her book largely obsolete. In that inter-
val, other scholars have produced specialized works about Milesian trade
(Rohlig 1933), colonization (Ehrhardt 1983), and archaeology (Kleiner
1966, 1968). However, the tight focus of these works prevents them from
offering an integrated view of Milesian history, and they are particularly
difficult for the general reader, since their argumentation is often esoteric
and they are available in only a few libraries. Equally, Miletos is always
treated in more general books, such as works about Ionia (Cook 1962;
6. Schneider 1987; Bruckner 1998, 251 (eastern harbor).

Huxley 1966) and Greek trade and colonization (Boardman 1980), but
there exists no modern, comprehensive history of Miletos itself.
The reasons for this gap are several, but they all relate to the fact that
Introduction 5
Miletos's rise to distinction and fall back into obscurity took place before
the dawn of the Classical age, before alphabetic writing was widely
Huxley 1966) and Greek trade and colonization (Boardman 1980), but
there exists no modern, comprehensive history of Miletos itself.
adopted by the Greeks, and certainly before it was used to write history
as we know it. As a result, pertinent literary and inscriptional evidence is
relatively scarce, and as historians not surprisingly tend to concentrate

The reasons for this gap are several, but they all relate to the fact that
their efforts on topics with an abundance of information, Miletos has
Miletos's rise to distinction and fall back into obscurity took place before
drawn much less attention than, for example, Athens of the fifth century.
the dawn of the Classical age, before alphabetic writing was widely
Because of the paucity of documentary evidence, archaeological data
adopted by the Greeks, and certainly before it was used to write history
as we know it. As a result, pertinent literary and inscriptional evidence is
takes on an even greater significance for historians of Miletos. Excava-
tion at the site has been proceeding for one hundred years and is still
ongoing. Each season yields new and exciting finds that not only must be
relatively scarce, and as historians not surprisingly tend to concentrate
integrated into the larger picture but also tempt the historian to wait just
their efforts on topics with an abundance of information, Miletos has
a little longer for fear of missing out on something of crucial importance. drawn much less attention than, for example, Athens of the fifth century.
However, in addition to these problems, the principal reason why a
Because of the paucity of documentary evidence, archaeological data

history of Miletos has not been written is the difficulty inherent in the
takes on an even greater significance for historians of Miletos. Exca va-

source material available for the study of the Hellenic world before the
Classical era.
tion at the site has been proceeding for one hundred years and is still
The ancient Greek mind divided the past into two periods: the heroic
ongoing. Each season yields new and exciting finds that not only must be
past and the era that encompasses the present day, also sometimes distin- integrated into the larger picture but also tempt the historian to wait just
guished as the Age of Gods and the Age of Men.7 The one contained the
a little longer for fear of missing out on something of crucial importance.
ageless, universal truths of poetry, while the other consisted of specific
However, in addition to these problems, the principal reason why a

human events in a clear context. It was generally accepted that both were
grounded in fact: even the distrustful Thucydides believes unquestion-

history of Miletos has not been written is the difficulty inherent in the
ingly in King Minos and the Trojan War (1.4, 8-9). However, the an-
source material available for the study of the Hellenic world before the
cients did not have a clear dividing line between myth or legend, on the Classical era.
one hand, and history, on the other. The advent of alphabetic writing, ca.
The ancient Greek mind divided the past into two periods: the heroic
750, could have provided a boundary between the two, since before that
past and the era that encompasses the present day, also sometimes distin-
time everything was clearly transmitted through oral tradition. However,
guished as the Age of Gods and the Age of Men.? The one contained the
the alphabet was not immediately used to record events and chronologies
systematically, so the next few centuries continued to be shrouded from

ageless, universal truths of poetry, while the other consisted of specific
view, their histories subject to the vagaries of oral transmission. Only human events in a clear context. It was generally accepted that both were
with the invention of history as a genre in the fifth century did authors
grounded in fact: even the distrustful Thucydides believes unquestion-
start to record events of their own day more accurately. Before that,
ingly in King Minos and the Trojan War (1.4, 8-9). However, the an-
7. The discussion that follows is heavily indebted to Finley 1975, 24, and Graf 1993,
cients did not have a clear dividing line between myth or legend, on the
131-36. Cf. Hesiod's Five Ages of Men (Op. 105-202).
one hand, and history, on the other. The advent of alphabetic writing, ca.
750, could have provided a boundary between the two, since before that
time everything was clearly transmitted through oral tradition. However,
the alphabet was not immediately used to record events and chronologies
systematically, so the next few centuries continued to be shrouded from
view, their histories subject to the vagaries of oral transmission. Only
with the invention of history as a genre in the fifth century did authors
start to record events of their own day more accurately. Before that,
7. The discussion that follows is heavily indebted to Finley 1975, 24, and Graf 1993,
131-36. Cf. Hesiod's Five Ages of Men (Op. 105-202).
everything was in confusion. As Moses Finley says,8 "The plain fact is
that the classical Greeks knew little about their history before 650 B.C.
(or even 550 B.C.), and that what they thought they knew was a jumble of
fact and fiction, some miscellaneous facts and much fiction about the
essentials and about most of the details." Accuracy about earlier events
everything was in confusion. As Moses Finley says, 8 "The plain fact is

that the classical Greeks knew little about their history before 650 B.C.
was of far less importance to a story than was its ability to explain and
justify present circumstances, whether political, religious, ethnic, or other-
wise, so the transmission was marked by not only mutation but even
(or even 550 B.c.), and that what they thought they knew was a jumble of
outright creation. Literature-which before 550 B.C.E. generally means
fact and fiction, some miscellaneous facts and much fiction about the
epic or lyric poetry-strove to make the past intelligible by making its
essentials and about most of the details." Accuracy about earlier events
truths permanent and universal.
was of far less importance to a story than was its ability to explain and
justify present circumstances, whether political, religious, ethnic, or other-
All this changed radically with the fifth-century writings of Herodotos
(ca. 480-ca. 420), often called the Father of History. Of course, Herod-
otos does not invent history ex nihilo. He is influenced in part by the

wise, so the transmission was marked by not only mutation but even
genre usually called logography, early Ionian prose writing in two basic
outright creation. Literature-which before 550 B.C.E. generally means
categories: individual city chronicles and mythology.9 These works are epic or lyric poetry-strove to make the past intelligible by making its
not critical, scientifically conceived compositions but merely stories-
truths permanent and universal.

poetry without meter, to paraphrase Dionysios of Halikarnassos-either
All this changed radically with the fifth-century writings of Herodotos

literary adaptations of city records or mythological material from the
period of the Homerika. However, Herodotos's other important influ-

(ca. 480-ca. 420), often called the Father of History. Of course, Herod-
ence came from the Ionian philosophical writers of the sixth century,
otos does not invent history ex nihilo. He is influenced in part by the
many of them from Miletos itself. These men introduced both a skepti- genre usually called logography, early Ionian prose writing in two basic
cism about mythological explanations and a rational method of investiga-
categories: individual city chronicles and mythology.9 These works are
tion to an examination of the physical world around them. Herodotos
not critical, scientifically conceived compositions but merely stories-

takes their methodology and applies it to the human past, producing
what he calls kotoQ1, "investigation." He writes on a typically mytho-

poetry without meter, to paraphrase Dionysios of Halikarnassos-either
logical topic, the cause of a great war, but he uses skepticism about myth
literary adaptations of city records or mythological material from the
and a systematic method of inquiry that features human (not divine) period of the Homerika. However, Herodotos's other important influ-
matters and focuses on secular and political causes. He begins in the
ence came from the Ionian philosophical writers of the sixth century,
mythological past, but he also recognizes the limitations of such a begin-
many of them from Miletos itself. These men introduced both a skepti-
ning, as evidenced by his hesitation to assign precise dates to the events of
cism about mythological explanations and a rational method of investiga-

the distant past: he thinks, for example, that Homer lived about 400
years before his own time (2.53.4). He is content to record the events
tion to an examination of the physical world around them. Herodotos
from ca. 700 to ca. 550 B.C.E. in a very rough sequence.10 takes their methodology and applies it to the human past, producing
One characteristic of Herodotos's remarkable break with past practice
what he calls LO'tOQL'Y], "investigation." He writes on a typically mytho-
is his insistence on using evidence in the form of eyewitness accounts.
logical topic, the cause of a great war, but he uses skepticism about myth
8. Finley 1975, 18.
and a systematic method of inquiry that features human (not divine)

9. Pearson 1939; Fornara 1983a, 1-46.
10. Finley 1975, 17-18.

matters and focuses on secular and political causes. He begins in the
mythological past, but he also recognizes the limitations of such a begin-
ning, as evidenced by his hesitation to assign precise dates to the events of
the distant past: he thinks, for example, that Homer lived about 400
years before his own time (2.53.4). He is content to record the events
from ca. 700 to ca. 550 li.C.E. in a very rough sequence. 10
One characteristic of Herodotos's remarkable break with past practice
is his insistence on using evidence in the form of eyewitness accounts.
8. Finley 1975, 18.

9. Pearson 1939; Fornara 1983a, 1-46.
10. Finley 1975,17-18.
Although he nowhere specifically defines his methodology, he frequently
refers to informants-named or, more often, unnamed-to establish the
validity of his claims.11 This is not to say that he believes everything he is

Introduction 7
told. He often reports varying accounts of the same event, sometimes
expressing a preference and sometimes leaving the judgment up to the
Although he nowhere specifically defines his methodology, he frequently

refers to informants-named or, more often, unnamed-to establish the
reader. The natural result of such a method of investigation is that Herod-
otos's historical perspective was strictly limited to the length of the living
memory. He could only write with any kind of certainty about the events
validity of his claims. 11 This is not to say that he believes everything he is
that happened in the lifetime of the people with whom he came into
told. He often reports varying accounts of the same event, sometimes
personal contact, usually thought to encompass about three generations
expressing a preference and sometimes leaving the judgment up to the
or about a century (back to ca. 550). More distant events become increas-
reader. The natural result of such a method of investigation is that Herod-

ingly more and more fantastic with the recession of time. As one scholar
otos's historical perspective was strictly limited to the length of the living
puts it, the subject chooses the historian and not vice versa; a particular
history could not be rewritten once the people with direct access to the
memory. He could only write with any kind of certainty about the events
memory of that generation had died, because the evidence for that period
that happened in the lifetime of the people with whom he came into
died with them.12 personal contact, usually thought to encompass about three generations
While Herodotos concentrates on human-even political-events in-
or about a century (back to ca. 550). More distant events become increas-
vestigated through eyewitness accounts, in one very prominent way his
ingly more and more fantastic with the recession of time. As one scholar
work still resembles the poetic genres that came before him: he indicates
in his proem that he is less interested in creating an annual digest than in

puts it, the subject chooses the historian and not vice versa; a particular
presenting a didactic lesson for all time (cbg pI te t y 7ev6oeva F
history could not be rewritten once the people with direct access to the
&vOpcbJWtv t - g6vp ~trta y~v yFvtLt [so that the deeds done by men memory of that generation had died, because the evidence for that period
should not be forgotten in time]). That principle, for Herodotos, is usu-
died with them.12
ally tied up in the Greek notion of the cycling nature of events, the rise
While Herodotos concentrates on human-even political-events in-

and fall of fortune (1.5.3-4). Herodotos accomplishes this moral agenda
primarily through the invention of speeches that act to guide the reader to
vestigated through eyewitness accounts, in one very prominent way his
the moral point that he is trying to make, as well as through the selection
work still resembles the poetic genres that came before him: he indicates
of events he will relate. in his proem that he is less interested in creating an annual digest than in
Whereas Herodotos allows morally instructive tales to color his narra-
presenting a didactic lesson for all time (w~ ~rh1:E 1:a yEvo~LEva €~
tive, his successor Thucydides encloses his account in a strict chrono-
av8gomwv l:({l XQOVqJ f~LT'1Aa YEV'll:al [so that the deeds done by men
logical frame, marked off annually into summers and winters, and ana-
should not be forgotten in time]). That principle, for Herodotos, is usu-

lyzes events rigorously, emphasizing that which was secular and political
rather than mythological. Like Herodotos, he uses eyewitness accounts

ally tied up in the Greek notion of the cycling nature of events, the rise
(1.21-22) and writes about his own times. Also like Herodotos, he and fall of fortune (1.5.3-4 ). Herodotos accomplishes this moral agenda
begins in the mythological past, but that treatment, abbreviated (1.2-19)
primarily through the invention of speeches that act to guide the reader to
and cautious, offers not so much a history as what Finley calls a "general
the moral point that he is trying to make, as well as through the selection
11. Lateiner 1989, esp. chaps. 1-4.
of events he will relate.

12. Collingwood 1956, 25-28.
Whereas Herodotos allows morally instructive tales to color his narra-

tive, his successor Thucydides encloses his account in a strict chrono-
logical frame, marked off annually into summers and winters, and ana-
lyzes events rigorously, emphasizing that which was secular and political
rather than mythological. Like Herodotos, he uses eyewitness accounts
(1.21-22) and writes about his own times. Also like Herodotos, he
begins in the mythological past, but that treatment, abbreviated (1.2-19)
and cautious, offers not so much a history as what Finley calls a "general
11. Lateiner 1989, esp. chaps. 1-4.

12. Collingwood 1956, 25-28.
sociological theory" about power and progress.13 Thucydides scorns
people who believe the first account that they hear and make incorrect
assumptions about the distant past (1.20-21), and he praises his own
account of past events over that of other writers, the poets and logog-
raphers, who he says prefer to offer an entertaining story rather than the
sociological theory" about power and progress. 13 Thucydides scorns

people who believe the first account that they hear and make incorrect
truth (1.21.1). His own aim is to present a xitfp t g aLe [possession
for all time] (1.22.4).
Thus Herodotos and Thucydides establish history as a genre that es-

assmnptions about the distant past (1.20-21), and he praises his own
chews myth and divine matters, concentrates on human affairs, and em-
account of past events over that of other writers, the poets and logog-
ploys a critical investigative method to arrive at the facts of a given inci-
raphers, who he says prefer to offer an entertaining story rather than the
dent. Though a far cry from the history practiced in the modern world,
truth (1.21.1). His own aim is to present a X't~flU 'tE E~ atd [possession
certainly the seed has been planted. Aristotle first defines the technical
for all time] (1.22.4).

meaning of history by contrasting it with poetry (Poet. 9.1451a36-b11),
and his definition is still acceptable to the modern mind: while poetry gives
Thus Herodotos and Thucydides establish history as a genre that es-
general truths, history offers particular facts (xa6' xa utov )YeL).
chews myth and divine matters, concentrates on human affairs, and em-
With the advent of the Hellenistic Age, the nature of history changes, ploys a critical investigative method to arrive at the facts of a given inci-
as the distinction between Greek and barbarian fades and the world as
dent. Though a far cry from the history practiced in the modern world,
they knew it is brought-at least briefly-into a single political unit. The
certainly the seed has been planted. Aristotle first defines the technical
idea of a universal, shared history developed among the writers of that
era, but it was only accomplished by redefining the historical method.

meaning of history by contrasting it with poetry (Poet. 9.1451a36-bll),
Historians no longer interviewed their own witnesses or recorded the
and his definition is still acceptable to the modern mind: while poetry gives
accomplishments of the present. Now they drew on the authorities of general truths, history offers particular facts (xaO' exaatov AE'(EL).
ages past-such as Herodotos and Thucydides-extracting selected pas-
With the advent of the Hellenistic Age, the nature of history changes,
sages from those earlier authors to compile a patchwork history that
as the distinction between Greek and barbarian fades and the world as
extended beyond the living memory into the far distant past.14 As a
consequence, their work is only as trustworthy as the least accurate of

they knew it is brought-at least briefly-into a single political unit. The
their sources, who are often used without attribution. With the passing of
idea of a universal, shared history developed among the writers of that
time and a repetition of this process over and over again, the original era, but it was only accomplished by redefining the historical method.
authority not only loses credit for his work but may easily become four or
Historians no longer interviewed their own witnesses or recorded the
five times removed from the scholar who is excerpting it. With both
accomplishments of the present. Now they drew on the authorities of

context and attribution lost, the late scholars cannot intelligently judge
ages past-such as Herodotos and Thucydides-extracting selected pas-

between reliable and unreliable information other than by estimating
plausibility based on their own experience. Myth and history blur to-
sages from those earlier authors to compile a patchwork history that
gether once more.15 extended beyond the living memory into the far distant past.l 4 As a
13. Finley 1975, 18-19.
consequence, their work is only as trustworthy as the least accurate of
14. Collingwood 1956, 31-33.
their sources, who are often used without attribution. With the passing of
15. An example of a serious misunderstanding that arose in the process of excerption is
time and a repetition of this process over and over again, the original
the incorrect modern attribution of the invention of city planning to the Milesian architect
Hippodamos. See chap. 4 and Gorman 1995.

authority not only loses credit for his work but may easily become four or
five times removed from the scholar who is excerpting it. With both
context and attribution lost, the late scholars cannot intelligently judge
between reliable and unreliable information other than by estimating
plausibility based on their own experience. Myth and history blur to-
gether once more. IS
13. Finley 1975, 18-19.

14. Collingwood 1956, 31-33.
15. An example of a serious misunderstanding that arose in the process of excerption is
the incorrect modern attribution of the invention of city planning to the Milesian architect
Hippodamos. See chap. 4 and Gorman 1995.
The purpose of this very brief outline of ancient historiography is to
establish the challenges inherent in the primary sources, particularly
those containing information that dates before ca. 550 B.C.E. How are
Introduction 9
we, as modern historians, to judge the accuracy of the ancient sources?
We must not accept each account unquestioningly, without evaluating the
The purpose of this very brief outline of ancient historiography is to

establish the challenges inherent in the primary sources, particularly
author's own sources, his aims, and his general reliability. We must ask,
especially: Is he writing a history based on eyewitness accounts of events
from his own age? Is he compiling a universal history from scraps of

those containing information that dates before ca. 550 B.C.E. How are
other peoples' work? Is he reporting events from the Classical era and
we, as modern historians, to judge the accuracy of the ancient sources?
later, or has he crossed over into the shadowy region of pre-500 B.C.E.?
We must not accept each account unquestioningly, without evaluating the
The historian must account for all of these factors and maintain a skepti-
author's own sources, his aims, and his general reliability. We must ask,
especially: Is he writing a history based on eyewitness accounts of events
cal outlook.
The problems are only exacerbated when dealing with incidents that
are clearly mythological. It would be naive to include such accounts in

from his own age? Is he compiling a universal history from scraps of
toto: clearly the ancients were not expecting historical accuracy with
other peoples' work? Is he reporting events from the Classical era and
these stories, and neither should we. However, there are so many in- later, or has he crossed over into the shadowy region of pre-500 B.C.E.?
stances in which myths have been shown to contain some kernel of
The historian must account for all of these facrors and maintain a skepti-
historical truth that we can scarcely discard them unmentioned. Often
cal outlook.
certain broad features ultimately prove to be remarkably accurate, but
those features cannot be identified prima facie. Instead, we must use

The problems are only exacerbated when dealing with incidents that
other evidence to point to the element of truth contained in what is
are clearly mythological. It would be naive to include such accounts in
otherwise fantastic. It is incumbent on the historian of early Miletos to toto: clearly the ancients were not expecting historical accuracy with
employ, in addition to literary sources, inscriptional evidence, building
these stories, and neither should we. However, there are so many in-
remains and artifacts, and comparative evidence, especially from else-
stances in which myths have been shown to contain some kernel of

where in lonia and from the Milesian colonies, to draw the most accurate
picture of events in the city.

historical truth that we can scarcely discard them unmentioned. Often
The myth of the Dorian Invasion may serve as an example of this
certain broad features ultimately prove to be remarkably accurate, but
cautious use of what is clearly a mythological account of history.16 To those features cannot be identified prima facie. Instead, we must use
give a simplified version of the myth, the sons of Herakles were exiled
other evidence to point to the element of truth contained in what is
from the Peloponnesos and took refuge in Doris, in northwest Greece.
otherwise fantastic. It is incumbent on the historian of early Miletos to

After three generations, three Heraklid brothers returned with a Dorian
employ, in addition to literary sources, inscriptional evidence, building

army, conquered the Peloponnesos, and divided it among themselves. The
Argolid and Messenia were allotted to two of them, while Sparta was
remains and artifacts, and comparative evidence, especially from else-
shared by the two sons of the third brother, who had been killed. When where in Ionia and from the Milesian colonies, to draw the most accurate
this account is compared with other evidence, we see that it contains a
picture of events in the city.
surprising amount of truth. According to the generally accepted theory
The myth of the Dorian Invasion may serve as an example of this

16. D.S. 4.57-58; Apollod. 2.167-80. Cf. Thuc. 1.12. Graf (1993, 131-36) and Malkin
cautious use of what is clearly a mythological account of history. 16 To

(1994, 33-45) explicate this myth more fully.
give a simplified version of the myth, the sons of Herakles were exiled
from the Peloponnesos and took refuge in Doris, in northwest Greece.
After three generations, three Heraklid brothers returned with a Dorian
army, conquered the Peloponnesos, and divided it among themselves. The
Argolid and Messenia were allotted to two of them, while Sparta was
shared by the two sons of the third brother, who had been killed. When
this account is compared with other evidence, we see that it contains a
surprising amount of truth. According to the generally accepted theory
16. D.S. 4.57-58; Apollod. 2.167-80. Cf. Thuc. 1.12. Graf (1993, 131-36) and Malkin
(1994, .'l.'l-45) explicate this myth more full y.
today, the border people of northwest Greece migrated slowly into the
Peloponnesos early in the Dark Ages, filling the power vacuum left after
the collapse of the Mycenaeans in the eleventh century B.C.E. Thus, the
10 M iletos, the Ornament of Ionia
main outline of the Dorain Invasion myth is probably correct: the pottery
styles and the dominance of the Doric dialect in the later Peloponnesos
today, the border people of northwest Greece migrated slowly into the
Peloponnesos early in the Dark Ages, filling the power vacuum left after
ensure this fact. But other elements of the story are surely later embellish-
ments, for example, the idea of conquest rather than gradual infiltration,
the mythical link to the hero Herakles, and the etiological explanation of
the collapse of the Mycenaeans in the eleventh century B.C.E. Thus, the
the dual kingship at Sparta.
main outline of the Dorain Invasion myth is probably correct: the pottery
The lessons of the myth of the Dorian Invasion must be applied rigor-
styles and the dominance of the Doric dialect in the later Peloponnesos
ously to the source material about Miletos, especially when it refers to the
ensure this fact. But other elements of the story are surely later embellish-
ments, for example, the idea of conquest rather than gradual infiltration,
world of the heroic past. Elements that evoke folktale motifs or are
obviously etiological are probably invented, whereas the broad pattern
may be trustworthy, and material that is unexpected and inexplicable

the mythical link to the hero Herakles, and the etiological explanation of
may well be true. Reliable components can only be determined by outside
the dual kingship at Sparta.
confirmation: arguments cannot be allowed to rest on the foundation of The lessons of the myth of the Dorian Invasion must be applied rigor-
myth alone. Miletos was a remarkably important city in antiquity, and it
ously to the source material about Miletos, especially when it refers to the
is both necessary and possible to piece together its history. However, the
world of the heroic past. Elements that evoke folktale motifs or are
results, to paraphrase Aristotle, can only be pressed to the level of detail
that the material will allow, and from time to time we must step back and
obviously etiological are probably invented, whereas the broad pattern
admit that Miletos will hide some secrets forever.
may be trustworthy, and material that is unexpected and inexplicable
Miletos, the Ornament of lonia is designed to provide a Milesian may well be true. Reliable components can only be determined by outside
history that takes into account the most recent scholarship and that is
confirmation: arguments cannot be allowed to rest on the foundation of
therefore suitable to the specialized needs of the ancient historian and
myth alone. Miletos was a remarkably important city in antiquity, and it

classicist. In this work, I have collected and scrutinized the sources about
Miletos and their interpretation for the years from its first signs of habita-
is both necessary and possible to piece together its history. However, the
tion until 400 B.C.E. While I rely heavily on the important research of
results, to paraphrase Aristotle, can only be pressed to the level of detail
earlier scholars, I have found many of their results weakened by their that the material will allow, and from time to time we must step back and
failure to take into account the wider ramifications that their particular
admit that Miletos will hide some secrets forever.
theories have within the broader outlines of Milesian history. I have tried
Miletos, the Ornament of Ionia is designed to provide a Milesian

always to keep my eye on the Big Picture as well as the details, and the
hisrory that takes into account the most recent scholarship and that is
expert reader will find much that is new. At the same time, I hope that
this book will be within the grasp of the educated nonspecialist who is
therefore suitable to the specialized needs of the ancient historian and
patient and persistent amid the sometimes difficult argumentation of classicist. In this work, I have collected and scrutinized the sources about
ancient history.
Miletos and their interpretation for the years from its first signs of habita-
Several conventions assumed in this work must be mentioned at the
tion until 400 B.C.E. While I rely heavily on the important research of
start. First, I have tried to minimize the number of names of modern
earlier scholars, I have found many of their results weakened by their

scholars that appear in the text, especially when I disagree with them. I
have taken their arguments nonetheless into account, and the proper
failure to take into account the wider ramifications that their particular
theories have within the broader outlines of Milesian history. I have tried
always to keep my eye on the Big Picture as well as the details, and the
expert reader will find much that is new. At the same time, I hope that
this book will be within the grasp of the educated nonspecialist who is
patient and persistent amid the sometimes difficult argumentation of
ancient history.
Several conventions assumed in this work must he mentioned at the
start. First, I have tried to minimize the number of names of modern
scholars that appear in the text, especially when l disagree with them. l
have taken their arguments nonetheless into account, and the proper
references will always be found in the footnotes. In addition, while re-
searching the history of Miletos, I have discovered a distressing number of
instances in which a cautious conjecture or even an offhand remark made

Introduction 11
by a prominent scholar has in subsequent years come to be accepted by
others as a matter of fact. Typically, such an interpretation quickly attracts
references will always be found in the footnotes. In addition, while re-

searching the history of Miletos, I have discovered a distressing number of
a large supporting apparatus, and later, when contrary evidence comes to
light, what started out as speculation or hypothesis is often doggedly
maintained, even at the cost of grossly complicating the resulting histori-

instances in which a cautious conjecture or even an offhand remark made
cal conclusions. I have tried wherever possible to follow important inter-
by a prominent scholar has in subsequent years come to be accepted by
pretations back to their inception, to present the evidence fairly, and to let
others as a matter of fact. Typically, such an interpretation quickly attracts
the arguments speak for themselves. As a result, I have offered many
a large supporting apparatus, and later, when contrary evidence comes to

light, what started out as speculation or hypothesis is often doggedly
significant revisions to the chronology and interpretation of events in
Milesian history, with the hope that the reader will find them plausible on
their own merits.

maintained, even at the cost of grossly complicating the resulting histori-
Second, any work dealing with the prehistory of the Aegean becomes
cal conclusions. I have tried wherever possible to follow important inter-
entangled in the problem of assigning absolute dates to the different eras pretations back to their inception, to present the evidence fairly, and to let
in the Bronze Age. Various systems are available, and none has won
the arguments speak for themselves. As a result, I have offered many

anything like universal acceptance in the academic community. In the
significant revisions to the chronology and interpretation of events in

text, I offer the relative dates (e.g., EM II, LH III Al), usually coupled
with approximate absolute dates based on the high chronology of Man-

Milesian history, with the hope that the reader will find them plausible on
ning (1995). I do this not to disparage the rival, low chronology of
their own merits.
Warren and Hankey (1989) but simply to be consistent with the excava- Second, any work dealing with the prehistory of the Aegean becomes
tion reports published by the Niemeiers, who are the most recent excava-
entangled in the problem of assigning absolute dates to the different eras
tors of the Bronze Age city.
in the Bronze Age. Various systems are available, and none has won
Finally, I employ the standardized abbreviations for ancient authors
and works (except that the spelling is Hellenized) and for modern refer-
anything like universal acceptance in the academic community. In the
ence works as given in L'Annee Philologique; the Greek-English Lexicon
text, I offer the relative dates (e.g., EM II, LH III Al), usually coupled
of Liddell, Scott, and Jones; and the Oxford Latin Dictionary. Proper with approximate absolute dates based on the high chronology of Man-
names are transliterated with a Hellenic spelling (e.g., Kroisos instead of
ning (1995). I do this not to disparage the rival, low chronology of
Croesus) except where they are already firmly established in the English-
Warren and Hankey (1989) but simply to be consistent with the excava-
speaking world under their Latinate spelling (e.g., Cyrus instead of
tion reports published by the Niemeiers, who are the most recent excava-
Kouros). All translations are my own unless noted otherwise.
tors of the Bronze Age city.

Finally, I employ the standardized abbreviations for ancient authors
and works (except that the spelling is Hellenized) and for modern refer-
ence works as given in L'Annee Philologique; the Greek-English Lexicon
of Liddell, Scott, and Jones; and the Oxford Latin Dictionary. Proper
names are transliterated with a Hellenic spelling (e.g., Kroisos instead of
Croesus) except where they are already firmly established in the English-
speaking world under their Latinate spelling (e.g., Cyrus instead of
Kouros). All translations are my own unless noted otherwise.
ï»¿1
Foundations
Mtv lOt6o ' F-wg Sev ox t~w qov, vcov Exv0o g, 65g i lOtV
'EQooog, xa cdag Te mE' E lJnovTQ noXEog Extouv x at Toyv
Eievov HdIovtov xa TMxLuv noteo X np gi, xcLt nadveg ino6
Ti1v M ,rjov OEov. Wc is {6 n XOiyi6uv iovfl xacdt ,
xteQUn to Tij; Xoke avoQeov, iioly 6 9o'A too-tKr, xa
naciorLa ir I;EYEVVfIl] r' awrTcjv, JTO UI tog'i ouv &XXI[OI
[As long as the Milesians did not live luxuriously, they conquered
1
the Skythians, as Ephoros says [FGH 70 F 183], and colonized the
Foundations
cities on the Hellespont and settled the Black Sea with shining
cities, and everyone prospered under Milesian protection. But
when they were enslaved by pleasure and luxury, the manly
strength of the city collapsed, as Aristotle says [fr. 557 Rose], and
a certain proverb arose about them: "Once, long ago, the
NILA110LOL o' f(l)£ fl.EV crUX f.'tQtlc)>(I)V, EVLX(I)V 2:xu8ac;, o); c)>l]OLV
Milesians were mighty men."] (Ath. 12.523e-f)
"Ec)>OQO£, xai TU£ 't£ rc)>' ' EA,),110nOVTOJ n&n£ EXTWUV XUL TOY
For the ancients, the history of Miletos presented a paradigm of a people
Ei\!;nvov TI6vwv xmr[mwav noi.Em l.a,mgaic;, xai. Jt<XVTEC: 1mo

Ttlv M[),11TOV r8cov. (Oc; be imi1X8110av 11oovfj xat TQuc)>1],
who achieved great wealth through their virtue but then, succumbing to
Xa'tEQQlJll TO T1]c; n6t,£(1)c; UVOQELOV, c)>'I']OLV 6 'Agt.OTOT£),1lc;, XUL

the allures of prosperity, fell into ruin. A good deal of historical truth lies
naQOL~tla nc; EYEVVllBll en' a1mov, na),m nor ~oav UAXL~IOL

behind the proverb. We know that, from the Bronze Age onward, Miletos
MtAllOLOL.
was an important part of civilization in the Aegean. Particularly after the
upheavals of the early Iron Age, it emerged to become one of the richest
[As long as the Milesians did not live luxuriously, they conquered
of all Greek cities, serving as the most important metropolis in the Hel-
the Skythians, as Ephoros says [FGH 70 F 183], and colonized the

lenic world in the seventh and sixth centuries B.C.E. Then, after its long
acme, the power of Miletos collapsed, so that by the days of Ephoros and
cities on the Hellespont and settled the Black Sea with shining
Aristotle, the city that Herodotos had called the "ornament of lonia"
cities, and everyone prospered under Milesian protection. But

(5.28) was noteworthy only for what it had been.
when they were enslaved by pleasure and luxury, the manly

Though later Greeks attributed the rise and fall of Milesian prosperity
strength of the city collapsed, as Aristotle says [fr. 557 Rose], and
to the moral qualities of its people, historians find that the geographical
a certain proverb arose about them: "Once, long ago, the

advantages were more important. With its peninsular site offering rela-
Milesians were mighty men."] (Ath. 12.523e-f)

tive security and excellent harbors, the location of Miletos was very
13
For the ancients, the history of Miletos presented a paradigm of a people

who achieved great wealth through their virtue but then, succumbing to
the allures of prosperity, fell into ruin. A good deal of historical truth lies
behind the proverb. We know that, from the Bronze Age onward, Miletos
was an important part of civilization in the Aegean. Particularly after the
upheavals of the early Iron Age, it emerged to become one of the richest
of all Greek cities, serving as the most important metropolis in the Hel-
lenic world in the seventh and sixth centuries B.C.E. Then, after its long
acme, the power of Miletos collapsed, so that by the days of Ephoros and
Aristotle, the city that Herodotos had called the " ornament of Ionia"
(5.28) was noteworthy only for what it had been.
Though later Greeks attributed the rise and fall of Milesian prosperity
to the moral qualities of its people, historians find that the geographical
advantages were more important. With its peninsular site offering rela-
tive security and excellent harbors, the location of Miletos was very
13
desirable throughout antiquity, and the site was nearly continuously occu-
pied from at least 1700 B.C.E. More important for its history than these
strictly local features, Miletos was situated on the cusp between the
emerging Aegean civilizations and the established states of Asia Minor.
Thus, from the Bronze Age, Milesians were deeply involved in the nexus
desirable throughout antiquity, and the site was nearly continuously occu-
pied from at least 1700 B.C.E. More important for its history than these
of international trade that would take Miletos to its place in the front
ranks of Greek cities. However, Miletos's role as a link between West and
East was also perilous. Repeatedly throughout its history, the rulers of
strictly local features, Miletos was situated on the cusp between the
Anatolia sought to exert control over this city, and it was in resisting one
emerging Aegean civilizations and the established states of Asia Minor.
such inland force-not from moral degeneracy-that the power of Mile-
Thus, from the Bronze Age, Milesians were deeply involved in the nexus
tos was irrevocably broken.
of international trade that would take Miletos to its place in the front
This chapter examines the evidence pertaining to the foundations of
ranks of Greek cities. However, Miletos's role as a link between West and
Miletos. The plural is used advisedly, since circumstances did not allow the
city to develop without interruption from its beginning. Instead, in the

East was also perilous. Repeatedly throughout its history, the rulers of
changing currents of Aegean history, Miletos was resettled several times.
Anatolia sought to exert control over this city, and it was in resisting one
Evidence for these foundations varies. Some are remembered in the myths such inland force-not from moral degeneracy-that the power of Mile-
told by later Greeks, some are reflected in the physical remains at the site,
tos was irrevocably broken.

and some are witnessed by both literature and archaeology. By sorting
This chapter examines the evidence pertaining to the foundations of

through diverse and sometimes contradictory evidence about the city, we
are able to reconstruct a picture of its first millennium of existence, from

Miletos. The plural is used advisedly, since circumstances did not allow the
ca. 1700 to ca. 700 B.C.E.
city to develop without interruption from its beginning. Instead, in the
Indigenous People and the Bronze Age City changing currents of Aegean history, Miletos was resettled several times.
According to a Milesian tradition, the earliest inhabitants of the region
Evidence for these foundations varies. Some are remembered in the myths
were ruled by an autochthonous king, Anax, and his son, Asterios, a
told by later Greeks, some are reflected in the physical remains at the site,
story that is preserved in the writings of Pausanias (7.2.5), a second-
century C.E. traveler from the city of Magnesia on the Hermos.

and some are witnessed hy both literature and archaeology. By sorting
MitX Cto 86 L6atol otoL6eTa ax6xaoitata c4LtotLV sLVat )yOv-
through diverse and sometimes contradictory evidence about the city, we
owV' y 8ve&ag ev 6o'Avoax-oQtav xakelo8OuLt tv yiv "Avaxto6g are able to reconstruct a picture of its first millennium of existence, from
t8 ainoXOovog cxat 'Acs-EQtov flacniLeovtog toO "Avaxog, Mitl-
ca. 1700 to ca. 700 B.C.E.
T ov 6 xazarquvog ro)k~o xQflv j " 6i t 6votia ~ rfpu kv
n6 -roi Mit)iov cxaL 1 do6tg. &4 xeto 6be KQ iprflg 6 Mitrog
xao 6 cyiv ad orQut-r6og Mvw - ov Eo9oflg ge yov;eg, oL 6b
Kaoeg ot L96ToEov ve 6Vevot -riv x uv oaivotxot ot;g KQfloIv

Indigenous People and the Bronze Age City
eYevovro"
According to a Milesian tradition, the earliest inhabitants of the region

were ruled by an autochthonous king, Anax, and his son, Asterios, a
story that is preserved in the writings of Pausanias (7.2.5), a second-

century C.E. traveler from the city of Magnesia on the Hermos.
MLA~OLOL bE O.'UtOL tOL<Xb£ ta agxm6tata a¢ww civm ),f_you-

OLV. ErtL '{EVEa; ~EV bUo 'AvaY.tOQLCtV XCtAEia9m tllV y~v "Avaxto;
tE aut6xeovo; xal, 'AcJtEQLOU BamA.EUOVtO; TOV "Avm~to;, MLAll-
tOU bE xatagavto; m;6A.cp XQlltWV ~ tE yij 'tO ovo~a ~EtE~aAEV
&no toil MLA~t01J xat ~ noi.L;. a¢lxEtO bE EX KQlltll; 6 MD,llto;
xat 6 auv autO} OtQCt'to; Mlvw tOY EUQW1t11; ¢Euyovtt;, OL bE
Kiig£; ot 1tQOtEQOV VE~O~EVOL t~v zwgav avvmxm toi:; KQllOLV
E"(EVOVtO
ï»¿Foundations 15
[The Milesians themselves describe the earliest events of their his-
tory as follows. For two generations the land was called Anaktoria,
since Anax, a native man, and Asterios, his son, ruled it. But then
Foundations 15
Miletos landed with a fleet of Cretans, and the land and city
changed its name to Miletos. Miletos and his army came from
[The Milesians themselves describe the earliest events of their his-

tory as follows. For two generations the land was called Anaktoria,
Crete, fleeing from Minos, the son of Europa. The Carians, who
had previously occupied the territory, joined with the Cretans in
their settlement.]
since Anax, a native man, and Asterios, his son, ruled it. But then
Pausanias offers a great deal of interesting information; unfortunately,
Miletos landed with a fleet of Cretans, and the land and city
most of it is not very useful. Details in legends concerning the distant past
changed its name to Miletos. Miletos and his army came from
are a priori suspect, and in this case particularly, the names Anax and
Crete, fleeing from Minos, the son of Europa. The Carians, who
had previously occupied the territory, joined with the Cretans in
Asterios are clearly later inventions: Anax was certainly created as a
personification of the Greek title wanax, meaning "master" or "lord,"
while Asterios means "starry." In addition, both men provide aetiologies

their settlement.]
for local place-names. Anaktoria is a name attested-albeit rarely-for
Miletos,1 and in another passage (1.35.6), Pausanias tells us that Asterios Pausanias offers a great deal of interesting information; unfortunately,
was buried near Lade on a small island that took his name. In addition,
most of it is not very useful. Details in legends concerning the distant past
the mention of the Carians is also problematic, since the point of the
are a priori suspect, and in this case particularly, the names Anax and
TU6oTEov, "before," is ambiguous: it may refer to a time either before the
rule of Anax and his son or before the arrival of the Cretans. Pausanias
Asterios are clearly later inventions: Anax was certainly created as a
leaves unclear whether the Carians made up the people of Anax and
personification of the Greek title wanax, meaning "master" or "lord,"
Asterios or whether, displaced briefly by a discrete people called the while Asterios means "starry." In addition, both men provide aetiologies
Anaktorians, they returned with the help of the Cretans.
for local place-names. Anaktoria is a name attested-albeit rarely-for
Whichever is the correct interpretation, it probably represents a projec-
Miletos, 1 and in another passage (1.35.6), Pausanias tells us that Asterios

tion into the past of contemporary circumstances, for the Carians were in
fact the native people living in the environs of Miletos in historical times:
was buried near Lade on a small island that took his name. In addition,
as early as the works of Homer in the eighth century B.C.E., the Carians
the mention of the Carians is also problematic, since the point of the
are listed as the inhabitants of Miletos and allies of Troy (Il. 2.867-75). ;tQOTcQOV, "before," is ambiguous: it may refer to a time either before the
Today some scholars arguing for the historicity of the Trojan War would
rule of Anax and his son or before the arrival of the Cretans. Pausanias
draw far-reaching conclusions from the comments in the Iliad. However,
leaves unclear whether the Carians made up the people of Anax and
Homer's memory of a non-Greek Asia Minor should be seen more as a
Asterios or whether, displaced briefly by a discrete people called the

reflection of the general ignorance of the later Greeks about their Mycen-
aean ancestors than as historical evidence about the Bronze Age.2 By the
Anaktorians, they returned with the help of the Cretans.
time the historians begin writing, in the fifth century and afterward, the Whichever is the correct interpretation, it probably represents a projec-
1. Only here and in Steph. Byz. s.v. At Paus. 1.35.6, Anax is the son of the gods
tion into the past of contemporary circumstances, for the Carians were in
Ouranos and Ge, and the name is often given to underworld powers: see Dunham 1915, 35.
fact the native people living in the environs of Miletos in historical times:
2. For a general discussion, see Starke 1997; Raaflaub 1998a, 1998b.
as early as the works of Homer in the eighth century B.C.E., the Carians
are listed as the inhabitants of Miletos and allies of Troy (Tl. 2.867-75).
Today some scholars arguing for the historicity of the Trojan War would
draw far-reaching conclusions from the comments in the Iliad. However,
Homer's memory of a non-Greek Asia Minor should be seen more as a
reflection of the general ignorance of the later Greeks about their Mycen-
aean ancestors than as historical evidence about the Bronze Age.2 By the
time the historians begin writing, in the fifth century and afterward, the
1. Only here and in Steph. Byz. s.v. At Paus. 1.35.6, Anax is the son of the gods
Ouranos and Ge, and the name is often given to underworld powers: see Dunham 1915,35.
2. For a general discussion, see Starke 1997; Raaflaub 1998a, 1998b.
Carians are a pastoral people often occupying hilltop villages that were
centered around religious sanctuaries. They settled in the mountainous
interior of southwestern Anatolia, from Miletos on the north, southward

16 M iletos, the Ornament of Ionia
to Kaunos, and inland up the Maiandros River valley and its tributaries
as far east as Aphrodisias.
Carians are a pastoral people often occupying hilltop villages that were
centered around religious sanctuaries. They settled in the mountainous
It is likely that the story reported by Pausanias was influenced by the
later situation and that the idea that the Carians were the oldest inhabi-
tants of the area is anachronistic. Herodotos (1.171.5) offers two versions

interior of southwestern Anatolia, from Miletos on the north, southward
about their origins, saying that the Carians moved from the islands to the
to Kaunos, and inland up the Maiandros River valley and its tributaries
mainland, according to the Cretan account, but that the Carians them-
as far east as Aphrodisias.
selves claim to be indigenous. Neither of these origins fits well with the
It is likely that the story reported by Pausanias was influenced by the

extant evidence. If the Carians were indigenous, they should have been in
later situation and that the idea that the Carians were the oldest inhabi-
residence continuously from the Stone Age; however, the Stone Age settle-
ments near Miletos have little in common with the later Carian settle-
tants of the area is anachronistic. Herodotos (1.171.5) offers two versions
ments, and they ceased to exist around 2300 B.C.E. at the very latest.3 In
about their origins, saying that the Carians moved from the islands to the
addition, early finds in the interior of Caria are very few. Thus, the archaeo- mainland, according to the Cretan account, bur that the Carians them-
logical evidence weighs in favor of the Carians being immigrants to the
selves claim to be indigenous. Neither of these origins fits well with the
area. Those who favor an indigenous origin must argue that we simply do
extant evidence. If the Carians were indigenous, they should have been in
not have comprehensive enough data to give an accurate picture of Anato-
lian prehistory. However, the few Stone Age remains found at Miletos do
residence continuously from the Stone Age; however, the Stone Age settle-
demonstrate an affinity to finds in the Dodecanese. This connection indi-
ments near Miletos have little in common with the later Carian settle-
cates that contact was made between Miletos and the islands in the Chalco- ments, and they ceased to exist around 2300 B.C.E. at the very latest.3 In
lithic period and would seem in harmony with an insular origin for the
addition, early finds in the interior of Caria are very few. Thus, the archaeo-
Carians. Yet it is impossible to say whether the influence went from the
logical evidence weighs in favor of the Carians being immigrants to the

islands to the mainland or the reverse, and cultural affinity need not indi-
cate population movements. Thus, the physical evidence is inconclusive:

area. Those who favor an indigenous origin must argue that we simply do
"the origin of the Carians is archaeologically inscrutable."4
not have comprehensive enough data to give an accurate picture of Anato-
Linguistic considerations may help decide the issue, though in favor of lian prehistory. However, the few Stone Age remains found at Miletos do
neither traditional view. It has recently been established that the Carian
demonstrate an affinity to finds in the Dodecanese. This connection indi-
language is Indo-European, a member of the Anatolian language group
cates that contact was made between Miletos and the islands in the Chalco-
that also includes Luwian and Hittite. This discovery weighs heavily in
lithic period and would seem in harmony with an insular origin for the
favor of an arrival date early in the Bronze Age, from the east and north.
Thus, the Carians were neither aboriginal nor from the islands. One could
Carians. Yet it is impossible to say whether the influence went from the
contend that the indigenous Carians borrowed their language from other, islands to the mainland or the reverse, and cultural affinity need not indi-
3. At least two prehistoric sites have been found in and near Miletos (see discussion
cate population movements. Thus, the physical evidence is inconclusive:
following). Voigtlainder (1982, 41) would like these settlers to be ancestors of the Carians,
"the origin of the Carians is archaeologically inscrutable." 4

but Parzinger (1989, 424) disagrees.
Linguistic considerations may help decide the issue, though in favor of

4. Cook 1975, 794-95. Cf. Melas 1988, esp. 109: "The two areas [Caria and the
Dodecanese] appear to have shared a more or less common culture in prehistory."

neither traditional view. It has recently been established that the Carian
language is Indo-European, a member of the Anatolian language group
that also includes Luwian and Hittite. This discovery weighs heavily in
favor of an arrival date early in the Bronze Age, from the east and north.
Thus, the Carians were neither aboriginal nor from the islands. One could
contend that the indigenous Carians borrowed their language from other,
3. At least two prehistoric sites have been found in and near Miletos (see discussion
following). Voigtlander ( 1982, 41) would like these settlers to be ancestors of the Carians,
but Parzinger (1989, 424) disagrees.

4. Cook 1975, 794-95. Cf. Melas 1988, esp. 109: "The two areas [Caria and the
Dodecanese] appear to have shared a more or less common culture in prehistory."
later Indo-European immigrants, but such an argument is both unnecessar-
ily complex and unprovable. In sum, the evidence strongly favors the view
that the Carians were a nonindigenous, Indo-European people, although

Foundations 17
the current state of the evidence does not permit certainty.5
Besides the Carians, the Leleges are the native people mentioned most
later Indo-European immigrants, but such an argument is both unnecessar-

ily complex and unprovable. In sum, the evidence strongly favors the view
often in connection with Miletos: Mi)Eltog o)itg 'Icvv vFtcLavi~g.
'Ex z) r 86 emore ze a A8) eyg 6ita molxovg Apeyag [Miletos is a fa-
mous city of lonia. It was once called Lelegis as well when it was occupied
that the Carians were a nonindigenous, Indo-European people, although
by the Leleges].6 Greek authors often speak of the Leleges, but they know
the current state of the evidence does not permit certainty. 5
strangely little about them. For example, the geographer Strabo (12.8.5)
Besides the Carians, the Leleges are the native people mentioned most
attempts to clarify their role in Milesian prehistory as well as their rela-
often in connection with Miletos: Ml),tp;o~ :;t;OAL~ 'Iwvwv EJtL<j>avil~ ·

'Ex/.f]811 6£ not£ xat A£1,£-yt~ 6La E Jtolxou~ Ar).£-ya~ [Miletos is a fa-
tionship with the Carians.
xoz a oL K&9eg 6e vriothc t amotetov 6veg xa z Aieyeg, 5g Qcotv,
flnete"ottL yey6vcot, mgoouaf36vt v KQflt V, oL xa' iv M{)vrJov

mous city of Ionia. It was once called Lelegis as well when it was occupied
Extoav, ti fg Kgft flg Mi)iov IaQrfl6ova Xa3o6veg xtLoriv
by the Leleges]. 6 Greek authors often speak of the Leleges, but they know
[Also, the Carians, who were formerly islanders, and the Leleges, as strangely little about them. For example, the geographer Strabo (12.8.5 )
they say, became mainlanders with the help of the Cretans, who
attempts to clarify their role in Milesian prehistory as well as their rela-

also founded Miletos, having taken as their founder Sarpedon from
tionship with the Carians.

Cretan Miletos.]
Strabo also reports (7.7.2 = Pherek. FGH 3 F 155) that some equate the
two people while others distinguish them, particularly by their geographic

xat ol KiiQEI::; 6!:: VllOLunm :itQOtEQOV ovtEI::; xat AEI.E"'{Ei::;, w~::; <j>amv,
distribution: the Carians held the land from Miletos to Ephesos, while the
~Jtagwtm yEyovaOL, Jtgoo/.a~6vtwv KQlltwv, o'L xal, tf]v MDc11tov
Leleges occupied the coastal lands near Phokaia, Chios, and Samos.7 De-
£xnoav, EX til~:; KQrJtLY..ij~::; ML!ct\rou LaQJT1166va /.a~6vtEI::; XtLCJtllv·

spite these attempts at precision, it seems that the Greeks used the name
Leleges very much as they used the name Pelasgians, as a general term to
designate the pre-Greek inhabitants of Hellas, Asia Minor, and the islands.
[Also, the Carians, who were formerly islanders, and the Leleges, as
Perhaps the Leleges were a genuine prehistoric people, but the evidence for
they say, became mainlanders with the help of the Cretans, who
them is entirely mythological and so unreliable.8
also founded Miletos, having taken as their founder Sarpedon from
5. Mellink 1991b, 662-65 (later Carians); Hajnal 1995 (Indo-European).
Cretan Miletos.]
6. The geographer Eustathius quoting from Steph. Byz. (GGM 2.361-62, para. 823,
lines 13-14); cf. Str. 14.1.6.
7. Cf. Hdt. 1.171.2, which says that the Carians who were obedient to Minos were
Strabo also reports (7.7.2 = Pherek. FGH 3 F 155) that some equate the
called Leleges. two people while others distinguish them, particularly by their geographic
8. Geyer 1924 (in general); Parthen. 14 (at Miletos), discussed later in this chapter.
distribution: the Carians held the land from Mileto s to Ephesos, while the
Dunham (1915, 37-38) suggests that the Leleges may have been the pre-Carian, autochtho-
Leleges occupied the coastal lands near Phokaia, Chios, and Samos.? De-
nous people, while the Carians were post-Mycenaean immigrants into the islands from the
spite these attempts at precision, it seems that the Greeks used the name
Asian mainland.
Leleges very much as they used the name Pelasgians, as a general term to
designate the pre-Greek inhabitants ofHellas, Asia Minor, and the islands.
Perhaps the Leleges were a genuine prehistoric people, but the evidence for
them is entirely mythological and so unreliable. 8
5. M ellink 199 1b, 662- 65 (later Carians); Hajnal1 995 (Indo-Europea n).
6. The geographer Eustathius quoting from Steph. Byz. (GGM 2 .361- 62, para. 823,
lines 13-14); cf. Str. 14.1.6.
7. Cf. Hdt. 1.171.2, w hich says that the Carians who were obedient to Minos were
called Leleges.
8. Geyer 1924 (in general ); Parthen. 14 (at Miletos), discussed later in this chapter.
Dunham (1915, 37-38) suggests that the Leleges may have been the pre-Carian, autochtho-
nous people, while the Carians were post-Mycenaean immigrants into the islands from the
Asian mainland.
Archaeology has not yet been able to yield much data on this question.
Stone Age remains-stone axes, obsidian, and obsidian flakes-have been
found in four different areas of the Milesian city peninsula. Isolated discov-
eries on the southern plain and east of the Temple of Athena have been
augmented by numerous finds indicating at least two settlements. One
Archaeology has not yet been able to yield much data on this question.
Stone Age remains-stone axes, obsidian, and obsidian flakes-have been
included the block just west of the later Bouleuterion and extended over to
an area under the Roman Heroon near the Baths of Faustina; the other is
located on the hill now called Killiktepe, 1.5 km. south of Kalabaktepe on a
found in four different areas of the Milesian city peninsula. Isolated discov-
southwestern ridge of Stephania, where the discovery of tools is supple-
eries on the southern plain and east of the Temple of Athena have been
mented by the remains of Neolithic walls and some graves.9 The pottery
augmented by numerous finds indicating at least two settlements. One
sherds from these different areas are most typically red monochrome ware
included the block just west of the later Bouleuterion and extended over to
an area under the Roman Heroon near the Baths of Faustina; the other is
with silver and gold glimmering particles embedded in the clay (mica-
caeous). The ceramic was not made on a potter's wheel, although much of
it was fired to be moderately hard. Stylistically, these finds can be com-

located on the hill now called Killiktepe, 1.5 km. south of Kalabaktepe on a
pared to those discovered on the islands of the Dodecanese, at Chios, and
southwestern ridge of Stephania, where the discovery of tools is supple-
in the Troad, causing archaeologists to conclude that the settlements at mented by the remains of Neolithic walls and some graves. 9 The pottery
Miletos date to the Late Chalcolithic 2-3 period (ending ca. 3200) and
sherds from these different areas are most typically red monochrome ware
extend down into the Bronze Age to Early Helladic II periods (ca. 2750/
with silver and gold glimmering particles embedded in the clay (mica-
2300) at the very latest.10 Thus, the Milesian peninsula was sparsely inhab-
ited during the Stone Age until about 2300 B.C.E., but the evidence is
caeous). The ceramic was not made on a potter's wheel, although much of
insufficient to determine who those natives may have been.
it was fired to be moderately hard. Stylistically, these finds can be com-
The peninsula then stood empty for six hundred years before the pared to those discovered on the islands of the Dodecanese, at Chios, and
attractive location lured settlers from Crete. From at least the time of
in the Troad, causing archaeologists to conclude that the settlements at
Homer onward, the legendary doings of the Cretans played a large role in
Miletos date to the Late Chalcolithic 2-3 period (ending ca. 3200) and
the Greek picture of their own prehistory in the Heroic Age. These early
Cretans were thought to have dominated the Aegean through the power
extend down into the Bronze Age to Early Helladic II periods (ca. 2750/
of their navy and to have led out numerous colonies, including one to
2300) at the very latest. 1oThus, the Milesian peninsula was sparsely inhab-
Miletos.11 Among the very oldest Milesian traditions (Ta A ( Lorata, ited during the Stone Age until about 2300 B.C.E., but the evidence is
Paus. 7.2.5) is the story of an eponymous founder from Crete; in one
insufficient to determine who those natives may have been.
According to Aelian (VH 8.5), the Mydonians were another native people near Miletos,
The peninsula then stood empty for six hundred years before the
but they never appear again in the extant tradition unless they are the same Mydonians who
attractive location lured settlers from Crete. From at least the time of
pay part of the Carian tribute to Athens from 453/2 to 438/7 (IG 13 259.6, 261.5, etc.).
Ruge (1933) thinks that it is unlikely that they are the same, and the editors of the ATL do
Homer onward, the legendary doings of the Cretans played a large role in
not even mention the possibility. Instead, they equate the Mydonians with the Amyzoneis of the Greek picture of their own prehistory in the H eroic Age. These early
Hellenistic and Roman times. See ATL 1.170, 344-45, 521.
Cretans were thought to have dominated the Aegean through the power
9. Wiegand 1911, 4-5; Weickert et al. 1957, 117-18; Schiering 1959/60, 16ff.;
of their navy and to have led out numerous colonies, including one to
Miletos.1 1 Among the very oldest Milesian traditions (ta agxm6ta-ca,

Kleiner 1966, 11ff.; Kleiner 1969/70, 113-14; Voigtlainder 1982, 30-41; Voigtlainder
1983; Parzinger 1989.
10. Mellaart 1966; Dickinson 1994, 9-22; Melas 1988 (Dodecanese).

Paus. 7.2.5) is the story of an eponymous founder from Crete; in one
11. Huxley 1968, esp. 10 (early myths of the Minoan Empire).
According to Aelian (VH 8.5), the Mydonians were another native people near Miletos,
but they never appear again in the extant tradition unless they are the same Nlydonians who
pay part of the Carian tribute to Athens from 453/2 to 438/7 (IG 1-1 259.6, 261.5, etc.).
Ruge (1933) thinks that it is unlikely that they are the same, and the editors of the ATL do
not even mention the possibility. Instea d, they equate the Mydonians with the Amywneis of
Hellenistic and Roman times. See ATL 1.170, 144-45, 521.
9. Wiegand 1911, 4-5; Weickert et a!. 1957, 117-18; Schiering 1959/60, 16ff.;
Kleiner 1966, 11ff.; Kleiner 1969/70, 113-14; Voigtlander 1982, 30-41; Voigtlander
1983; Parzinger 1989.
10. Mellaart 1966; Dickinson 1994, 9- 22; Melas 1988 (Dodecanese).

11. Huxley 1968, esp. 10 (early myths of the Minoan Empire).
variation of this story, a son of Apollo named Miletos fled the envy of
King Minos and eventually settled in Caria, where he founded a city
named after himself.12 Another account (Apollod. 3.1.2.1) recombines

Foundations 19
three elements that we have already seen in different contexts: the name
Asterios, previously seen as the name of the son of Anax; the Cretan link
variation of this story, a son of Apollo named Miletos fled the envy of
King Minos and eventually settled in Caria, where he founded a city
to Sarpedon and Minos; and the eponymous founder. According to this
story, Asterios was a Cretan nobleman married to Europa, who had
already borne to Zeus three sons: Minos, Sarpedon, and Rhadymanthos.

named after himself. 12 Another account (Apollod. 3.1.2.1) recombines
The sons quarreled over the love of a boy named Miletos, with the result
three elements that we have already seen in different contexts: the name
that Sarpedon and Miletos fled to Caria and there built a city. Yet another
Asterios, previously seen as the name of the son of Anax; the Cretan link
version of the story connects the name of the city in Asia Minor to that of
to Sarpedon and Minos; and the eponymous founder. According to this

story, Asterios was a Cretan nobleman married to Europa, who had
the like-named city on Crete: according to Ephoros, the Homeric hero
Sarpedon led colonists from Miletos (or Milatos) on Crete to Miletos in
Asia Minor.13 The details of these myths must be dismissed as folktale

already borne to Zeus three sons: Minos, Sarpedon, and Rhadymanthos.
elements, and one may be skeptical in accepting even the general thrust-
The sons quarreled over the love of a boy named Miletos, with the result
the idea of Cretan colonization-as historical fact. that Sarpedon and Miletos fled to Caria and there built a city. Yet another
Modern scholars call the early Cretans "Minoans," after their famous
version of the story connects the name of the city in Asia Minor to that of
king Minos, who was renowned in myth for his labyrinth and minotaur.
the like-named city on Crete: according to Ephoros, the Homeric hero

They were a non-Greek, non-Indo-European people who occupied Crete
from earliest known times until the fifteenth century B.C.E., when, accord-
Sarpedon led colonists from Miletos (or Milatos) on Crete to Miletos in
ing to the prevailing theory, they were overrun by the mainland Greeks,
Asia Minor. 13 The details of these myths must be dismissed as folktale
called Mycenaeans. When the Minoans were in their prime (MM I B-LM elements, and one may be skeptical in accepting even the general thrust-
I B, ca. 1900-1490/70), their prosperity and cultural influence was un-
the idea of Cretan colonization-as historical fact.
doubtedly very great. However, their thalassocracy, as it is often called,
Modern scholars call the early Cretans "Minoans," after their famous
probably owed less to a powerful navy and political domination than to
their far-flung commercial enterprises and their clear cultural superiority

king Minos, who was renowned in myth for his labyrinth and minotaur.
throughout the Aegean. Of special significance here is the fact that, while
They were a non-Greek, non-Indo-European people who occupied Crete
Minoan economic influence throughout the eastern Mediterranean has from earliest known times until the fifteenth century B.C. E., when, accord-
been extremely well documented by archaeological excavations, there is
ing to the prevailing theory, they were overrun by the mainland Greeks,
little credible indication that they settled the region extensively or con-
called Mycenaeans. When the Minoans were in their prime (MM I B-LM
trolled it militarily.14
I B, ca. 1900-1490/70), their prosperity and cultural influence was un-

At first glance, then, it might seem best to interpret these myths of the
Milesian foundation as later inventions, probably based on the similarity

doubtedly very great. However, their thalassocracy, as it is often called,
12. Aristokritos of Miletos FGH 493 F 3 = Herodoros of Heraklea FGH 31 F 45 = Sch. probably owed less to a powerful navy and political domination than to
Ap. Rhod. 1.185.
their far-flung commercial enterprises and their clear cultural superiority
13. FGH 70 F 127 = Str. 14.1.6; cf. Str. 12.8.5. Herodotos (1.173) says that the Lykians
throughout the Aegean. Of special significance here is the fact that, while
were originally from Crete and came to Asia led by Sarpedon.
Minoan economic influence throughout the eastern Mediterranean has

14. Some basic works include Desborough 1964; Stubbings 1975; Hiagg and Marinatos
1984; Bryce 1989; Dickinson 1994.

been extremely well documented by archaeological excavations, there is
little credible indication that they settled the region extensively or con-
trolled it militarily. 14
At first glance, then, it might seem best to interpret these myths of the
Milesian foundation as later inventions, probably based on the similarity
12. Aristokritos of Miletos FGH 491 F 1 = Herodoros of Heraklea FGH 11 F 45 = Sch.
Ap. Rhod. 1.185.
13. FGH 70 F 127 = Str. 14.1.6; cf. Str. 12.8.5. Herodotos (1.1 73) says that the Lykians
were originally from Crete and came to Asia led by Sarpedon.
14. Some basic works include Desborough 1964; Stubbings 1975; Hiigg and Marinatos
1984; Bryce 1989; Dickinson 1994.
of place-names, Milatos in Crete and Miletos in Asia Minor. Since these
are the only two historical occurrences of this place-name in the Greek
world (Eust. GGM 2.361-62, para. 823), the implication is unambigu-

ous: because the names are the same, the one city must be founded by the
other. The Greeks had further reason to connect Miletos to Crete: Apollo
of place-names, Milatos in Crete and Miletos in Asia Minor. Since these

are the only two historical occurrences of this place-name in the Greek
Delphinios, the patron god of Miletos, also played an important role in
various Cretan state cults (see chap. 5). Thus, one is tempted to discard
the entire tradition of a Cretan foundation as a later, false explanation for

world (Eust. GGM 2.361-62, para. 823 ), the implication is unambigu-
the similarity in names and patron cult.
ous: because the names are the same, the one city must be founded by the
However, an unequivocal reason to believe that Minoans settled the
other. The Greeks had further reason to connect Miletos to Crete: Apollo
site can be found in the archaeological digs from the Stadium Hill and the
Delphinios, the patron god of Miletos, also played an important role in

region near the Temple of Athena. From 1938 to 1973, under the leader-
various Cretan state cults (see chap. 5). Thus, one is tempted to discard
ship first of Carl Weickert and then of Gerhard Kleiner, Minoan material
was brought to light, especially in the latter area. Finds included Minoan
the entire tradition of a Cretan foundation as a later, false explanation for
ceramics covering a wide chronological range, from one handle possibly
the similarity in names and patron cult.
from MM II (ca. 1900/1875-1750/20) to a number of pieces from LM I However, an unequivocal reason to believe that Minoans settled the
A and I B (ca. 1675/50-1490/70). For some, this Minoan pottery seemed
site can be found in the archaeological digs from the Stadium Hill and the
to be conclusive evidence for a Cretan settlement at Miletos, and this
region near the Temple of Athena. From 1938 to 1973, under the leader-
view has commonly been reflected in modern scholarship on the
Minoans. Others, however, remained skeptical: since what is apparently

ship first of Carl Weickert and then of Gerhard Kleiner, Minoan material
Anatolian pottery has been uncovered in the same context as the Minoan
was brought to light, especially in the latter area. Finds included Minoan
finds, some scholars have interpreted the data as indicating a colony of ceramics covering a wide chronological range, from one handle possibly
Minoan traders in the midst of a native Carian community, others as
from MM II (ca. 1900/1875-1750/20) to a number of pieces from LM I
pointing to Minoan cultural influence in a primarily Carian population.15
A and I B (ca. 1675/50-1490/70). For some, this Minoan pottery seemed

In view of the incomplete publication of the excavations of Weickert and
Kleiner, each of the preceding interpretations remained plausible.

to he conclusive evidence for a Cretan settlement at Miletos, and this
In order to try to answer the questions about Minoan settlement that
view has commonly been reflected in modern scholarship on the
the earlier excavations left open, Barbara and Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier Minoans. Others, however, remained skeptical: since what is apparently
began new excavations into the Bronze Age layers in 1994 and 1995
Anatolian pottery has been uncovered in the same context as the Minoan
under the overall supervision of site director Volkmar von Graeve.16 They
finds, some scholars have interpreted the data as indicating a colony of

undertook to identify the character of Minoan influence at Miletos and,
Minoan traders in the midst of a native Carian community, others as

in particular, to determine whether or not one could legitimately speak of
a "Minoan settlement" at Miletos and, if so, what kind of settlement.

pointing to Minoan cultural influence in a primarily Carian population.15
15. E.g., Furumark 1950, 201-2 (Minoan cultural influence); Yaker 1976, 123 (trading In view of the incomplete publication of the excavations of Weickert and
colony); Taylour 1983, 132, 148 (colony); Melas 1988, 114, 118 (Minoan cultural influ-
Kleiner, each of the preceding interpretations remained plausible.
ence). The Minoan evidence found at Miletos before 1984 is summarized in Schiering 1984.
In order to try to answer the questions about Minoan settlement that

See Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 193, for a discussion of differing views.
the earlier excavations left open, Barbara and Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier

16. All of the discussion of Bronze Age archaeology that follows is based closely on
Niemeier and Niemeier 1997 and Niemeier 1998.

began new excavations into the Bronze Age layers in 1994 and 1995
under the overall supervision of site director Volkmar von Graeve. 16 They
undertook to identify the character of Minoan influence at Miletos and,
in particular, to determine whether or not one could legitimately speak of
a "Minoan settlement" at Miletos and, if so, what kind of settlement.
15. E.g., Furumark 1950,201-2 (Minoan cultural influence); Yaker 1976, 123 (trading
colony); Taylour 1983, 132, 148 (colony); Melas 1988, 114, 118 (Minoan cultural influ-
ence). The Minoan evidence found at Miletos before 1984 is summarized in Schiering 1984.
See Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 193, for a discussion of differing views.
16. All of the discussion of Bronze Age archaeology that follows is based closely on
Niemeier and Niemeier 1997 and Niemeier 1998.
They began by comparing their evidence to a set of strict criteria devel-
oped by Peter Warren to define a Minoan settlement outside of Crete.
These criteria include a coastal location on a small and easy promontory;

Foundations 21
an irregular street plan; Minoan architectural features; Minoan tomb
types; local pottery in Minoan shapes, especially conical cups; Linear A
They began by comparing their evidence to a set of strict criteria devel-

oped by Peter Warren to define a Minoan settlement outside of Crete.
writing; and evidence of Minoan religious ritual.17 According to Warren,
the existence of a majority of these characteristics stands as definitive
proof of a Mycenaean settlement.

These criteria include a coastal location on a small and easy promontory;
The Niemeiers' excavation on the Stadium Hill and at the Temple of
an irregular street plan; Minoan architectural features; Minoan tomb
Athena was remarkably successful: in the First Building Phase of the
types; local pottery in Minoan shapes, especially conical cups; Linear A
Bronze Age city, roughly equivalent to LM I A-LM I B (ca. 1675/50-
writing; and evidence of Minoan religious ritualY According to Warren,

the existence of a majority of these characteristics stands as definitive
1490/70), they found the unmistakable features of a Minoan settlement
at Miletos.18 Architecturally, it includes a building whose walls were
constructed using the standard Minoan technique of smoothing only the

proof of a Mycenaean settlement.
visible parts of the stone. There were signs of Minoan cult practice,
The Niemeiers' excavation on the Stadium Hill and at the Temple of
including two imported Minoan vessels-an alabaster goblet and a ser- Athena was remarkably successful: in the First Building Phase of the
pentine stone vessel-both with ritual functions.19 Fragments of several
Bronze Age city, roughly equivalent to LM T A-LM T B (ca. 1675/50-

frescoes remain, including part of a griffin and part of a white lily on a
1490/70), they found the unmistakable features of a Minoan settlement

red background. Such artwork is often considered an integral part of
Minoan cult life and so offers further indication that Minoan ritual was
at Miletos. 18 Architecturally, it includes a building whose walls were
being employed at Miletos. Moreover, the very presence of a fresco indi-
constructed using the standard Minoan technique of smoothing only the
cates that this was an important building: in other Minoan cities, frescoes visible parts of the stone. There were signs of Minoan cult practice,
only occur in palaces or villas of wealthy and prominent people.
including two imported Minoan vessels-an alabaster goblet and a ser-
Much of the modern disagreement over the presence of Minoans at
pentine stone vessel-both with ritual functions. 19 Fragments of several

Miletos in the First Building Phase has arisen because of the incomplete
publication of the ceramic evidence. The excavations of 1994 and 1995

frescoes remain, including part of a griffin and part of a white lily on a
have, to a great degree, filled this gap. The site had produced a large
red background. Such artwork is often considered an integral part of
number of Minoan-style ceramics, both imported and locally made. Note- Minoan cult life and so offers further indication that Minoan ritual was
worthy is the so-called Standard-Tradition ware (sub LM I), which, ac-
being employed at Miletos. Moreover, the very presence of a fresco indi-
cording to the excavators, is rarely found outside of Crete except in
cates that this was an important building: in other Minoan cities, frescoes
true Minoan colonies. Most significant of all is the discovery of a large
only occur in palaces or villas of wealthy and prominent people.

17. Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 194; Warren 1975, 101.
18. The three building phases were established by Weickert and followed by others,
Much of the modern disagreement over the presence of Minoans at
including Schiering (1959/60) and Parzinger (1989), but are significantly modified by the Miletos in the First Building Phase has arisen because of the incomplete
Niemeiers. On the dating, see Manning 1995, 217-29. For the First Building Phase, in
publication of the ceramic evidence. The excavations of 1994 and 1995
addition to Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, see Hanfmann 1953, 3-4 and n. 11; Weickert et
have, to a great degree, filled this gap. The site had produced a large
al. 1957; Weickert 1959; Weickert 1959/60a; Desborough 1964, 162; Kleiner 1968, 24;
number of Minoan-style ceramics, both imported and locally made. Note-

Schiering 1986; Niemeier 1998.
19. Warren 1969, 166-67: "Many of the stone vases were clearly made for ritual use
worthy is the so-called Standard-Tradition ware (sub LM T), which, ac-
only."
cording to the excavators, is rarely found outside of Crete except in
true Minoan colonies. Most significant of all is the discovery of a large
17. Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 194; Warren 1975,101.
18. The three building phases were established by Weickert and followed by others,
including Schiering (19.59/60) and Parzinger (1989), but are significantly modified by the
Niemeiers. On the dating, see Manning 1995, 217-29. For the First Building Phase, in
addition to Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, see Hanfmann 1953, 3-4 and n. 11; Weickerr et
al. 1957; Weickert 1959; Weickert 1959/60a; Desborough 1964, 162; Kleiner 1968, 24;
Schiering 1986; Niemeier 1998.
19. Warren 1969, 166-67: "Many of the stone vases were clearly made for ritual use
only."
amount of everyday Minoan household ware, including several hundred
locally made conical cups that are recognized as absolutely indicative of
Minoan presence, as well as tripod cooking pots, fire stands, scuttles, and
disc-shaped loom weights.20 All in all, the Niemeiers are able to estimate
that 98 percent of pottery found in the First Building Phase is of Minoan
amount of everyday Minoan household ware, including several hundred

locally made conical cups that are recognized as absolutely indicative of
character, whether imported or locally made, and they compare this per-
centage favorably to Trianda on Rhodes and Kastri on Kythera, also
thought to be Minoan colonies. In contrast, the Minoan pottery at

Minoan presence, as well as tripod cooking pots, fire stands, scuttles, and
Akrotiri on Thera, Phylakopi on Melos, and Agia Irini on Keos is in a
disc-shaped loom weights. 20 All in all, the Niemeiers are able to estimate
minority and reflects trade and cultural influence rather than a Minoan
that 98 percent of pottery found in the First Building Phase is of Minoan
presence.21 In addition, a number of kilns have been found that are
character, whether imported or locally made, and they compare this per-
centage favorably to Trianda on Rhodes and Kastri on Kythera, also
unquestionably Minoan: the only other place where kilns of this style
have been discovered is on Crete.
Finally, three pieces of a locally made clay pot were fit together to
thought to be Minoan colonies. In contrast, the Minoan pottery at
reveal an example of Linear A (MIL Zbl), the undeciphered script of the
Akrotiri on Thera, Phylakopi on Melos, and Agia Irini on Keos is in a
Minoan civilization. This find represents the earliest known writing minority and reflects trade and cultural influence rather than a Minoan
sample from all of western Asia Minor. Of the three symbols recorded-
presence.21 In addition, a number of kilns have been found that are

AB56, AB41, and AB47-the last is very rare: there are only eight other
unquestionably Minoan: the only other place where kilns of this style
extant instances of it, and all of those come from Crete itself. The pres-
ence of this sign at Miletos is taken to mean that Linear A and the Cretan
have been discovered is on Crete.
language were very familiar to the earliest Milesians.
Finally, three pieces of a locally made clay pot were fit together to
While it is nearly impossible to prove to everyone's satisfaction that reveal an example of Linear A (MIL Zbl), the tmdeciphered script of the
Miletos was a Cretan site, the force of this newest evidence is difficult to
Minoan civilization. This find represents the earliest known writing
resist: the Niemeiers' work has revealed five of Warren's seven criteria,
sample from all of western Asia Minor. Of the three symbols recorded-
lacking only the irregular street plan, which does in fact seem to be
emerging,22 and the Minoan tombs, which have not been found. Miletos
AB56, AB41, and AB47-the last is very rare: there are only eight other
was probably what some scholars classify as a settlement colony, a true
extant instances of it, and all of those come from Crete itself. The pres-
Minoan city built on previously unoccupied land.23 The architectural ence of this sign at Miletos is taken to mean that Linear A and the Cretan
20. Niemeier 1998, 27; Wiener 1984 (conical cups). Concluding his list of criteria for
language were very familiar to the earliest Milesians.
determining Minoan presence outside of Crete, Warren (1975, 101) says, "The presence
While it is nearly impossible to prove to everyone's satisfaction that

of all or a majority of these features [the criteria already listed], especially the quantities of
Miletos was a Cretan site, the force of this newest evidence is difficult to
cheap but uniquely Minoan conical cups, should indicate a Minoan settlement."
21. Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 238; Branigan 1981 (other Minoan colonies).
resist: the Niemeiers' work has revealed five of Warren's seven criteria,
22. Niemeier 1998, 29 fig. 7. lacking only the irregular street plan, which does in fact seem to be
23. Branigan (1981) defines three options: a governed colony, where a settlement of
emerging, 22 and the Minoan tombs, which have not been found. Miletos
largely indigenous people are governed by a foreign power; a community colony, where the
was probably what some scholars classify as a settlement colony, a true

foreign settlers make up a significant element of the society but it is ruled by the indigenous
Minoan city built on previously unoccupied land.23 The architectural

people; and a settlement colony, founded by immigrants and ruled either by them or by
20. Niemeier 1998, 27; Wiener 1984 (conical cups). Concluding his list of criteria for
their home power. According to his definitions, Akrotiri, Phylakopi, and Ayia Irini on Keos
were all Minoan community colonies, while Kastri on Kythera was a settlement colony. Cf.
determining l\1inoan presence outside of Crete, Warren (1975, 101) says, "The presence
the discussion in Schofield 1984.
of all or a majority of these features (the criteria already listed], especially the quantities of
cheap but uniquely Minoan conical cups, should indicate a Minoan settlement."
21. Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 238; Branigan 1.981 (other Minoan colonies).
22. Niemeier 1998, 29 fig. 7.
23. Branigan (1981) defines three options: a governed colony, where a settlement of
largely indigenous people are governed by a foreign power; a community colony, where the
foreign settlers make up a significant element of the society but it is ruled by the indigenous
people; and a settlement colony, founded hy immigrants and ruled either hy them or hy
their home power. According to his definitions, Akrotiri, Phylakopi, and Ayia lrini on Keos
were all Minoan community colonies, while Kastri on Kythcra was a settlement colony. Cf.
the discussion in Schofield 1984.
style, the household pottery, the kilns, the religious objects, the implied
wealth and prominence of the building that housed frescoes, and espe-
cially the Linear A symbols etched onto local pottery indicate that we
Foundations 23
must speak not of a Minoan influence on the native Milesian culture but
of a dominating Minoan presence.
style, the household pottery, the kilns, the religious objects, the implied
wealth and prominence of the building that housed frescoes, and espe-
We cannot say with certainty when the Cretans arrived. The earliest
remains include a fragment of a handle possibly from MM II and increas-
ing numbers of imported ceramic beginning from MM III B, indicating a

cially the Linear A symbols etched onto local pottery indicate that we
Minoan presence by ca. 1700 and influence as much as two centuries
must speak not of a Minoan influence on the native Milesian culture but
earlier.24 However, the First Building Phase rests on a layer of rubble 1-
of a dominating Minoan presence.
1.5 m. thick that contains a jumble of earlier layers that have become
We cannot say with certainty when the Cretans arrived. The earliest
unstratified, so it is impossible to determine when the Minoans first
remains include a fragment of a handle possibly from MM II and increas-

settled Miletos. The small Stone Age community that preceded them
seems to have been long gone, and although it is possible that a small
ing numbers of imported ceramic beginning from MM Ill B, indicating a
native population still occupied the site, their physical remains have been
Minoan presence by ca. 1700 and influence as much as two centuries
completely lost in the rubble. Thus, the Minoans either settled on an earlier.24 However, the First Building Phase rests on a layer of rubble 1-
abandoned site or they expelled or absorbed a small, preexisting native
1.5 m. thick that contains a jumble of earlier layers that have become
community.
unstratified, so it is impossible to determine when the Minoans first

Around 1470/50 B.C.E., Minoan civilization suffered a disastrous de-
cline throughout the Aegean. In Crete itself, the palaces were destroyed
settled Miletos. The small Stone Age community that preceded them
and the Greek-speaking Mycenaeans from the mainland took control of
seems to have been long gone, and although it is possible that a small
Knossos and many other sites. The cultural center of Aegean civilization native population still occupied the site, their physical remains have been
shifted from Crete to the Mycenaean cities of Hellas, where it would
completely lost in the rubble. Thus, the Minoans either settled on an
remain until the end of the Bronze Age, ca. 1150 B.C.E.
abandoned site or they expelled or absorbed a small, preexisting native

The legends have nothing whatsoever to say about the end of the
Minoan settlement at Miletos, but the archaeological record demon-

community.
strates that events at Miletos conform to the pattern observed at other
Around 1470/50 B.C.E., Minoan civilization suffered a disastrous de-
sites.25 Recent excavations have confirmed earlier reports that the First cline throughout the Aegean. ln Crete itself, the palaces were destroyed
Building Phase ended in a destruction layer (LM I B, ca. 1490/70), while
and the Greek-speaking Mycenaeans from the mainland took control of
the pottery found in the two later Bronze Age levels-the Second Build-
Knossos and many other sites. The cultural center of Aegean civilization
ing Phase (LH III A1-2, ca. 1435/05-1330/25) and the Third Building
shifted from Crete to the Mycenaean cities of Hellas, where it would

Phase (LH III B-C, ca. 1320/1300-1050/30)-is predominantly Mycen-
aean in character. At the same time, it is thought that Miletos offers an

remain until the end of the Bronze Age, ca. 1150 B.C.E.
excellent opportunity to study the transition from Minoan to Mycenaean The legends have nothing whatsoever to say about the end of the
settlements, since finds in the Second Building Phase point to continuing
Minoan settlement at Miletos, but the archaeological record demon-
traces of Minoan influence. Certainly the plan of the settlement changed,
strates that events at Miletos conform to the pattern observed at other

24. Schiering 1959/60, 16.
sites. 25 Recent excavations have confirmed earlier reports that the First
25. Kilian 1990 (Mycenaean colonization).
Building Phase ended in a destruction layer (LM T B, ca. 1490/70), while

the pottery found in the two later Bronze Age levels-the Second Build-
ing Phase (LH III A1-2, ca. 1435/05-1330/25) and the Third Building
Phase (LH III B-C, ca. 1320/1300-1050/30)-is predominantly Mycen-
aean in character. At the same time, it is thought that Miletos offers an
excellent opportunity to study the transition from Minoan to Mycenaean
settlements, since finds in the Second Building Phase point to continuing
traces of Minoan influence. Certainly the plan of the settlement changed,
24. Schicring 1959/60, 16.

25. Kilian 1990 (Mycenaean colonization).
as the house walls of the Second Building Phase were not aligned along
the ruins of the First Building Phase. However, a slight intermingling of
Minoan pottery among the predominantly Mycenaean fragments indi-

cates that the Minoan presence was not altogether obliterated. Further-
more, this continuity of cultural influence is supported by the discovery in
as the house walls of the Second Building Phase were not aligned along
the ruins of the First Building Phase. However, a slight intermingling of
each of the other two Bronze Age building phases of two kilns of a type
that is only otherwise found on Crete.26
Investigation of the area of the Stadium Hill has yielded little clear
Minoan pottery among the predominantly Mycenaean fragments indi-
architectural evidence for the Second Building Phase. The area is very
cates that the Minoan presence was not altogether obliterated. Further-
poorly preserved, and while the unstratified remains indicate that the
more, this continuity of cultural influence is supported by the discovery in
Stadium Hill was definitely occupied in the Bronze Age, so much damage
each of the other two Bronze Age building phases of two kilns of a type
has been done in later construction (this was the site of the old village of
that is only otherwise found on Crete. 26

Balat until 1955) that it is nearly impossible to clarify the picture.
Although it has been hampered by a terrible groundwater problem, the

Investigation of the area of the Stadium Hill has yielded little clear
excavation of the Second Building Phase near the Temple of Athena has
architectural evidence for the Second Building Phase. The area is very
been significantly more productive, yielding much Mycenaean-style pot- poorly preserved, and while the unstratified remains indicate that the
tery and uniquely Mycenaean-style kilns. A terracotta female figurine
Stadium Hill was definitely occupied in the Bronze Age, so much damage
of the phi type indicates the probability of Mycenaean cult practices.
has been done in later construction (this was the site of the old village of
Excavators have also found a building complex that existed in the Second
Building Phase and was reused, at least in part, during the Third Building
Balat until 1955) that it is nearly impossible to clarify the picture.
Phase, and the earlier part of this structure has been identified as Oikos-
Although it has been hampered by a terrible groundwater problem, the
Type 2, a style of building that has parallels in Mycenae and Tiryns and in excavation of the Second Building Phase near the Temple of Athena has
the Anatolian tradition.27 In the later part of the fourteenth century,
been significantly more productive, yielding much Mycenaean-style pot-
Miletos was destroyed by a conflagration: excavators have found a fire
tery and uniquely Mycenaean-style kilns. A terracotta female figurine

destruction layer 30 cm. thick both on the Stadium Hill and near the
Temple of Athena. Of the unpainted and the painted pottery sherds found
of the phi type indicates the probability of M ycenaean cult practices.
in the burn layer, which belongs to the transition between LH III A2 and
Excavators have also found a building complex that existed in the Second
LH III B (ca. 1330-1320), almost all are Mycenaean. In sum, the Building Phase and was reused, at least in part, during the Third Building
Niemeiers estimate that the ceramic finds of the Second Building Phase are
Phase, and the earlier part of this structure has been identified as Oikos-
95 percent Mycenaean.28
Type 2, a style of building that has parallels in Mycenae and Tiryns and in
The Third Building Phase is difficult to reconstruct because it was
the Anatolian tradition. 27 Tn the later part of the fourteenth century,

badly damaged by later construction: at times, the Geometric house foun-
dations rest immediately on top of the burn layer from the Second Build-
Miletos was destroyed by a conflagration: excavators have found a fire
26. Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 194, 222-23, 228, 244; Niemeier 1998, 31-32. destruction layer 30 em. thick both on the Stadium Hill and near the
27. Niemeier 1998, 30-31; Hiesel 1990, 59-67.
Temple of Athena. Of the unpainted and the painted pottery sherds found
28. Second Building Phase: Schiering 1959/60, 10-11; Hommell 1959/60, 34-36;
in the burn layer, which belongs to the transition between LH III A2 and
Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 219-29; French 1971, 116-23 (phi figurines in general).
LH III B (ca. 1330-1320), almost all are M ycenaean. In sum, the

Destruction: Schiering 1959/60, 5, 8ff.; Schiering 1979, 85-87; Mee 1978, 135; Niemeier
and Niemeier 1997, esp. 196, 219.

Niemeiers estimate that the ceramic finds of the Second Building Phase are
95 percent Mycenaean.28
The Third Building Pha se is difficult to reconstruct because it was
badly damaged by later construction: at times, the Geometric house folll1-
dations rest immediately on top of the burn layer from the Second Build-
26. Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 194,222-23,228, 244; Niemeier 1998, 31-32.
27. Niemeier 1998, 30-31; Hiesel1990, 59-67.
28. Second Building Phase: Schiering 1959/60, 10-11; H ommel! 1959/60, 34-36;
N iemeier and Niemeier 1997, 21 9-29; French 1971, 116- 23 (phi figurines in general).
Destruction: Schiering 1959/60, 5, 8ff.; Schiering 1979, 85- 87; Mee 1978, 135; Niemeier
and Niemeier 1997, esp. 196, 219.
ing Phase, and while there are a great deal of individual ceramic finds
from the Third Building Phase, they are not preserved in a recognizable
layer of their own. Some significant evidence, however, has been un-
Foundations 25
earthed. From this period dates a fortification wall 4.4 m. thick, which
would have enclosed approximately 50,000 sq. m. Other architectural
ing Phase, and while there are a great deal of individual ceramic finds
from the Third Building Phase, they are not preserved in a recognizable
remains include a so-called corridor house, a style that appears in large
numbers in the Mycenaean world in the thirteenth century, and among
the artifacts was found a Mycenaean psi type religious figurine and three
layer of their own. Some significant evidence, however, has been un-
animals of the Linear 1 variety.29 In addition, possible Linear B symbols
earthed. From this period dates a fortification wall 4.4 m. thick, which
have been found on fragments of locally made pithoi, which were incised
would have enclosed approximately 50,000 sq. m. Other architectural
before they were fired. These symbols are problematic, and their identifi-
remains include a so-called corridor house, a style that appears in large

numbers in the Mycenaean world in the thirteenth century, and among
cation as Linear B has not been universally accepted.30
One of the most surprising results of the Niemeiers' excavations in the
Third Building Phase is negative in its implications. Earlier digs on the

the artifacts was found a Mycenaean psi type religious figurine and three
Stadium Hill uncovered what was said to be a Mycenaean megaron, with
animals of the Linear 1 variety. 29 In addition, possible Linear B symbols
associated living quarters and courtyard. It has been suggested that this have been found on fragments of locally made pithoi, which were incised
complex may be the Mycenaean palace, which, if correct, would have
before they were fired. These symbols are problematic, and their identifi-
important implications for the interpretation of Mycenaean political orga-
cation as Linear B has not been universally accepted. 3D

nization. Unfortunately, the excavation of 1994 quickly revealed that the
identification was mistaken. The walls of the so-called megaron belong

One of the most surprising results of the Niemeiers' excavations in the
instead to two separate phases of construction, and, furthermore, neither
Third Building Phase is negative in its implications. Earlier digs on the
of them is Bronze Age. Distinctly Archaic sherds under the walls indicate Stadium Hill uncovered what was said to be a Mycenaean megaron, with
that it was probably built after the destruction by the Persians in 494.31
associated living quarters and courtyard. It has been suggested that this
In contrast to the disappointed hopes for a palace complex, a remark-
complex may be the Mycenaean palace, which, if correct, would have

able feature of this Mycenaean settlement is its extent, since the remains
from the Third Building Phase are not confined to the small area dug
important implications for the interpretation of Mycenaean political orga-
around the Temple of Athena and the Stadium Hill. Instead, in another
nization. Unfortunately, the excavation of 1994 quickly revealed that the
dig from the 1970s in the plain midway between the Theater Harbor and identification was mistaken. The walls of the so-called megaron belong
Kalabaktepe (between the later Round Church and the Hellenistic cross
instead to two separate phases of construction, and, furthermore, neither
29. Third Building Phase: Milet 1.8.73-77, 2.3.119; Weickert 1940, 328; Weickert
of them is Bronze Age. Distinctly Archaic sherds under the walls indicate
1959/60b (fortification wall); Weickert et al. 1957, 106-25; Hommell 1959/60, 31-38;
that it was probably built after the destruction by the Persians in 494.3 1
Mallwitz 1959/60b (fortification wall); Mallwitz 1968; Kleiner 1966, 11-14; Kleiner
1968, 9, 38, 122-23; Kleiner 1969/70, 114-18; Miller-Wiener 1986a, 100; Mee 1978,
In contrast to the disappointed hopes for a palace complex, a remark-
133-55 (135-36, area within the wall); Mellink 1983; Furumark 1950, 201-2; able feature of this Mycenaean settlement is its extent, since the remains
Desborough 1964, 161-63; Voigtlainder 1975 (fortification wall); Mitchell and McNicoll
from the Third Building Phase are not confined to the small area dug
1978/79, 63; Stubbings 1975, 184; Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 196-98 (corridor house),
around the Temple of Athena and the Stadium Hill. Instead, in another
219; French 1971, 126-42 (psi figurines in general), 157-64 (animal figurines).
dig from the 1970s in the plain midway between the Theater Harbor and
30. Schiering 1979, 102-3; esp. Niemeier 1998, 37. One of the symbols especially may
be an arrow-like sign found elsewhere on Hittite vessels.

Kalabaktepe (between the later Round Church and the Hellenistic cross
31. Schiering 1975; Schiering 1979, 77-78 (megaron); Mellink 1972, 175 (megaron);
29. Third Building Phase: Milet 1.8.73-77, 2.3.119; Wcickcrt 1940, 328; Wcickcrt
Hommel 1975 (palace); Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 195, 207-9 (Classical).
1959/60b (fortification wall); Weickert et al. 1957, 106-25; Hommel! 1959/60, 31-38;
Mallwitz 1959/60b (fortification wall ); Mallwitz 1968; Kleiner 1966, 11-14; Kleiner
1968, 9, 38, 122-23; Kleiner 1969/70, 114-1 8; Miiller·Wiener 1986a, 100; Mee 1978,
133- 55 (135- 36, area within the wall); Mellink 1983; Furumark 1950, 201 - 2;
Desborough 1964, 161-63; Voigtliinder 1975 (fortification wall); Mitchell and McNicol!
1978/79, 63; Stubbings 1975, 184; Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 196-98 (corridor house),
219; French 1971, 126-42 (psi figurines in general), 157-64 (animal figurines).
30. Schiering 1979, 102-3; esp. Niemeier 1998, 37. One of the symbols especially may
be an arrow-like sign found elsewhere on Hittite vessels.

31. Schiering 1975; Schiering 1979, 77-78 (megaron); Mellink 1972, 175 (megaron};
Hommel1 975 (palace); Niemeier and N iemeier 1997, 195, 207- 9 (Classical).
wall), at a location 500 m. south of the Mycenaean harbor wall, archae-
ologists have found numerous Late Mycenaean sherds, one large Mycen-
aean kiln and part of another, flues, and partition walls made of clay
bricks.32 This evidence is obviously limited, but so is the scope of excava-
tion there, whereas the damage done by later levels is extensive. Cer-
wall), at a location 500 m. south of the Mycenaean harbor wall, archae-

ologists have found numerous Late Mycenaean sherds, one large Mycen-
tainly there is enough to indicate a Mycenaean presence, but there is not
enough to tell us whether this settlement was discrete from the one by the
harbor or whether the two represent parts of one very large settlement.
aean kiln and part of another, flues, and partition walls made of clay
This puzzle will only be solved when and if the archaeologists expand
bricks.32 This evidence is obviously limited, but so is the scope of excava-
their Bronze Age explorations into the intervening areas. Meanwhile, the
tion there, whereas the damage done by later levels is extensive. Cer-
possibility of a large Mycenaean settlement is tantalizing.
tainly there is enough to indicate a Mycenaean presence, hut there is not

enough to tell us whether this settlement was discrete from the one by the
Furthermore, a Mycenaean necropolis has been found on Degir-
mentepe, 1.5 km. to the south. It contains eleven Mycenaean-style cham-
ber tombs, one of the determining criteria for a settlement colony. The
harbor or whether the two represent parts of one very large settlement.
contents of those tombs have never been properly published, and most
This puzzle will only be solved when and if the archaeologists expand
were lost in Berlin during World War II. However, some items have their Bronze Age explorations into the intervening areas. Meanwhile, the
recently been rediscovered in storage and may be published in the future.
possibility of a large Mycenaean settlement is tantalizing.

Meanwhile, the Niemeiers discuss (and offer photographs of) the more
Furthermore, a Mycenaean necropolis has been found on Degir-

interesting finds, which include earthenware vessels, bronze weapons,
horse bridles, plumb bobs, drilled boars' tusks, and jewelry.33

mentepe, 1.5 km. to the south. It contains eleven M ycenaean-style cham-
The evidence discovered to date, limited though it may be, supports the
ber tombs, one of the determining criteria for a settlement colony. The
conclusion that Mycenaean settlers occupied Miletos from LH III Al contents of those tombs have never been properly published, and most
(beginning ca. 1435/05) to LH III C (ending ca. 1100/1090). The evidence
were lost in Berlin during World War II. However, some items have
of Mycenaean cult, the Mycenaean-style corridor house, and the masses
recently been rediscovered in storage and may be published in the future.

of Mycenaean pottery, taken together with the chamber tombs on
Degirmentepe, imply a significant Mycenaean colony. The character of

Meanwhile, the Niemeiers discuss (and offer photographs of) the more
the colony cannot be determined definitively, given the limited state of the
interesting finds, which include earthenware vessels, bronze weapons,
evidence; however, two features in particular argue for a settlement col- horse bridles, plum b bobs, drilled boars' tusks, and jewelry.33
ony.34 The architectural and ceramic break that divides the Second Build-
The evidence discovered to date, limited though it may be, supports the
32. Graeve 1973/74, 68-69; Kleine 1979, 111-15, 135-36.
conclusion that Mycenaean settlers occupied Miletos from LH III Al

33. Milet 1.8.12; Furumark 1950, 201-2; Kleiner 1966, 11; Kleiner 1968, 124-25;
(beginning ca. 1435/05) to LH TIT C (ending ca. 110011 090). The evidence
Bittel 1975 (bridles); Miller-Wiener 1986a, 104; Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, esp. 190-
91, 244; Niemeier 1998, 36.

of Mycenaean cult, the M ycenaean-style corridor house, and the masses
34. According to Bryce (1989), we must think of Mycenaean involvement in Anatolia in of Mycenaean pottery, taken together with the chamber tombs on
terms less of a colonizing movement and more of a quest for the resources that area had to
Degirmentepe, imply a significant Mycenaean colony. The character of
offer, such as metals, livestock, and slaves: the population of the city may have been
the colony cannot be determined definitively, given the limited state of the
predominantly native, with a generous intermingling of Mycenaean adventurers and trad-
evidence; however, two features in particular argue for a settlement col-

ers. Compare Stubbings (1975, 184), who thinks that under the Mycenaeans much of the
population of Miletos was made up of native Carians. However, in recent years the
ony.34 The architectural and ceramic break that divides the Second Build-
Niemeiers' work has shown the opposite to be true: the Mycenaeans made up the majority
of the settlement, probably even after the Hittites took control of the government.
32. Graeve 1973/74, 68-69; Kleine 1979,111-15,135-36.
33. Milet 1.8.12; Furumark 1950, 201-2; Kleiner 1966, 11; Kleiner 1968, 124-25;
Bittel1975 (bridles); Muller-Wiener 1986a, 104; Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, esp. 190-
91, 244; N iemeier 1998, 36.
34. According to Bryce (1989), we must think of Mycenaean involvement in Anatolia in
terms less of a colonizing movement and more of a quest for the resources that area had to
offer, such as metals, livestock, and slaves: the population of the city may have been
predominantly native, with a generous intermingling of l\1ycenaean adventurers and trad-
ers. Compare Stubbings (1975, 184), who thinks that under the Mycenaeans much of the
population of Miletos was made up of native Carians. However, in recent years the
Niemeiers' work has shown the opposite to be true: t he Mycenaeans made up the majority
of the settlement, probably even after the Hittites took control of the government.
ing Phase from the First Building Phase suggests that the people occupying
the site were nearly completely replaced at the end of the Minoan era:
greater continuity would be expected if the Mycenaeans had come as

Foundations 27
rulers over a population that was largely native or survivors of the
Minoan era. Second, the predominance of Mycenaean pottery-95 per-
ing Phase from the First Building Phase suggests that the people occupying
the site were nearly completely replaced at the end of the Minoan era:
cent in the Second Building Phase-signifies that the new population
represented not a small enclave but the majority of what may prove to be
a very large settlement. Although no pre-Geometric remnants have been

greater continuity would be expected if the Mycenaeans had come as
found in other parts of the peninsula, indicating that the Bronze Age city
rulers over a population that was largely native or survivors of the
probably did not extend over to the Lion Bay and the area immediately
Minoan era. Second, the predominance of Mycenaean pottery-95 per-
south of it, the finds near the Theater Harbor and on the southern plain,
cent in the Second Building Phase-signifies that the new population

as well as the necropolis 1.5 km. from the harbor, lead to the conclusion
represented not a small enclave but the majority of what may prove to be
that the Mycenaeans had developed Miletos as one of their most impor-
tant and extensive colonies, one that proved to be an irresistible target

a very large settlement. Although no pre-Geometric remnants have been
for the other major power of the day.
found in other parts of the peninsula, indicating that the Bronze Age city
During the time that Miletos belonged to Greeks from the mainland, probably did not extend over to the Lion Bay and the area immediately
most of Asia Minor fell under the sway of the Hittites. From his capital at
south of it, the finds near the Theater Harbor and on the southern plain,
Hattusa, near the river Halys, the Hittite king ruled an empire that
as well as the necropolis 1.5 km. from the harbor, lead to the conclusion
stretched from northern Syria to western Anatolia. Miletos, linked to the
interior by the valley of the Maiandros, could not fail to feel the influence
that the Mycenaeans had developed Miletos as one of their most impor-
of the great kingdom to its east. A witness to the relationship between
tant and extensive colonies, one that proved to be an irresistible target
the city and the Hittite Empire has been found in the evidence from the for the other major power of the day.
royal archives of the Hittites, thousands of clay tablets covered with
During the time that Miletos belonged to Greeks from the mainland,
cuneiform, which have been unearthed at the site of Hattusa (modern
most of Asia Minor fell under the sway of the Hittites. From his capital at
Bogazkoy). These documents seem to indicate that in the fourteenth and
thirteenth centuries, Miletos passed back and forth between Mycenaean

Hattusa, near the river Halys, the Hittite king ruled an empire that
and Hittite control.35
stretched from northern Syria to western Anatolia. Miletos, linked to the
Among the Hittite documents are numerous references to the land and interior by the valley of the Maiandros, could not fail to feel the influence
king of the Ahhiyawa. Already in the early days after the decipherment of
of the great kingdom to its east. A witness to the relationship between
Hittite in 1915, the suggestion was made that the word Ahhiyawa was the
the city and the Hittite Empire has been found in the evidence from the
Hittite representation of the Greek word Achaioi, the term Homer uses to
royal archives of the Hittites, thousands of clay tablets covered with

designate the Greek forces at the siege of Troy-in other words, the Mycen-
aeans.36 Furthermore (and of special interest to this study), in several texts,

cuneiform, which have been unearthed at the site of Hattusa (modern
the king of the Ahhiyawa is associated with the city and the land of Bogazkoy). These documents seem to indicate that in the fourteenth and
Millawanda (or Milawata). Several scholars have advanced Miletos as
thirteenth centuries, Miletos passed back and forth between Mycenaean
the best choice among the possible locations of Millawanda, and if this
and Hittite control. 35

35. Bryce (1998, passim) discusses the entire matter in the context of his history of the
Among the Hittite documents are numerous references to the land and
Hittites.
36. Forrer 1924a, 1924b.

king of the Ahhiyawa. Already in the early days after the decipherment of
Hittite in 1915, the suggestion was made that the word Ahhiyawa was the
Hittite representation of the Greek word Achaioi, the term Homer uses to
designate the Greek forces at the siege ofTroy-in other words, the Mycen-
aeans.36 Furthermore (and of special interest to this study), in several texts,
the king of the Ahhiyawa is associated with the city and the land of
Millawanda (or Milawata). Several scholars have advanced Miletos as
the best choice among the possible locations of Millawanda, and if this
35. Bryce (1998, passim) discusses the entire matter in the context of his history of the
Hittites.
36. Forrer 1924a, 1924b.
identification is correct, the Hittite archives constitute a resource of unpar-
alleled importance for the investigation of Bronze Age Miletos.
It must, however, be admitted at the outset that the equations of

Ahhiyawa with Achaioi and Millawanda with Miletos are by no means
securely established.37 There is no conclusive evidence either for or against
identification is correct, the Hittite archives constitute a resource of unpar-

alleled importance for the investigation of Bronze Age Miletos.
these equivalences, but the arguments in favor seem convincing. In partic-
ular, supporters of the Ahhiyawa/Achaioi hypothesis point out that the
denial of this connection would mean the absence of the Mycenaeans from
It must, however, be admitted at the outset that the equations of
all extant Hittite texts. This startling result is unacceptable in light of the
Ahhiyawa with Achaioi and Millawanda with Miletos are by no means
increasingly substantial archaeological evidence for Mycenaean activity in
securely establishedY There is no conclusive evidence either for or against
western Anatolia. Furthermore, it is pointed out that if the equivalence is
these equivalences, but the arguments in favor seem convincing. In partic-

ular, supporters of the Ahhiyawa/Achaioi hypothesis point out that the
rejected, we must wonder who these Ahhiyawa could be.38 This kingdom
is so important that its king is listed as equal in rank to the kings of the
Hittites, Egyptians, Babylonians, and Assyrians, yet we can come up with

denial of this connection would mean the absence of the Mycenaeans from
no candidates for this role in all that we have learned from the combined
all extant Hittite texts. This startling result is unacceptable in light of the
literature of all peoples. increasingly substantial archaeological evidence for M ycenaean activity in
The earliest document with implications for the relationship between
western Anatolia. Furthermore, it is pointed out that if the equivalence is

Miletos and the Hittite kingdom is called the Madduwatta text (KUB
rejected, we must wonder who these Ahhiyawa could be.38 This kingdom
14.1), written by an unnamed Hittite king who has been identified as
Arnuwandas I (ca. 1450-1430).39 The text states that a certain Mad-

is so important that its king is listed as equal in rank to the kings of the
duwatta had been driven from his home by "Attarissiyas, the man of
Hittites, Egyptians, Babylonians, and Assyrians, yet we can come up with
Ahhiya" (Ahhiya is an early form of Ahhiyawa). Madduwatta took refuge no candidates for this role in all that we have learned from the combined
with Tudhaliyas, the father of the current Hittite king, who protected
literature of all peoples.
Madduwatta and made him a vassal. Later, the Ahhiyawan Attarissiyas
The earliest document with implications for the relationship between

once again came against Madduwatta with one hundred chariots, a consid-
erable force that would require a strong home base. Certain places men-
Miletos and the Hittite kingdom is called the M adduwatta text (KUB
tioned in the text (e.g., Arzawa, Talawas) have been located in southwest-
14.1 ), written by an unnamed Hittite king who has been identified as
ern Anatolia, suggesting that Attarissiyas-and thus the Ahhiyawa-was Arnuwandas I (ca. 1450-1430).39 The text states that a certain Mad-
active in that region as early as the second half of the fifteenth century.
duwatta had been driven from his home by "Attarissiyas, the man of
37. For a list of those who support and deny the equation, see Bryce 1989, 3 nn. 12-14;
Ahhiya" (Ahhiya is an early form of Ahhiyawa). Madduwatta took refuge

Niemeier 1998, 17-25. Among those accepting it, in addition to Bryce and Niemeier, are
with Tudhaliyas, the father of the current Hirtite king, who protected
Giterbock (1983, 1984, 1986) and Mellink (1983).
38. One cannot argue that the name Achaioi was an invention by Homer or later Greeks,
Madduwatta and made him a vassal. Later, the Ahhiyawan Attarissiyas
because the name Achaiwia occurs on a Linear B tablet from Knossos (C 914): see Bryce once again came against Madduwatta with one hundred chariots, a consid-
1989; Giiterbock 1983. Niemeier (1998, 40) offers as evidence two other tablets that
erable force that would require a strong home base. Certain places men-
mention a woman from Miletos (mi-ra-ti-ja, from Pylos) and a man from Miletos (mi-ra-ti-
tioned in the text (e.g., Arzawa, Talawas) have been located in southwest-
jo, from Thebes). The tablet from Pylos denotes this woman in the context of a list of
ern Anatolia, suggesting that Attarissiyas-and thus the Ahhiyawa-was

probable slaves from sites on the Asiatic coast and offshore islands, indicating that at least
the Milesian woman came from Ionian Miletos, not Milatos on Crete.
active in that region as early as the second half of the fifteenth century.
39. Bryce 1985.
37. For a list of those who support and deny the equation, see Bryce 1989, 3 nn. 12-14;
Niemeier 1998, 17-25. Among those accepting it, in addition to Bryce and Niemeier, are
Giiterbock (1983, 1984, 1986) and M ellink (1 983).
38. One cannot argue that the name A chaioi was an invention by Homer or later Greeks,
because the name Achaiwia occurs on a Linear B tablet from Knossos (C 914 ): sec Bryce
1989; Giiterbock 1983. N iemeier (1998, 40) offers as evidence two other tablets that
mention a woman from Miletos (rni-ra-ti-ja, from Pylos) and a man from Miletos (mi-ra-ti-
jo, from Thebes). The tablet from Pylos denotes this woman in the context of a list of
proba ble slaves from sites on the Asiatic coast and offshore islands, indicating that at least
the Milesian woman came from Ionian Miletos, not Milatos on Crete.
39. Bryce 1985.
Another pertinent piece of information comes from the Comprehen-
sive Annals of the Hittite King Mursili II (CTH 61, late fourteenth cen-
tury B.C.E.). The passage in question relates the events of the third year of
Foundations 29
Mursili's reign. The text is badly damaged, but it is clear in the first line
that Uhhaziti, the ruler of Arzawa, is sometime enemy and sometime
Another pertinent piece of information comes from the Comprehen-

sive Annals of the Hittite King Mursili II (CTH 61, late fourteenth cen-
vassal of the Hittites. The following line mentions both the land of
Millawanda and the king of the Ahhiyawa. Next, Mursili reports that
he sent two of his generals, who attacked and captured Millawanda. The
tury B.C.E.). The passage in question relates the events of the third year of
accepted interpretation of this lacunose text is that Millawanda, a Hittite
Mursili's reign. The text is badly damaged, but it is clear in the first line
vassal, was enticed by Uhhaziti of Arzawa to shift allegiance to the king
that Uhhaziti, the ruler of Arzawa, is sometime enemy and sometime
of Ahhiyawa. Mursili dealt with the rebellion harshly, by sacking Milla-
vassal of the Hittites. The following line mentions both the land of
Millawanda and the king of the Ahhiyawa. Next, Mursili reports that
wanda, then conquering Arzawa and ending its separate existence.40
By the time of the Tawagalawa letter (CTH 181), ca. 1265-1240,
however, Millawanda had come under Ahhiyawan control. One scholar

he sent two of his generals, who attacked and captured Millawanda. The
argues that the transfer took place sometime before 1275, for when
accepted interpretation of this lacunose text is that Miliawanda, a Hittite
Mursili's successor, Muwatalli (ca. 1296-1272), drew up a list of poten- vassal, was enticed by Uhhaziti of Arzawa to shift allegiance to the king
tial troublemakers as he prepared for the confrontation with the Egyptians
of Ahhiyawa. Mursili dealt with the rebellion harshly, by sacking Milia-

at Kadesh (CTH 76), neither Millawanda nor Ahhiyawa was on that list.
wanda, then conquering Arzawa and ending its separate existence. 40

The suggestion is that the Hittites had peacefully ceded Millawanda to the
Ahhiyawa as a diplomatic move intended to satisfy the king of Ahhiyawa

By the time of the Tawagalawa letter (CTH 181 ), ca. 1265-1240,
and ensure against future aggression in Anatolia.41 If this interpretation is
however, Millawanda had come under Ahhiyawan control. One scholar
correct, Muwatalli's efforts were unsuccessful, as the Ahhiyawa encour- argues that the transfer took place sometime before 1275, for when
aged raids into Hittite territory. In the Tawagalawa letter-written by a
Mursili's successor, Muwatalli (ca. 1296-12 72), drew up a list of poten-
Hittite king, probably Hattusili III (ca. 1265-1240), to the Ahhiyawan
tial troublemakers as he prepared for the confrontation with the Egyptians

king -a Hittite renegade named Piyamaradu has taken refuge in Milla-
wanda after carrying out raids on Hittite territory. The Hittite king sent a
at Kadesh (CTH 76), neither Millawanda nor Ahhiyawa was on that list.
messenger to the king of the Ahhiyawa-whose sovereignty over Milla-
The suggestion is that the Hittites had peacefully ceded Milia wanda to the
wanda he clearly recognizes-to ask for the surrender of Piyamaradu. A Ahhiyawa as a diplomatic move intended to satisfy the king of Ahhiyawa
king of the Ahhiyawa instructed Apta, his vassal in charge of Millawanda,
and ensure against future aggression in Anatolia. 41 If this interpretation is
to comply, and the Hittite king went to Millawanda to receive the rene-
correct, Muwatalli's efforts were unsuccessful, as the Ahhiyawa encour-

gade. However, Piyamaradu had escaped by ship to the king of the
aged raids into Hittite territory. In the Tawagalawa letter-written by a

Ahhiyawa, perhaps with the connivance of Apta, who was the son-in-law
of the fugitive. Thus, the Tawagalawa letter provides evidence that

Hittite king, probably Hattusili III (ca. 1265-1240), to the Ahhiyawan
Miletos served as a base of operations for incursions against Hittite king-a Hittite renegade named Piyamaradu has taken refuge in Milia-
power. The actions of Piyamaradu were perceived as a serious enough
wanda after carrying out raids on Hittite territory. The Hittite king sent a
threat against Hittite interests to warrant a journey to Miletos by the king
messenger to the king of the Ahhiyawa-whose sovereignty over Milia-

40. Singer 1983, 206 with n. 7.
wanda he clearly recognizes-to ask for the surrender of Piyamaradu. A

41. Bryce 1989, 8-9.
king of the Ahhiyawa instructed Apta, his vassal in charge of Millawanda,

to comply, and the Hittite king went to Millawanda to receive the rene-
gade. However, Piyamaradu had escaped by ship to the king of the
Ahhiyawa, perhaps with the connivance of Apta, who was the son-in-law
of the fugitive. Thus, the Tawagalawa letter provides evidence that
Miletos served as a base of operations for incursions against Hittite
power. The actions of Piyamaradu were perceived as a serious enough
threat against Hittite interests to warrant a journey to Miletos by the king
40. Singer 1983, 206 with n. 7.

41. Bryce 1989, 8-9.
himself. Elsewhere in the letter, we read that the brother of the Ahhiyawan
king, the Tawagalawa who gave his name to the letter, was himself present
in Millawanda and from there engaged in activities in the Lukka lands

(possibly Lykia).
Two more letters seem to substantiate the raiding of Piyamaradu.
himself. Elsewhere in the letter, we read that the brother of the Ahhiyawan
king, the Tawagalawa who gave his name to the letter, was himself present
These letters (CTH 191 and KUB 23.13) are written by the Hittite vassal
ruler of the Seha River Land, which is probably an area on the Maiandros
River. The vassal complains that with the help of the Ahhiyawa, Piya-
in Millawanda and from there engaged in activities in the Lukka lands
maradu has put Apta over him; thus the letters imply that the Ahhiyawan
(possibly Lykia).
vassal rulers are making indirect inroads into the territory of Hittite
Two more letters seem to substantiate the raiding of Piyamaradu.
vassal rulers. The interpretation of a third missive, called the Milawata
These letters (CTH 191 and KUB 23.13) are written hy the Hittite vassal
letter (CTH 182) and thought to be written by Hattusili III's successor,
ruler of the Seha River Land, which is probably an area on the Maiandros
Tadhaliya IV (second half of the thirteenth century), is difficult, but it
may indicate that Milawata had fallen into the hands of the Hittites.42
River. The vassal complains that with the help of the Ahhiyawa, Piya-
Bronze Age archaeological evidence is consistent with the identifica-
maradu has put Apta over him; thus the letters imply that the Ahhiyawan
tion of Millawanda and Miletos. The destruction layer that marked the vassal rulers are making indirect inroads into the territory of Hittite
end of the Second Building Phase may reflect the sack of Millawanda by
vassal rulers. The interpretation of a third missive, called the Milawata

Mursili in the third year of his reign, ca. 1318-1314; recently discovered
letter (CTH 182) and thought to be written by Hattusili III's successor,

information on the dating of the transition from LH III A2 to LH III B,
marked by a thick ash layer, makes a date of 1318-1314 quite possible.43

Tadhaliya IV (second half of the thirteenth century), is difficult, but it
After the sack, Miletos fell into the hands of the Hittites and then passed
may indicate that Milawata had fallen into the hands of the Hittites.42
back and forth between Hittite and Mycenaean control. Bronze Age archaeological evidence is consistent with the identifica-
Certain finds from the Third Building Phase show an interesting conver-
tion of Millawanda and Miletos. The destruction layer that marked the
gence between the Hittite and the Mycenaean. The dominant architectural
end of the Second Building Phase may reflect the sack of Millawanda by
feature of that building phase is the thick fortification wall, which was
constructed in the thirteenth century. It is controversial because it em-

Mursili in the third year of his reign, ca. 1318-1314; recently discovered
bodies characteristics of both Hittite and Mycenaean building design.44
information on the dating of the transition from LH III A2 to LH III B,
Other pertinent finds include horse bridles that could be Hittite and marked by a thick ash layer, makes a date of 1318-1314 quite possible. 43
bronze swords that definitely are, all found in the context of the Mycen-
After the sack, Miletos fell into the hands of the Hittites and then passed
aean-style chamber tombs in the necropolis. Finally, one of the most inter-
back and forth between Hittite and Mycenaean control.

esting examples of the intersection of the two cultures can be seen in the
Certain finds from the Third Building Phase show an interesting conver-
fragment of a locally made krater from LH III B2-III C that was glazed
42. Singer (1983, 215) disagrees, claiming instead, "as far as we can tell from the Hittite
gence between the Hittite and the Mycenaean. The dominant architectural
texts, Milawata was never ruled by the Hittites." feature of that building phase is the thick fortification wall, which was
43. Mellink 1983; Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 200-205, esp. 246-48 (redating);
constructed in the thirteenth century. It is controversial because it em-
Niemeier 1998.
bodies characteristics of both Hittite and Mycenaean building design. 44

44. Mallwitz (1959/60b) thinks it is Hittite, but Kleiner (1969/70, 114) denies this,
Other pertinent finds include horse bridles that could be Hittite and
calling it Mycenaean. Naumann (1971, esp. Appendix 1) may be closer to the truth when he
calls it a compromise style. See discussion at Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 196, 203.
bronze swords that definitely are, all found in the context of the Mycen-
aean-style chamber tombs in the necropolis. Finally, one of the most inter-
esting examples of the intersection of the two cultures can be seen in the
fragment of a locally made krater from LH III B2-III C that was glazed
42. Singer (1 983, 215) disagrees, claiming instead, "as far as we can tell from the Hittite
texts, Milawata was never ruled by the Hittites."
43. Mellink 1983; Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 200-205, esp. 246-48 (redating);
Niemeier 1998.
44. Mallwitz (1959/60b ) thinks it is Hittite, but Kleiner (1969/70, 114) denies this,
calling it Mycenaean. Naumann ( 197 1, esp. Appendix 1) may be closer to the truth when he
calls it a compromise style. See discussion at Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 196, 203.
according to a Mycenaean technique but features a picture of a Hittite
horned crown, such as was worn only by gods and the Great King.45 Thus
the material evidence from Miletos supports the equation of that city with
Foundations 31
Millawanda. At the same time, the continuity of ceramic and architectural
remains, both between the Second and Third Building Phases and within
according to a Mycenaean technique but features a picture of a Hittite

horned crown, such as was worn only by gods and the Great King. 45 Thus
the Third Building Phase, suggests that the population of the city remained
Mycenaean even during the periods when it may have fallen under Hittite
control: the rulers may have changed, but the makeup of the community
the material evidence from Miletos supports the equation of that city with
remained substantially the same.
Millawanda. At the same time, the continuity of ceramic and architectural
The Ionian Foundation
remains, both between the Second and Third Building Phases and within
Around 1200 B.C.E., disasters began to strike the Hittites, leading to the
the Third Building Phase, suggests that the population of the city remained
Mycenaean even during the periods when it may have fallen under Hittite
collapse of their civilization. However, the Mycenaeans were in no posi-
tion to take advantage of the Hittite misfortune, because they too were
faced with calamity: many settlements in the Peloponnesos, the heart of

control: the rulers may have changed, but the makeup of the community
the Mycenaean world, were destroyed and abandoned. For some time,
remained substantially the same.
Miletos and the Aegean islands escaped the spreading catastrophe and
remained fairly prosperous. Then, in the middle or near the end of
the LH III C period (ca. 1130-1070 or ca. 1070/50-1030), the Bronze
The Ionian Foundation

Age in Miletos came to an end, as it too was destroyed. There is no
literary account of the downfall of the Mycenaean settlements, at Mile-
tos or elsewhere (the Greeks seemed oblivious to the fact of their col-
Around 1200 B.C.E., disasters began to strike the Hittites, leading to the
lapse). However, legend identified this period as the time when the collapse of their civilization. However, the Mycenaeans were in no posi-
people redistributed themselves into the patterns recognized by the later
tion to take advantage of the Hittite misfortune, because they too were
Greeks.
faced with calamity: many settlements in the Peloponnesos, the heart of

Miletos is given a leading role in the stories of the great population
movements of this period, for it was the first Anatolian foundation estab-
the Mycenaean world, were destroyed and abandoned. For some time,
lished in the wave of resettlement known as the Ionian Migration. The
Miletos and the Aegean islands escaped the spreading catastrophe and
lonians are said to have originally inhabited the area in the northern remained fairly prosperous. Then, in the middle or near the end of
Peloponnesos that was later known as Achaia. The tribe of Dorians, led by
the LH III C period (ca. 1130-1070 or ca. 1070/50-1030), the Bronze
the descendants of Herakles, are supposed to have descended out of the
Age in Miletos came to an end, as it too was destroyed. There is no

north into the Peloponnesos, where they overran Lakedaimonia, Argos,
literary account of the downfall of the Mycenaean settlements, at Mile-

and Pylos. When the Dorians entered the regions of Argos and Lakedai-
monia, they set in motion a chain of events that led to the expulsion of the
tos or elsewhere (the Greeks seemed oblivious to the fact of their col-
45. Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 203-5. The krater fragment is first published in lapse). However, legend identified this period as the time when the
Weickert 1959/60b, 65.
people redistributed themselves into the patterns recognized by the la ter
Greeks.
Miletos is given a leading role in the stories of the great population

movements of this period, for it was the first Anatolian foundation estab-
lished in the wave of resettlement known as the Ionian Migration. The
Ionians are said to have originally inhabited the area in the northern
Peloponnesos that was later known as Achaia. The tribe ofDorians, led by
the descendants of Herakles, are supposed to have descended out of the
north into the Peloponnesos, where they overran Lakedaimonia, Argos,
and Pylos. When the Dorians entered the regions of Argos and Lakedai-
monia, they set in motion a chain of events that led to the expulsion of the
45. Niemeier and Niemeier 1997, 203- 5. The krater fragment is first published in
Weickert 1959/60b, 65.
lonians from their homeland, and these refugees fled to Attica (Paus.
7.1.1-9). Once there, legend joins the fate of the lonians to that of the
family of a certain Melanthos, a prince from Pylos in Messenia, the region

in the extreme southwest corner of the Peloponnesos. The story is elabo-
rated by Hellanikos of Lesbos, a logographer from the fifth century B.C.E.
Ionians from their homeland, and these refugees fled to Attica (Paus.
7.1.1-9). Once there, legend joins the fate of the Ionians to that of the
(FGH 4 F 125 = Sch. P1. Symp. 208d). According to him, Melanthos
migrated from Messenia to Athens and, through a feat of bravery, became
king. His son, Kodros, and then his grandson Medon followed him on the
family of a certain Melanthos, a prince from Pylos in Messenia, the region
throne. Meanwhile Medon's younger brother, Neleus, seeing no future for
in the extreme southwest corner of the Peloponnesos. The story is elabo-
himself in Attika, led out a migration to lonia and founded a league of
rated by Hellanikos of Lesbos, a logographer from the fifth century B.C.E.
cities there. Thus, in this tradition, Neleus, the leader of the Ionian Migra-
(FGH 4 F 125 = Sch. Pl. Symp. 208d). According to him, Melanthos

migrated from Messenia to Athens and, through a feat of bravery, became
tion, is a member of the Pylian-and Athenian-royal house.
Several other historians confirm the basic story. Herodotos (5.65.3)
confirms that Kodros, Melanthos, and Neleus were of Pylian ancestry: he

king. His son, Kodros, and then his grandson Medon followed him on the
probably got his information from a history of the Neleids and the coloni-
throne. Meanwhile Medon's younger brother, Neleus, seeing no future for
zation of lonia written in six thousand verses by Panyassis of Halikarnas- himself in Attika, led out a migration to Ionia and founded a league of
sos, Herodotos's own uncle or cousin (Douris FGH 76 F 64). According
cities there. Thus, in this tradition, Neleus, the leader of the Ionian Migra-
to another version told by Pausanias (7.2.1-6; cf. Ael. VH 8.5), Medon
tion, is a member of the Pylian-and Athenian-royal house.

and Neleus quarreled over the throne. When the Oracle settled in favor of
Medon, Neleus and the remaining sons of Kodros left Attika, &yay6veg
Several other historians confirm the basic story. Herodotos (5.65 .3)
ev xzcL ~wtv 'AOnvau v o6v f3ovu6tevov, To6 3 Xe-ko6v o4tot4 LVOGv
confirms that Kodros, Melanthos, and Neleus were of Pylian ancestry: he
G0 ool rate84atog o '1mveg [leading out with them any Athenian who probably got his information from a history of the Neleids and the coloni-
wished to go, but the majority of the expedition was composed of lo-
zation of Ionia written in six thousand verses by Panyassis of Halikarnas-
nians] (Paus. 7.2.1). They founded the various cities of lonia, and Neleus
sos, Herodotos's own uncle or cousin (Douris FGH 76 F 64). According

himself founded Miletos; either he killed the males of the old Milesians
there (t6v Aoaoyv MtL)lJv, 7.2.5) and married the women or he

to another version told by Pausanias (7.2.1-6; cf. Ael. VH 8.5), Medon
expelled all the Milesians.
and Neleus quarreled over the throne. When the Oracle settled in favor of
The myths also make it clear that the Attic-lonians were not the exclu- Medon, Neleus and the remaining sons of Kodros left Attika, &:yayovw:;
sive settlers of lonia. Rather, they provided the leaders and a significant
!LEV 'XUL autcl:Jv 'A8Y]VUL(J)V tOV ~OUAOf.tEVOV, to Of JtAEL<JtOV o<jll<JLV ~oav
enough proportion of the people in the migration to establish an ethnic
toil otgatElJf.tatot:; ot 'lwvEt:; [leading out with them any Athenian who
cohesiveness, while many of the settlers came from elsewhere in Hellas.
wished to go, but the majority of the expedition was composed of Io-
Herodotos describes one segment of the original group of settlers as oL F
acftiv & 6 oO'to mqvtarvlov oi 'AOnvuov 69O6evieg xZcL voffovteg

nians] (Paus. 7.2.1). They founded the various cities of Ionia, and Neleus
yevva otto etvat 'Icvwv [the ones who set out from the Prytaneion in himself founded Miletos; either he killed the males of the old Milesians
Athens and believed themselves to be of the purest Ionian blood]
there (tcl:Jv agxal,wv MLAY]OLWV, 7.2.5) and married the women or he
(1.146.2). He continues, e ic 6 F waveg 'Ioveg, 6oot &t' 'A6Ovecmv
expelled all the Milesians.

The myths also make it clear that the Attic-Ionians were not the exclu-
yey6vaLot xazL 'Ar to9tLa &yovcYtL 69tilv [They are all lonians, whoever
had come from Athens and celebrates the festival of the Apatouria]
sive settlers of Ionia. Rather, they provided the leaders and a significant
enough proportion of the people in the migration to establish an ethnic
cohesiveness, while many of the settlers came from elsewhere in Hellas.
Herodotos describes one segment of the original group of settlers as ot o£
autcDV a;-co TOU JtQUtUV11LOU tOU 'AOtlVUL(J)V OQf.t110EVt£t:; xa\, VO!!Ltovtet:;
yEvvm6tatOL Etvm 'Iwvwv [the ones who set out from the Prytaneion in
Athens and believed themselves to be of the purest Ionian blood]
(1.146.2). He continues, ELOL Of JtaVtEt:; 'lwvEt:;, O<JOL an' 'A8Y]Vf(I}V
yEyovam xai, 'AnatOUQLU ayoum OQT~V [They are all Ionians, whoever
had come from Athens and celebrates the festival of the Apatouria]
(1.147.2).46 However, he is also quick to point out the mixture of peoples
involved in the expedition (1.146.1), listing the Abantes from Euboia;
Minyans from Orchomenos; Kadmeians, Dryopians, and Phokians from

Foundations 33
Phokis; Molossians; Arkadian Pelasgians; Dorians from Epidauros; and
other non-Ionic Greeks. Pausanias (7.2.1-4) agrees that the venture was
(1.147.2). 46 However, he is also quick to point out the mixture of peoples

involved in the expedition (1.146.1), listing the Abantes from Euboia;
primarily Ionian but that the sons of Kodros took with them any Athe-
nians who wished to go along, as well as Thebans, Minyans from
Orchomenos, all of the Phokians except the Delphians, and the Abantes
Minyans from Orchomenos; Kadmeians, Dryopians, and Phokians from
from Euboia.
Phokis; Molossians; Arkadian Pelasgians; Dorians from Epidauros; and
The essential features of the myths are recapitulated as follows: The
other non-Ionic Greeks. Pausanias (7.2.1-4) agrees that the venture was
lonians left the Peloponnesos after the arrival there of the Dorians. They
primarily Ionian hut that the sons of Kodros took with them any Athe-
nians who wished to go along, as well as Thebans, Minyans from
took refuge in Attica. Within a few generations, Neleus, son of the Athe-
nian king and born of Pylian ancestry, led them across the Aegean to
found the Ionian duodecapolis. Admittedly, refugees from much of

Orchomenos, all of the Phokians except the Delphians, and the Abantes
Greece joined them in this endeavor, but the lonians formed the core of
from Euboia.
the expedition and provided the basic organizational structure of the The essential features of the myths are recapitulated as follows: The
cities they founded.47
Ionians left the Peloponnesos after the arrival there of the Dorians. They
In evaluating these myths of the Ionian Migration, we can say little
took refuge in Attica. Within a few generations, Neleus, son of the Athe-
about the idea of a central group of refugees from the Peloponnesos. It is
not implausible on the face of it, since the Peloponnesos was the popula-
nian king and born of Pylian ancestry, led them across the Aegean to
tion center of the Mycenaean civilization. Nor is it unlikely that the
found the Ionian duodecapolis. Admittedly, refugees from much of
colonization effort was joined by settlers from throughout Greece, but Greece joined them in this endeavor, but the Ionians formed the core of
without further evidence, we can make no firmer judgment.
the expedition and provided the basic organizational structure of the
Our position is more secure with regard to the Pylian origin of Neleus.
cities they founded.47

Although modern archaeology has proven the importance of Pylos in the
Bronze Age, the Messenian connection to Miletos is probably a fabrica-

In evaluating these myths of the Ionian Migration, we can say little
tion based on a similarity of names. It is the nearly unanimous tradition
about the idea of a central group of refugees from the Peloponnesos. It is
in later Greece that Neleus led the Greeks to lonia. Remembering that the not implausible on the face of it, since the Peloponnesos was the popula-
only other prominent Neleus in Greek tradition was the father of Nestor,
tion center of the Mycenaean civilization. Nor is it unlikely that the
the king of Pylos who was immortalized in the epics of Homer, the
colonization effort was joined by settlers from throughout Greece, but

without further evidence, we can make no firmer judgment.
ancient Greek would necessarily associate the two and feel obliged to
connect them, concluding that Neleus, the founder of lonia, must have
had roots at Pylos in Messenia. Stories then were created to fit this
Our position is more secure with regard to the Pylian origin of Neleus.
46. Connor (1993, 197-98) denies the connection, noting the absence of a month in Although modern archaeology has proven the importance of Pylos in the
Attica named after this festival and postulating from that that Athens was not part of the
Bronze Age, the Messenian connection to Miletos is probably a fa brica-
Ionian kinship group but only adopted the festival at a late date.
tion based on a similarity of names. It is the nearly unanimous tradition

in later Greece that Neleus led the Greeks to Ionia. Remembering that the
47. Cook 1975, 783-84. For other possible non-Attic Greek elements in Miletos in
particular, see Sakellariou 1958, 39-76, 254-68, 367-79.
only other prominent Neleus in Greek tradition was the father of Nestor,
the king of Pylos who was immortalized in the epics of Homer, the
ancient Greek would necessarily associate the two and feel obliged to
connect them, concluding that Neleus, the founder of Ionia, must have
had roots at Pylos in Messenia. Stories then were created to fit this
46. Connor (1993, 197-98) denies the connection, noting the absence of a month in
Attica named after this festival and postulating from that that Athens was not part of the
Ionian kinship group but only adopted the festival at a late date.
47. Cook 1975, 783-84. For other possible non-Attic Greek elements in Miletos in
particular, sec Sakcllariou 1958, 39-76, 254-68, 367- 79.

connection within the dominant tradition that Athens was the launching
place of the Ionian Migration.48 Until other evidence can be found to
corroborate the Messenian connection, it should be discounted as an

artificial construction.
However, the principal feature of the myths, the leading role given to
connection within the dominant tradition that Athens was the launching
place of the Ionian Migration. 48 Until other evidence can be found to
Athens-one of the few cities not destroyed and abandoned in the up-
heavals of the early Dark Ages-is almost certainly historical. It is evi-
denced not only by traditional accounts but also by dialect, social institu-
corroborate the Messenian connection, it should be discounted as an
tions, and ceramic finds. To begin with tradition, the idea that Athens
arrjficial construction.
was the point of origin for the Ionian Migration is clearly quite old. It is
However, the principal feature of the myths, the leading role given to
first attested in the work of the Athenian leader Solon (Arist. Ath. Pol. 5
Athens-one of the few cities not destroyed and abandoned in the up-
heavals of the early Dark Ages-is almost certainly historical. It is evi-
= fr. 4 Diehl), who portrays Athens as the ancestral home of lonians
(meo3 atfrlv yaL yv 'Iaovtrg [oldest land of lonia]). The existence ca.
600 B.C.E. of this belief in the Athenian ancestry of lonia means that the
denced not only by traditional accounts but also by dialect, social institu-
idea was not an invention to serve Athenian imperial purposes during the
tions, and ceramic finds. To begin with tradition, the idea that Athens
zenith of that city's power in the fifth century. was the point of origin for the Ionian Migration is clearly quite old. It is
The next appearance of the tradition in the historical record indicates
first attested in the work of the Athenian leader Solon (Arist. Ath. Pol. 5
the importance of the idea in the second half of the fifth century. In the
= fr. 4 Diehl), who portrays Athens as the ancestral home of Tonians

(JtQW~tn;cn:Y]V yai:av 'IaovlY]<; roldest land of Ionial ). The ex istence ca.
Herodotean account, the belief in the Athenian mother city formed an
integral part of the argument of Aristagoras of Miletos when he ap-
proached the Athenians to ask for help in the Ionian Revolt of 499.
600 B.C.E. of this belief in the Athenian ancestry of Ionia means that the
Herodotos relates how Aristagoras went first to Lakedaimonia, where his idea was not an invention to serve Athenian imperial purposes during the
mission failed. He then proceeded to Athens, where, as at Sparta, his plea
zenith of that city's power in the fifth century.
was based on a twofold appeal: to self-interest and to right.
The next appearance of the tradition in the historical record indicates

Fiek6ov 6 ~ it- tv bi6fov 6 'AQLtcotay6oQlg tartu 8keye t xa 8v
Tfi n6atBo m tEQLi) v &yaOtv Tziv c v fi 'Aod x tx o 1io0 ok)eiov

the importance of the idea in the second half of the fifth century. In the
oi0 Heotxof,, 6'g o~ite &octr6a o5te o66v vo[ovo ovcYLt e tFeg te
Herodotean account, the belief in the Athenian mother city formed an
XeLQWmOflvaLt eFtouv. (2) tata te 8 61 keye xat og toLot Lte8, integral part of the argument of Aristagoras of Miletos when he ap-
bg oi MtkiLOtoi TJzv 'A6rvautov etoL &otxot, xau oix6g og eag
proached the Athenians to ask for help in the Ionian Revolt of 499.
sr veYcOut 6vvcatvovg ya. xcL oi ev 6 t ovvx utoxeto o La
Herodotos relates how Aristagoras went first to Lakedaimonia, where his

xa a 66eo evog, eg 6 cv T8ec oxo;eag.
mission failed. He then proceeded to Athens, where, as at Sparta, his plea

[Coming before the assembly, Aristagoras said the things he had
said at Sparta about the good things in Asia and about Persian
was based on a twofold appeal: to self-interest and to right.
48. Str. 14.1.6 = Ephor. FGH 70 F 127; Ael. VH 8.5; Marm. Par. FGH 239 F 27; Polyb.
16.12.1-2; Polyain. 8.35; Kallim. Art. 225. Mimnermos (fr. 12 Diehl) says that the Ionian
r n t:)d:lwv oi:: £nt tov o~~wv 6 'AgLatay6g11 ; mtn:a liA.qt: ta xa[ £v

t'fj LJt<XQtll Jt€QL t&v a ya8&v t&v EV t'fj 'Aoln xaL toil JtOAE~LOU
city Kolophon was founded by Pylos.
toil Ilt:gmxoil, w; OUt€ aonll'la OUt€ l'l6gu VOf!Lt oum €UJt€tE€<; T€

Xt:Lgm8f]vm t:'LY]oav. (2) tailta tt: l'l~ liA.qt: x ai, :;tgo; toi:m tcXb t:,
Ol<; ot MLA.~mOL t&v 'A8r]V<XLOJV dol, aJtOLXOL, xaL otx6; o¢m;
t:'LY] QVW8m OUV<Xf!EVOU<; [!Eya. xaL oubEv 0 tL oux VJtLOX€tO 0 la
xagta 0£0[!£VO<;, E<; 0 UVCJt£LOE o¢w;.
[Coming before the assembly, Aristagoras said the things he had

said at Sparta about the good things in Asia and about Persian
48. Str. 14.1.6 = Ephor. FGH 70 F 127; Ael. VH 8.5; Marm. Par. FGH 239 F 27; Polyb.
16.12.1-2; Polyain. 8.35; Kallim. Art. 225. Mimnennos (fr. 12 Diehl) says that the Ionian
city Kolophon was founded by Pylos.
warfare, how they did not use shields or spears and were easy to
conquer. In addition to these arguments, he said that the Milesians
were colonists of the Athenians, and so it was fitting for them to

Foundations 35
come to help, since they were so mighty. And there was nothing that
he did not promise that they might want until he persuaded them.]
warfare, how they did not use shields or spears and were easy to
conquer. In addition to these arguments, he said that the Milesians
(Hdt. 5.97.1-2)49
Aristagoras could only appeal to the Spartans as fellow Greeks (&vboug
6otaitovag [men of the same blood] Hdt. 5.49.3),5o but at Athens he

were colonists of the Athenians, and so it was fitting for them to
could invoke the ties of close kinship, saying that the Milesians were
come to help, since they were so mighty. And there was nothing that
colonists (&amoLxzo) of the Athenians, and here he was successful. Aris-
he did not promise that they might want until he persuaded them.]
tagoras's tactic in this argument points to a widespread familiarity among
(Hdt. 5.97.1-2) 49
the Athenian demos with the idea that Athens played a major role in the
Ionian Migration.
It might be objected that Herodotos casts doubt on the veracity of the

Aristagoras could only appeal to the Spartans as fellow Greeks (avbgac;
tradition that Aristagoras invokes, when, commenting on the Athenian
O[LULfWVa<; [men of the same blood] Hdt. 5.49.3), 50 but at Athens he
decision to help the lonians, the historian remarks, oXXoig yao oUxe
could invoke the ties of close kinship, saying that the Milesians were
eivat euteoereoov 8 6a fOXXev i 'va [for it seems to be easier to deceive
colonists (cbtoLY.OL) of the Athenians, and here he was successful. Aris-

tagoras's tactic in this argument points to a widespread familiarity among
many than one] (5.97.2). Clearly Herodotos thinks that Aristagoras is
being dishonest in his argument. But it is equally clear that the deceitful
element is not in the claim that the Milesians were colonists of the Athe-
the Athenian demos with the idea that Athens played a major role in the
nians. Rather, since Aristagoras tried to trick both the Lakedaimonians
Ionian Migration.
and the Athenians, the dishonesty must lie in that part of the argument
It might be objected that Herodotos casts doubt on the veracity of the
common to both speeches: the promise that the unwarlike Persians could
tradition that Aristagoras invokes, when, commenting on the Athenian

be easily defeated and the riches of Asia readily attained. This conclusion
decision to help the Ionians, the historian remarks, Jto/,A.ouc:; yag olxE
is confirmed by Herodotos's words at 5.50. Here Aristagoras, who up to
that point was successfully deceiving (8&6a(3XXwv) the Spartan king

dvat UJJtELEOTEQOV bwl)aHELV 11 l!va [for it seems to be easier to deceive
Kleomenes about the situation in Asia, foolishly let slip the fact that
many than one] (5.97.2). Clearly Herodotos thinks that Aristagoras is
the Persian seat of government was three months' journey from the lo-
being dishonest in his argument. But it is equally clear that the deceitful
nian coast. Kleomenes now realized the true difficulty of the undertaking
element is not in the claim that the Milesians were colonists of the Athe-
Aristagoras was promoting; he saw through the Milesian effort at deceit.
nians. Rather, since Aristagoras tried to trick both the Lakedaimonians

Thus, it is apparent that Herodotos's criticism of the gullibility of the
Athenian demos implies skepticism not about the close affinity of Athens
and the Athenians, the dishonesty must lie in that part of the argument
and Miletos but about the ease of the task Aristagoras proposed.
common to both speeches: the promise that the unwarlike Persians could
The strength of this tradition at Athens is confirmed by Herodotos's be easily defeated and the riches of Asia readily attained. This conclusion
49. Diogenes Laertes (1.44) records a purported letter of Thales to Solon in which Thales
is confirmed by Herodotus's words at 5.50. Here Aristagoras, who up to

calls Miletos an Athenian colony.
that point was successfully deceiving (OLaf>aHwv) the Spartan king

50. Cf. Hdt. 8.144.2: rto6 EXXvixov, e6v o t4aLov re xaL 66yXoooov [the Greek
nation, being of the same blood and speaking the same language].
Kleomenes about the situation in Asia, foolishly let slip the fact that
the Persian seat of government was three months' journey from the Io-
nian coast. Kleomenes now realized the true difficulty of the undertaking
Aristagoras was promoting; he saw through the Milesian effort at deceit.
Thus, it is apparent that Herodotos's criticism of the gullibility of the
Athenian demos implies skepticism not about the close affinity of Athens
and Miletos but about the ease of the task Aristagoras proposed.
The strength of this tradition at Athens is confirmed by Herodotos's
49. Diogenes Laertes ( 1.44) records a purported letter ofThales to Solon in which Thales
calls Miletos an Athenian colony.

50. Cf. Hdt. 8.144.2: to 'EU.llVLxov, EOV Of.LaL~LOv "t£ x al O[.Loyl,waaov [the Greek
nation, being of the same blood and speaking the same language].
account of the fall of Miletos in 494 B.C.E. The Athenian reaction to the
news amply illustrates the special relationship between the two cities; of
all the Greek world, the Athenians were particularly moved and demon-
strated publicly their intense emotion.
'AOrlvatLoL v yh i v kov 1 O riouv folQeaoxOe8 0veg tfi Mi)frtov
account of the fall of Miletos in 494 II.C.E. The Athenian reaction to the
news amply illustrates the special relationship between the two cities; of
A)IcJt 1i t &1 mokk(LXfi xzac 8U 1 xac ot ouvt qviFovvxo 86964a
Mit ov &)ov xzai 8t i6 avt ig 8(xov6 t8 oe oe to6 fItoov xcL
rtj ody tv c g avagv ouva olxi at xaxa x tLotD 8Oax)riot,

all the Greek world, the Athenians were particularly moved and demon-
xaL nrttav irp-xitt 6eva XQ6OuL otovrp t 8Qapaqrt.
strated publicly their intense emotion.
[For the Athenians made it clear that they were extremely grieved
'A811YaLOL !!CY yag ofjf..ov EJIOL11Gav umgaxewe£vn::~ TTI Mt/, ~TOU

at the capture of Miletos, in many other ways, and especially when
Phrynichos made and produced a play, The Capture of Miletos,
and the audience fell into tears and they [the Athenians] fined him
a/,ciJGL 1ll1£ ann rrof..Aax11 x.at 0~ X.aL JIOL~Gavu <l>QUYLXO.J OQiilla
a thousand drachmas for reminding them of their own personal
Mtf.. ~lOU af..mmv x.al, OLOasaVTL E~ Oax.gua 1:'E EJIWE 1:'0 8EY]1'QOV x.al,
disaster, and they decreed that no one was to stage that play ever
E~YJ!llmaav !!LV oJ~ ava11v~aav•a o[x.~ta x.ax.a xtf..tnm bgax~tftm,
again.] (Hdt. 6.21.2; cf. Str. 14.1.7)
x.al, EJIEmsav !lYJ'X.E1:'L !l110Eva xgao8at TOUttp t0 OQU!-!atL.

The grief of the Athenians must be understood in the context of the
indifference of the Sybarites, which Herodotos counterpoises to the Athe-
nian reaction (6.21.1-2).

[For the Athenians made it clear that they were extremely grieved
a60o0ot 8 f a0ta Mta Golototoioo oIegov o x AnIfooav tIhV
at the capture of Miletos, in many other ways, and especially when
6~tortv Iv agi(Otat, of A6v t8 oxzc Ex6oov o'xeov ti~g 6oktog
Phrynichos made and produced a play, The Capture of Miletos,

and the audience fell into tears and they [the Athenians] fined him
aceoteogQ vot. Ivflaotog haoX akor;ong o K ootwvtl -oev Mt-
)tcioi tavt;eg hil6ov aexe'ztvto Ag zxe; a g x;a vOog hyaa
aQooe0lvxavo' 6tLg ; yaiat atXctota 861 TOv tleg [L8tev

a thousand drachmas for reminding them of their own personal
o&fkiQart 8tLvthrofv. o,68v 6toLcOg xca' 'AOrva nor
disaster, and they decreed that no one was to stage that play ever
[The Sybarites, who had lost their city and were living at Laos and
again.] (Hdt. 6.21.2; cf. Str. 14.1.7)
Skidros, did not return a similar sympathy to the Milesians, who
were suffering these things at the hands of the Persians. For when
Sybaris was destroyed by the people of Kroton [ca. 510], all of the
The grief of the Athenians must be understood in the context of the
Milesian adults shaved their heads and assumed a posture of ex-
indifference of the Sybarites, which Herodotos counterpoises to the Athe-
treme grief. For these two cities especially, of all the cities I know,
nian reaction (6.21.1-2).
were bound to each other in friendship. But the Athenians did not
act likewise.]
rra8oilot OE tailta Mtt.llOtOLOL ;ego~ IlEQOEmv oux ani::booav tllY

611ohlv ~u~agi:tm, ot Aa6v TE xal, ~x.i,ogov otx.Eov tfj~ rr6f..w~
CtJtWtEQY]~tt';vm. ~U~UQLO~ yag at,OUG'll~ U;tO KQOt(J)VLY]TEO)V Mt-
A~OLOL JtaYtE~ ~~Y]OOV Ct;tE'X.ElQaYtO ta~ 'X.E<jla),a:; x.at rrevOo~ !!Eya

rrgooEOi1x.avTO· n6f..tE~ yag a~tm 11af..wTa 611 toJY 1w£i~ tollEY
aHilf,1lOL ESELVcD8Y]OUY. oUOEV O!lOLO)~ x.al, 'A811Vai:m'
[The Sybarites, who had lost their city and were living at Laos and
Skidros, did not return a similar sympathy to the Milesians, who
were suffering these things at the hands of the Persians. For when
Syharis was destroyed by the people of Kroton [ca. 510], all of the
Milesian adults shaved their heads and assumed a posture of ex-
treme grief. For these two cities especially, of all the cities I know,
were bound to each other in friendship. But the Athenians did not
act likewise.]
At this point, Herodotos relates the Athenian reaction, as just quoted. By
the selection of these two cities out of all of the Greek world, Herodotos
is pressing the particular point that they had the closest ties to Miletos. Of
Foundations 37
all the Greeks, the Sybarites are the nearest xenoi ( etvt6fluov)-those
bound by ties of friendship but not blood. The Athenians, however,
At this point, Herodotos relates the Athenian reaction, as just quoted. By

the selection of these two cities out of all of the Greek world, Herodotos
consider the calamitous events at Miletos to be their own personal disas-
ter [oiz xI a xxa].51 Therefore, the contrast Herodotos establishes be-
tween Sybaris and Athens points to a particularly close blood relationship

is pressing the particular point that they had the closest ties to Miletos. Of
between Miletos and Athens.
all the Greeks, the Sybarites are the nearest xenoi ( E~ELVOJ8YJaav)-rhose
Of course, the evidence of the literary tradition only establishes that
bound by ties of friendship but not blood. The Athenians, however,
the belief in the Athenian origin of the Ionian Migration was current at
consider the calamitous events at Miletos to be their own personal disas-

Athens from at least 600 B.C.E. It does not prove the substance of
ter [ob~·hLa xaxa].51 Therefore, the contrast Herodotos establishes be-

that tradition. However, other kinds of evidence support this view. Lin-
guistically, the dialects of Attic and Ionic are certainly very closely re-
tween Sybaris and Athens points to a particularly close blood relationship
lated, so much so that they are usually treated under the same name,
between Miletos and Athens.
Attic-Ionic (Doric, Aiolic, and Arcado-Cyprian are the other three major Of course, the evidence of the literary tradition only establishes that
language families). This affinity implies a common ancestry in the East
the belief in the Athenian origin of the Ionian Migration was current at
Greek dialect that was already distinguished from West Greek dialect in
Athens from at least 600 R.C.E. It does not prove the substance of
the Mycenaean Linear B records from about 1400 B.C.E. Chadwick
postulates that some of the differences between Attic and Ionic are West
that tradition. However, other kinds of evidence support this view. Lin-
Greek elements resulting from "the mixture of populations common in
guistically, the dialects of Attic and Ionic are certainly very closely re-
colonial enterprises."52 lated, so much so that they are usually treated under the same name,
The evidence from the calendar points in the same direction. Clearly
Attic-Ionic (Doric, Aiolic, and Arcado-Cyprian are the other three major
the Ionian calendar and the Attic calendar share a common ancestry,
language families). This affinity implies a common ancestry in the East

probably of quite early date since the Greek calendar is a construct of the
greatest stability and continuity, undergoing only occasional additions

Greek dialect that was already distinguished from West Greek dialect in
and even more infrequent alterations. While every Greek city-state had
the Mycenaean Linear B records from about 1400 B.C.E. Chadwick
its own calendar and the basic structure was everywhere the same- postulates that some of the differences between Attic and Ionic are West
twelve lunar months, alternating between twenty-nine and thirty days,
Greek elements resulting from "the mixture of populations common in
leaving an annual deficit of eleven and one-quarter days53-the details
colonial enterprises." 52
of the different calendars can be useful in establishing affinities be-
The evidence from the calendar points in the same direction. Clearly
tween cities. It is therefore significant that, outside of lonia, the Milesian
51. According to an alternate interpretation (Roisman 1988), these evils are personal to
the Ionian calendar and the Attic calendar share a common ancestry,
the Athenians not because of the reference to Miletos as kin but because the play reminded probably of quite early date since the Greek calendar is a construct of the
the audience of Athenian problems having to do with the Persian threat in the first invasion.
greatest stability and continuity, undergoing only occasional additions
For yet another view, see Rosenbloom 1993.
and even more infrequent alterations. While every Greek city-state had
its own calendar and the basic structure was everywhere the same-
52. Chadwick 1975, 811-12. For the origins and characteristics of Attic and Ionic, see
also Buck 1955. For Milesian inscriptions in particular, see Scherer 1934.
53. Samuel 1972.

twelve lunar months, alternating between twenty-nine and thirty days,
leaving an annual deficit of eleven and one-quarter days 53 -the details
of the different calendars can be useful in establishing affinities be-
tween cities. It is therefore significant that, outside of Ionia, the Milesian
51. According to an alternate interpretation (Roisman 1988), these evils are personal to
the Athenians not because of the reference to Miletos as kin but because the play reminded
the audience of Athenian problems having to do with the Persian threat in the first invasion.
For yet another view, see Rosenbloom 1993.
52. Chadwick 1975, 811-12. For the origins and characteristics of Attic and Ionic, see
also Buck 1955. For Milesian inscriptions in particular, see Scherer 1934.
53. Samuel 1972.
calendar most closely resembles that of Athens: six of the twelve months
have very similar names, and in both cities they follow the same order.
Because of the scanty Archaic remains from Miletos, its calendar must be
deduced from the evidence of the colonies, and a remarkable confirma-
tion of both the order and the names has been discovered only at Olbia,
calendar most closely resembles that of Athens: six of the twelve months
have very similar names, and in both cities they follow the same order.
where a graffito lists the months written in a spiral on the inside of a
fifth-century dish.54 From this evidence, we conclude that the months
at Miletos were, in order, Taureon, T(h)argelion, Kalamaion, Panemos,

Because of the scanty Archaic remains from Miletos, its calendar must be
Metageitnion, Boedromion, Kyanepsion, Apatoureon (or Apaturion), Po-
deduced from the evidence of the colonies, and a remarkable confirma-
sideon, Lenaion, Anthesterion, and Artemision.55 The year probably be-
tion of both the order and the names has been discovered only at Olbia,
gan in the spring, with the first visibility of the crescent moon after the
where a graffito lists the months written in a spiral on the inside of a

equinox. The first month was Taureon, which opened with the main
fifth-century dish.54 From this evidence, we conclude that the months

festival of Apollo Delphinios.56
In addition to the calendar, social divisions are also useful for identify-
at Miletos were, in order, Taureon, T(h)argelion, Kalamaion, Panemos,
ing affinities between various Greek peoples, since the citizens of Greek
Metageitnion, Boedromion, Kyanepsion, Apatoureon (or Apaturion), Po-
poleis were commonly divided into several tribes, probably established at sideon, Lenaion, Anthesterion, and Artemision. 55 The year probably be-
the time of the development of the polis throughout Greece and so not
gan in the spring, with the first visibility of the crescent moon after the
antedating the ninth or eighth century B.C.E. In the Archaic era, Miletos,
equinox. The first month was Taureon, which opened with the main
as well as Ephesos, Samos, Teos, and probably much of lonia, had six
tribes, or phylai (4v) ac): Geleontes, Hopletes, Aigicoreis, Argadeis,

festival of Apollo Delphinios.s6
Boreis, and Oinipes.57 Because there is no inscriptional testimony for the
In addition to the calendar, social divisions are also useful for identify-
existence of the six tribes in Miletos before the destruction of the city in ing affinities between various Greek peoples, since the citizens of Greek
494, we must necessarily rely on indirect evidence: they are so thoroughly
poleis were commonly divided into several tribes, probably established at
attested in so many of the Milesian colonies as to leave little doubt that
the time of the development of the polis throughout Greece and so not
54. Rusjaeva 1979, 15-16; Ehrhardt 1983, 118 n. 247. A photograph of the bowl is
available in Vinogradov and Kryzickij 1995, ill. 106-1. For copious colonial evidence for
antedating the ninth or eighth century B.C.E. In the Archaic era, Miletos,
the month names, see Ehrhardt 1983, passim.
as well as Ephesos, Samos, Teos, and probably much of Ionia, had six
55. Samuel 1972, 114-18. For the month Kyanepsion, one also finds the names tribes, or phylai (<j)v/,aL): Geleontes, H opletes, Aigicoreis, Argadeis,
Kyanopsion, Pyanepsion, or Pyanopsion. Compare the Athenian months: Munychion,
Boreis, and Oinipes. 57 Because there is no inscriptional testimony for the
Thargelion, Skirophorion, Hekatombaion, Metageitnion, Boedromion, Pyanepsion, Mai-
existence of the six tribes in Miletos before the destruction of the city in
makterion, Posideon, Gamelion, Anthesterion, and Elaphebolion. See Bilabel 1920, 70;
494, we must necessarily rely on indirect evidence: they are so thoroughly

Ehrhardt 1983, 114 n. 154.
56. The beginning of the year is a disputed topic. Rehm (Milet 1.3.230-34), followed by
attested in so many of the Milesian colonies as to leave little doubt that
Samuel (1972, 114-15), thinks that the Archaic and Classical calendar began in the autumn
54. Rusj aeva 1979, 15- 16; Ehrhardt 1983, 118 n. 247. A photograph of the bowl is
in the month Boedromion, while the Hellenistic calendar began with the spring equinox, in
available in Vinogradov and Kryzickij 1995, ill. 106-1. For copious colonial evidence for
the spring month of Taureon. Bilabel (1920, 67-80) disagrees and, on the basis of a
the month names, see Ehrhardt 1983, passim.

comparison with Kyzikos, argues that Taureon was always the beginning of the year. Cf.
55. Samuel 1972, 114-18. For the month Kyanepsion, one also finds the names
Ehrhardt 1983, 113-26. That the Molpoi Decree establishes that Taureon contained the
Kyanopsion, Pyanepsion, or Pyanopsion. Compare the Athenian months: Munychion,

festival in which the eponymous officials change for the year (see chap. 5) is convincing
Thargelion, Skirophorion, Hekatombaion, l\1etageitnion, Boedromion, Pyanepsion, Mai-
evidence that the year began then.
makterion, Posideon, Gamelion, Anthesterion, and Elaphebolion. See Bilabel 1920, 70;
57. Sakellariou 1958, 47-76, 254-58; Roebuck 1961; Harris 1971, 48-54; Roussel Ehrhardt 1.983, 114 n. 154.
1976, passim; Jones 1987, 320-27 and passim; Ehrhardt 1983, 98-103.
56. The beginning of the year is a disputed topic. Rehm (Milet 1.3.230-34 ), followed by
Samuel (1972, 114-15), thinks that the Archaic and Classical calendar began in the autumn
in the month Boedromion, while the H ellenistic calendar began with the spring equinox, in
the spring month of Taureon. Bilabel (1 920, 67- 80 ) disagrees and, on the basis of a
comparison with Kyzikos, argues that Taureon was always the beginning of the year. Cf.
Ehrhardt 1983, 113-26. That the Molpoi Decree establishes that Taureon contained the
festival in which the eponymous officials change for the year (sec chap. 5) is convincing
evidence that the year began then.
57. Sakellariou 1958, 47- 76, 254-58; Roebuck 1961; Harris 1971, 48-54; Roussel
1976, passim; Jones 1987, :l20- 27 and passim; Ehrhardt 198:l, 98-lO:l.
they were derived from the mother city (even though they probably do not
date back to the time of the migration itself). The terminus ante quem for
the presence of all six tribes at Miletos is the founding of Kyzikos in 679
Foundations 39
B.C.E., because that colony possesses the same tribes: an inscription there
dating to Roman times preserves the names of four tribes: Argadeis,
they were derived from the mother city (even though they probably do not
date back to the time of the migration itself). The terminus ante quem for
Geleontes, Boreis, and Aigicoreis (CIG 3664.29, 61). A second inscrip-
tion lists five of the tribes-Argadeis, Geleontes, Aigicoreis, Hopletes,
and Oinipes-but omits Boreis (CIG 3665.13, 26, 32, 47).58

the presence of all six tribes at Miletos is the founding of Kyzikos in 679
Only four of the tribes are directly attested in Classical Miletos. Three-
li.C.E., because that colony possesses the same tribes: an inscription there
Hopletes, Oinipes, and Boreis-come from the Molpoi inscription of the
dating to Roman times preserves the names of four tribes: Argadeis,
fifth century (Milet 1.3 #133.1-5), while a fourth, the Argadeis, is re-
Geleontes, Boreis, and Aigicoreis (CIG 3664.29, 61). A second inscrip-

tion lists five of the tribes-Argadeis, Geleontes, Aigicoreis, Hopletes,
corded in a Classical inscription from the theater (Wiegand 1904, 85 =
Mil. Inv. 451). The remaining two tribes remain unattested in the few
extant inscriptions from Classical Miletos, and because the government

and Oinipes-but omits Boreis (CJG 3665.13, 26, 32, 47).58
and tribal organization of Miletos were changed in the middle of the fifth
Only four of the tribes are directly attested in Classical Miletos. Three-
century B.C.E., there is no possibility of later corroboration of them. The Hopletes, Oinipes, and Boreis-come from the Molpoi inscription of the
confirmation of four out of six of the Archaic tribes is sufficient evidence to
fifth century (Milet 1.3 #133.1-5), while a fourth, the Argadeis, is re-
postulate the existence of the remaining two tribes as well in Classical
corded in a Classical inscription from the theater (Wiegand 1904, 85 =

Miletos.59
These six tribes endured at Miletos into the Classical era, until the
Mil. lnv. 451). The remaining two tribes remain unattested in the few
58. Ehrhardt (1983, 100 n. 24, 102 nn. 45-53) lists copious other similar attestations at
extant inscriptions from Classical Miletos, and because the government
Kyzikos and at other Milesian colonies: inscriptions from Istros (founded 657) list Argadeis, and tribal organization of Miletos were changed in the middle of the fifth
Aigicoreis, Boreis, and probably also Geleontes, while Tomis (founded ca. 500) has attesta-
century li.C.E., there is no possibility of later corroboration of them. The
tions of all six.
confirmation of four out of six of the Archaic tribes is sufficient evidence to

59. The internal organization of the tribes is not well known, since there is no Archaic or
Classical testimony at Miletos for the usual subdivisions fround in Greek cities: phratrai,
postulate the existence of the remaining two tribes as well in Classical
patriai, or demoi. There is some indication that some sort of tribal subdivision did exist.
Miletos. 59
Two inscriptions combine tribal names with ordinal numbers. The first, a fifth-century These six tribes endured at Miletos into the Classical era, until the
inscription on the back of a sixth-century statue of two seated women, reads 'OOV10Cov
6eor e gg [the second of Hoplethes] (Dunst 1961, 272= Mil. Inv. 1623). Dunst dates the 58. Ehrhardt (1983, 100 n. 24, 102 nn. 45-53) lists copious other similar attestations at
letter forms to ca. 400 B.C.E., but this is probably too late according to Pi&rart (1983, 4-5).
Kyzikos and at other Milesian colonies: inscriptions from lstros (founded 657) list Argadeis,
The second inscription, on a stone from the area of the theater, reads 'AQyax6eov TOfl]
Aigicoreis, Bareis, and probably also Geleontes, while Tomis (founded ca. 500) bas attesta-
[the first of Argadeis] (Wiegand 1904, 85). In addition, in the Molpoi Decree, two
tions of all six.
prosetairoi are said to come from each of the tribes Hopletes and Boreis (Milet 1.3 #133.2-
59. The internal organization of the tribes is not well known, since there is no Archaic or
Classical testimony at Miletos for the usual subdivisions fround in Greek cities: phratrai,
3), which implies that they may represent subdivisions within each tribe. However, these
patriai, or demoi. There is some indication that some sort of tribal subdivision did exist.
subdivisions are not named, either by political unit or by proper name, nor do we know
Two inscriptions combine tribal names with ordinal numbers. The first, a fifth-century
whether such subdivisions were original to the tribal division or enacted later.
inscription on the back of a sixth-century statue of two seated women, reads ' 0Jt'-ll0wv
The demoi existed in Hellenistic Miletos but were very different from their counterparts
6EOTEQ11£ [the second of Hopletbes] (Dunst 1961, 272 = Mil. lnv. 1623). Dunst dates the
at Athens. In both states they were geographical units, but in Miletos they were dependent
letter forms to ca. 400 B.C.E., bur this is probably too late according to Pieratt (1983, 4-5 ).
entirely on a citizen's current place of residence and changed when that citizen moved
The second inscription, on a stone from the area of the theater, reads 'AQyal\ixov JtQWt11
outside of that residence. They were probably not created at Miletos until the fourth or [the first of Argadeis] (Wiegand 1904, 85). In addition, in the Molpoi Decree, two
third century B.C.E., so they are outside the scope of this study. For a comprehensive
prosetairoi are said to come from each of the tribes Hopletes and Boreis (Milet 1.3 #133.2-
discussion of the issue, see Pierart 1979, 1983, and 1985.
3 ), which implies that they may represent subdivisions within each tribe. H owever, these
subdivisions are not named, either by political unit or by proper name, nor do we know
whether such subdivisions were original to the tribal division or enacted later.
The demoi existed in Hellenistic Miletos but were very different from their counterparts
at Athens. In both states they were geographical units, but in Miletos they were dependent
entirely on a citizen's current place of residence and changed when that citizen moved
outside of that residence. They were probably not created at M iletos until the fourth or
third century B.C.E., so they are outside the scope of this study. For a comprehensive
discussinn nf the issue, see Pierart 1979, 198.1, and 1985.
Athenian reorganization of the city in the middle of the fifth century.
Because four tribes (Geleontes, Hopletes, Aigicoreis, Argadeis) cor-
respond to the four pre-Kleisthenic tribes in Attica, they confirm the

very ancient ties between Athens and Miletos. The other two tribes have
no apparent connection with Athens: they may have been of Asian
Athenian reorganization of the city in the middle of the fifth century.

Because four tribes (Geleontes, Hopletes, Aigicoreis, Argadeis) cor-
origin, although equally their names may well trace back to Boros and
Oinopion, the legendary heroes who were remembered in Thessaly,
Boiotia, and Crete.60 Perhaps they represent the non-Attic elements of

respond to the four pre-Kleisthenic tribes in Attica, they confirm the
the population.
very ancient ties between Athens and Miletos. The other two tribes have
The evidence of social institutions is consistent with the tradition that
no apparent connection with Athens: they may have been of Asian
Athens was the mother city of Miletos. However, this interpretation is
origin, although equally their names may well trace hack to Boros and
Oinopion, the legendary heroes who were remembered in Thessaly,
not universally accepted. Some scholars oppose the prevailing view of
kinship and colonization and maintain instead that this idea is a construct
based on excessive admiration of lonia in the Archaic period.61 In short,

Boiotia, and Crete.60 Perhaps they represent the non-Attic elements of
they argue, it is impossible to determine from the evidence available
the population.
either the timing or the direction of the influence between lonia and The evidence of social institutions is consistent with the tradition that
Athens. According to this conjecture, the legends all assume an Athenian
Athens was the mother city of Miletos. However, this interpretation is

foundation for lonia, but actually the idea of an Ionian identity developed
not universally accepted. Some scholars oppose the prevailing view of

gradually in Asia Minor and then spread back over to Athens, where it
was at first embraced (before ca. 600) and then repudiated (particularly
kinship and colonization and maintain instead that this idea is a construct
by the fifth century). This theory is certainly provocative, serving as a
based on excessive admiration of Ionia in the Archaic period.61 In short,
reminder that little can be said with much certainty about the early Dark they argue, it is impossible to determine from the evidence available
Ages. However, strong considerations weigh against it. The archaeologi-
either the timing or the direction of the influence between Ionia and
cal record has indisputably established that in the Submycenaean period,
Athens. According to this conjecture, the legends all assume an Athenian

Miletos was inhabited by a new people who were not closely related to
the previous Mycenaean inhabitants who had to come from somewhere

foundation for Ionia, but actually the idea of an Ionian identity developed
Greek. To maintain that Athens was not involved in this settlement, one
gradually in Asia Minor and then spread back over to Athens, where it
must plausibly explain by other means the undoubtedly close relationship was at first embraced (before ca. 600) and then repudiated (particularly
between Athens and Miletos reflected in our earliest post-Mycenaean
by the fifth century). This theory is certainly provocative, serving as a
evidence. It is best to argue that, as the legends say, Miletos was founded
reminder that little can be said with much certainty about the early Dark
from Athens, a city famous for the continuity of its settlement throughout
Ages. However, strong considerations weigh against it. The archaeologi-

the Bronze Age and the Dark Ages. This closeness was preserved through-
60. Sakellariou 1958, 256-58; Roebuck 1961, 499-500.

cal record has indisputably established that in the Submycenaean period,
61. Cassola 1957, 246-56; Sakellariou 1958; Connor 1993. Cassola believes that the Miletos was inhabited by a new people who were not closely related to
transfer of tribal names worked from lonia to Attica. This theory does not explain why the
the previous Mycenaean inhabitants who had to come from somewhere
last two tribal names were left behind (perhaps they were late additions?); besides, there is
Greek. To maintain that Athens was not involved in this settlement, one
no other concrete evidence of any such institutional transfer from east to west. Sakellariou
must plausibly explain by other means the undoubtedly close relationship

(1958, 47, 255; refuted by Roebuck 1961, 498) minimizes the Athenian element by arguing
that the four tribes were common to Greece in Mycenaean times, but the names have in fact
between Athens and Miletos reflected in our earliest post-Mycenaean
only survived in Attica, the primary towns of lonia, and Delos.
evidence. It is best to argue that, as the legends say, Miletos was founded
from Athens, a city famous for the continuity of its settlement throughout
the Bronze Age and the Dark Ages. This closeness was preserved through-
60. Sakcllariou 1958, 256- 58; Roebuck 1961, 499- 500.

61. Cassola 1957, 246-56; Sakellariou 1958; Connor 1993. Cassola believes that the
transfer of tribal names worked from Tonia to Attica. This theory does not explain why the
last two tribal names were left behind (perhaps they were late additions?); besides, there is
no other concrete evidence of any such institutional transfer from east to west. Sakellariou
(1958, 47, 255; refuted by Roebuck 1961, 498) minimizes the Athenian element by arguing
that the four tribes were common to Greece in Mycenaean times, but the names have in fact
only survived in Attica, the primary towns of Ionia, and Delos.
out the Dark Ages: since it is quite unlikely that tribal and calendar
names, for example, were already in place in the Submycenaean period of
the migration, they must have arisen as common customs of cities that
Foundations 41
reflected their close kinship by developing those institutions shared so
prominently in the historical era.
out the Dark Ages: since tt ts quite unlikely that tribal and calendar
names, for example, were already in place in the Submycenaean period of
Furthermore, the strongest support for the Athenian origin of Miletos
lies in the ceramic remains of the period of the migration itself. Consider-
ing the earliest pottery found on top of the destruction in LH III C (ca.
the migration, they must have arisen as common customs of cities that
1065)-pottery that is for the most part made of native clay-one
reflected their close kinship by developing those institutions shared so
scholar notes:
prominently in the historical era.
One thing at least is clear, the very close similarity to the shapes and
Furthermore, the strongest support for the Athenian origin of Miletos

decorative motives that one finds in Athens-skyphoi with concen-
lies in the ceramic remains of the period of the migration itself. Consider-
tric circles, and an occasional central rectilinear panel, kraters with
rectilinear panels, lekythoi with semicircles (one with hour glass

ing the earliest pottery found on top of the destruction in LH Ill C (ca.
filling), and vertical wiggly lines-some of the sherds could come
1065)-pottery that is for the most part made of native clay-one
from trefoil-lipped oinochoai-and amphora sherds with lan- scholar notes:
guettes and vertical lines on the shoulder.... [There are local pecu-
liarities, but] on the whole, however, the parallels with Athens seem
One thing at least is clear, the very close similarity to the shapes and
remarkable.62
Moreover, these affinities with Attic pottery are found in material that
decorative motives that one finds in Athens-skyphoi with concen-
precedes the development at Athens of the widely influential Protogeo-
tric circles, and an occasional central rectilinear panel, kraters with
metric ware. In all probability, the similarity is best explained by settlers rectilinear panels, lekythoi with semicircles (one with hour glass
moving from Athens to Miletos.
filling), and vertical wiggly lines-some of the sherds could come
This same connection between Milesian and Athenian ceramic gives us
from trefoil-lipped oinochoai-and amphora sherds with lan-

the information necessary to assign an approximate date to the Ionian
settlement of Miletos. Excavators have identified the earliest post-Bronze

guettes and vertical lines on the shoulder. ... [There are local pecu-
Age pottery as Submycenaean and early Protogeometric. The former, espe-
liarities, butj on the whole, however, the parallels with Athens seem
cially, points to a very early date for the Ionian Migration to Miletos, "by, remarkable.62
or even before, the rise of Attic Protogeometric in c. 1050."63 It seems,
therefore, that the site of Miletos did not remain unoccupied for any length
Moreover, these affinities with Attic pottery are found in material that
of time and that the tradition that Miletos was the first Ionian foundation
precedes the development at Athens of the widely influential Protogeo-

(Ael. VH 8.5) may in fact be accurate.
According to the myths that we have already examined, when the

metric ware. In all probability, the similarity is best explained by settlers
lonians arrived at Miletos, they found the Carians in possession of the moving from Athens to Miletos.
62. Desborough 1972, 179. Emlyn-Jones (1980, 13) describes a "very close dependence
This same connection between Milesian and Athenian ceramic gives us
stylistically of the sub-Mycenaean and Proto-geometric pottery of lonia on Athens."
the information necessary to assign an approximate date to the Ionian

63. Snodgrass 1971, 127.
settlement of Miletos. Excavators have identified the earliest post-Bronze

Age pottery as Submycenaean and early Protogeometric. The former, espe-
cially, points to a very early date for the Ionian Migration to Miletos, "by,
or even before, the rise of Attic Protogeometric in c. 1050. " 63 It seems,
therefore, that the site of Miletos did not remain unoccupied for any length
of time and that the tradition that Miletos was the first Ionian foundation
(Ael. VH 8.5) may in fact be accurate.
According to the myths that we have already examined, when the
Ionians arrived at Miletos, they found the Carians in possession of the
62. Desborough 1972, 179. Emlyn-Jones (1980, 13) describes a "very close dependence
stylistically of the sub-Mycenaean and Proto-geometric pottery of Ionia on Athens."
63. Snodgrass 1971, 127.
site and either killed or expelled them. The tradition of colonization by
force is known as early as Herodotos, who, to explain why Milesian
women ate apart from their men, relates that Miletos was founded by
Ionian settlers who married native Carian brides after killing their hus-
bands (Hdt. 1.146.2; cf. Paus. 7.2.6). However, we must be very cautious
site and either killed or expelled them. The tradition of colonization by

force is known as early as Herodotos, who, to explain why Milesian
when evaluating the veracity of an aetiological story such as this: it is told
to explain the unusual customs of Milesian women. It cannot be taken to
establish specific facts, like the marriage of the Milesian founders to

women ate apart from their men, relates that Miletos was founded by
Carian brides, especially since Herodotos is writing some five hundred
Ionian settlers who married native Carian brides after killing their hus-
years after the putative events. Instead, it only provides evidence for a
bands (Hdt. 1.146.2; cf. Paus. 7.2.6). However, we must be very cautious
general practice, the custom of the women eating separately.64
when evaluating the veracity of an aetiological story such as this: it is told

to explain the unusual customs of Milesian women. It cannot be taken to
Since an indigenous population is thoroughly attested in the literature,
the assumption has been widely made that the native peoples played a
distinguished role in the life of Miletos, but there is no physical corrobora-

establish specific facts, like the marriage of the Milesian founders to
tion for it. The theory was advanced that the Carians inhabited certain
Carian brides, especially since Herodotos is writing some five hundred
oval buildings, dating back to the eighth century, that were found near years after the putative events. Instead, it only provides evidence for a
the southern cross wall and that these people were then responsible for
general practice, the custom of the women eating separately.64

making the bronze artifacts with relief decorations and the local plain
Since an indigenous population is thoroughly attested in the literature,

ware found in those places. However, the connection to the Carians has
been thoroughly discounted for several reasons: curved houses were the
the assumption has been widely made that the native peoples played a
norm in the Greek Dark Ages; plain ware was widespread and could have
distinguished role in the life of Miletos, but there is no physical corrobora-
been made by any inhabitants; and further discoveries in Caria have lent tion for it. The theory was advanced that the Carians inhabited certain
little support to the idea of the early Carians possessing a flourishing art
oval buildings, dating back to the eighth century, that were found near
of their own.65 The further suggestion that the Carians were responsible
the southern cross wall and that these people were then responsible for
for the destruction that ended Mycenaean Miletos66 requires some kind
of corroboration that is currently lacking.

making the bronze artifacts with relief decorations and the local plain
Therefore, because the Carians have left so few traces in Miletos, it is
ware found in those places. However, the connection to the Carians has
dangerous to assume that their presence was very large. We may consider been thoroughly discounted for several reasons: curved houses were the
the possibility of a small Carian population, either intermarried with the
norm in the Greek Dark Ages; plain ware was widespread and could have
Greeks or living as noncitizens in the new urban center to take advantage
been made by any inhabitants; and further discoveries in Caria have lent
of the economic opportunities the city offered them, just as the metics did
little support to the idea of the early Carians possessing a flourishing art
at Athens. Perhaps a comparison can be made with the later Dorian
colonists in Sicily, who violently destroyed native Sicel settlements and

of their own.65 The further suggestion that the Carians were responsible
replaced them with Greek cities, leaving purely Greek remains and no for the destruction that ended Mycenaean Miletos66 requires some kind
signs of coexistence. The Sicels who remained "evidently lived as serfs
of corroboration that is currently lacking.
64. Graham 1980/81, 294-95.
Therefore, because the Carians have left so few traces in Miletos, it is

65. Pro-Carian: Kleiner 1968, 10, 24; cf. Cook and Blackman 1970/71, 45. Anti-Carian:
dangerous to assume that their presence was very large. We may consider
Cook 1967.
66. Hanfmann 1953, 5-8; Kleiner 1969/70, 115.

the possibility of a small Carian population, either intermarried with the
Greeks or living as noncitizens in the new urban center to take advantage
of the economic opportunities the city offered them, just as the metics did
at Athens. Perhaps a comparison can be made with the later Dorian
colonists in Sicily, who violently destroyed native Sicel settlements and
replaced them with Greek cities, leaving purely Greek remains and no
signs of coexistence. The Sicels who remained "evidently lived as serfs
64. Graham 1980/81,294-95.

65. Pro-Carian: Kleiner 1968, 10, 24; cf. Cook and Blackman 1970/71, 45. Anti-Carian:
Cook 1967.
66. Hanfmann 1953, 5- 8; Kleiner 1969/70, 115.
and lost their own cultural traditions."67 In any case, the Carian presence
at Miletos was not substantial enough to leave unequivocal indication of
their influence on society there: no definitive Carian nomenclature or

Foundations 43
architecture has been unearthed.68
Little can be said about the physical arrangement of the city of Miletos
and lost their own cultural traditions." 67 In any case, the Carian presence
at Miletos was not substantial enough to leave unequivocal indication of
from its resettlement until the end of the Geometric period. However,
some evidence that has come to light bears on the question of the extent
of the city at that time, mainly in the form of pottery sherds found in the
their influence on society there: no definitive Carian nomenclature or
debris layers under later strata and also remains of house walls. Sub-
architecture has been unearthed.6S
mycenaean sherds were followed immediately by Protogeometric painted
Little can be said about the physical arrangement of the city of Miletos
pottery of a type found in bulk here and at Smyrna and in lesser amounts
from its resettlement until the end of the Geometric period. However,
some evidence that has come to light bears on the question of the extent
at Phokaia, Klazomenai, and minor spots along the coast. Such sherds,
ranging from Submycenaean to Late Geometric, have been found in abun-
dance in the area around the Temple of Athena, west of the later
of the city at that time, mainly in the form of pottery sherds found in the
Bouleuterion, on the southern plain near the Round Church, and even
debris layers under later strata and also remains of house walls. Sub-
further to the south on Kalabaktepe,69 while the same areas have also mycenaean sherds were followed immediately by Protogeometric painted
revealed house walls beginning in the eighth century. By the seventh
pottery of a type found in bulk here and at Smyrna and in lesser amounts
century, the buildings are widespread, characterized by individual houses
at Phokaia, Klazomenai, and minor spots along the coast. Such sherds,
rather than the complexes of the Bronze Age. The unbroken pottery
record reflects the short duration of the abandonment of Miletos after the
ranging from Submycenaean to Late Geometric, have been found in abun-
fall of the Mycenaeans-if, indeed, it was abandoned and not sacked and
dance in the area around the Temple of Athena, west of the later
immediately reoccupied-while the extent of the finds, both ceramic and Bouleuterion, on the southern plain near the Round Church, and even
architectural, suggests that by the end of the Geometric period, Miletos
further to the south on Kalabaktepe,69 while the same areas have also
was a very large city (see chap. 5).
revealed house walls beginning in the eighth century. By the seventh

The Milesian Territory
The Milesian territory, or chore, consisted of a peninsula extending south

century, the buildings are widespread, characterized by individual houses
to the coast past Didyma, abut 30 km. in all, and inland about 18 km. to
rather than the complexes of the Bronze Age. The unbroken pottery
Mt. Grion. It was bordered on the north by the Gulf of Latmos, along the record reflects the short duration of the abandonment of Miletos after the
west by the Aegean Sea, and on the south by the Gulf of lasos, including
fall of the Mycenaeans-if, indeed, it was abandoned and not sacked and
the smaller inlet now called Akbiik Bay. The peninsula was connected to
immediately reoccupied-while the extent of the finds, both ceramic and

the mainland proper by an isthmus that narrowed to about 8 km. Past the
architectural, suggests that by the end of the Geometric period, Miletos

isthmus, to the east, began the mountains of the interior that set the
67. Schofield 1984, 46.

was a very large city (see chap. 5).
68. In contrast, at the neighboring Dorian city Halikarnassos in the fifth century, "Car-
ian names were as common as Greek" (Cook 1975, 793).
69. Isolated pieces of ceramic have also come to light on the Theater Hill.
The Milesian Territory

The Milesian territory, or chore, consisted of a peninsula extending south

to the coast past Didyma, abut 30 km. in all, and inland about 18 km. to
Mt. Grion. It was bordered on the north by the Gulf of Latmos, along the
west by the Aegean Sea, and on the south by the Gulf of Iasos, including
the smaller inlet now called Akbilk Bay. The peninsula was connected to
the mainland proper by an isthmus that narrowed to about 8 km. Past the
isthmus, to the east, began the mountains of the interior that set the
67. Schofield 1984, 46.

68. In contrast, at the neighboring Dorian city Halikarnassos in the fifth century, "Car-
ian names were as common as Greek" (Cook 1975, 793).
69. Isolated pieces of ceramic have also come to light on the Theater Hill.
eastern limit to the chore. No exact boundary markers have been left for
us, but we can decide the approximate extent of the territory by establish-
ing the nearest neighboring cities.

Miletos was the furthest south of the Ionian duodecapoleis. Nearest to
it, both in proximity and kinship, was Myous, located across the Gulf of
eastern limit to the chore. No exact boundary markers have been left for
us, but we can decide the approximate extent of the territory by establish-
Latmos on the north shore, ca. 16 km. directly to the northeast (more than
45 km. by land travel). Several myths report that Myous was founded from
Miletos (Polyain. 8.35; Str. 14.1.3; Paus. 7.2.11). Myous remained an inde-
ing the nearest neighboring cities.
pendent state until the third century. Then, because of a shrinking popula-
Miletos was the furthest south of the Ionian duodecapoleis. Nearest to
tion base at Myous, it joined in an interdependency with Miletos that, in
it, both in proximity and kinship, was Myous, located across the Gulf of
the second century, became a formal sympoliteia, and the territory of
Latmos on the north shore, ca. 16 km. directly to the northeast (more than
Myous was incorporated into that of Miletos (Str. 14.1.10).70 In addition,
45 km. by land travel). Several myths report that Myous was founded from
Miletos may have briefly held the city of Magnesia (located on the far side
of Myous, about 40 km. to the north-northeast of Miletos) when it was

Miletos (Polyain. 8.35; Str. 14 .1.3; Paus. 7.2.11 ). M yous remained an inde-
ruined by the invading Kimmerians in the seventh century (Str. 14.1.40),
pendent state until the third century. Then, because of a shrinking popula-
but no sources other than Strabo attest this account, and it may be false. tion base at Myous, it joined in an interdependency with Miletos that, in
To the south, Miletos was bordered by non-lonian Greek cities. Ap-
the second century, became a formal sympoliteia, and the territory of

proximately 37 km. to the southeast of Miletos lies the city of lasos.
Myous was incorporated into that of Miletos (Str. 14.1.1 0).7° In addition,
According to tradition, it was not Ionian but Argive in origin (Polyb.
16.12). The excavations there indicate that, before the Argives got there,
Miletos may have briefly held the city of Magnesia (located on the far side
it was originally occupied by Carians from the time of the Early Bronze
of Myous, about 40 km. to the north-northeast of Miletos) when it was
Age and probably Cretans in the Middle Bronze Age.71 Further to the ruined by the invading Kimmerians in the seventh century (Str. 14.1.40),
south, about 35 km. in a direct line from Miletos, lay the Dorian city
but no sources other than Strabo attest this account, and it may be false.
Halikarnassos, on the south side of the Gulf of lasos.
To the south, Miletos was bordered by non-Ionian Greek cities. Ap-

Within Milesian territory, we know the names of a few towns or
smaller settlements that formed part of the Milesian polity, but we have
proximately 3 7 km. to the southeast of Miletos lies the city of Iasos.
very little archaeological data confirming them. The only reasonably se-
According to tradition, it was not Ionian but Argive in origin (Polyb.
cure physical evidence for pre-Classical villages in Milesian territory is 16.12). The excavations there indicate that, before the Argives got there,
found at three sites: Didyma, Zeytintepe, and Mengerevtepe/Assessos.
it was originally occupied by Carians from the time of the Early Bronze
Didyma, a shrine and Oracle sacred to Apollo, was located toward the
Age and probably Cretans in the Middle Bronze Age.71 Further to the
southern end of the larger Milesian peninsula. The first Greek pottery
sourh, about 35 km. in a direct line from Miletos, lay the Dorian city
appears there as early as the eighth century B.C.E.72 On the summit of
70. Demand 1990, esp. 141-42, 171-72; Ehrhardt 1983, 23 n. 114; Herrmann 1965,
Halikarnassos, on the south side of the Gulf of Iasos.
91; Bilabel 1920, 55-56. Within Milesian territory, we know the names of a few towns or
71. PECS 401-2; Ehrhardt 1983, 21-22, 26; Bilabel 1920, 99-100, 120, 128. Bean
smaller settlements that formed part of the Milesian polity, but we have
and Cook (1957, 100-106) describe this site in detail. Polyainos (16.12.1-2) records that,
very little archaeological data confirming them. T he only reasonably se-

as they had done Magnesia, the Milesians helped refound lasos after it was depopulated
cure physical evidence for pre-Classical villages in Milesian territory is

during Archaic wars with the Carians, but there is no corroboration for this story.
72. Parke 1985b, 24; Fontenrose 1988, 5-9. For legends of a pre-Ionian Didyma, see
found at three sites: Didyma, Zeytintepe, and Mengerevtepe/Assessos.
Paus. 7.2.6, 5.13.11; Parthen. 1; D.L. 8.5; Orph. Arg. 152-53; Quint. Smyrn. 1.283; Stat.
Didyma, a shrine and Oracle sacred to Apollo, was located toward the
southern end of the larger Milesian peninsula. The first Greek pottery
appears there as early as the eighth century B.C.£.72 On the summit of
70. Demand 1990, esp. 141- 42, 171- 72; Ehrhardt 1983, 23 n. 114; Herrmann 1965,
91; Bilabell920, 55-56.
71. PECS 401-2; Ehrhardt 1983, 21-22, 26; Bilabel 1920, 99-100, 120, 128. Bean
and Cook (1957, 100-106) describe this site in detail. Polyainos (16.12.1-2) records rhat,
as they had done Magnesia, the Milesians helped refound lasos after it was depopulated
during Archaic wars with the Carians, but there is no corroboration for this story.
72. Parke 1985b, 24; Fonrenrose 1988, 5-9. For legends of a pre-Ionian Didyma, see
Paus. 7.2.6, 5.13.11; Parthen. 1; D.L. 8.5; Orph. Arg. 152- 53; Quint. Smyrn. 1.283; Stat.
Zeytintepe, west of Miletos and 1 km. northwest of Kalabaktepe, archae-
ologists have recently found a sanctuary of Aphrodite that dates back to
the early seventh century.73 However, the oldest Greek finds outside of
Foundations 45
the city of Miletos proper are from Mengerevtepe, 5 km. southeast of
Miletos and almost certainly the site of ancient Assessos. It is identified
Zeytintepe, west of Miletos and 1 km. northwest of Kalabaktepe, archae-

ologists have recently found a sanctuary of Aphrodite that dates back to
by its Temple of Athena, which contains Greek sculptural remains from
the Protogeometric through the Archaic periods.74 In the literary sources,
Assessos is mentioned in the story about rival Neleid claimants to the

the early seventh century. 73 However, the oldest Greek finds outside of
Milesian throne: Nicolaus of Damascus (FGH 90 F 52: see chap. 3) says
the city of Miletos proper are from Mengerevtepe, 5 km. southeast of
that the rulers of Assessos had been set in place by Leodamas, the king of
Miletos and almost certainly the site of ancient Assessos. It is identified
Miletos, and that when that king was murdered, his sons fled for refuge
by its Temple of Athena, which contains Greek sculptural remains from

the Protogeometric through the Archaic periods.74 In the literary sources,
to Assessos. With the aid of some Phrygians, they were able to use that
site as a base for successful operations against the usurper, Phitres. Later
still, Assessos is mentioned by Herodotos (1.19-22) in the context of

Assessos is mentioned in the story about rival Neleid claimants to the
Lydian attacks on Milesian territory in the last decades of the seventh
Milesian throne: Nicolaus of Damascus (FGH 90 F 52: see chap. 3) says
century: when Alyattes fell ill after accidentally burning down the Temple that the rulers of Assessos had been set in place by Leodamas, the king of
of Athena at Assessos, he had to make peace with the Milesians in order
Miletos, and that when that king was murdered, his sons fled for refuge
to Assessos. With the aid of some Phrygians, they were able to use that
to rebuild not one but two new temples at Assessos. Thus, the town must
have belonged to Miletos.
Carian villages have been discovered in the mountains near the

site as a base for successful operations against the usurper, Phitres. Later
Milesian chore as well. The most famous of these is Pidasa. According to
still, Assessos is mentioned by Herodotos (1.19-22) in the context of
Herodotos, after the Persians sacked Miletos in 494, they gave the high- Lydian attacks on Milesian territory in the last decades of the seventh
lands previously controlled by the Milesians to the Carians from Pedasa
century: when Alyattes fell ill after accidentally burning down the Temple
(th 6e {fI axqLa L 6oouv Kuaoc Hlbcr niaeofixtc Oui, Hdt. 6.20). Two
of Athena at Assessos, he had to make peace with the Milesians in order

Carian towns with similar names-Pedasa and Pidasa-stand in the vicin-
ity of Miletos. The first, Pidasa (spelled in Greek with a iota), lies on the
to rebuild not one but two new temples at Assessos. Thus, the town must
east side of Mt. Grion, north of lasos. It had close ties to Miletos in the
have belonged to Miletos.
Hellenistic period, entering a sympoliteia with the city in 175 (Milet 1.3 Carian villages have been discovered in the mountains near the
#149). The other city, Pedasa (spelled in Greek with an eta), was located
Milesian chore as well. The most famous of these is Pidasa. According to
in the hills above Halikarnassos. It was much more important at an earlier
Herodotos, after the Persians sacked Miletos in 494, they gave the high-
date: Herodotos tells us, for example, that the Pedasians resisted the
lands previously controlled by the Milesians to the Carians from Pedasa

Theb. 3.478-79, 8.198-200; Lykoph. 1378-81; Tzetz. Chil. 13.110-16. Parke (1985b, 2)
trusts the testimony of the ancient literature and believes that the sanctuary at Didyma
(1:a OE vmgax.gw £6oaav Kagat II116aaEi]m £xcfla8m, Hdt. 6.20). Two
predated the Ionian Migration. Fontenrose thinks this unlikely, based on the archaeological Car ian towns with similar names-Pedasa and Pidasa-stand in the vicin-
evidence. The earliest written evidence for Didyma dates to the sixth century, while the first
ity of Miletos. The first, Pidasa (spelled in Greek with a iota), lies on the
stone structures there were built in the late seventh century. They were probably proceeded
east side of Mt. Grion, north of Iasos. It had close ties to Miletos in the
Hellenistic period, entering a sympoliteia with the city in 175 (Milet 1.3
by wooden buildings, but there is no evidence that their existence predated the early eighth
century. See chap. 5.
73. Gans 1991; Senff et al. 1992; Heinz and Senff 1995; Senff 1997a. See chap. 5.
#149). The other city, Pedasa (spelled in Greek with an eta), was located
74. Senff 1995b; Weber 1995; Lohmann 1995. See chap. 5.
in the hills above Halikarnassos. It was much more important at an earlier
date: Herodotos tells us, for example, that the Pedasians resisted the
Theb. 3.478-79, 8.198-200; Lykoph. 1378-81; Tzetz. Chi/. 13.110-16. Parke (1985b, 2)
trusts the testimony of the ancient literature and believes that the sanctuary at Didyma
predated the Ionian Migration. Fontenrose thinks this unlikely, based on the archaeological
evidence. The earliest written evidence for Didyma dates to the sixth century, while the first
stone structures there were built in the late seventh century. They were probably proceeded
by wooden buildings, but there is no evidence that their existence predated the early eighth
century. See chap. 5.

73. Gans 1991; Senff eta!. 1992; Heinz and Senff 1995; Senff 1997a. See chap. 5.
74. Senff 1995b; Weber 1995; Lohmann 1995. See chap. 5.
Persian general Harpagos in the 540s (1.175) and that in 499 the Carians
ambushed a Persian army near Pedasa (5.121).7s It is impossible to be
certain which town Herodotos was denoting, but proximity favors the
northernmost: Pedasa is too distant-on the far side of lasos even-to
have the allocation of Milesian land to them make much sense.
Persian general Harpagos in the 540s (1.175) and that in 499 the Carians
ambushed a Persian army near Pedasa (5.121).75 It is impossible to be
The remaining evidence for Milesian expansion on the mainland dates
to the fifth century or later, although the process probably occurred
earlier. Teichioussa, a town across what is now called Akbiik Bay from
certain which town Herodotos was denoting, but proximity favors the
Didyma, on the northern tip of Kazikli Bay, came into Milesian hands by
nonhernmost: Pedasa is too distant-on the far side of Iasos even-to
at least the mid-fifth century, when the "Milesians from Teichioussa" are
have the allocation of Milesian land to them make much sense.
listed on the Athenian tribute lists.76 Also, the Milesians extended their
The remaining evidence for Milesian ex pansion on the mainland dates

to the fifth century or later, although the process probably occurred
territory to the north, obtaining a small section of land across the Bay of
Latmos to the west of Priene, including the town of Thebes, which
Theopompos says (FGH 115 F 23) Miletos received in barter from Sa-
earlier. Teichioussa, a town across what is now called Akbtik Bay from
mos. While Thebes certainly existed in Archaic times, it is not known
Didyma, on the northern tip of Kazikli Bay, came into Milesian hands by
whether it was then a Milesian or Samian dependency or neither. By the at least the mid-fifth century, when the "Milesians from Teichioussa" are
fourth century, Thebes was definitely Milesian, and at yet a later date, it
listed on the Athenian tribute listsJ6 Also, the Milesians extended their
was again Samian.77
territory to the north, obtaining a small section of land across the Bay of
Thus, throughout the Archaic period, the mainland territory of Miletos
was limited to the arable land on the large peninsula that extended west
Latmos to the west of Priene, including the town of Thebes, which
from Mt. Grion. It bordered on Myous and the other Ionian settlements to
Theopompos says (FGH 115 F 23) Miletos received in barter from Sa-
the northeast and on the Dorian settlement at lasos to the southeast. mos. While Thebes certainly existed in Archaic times, it is not known
Carian villages were scattered throughout the eastern mountains. Situated
whether it was then a Milesian or Samian dependency or neither. By the
at this juncture of three distinct groups, Miletos was poised to step into a
fourth century, Thebes was definitely Milesian, and at yet a later date, it
leading role in the growing Hellenic world.
75. Cook (1961, 90-96, esp. 91 n. 7). Radt (1973/74) looks at the northern site in more
was again Samian. 77
detail, concluding that there is no evidence of an Archaic settlement and that the Carians
Thus, throughout the Archaic period, the mainland territory of Miletos
occupied the city from the fifth century until the beginning of the second. He, along with was limited to the arable land on the large peninsula that extended west
Ehrhardt (1983, 21 n. 100), opt for the southern town.
from Mt. Grion. It bordered on Myous and the other Ionian settlements to
76. Ehrhardt 1983, 20-21, following Bean and Cook 1957, 106-16. Bean and Cook
the northeast and on the Dorian settlement at Iasos to the southeast.

locate this city for the first time at Doganbelini. Voigtlainder and Wiegand have consistently
Carian villages were scattered throughout the eastern mountains. Situated

thought it was elsewhere. See the discussion at Lohmann 1995, 321 n. 246.
77. IvPriene #37.56-57, #361-63; Haussoullier 1902; Manganaro 1963/64; Cook

at this juncture of three distinct groups, Miletos wa s poised to step into a
1975; Ehrhardt 1983, 24; Roebuck 1959, 13. The town has Milesian coins in the ruins, and leading role in the growing Hellenic world.
a cult decree includes the Milesian stephanephoros of 189/88 (the date is slightly problem-
atic, because the letterforms do not fit this time well). For all the evidence and argumenta-
75. Cook (1961, 90-96, esp. 91 n. 7). Radt (1973/74) looks at the northern site in more
tion, see Ehrhardt 1983, 14-15. Ehrhardt (1983, 21-22) thinks that Miletos also might
have controlled the territory of loniapolis, situated on the south coast of the Latmian Gulf
detail, concluding that there is no evidence of an Archaic settlement and that the Carians
between Miletos and Herakleia, before the latter city was built in the Hellenistic era. For the
occupied the city from the fifth century until the beginning of the second. He, along with
location, see Cook 1961.
Ehrhardt (1983, 21 n. 100), opt for the southern town.
76. Ehrhardt 1983, 20-21, following Bean and Cook 1957, 106-16. Bean and Cook
locate this city for the first time at Doganbelini. Voigtlander and Wiegand have consistently
thought ir was elsewhere. See the discussion at Lohmann 1995, 321 n. 246.
77. Iv Priene #37.56-57, # 361-63; H aussoullier 1902; Manganaro 1963/64; Cook
1975; Ehrhardt 1983, 24; Roebuck 1959, 13. The town has M ilcsian coins in the ruins, and
a cult decree includes the Milesian stephanephoros of 189/88 (the date is slightly problem-
atic, because the letterforms do not fit this time well). For all the evidence and argumenta-
tion, see Ehrhardt 1983, 14-15. Ehrhardt (1983, 21-22) thinks that Miletos also might
have controlled the territory of loniapolis, situated on the south coast of the Latmian Gulf
between Miletos and Herakleia, before the latter city was built in the Hellenistic era. For the
location, see Cook 1961.
ï»¿2
Trade and Colonization
In the tenth through eighth centuries, when the basis of the Ionian econ-
omy was still agricultural, the extent of good cropland at the disposal of
the Milesians remained severely limited: they simply did not have the
space necessary for cultivation on a level comparable to such cities as
Ephesos and Kolophon.1 As long as Miletos remained confined to the
resources of its chore, its prosperity was tightly circumscribed. Therefore,
near the end of the Dark Ages, Miletos turned the focus of its attention
2
away from the hinterland, toward trade and overseas expansion.
Trade and Colonization

Trade
The potential for Milesian trade was substantial. On the one hand, like
most of lonia, Miletos lacked papyrus, linen, hemp, a good source of
slaves, various luxury items, and any sizable deposits of gold, silver,
electrum, iron, copper, and tin. In addition, some scholars think that the
region had inadequate grain to feed its growing population: the balance
between food and population may have been reached in Miletos ca. 700
B.C.E.2 On the other hand, lonia was self-sufficient in clay for pottery,
In the tenth through eighth centuries, when the basis of the Ionian econ-
pitch, stone, less important metals (zinc and antimony), and colored earth
omy was still agricultural, the extent of good cropland at the disposal of
for pigments. The region also had fresh seafood: bass, red mullet, and
especially mussels, whose shells have been found littering the city. Miletos
the Milesians remained severely limited: they simply did not have the
became particularly famous for exporting textiles, especially those col-
space necessary for cultivation on a level comparable to such cities as
ored with a purple dye derived from shells. It also produced furniture, Ephesos and Kolophon. 1 As long as Miletos remained confined to the
olive oil, and probably wine: we know that the city had the usual olive
resources of its chore, its prosperity was tightly circumscribed. Therefore,
industry, because it is remembered in a story passed down about how the
near the end of the Dark Ages, Miletos turned the focus of its attention
1. Roebuck 1959, 13.
2. Roebuck 1959, 19-20.

away from the hinterland, toward trade and overseas expansion.
47
Trade
The potential for Milesian trade was substantial. On the one hand, like
most of Ionia, Miletos lacked papyrus, linen, hemp, a good source of
slaves, various luxury items, and any sizable deposits of gold, silver,
electrum, iron, copper, and tin. In addition, some scholars think that the
region had inadequate grain to feed its growing population: the balance
between food and population may have been reached in Miletos ca. 700
B.C.E. 2 On the other hand, Ionia was self-sufficient in clay for pottery,
pitch, stone, less important metals (zinc and antimony), and colored earth
for pigments. The region also had fresh seafood: bass, red mullet, and
especially mussels, whose shells have been found littering the city. Miletos
became particularly famous for exporting textiles, especially those col-
ored with a purple dye derived from shells. It also produced furniture,
olive oil, and probably wine: we know that the city had the usual olive
industry, because it is remembered in a story passed down about how the
1. Roebuck 1959, 13.

2. Roebuck 1959, 19-20.
47
philosopher, Thales, cornered the market in olive presses to prove that he
could be a successful businessman.3
The land route up the Maiandros River valley into the Anatolian
interior-among the Carians and the Lydians-was probably little used
until the time of the Persians in the sixth century. Instead, the chief
philosopher, Thales, cornered the market in olive presses to prove that he

could be a successful businessman. 3
markets of Asia Minor were at Sardis and in the Hermos River valley.
Even under the Roman Empire, bulk goods were not much moved by the
Maiandros route or by land at all except for military purposes. Any trade
The land route up the Maiandros River valley into the Anatolian
before the mid-sixth century between Miletos and the interior was on a
interior-among the Carians and the Lydians-was probably little used
very small scale and probably only dealt in small luxury items that could
until the time of the Persians in the sixth century. Instead, the chief
be carried easily, especially metal goods and ingots.4 Intercourse with
markets of Asia Minor were at Sardis and in the Hermos River valley.
Even under the Roman Empire, bulk goods were not much moved by the
Lydia must have served as a major stimulus for the government of Ar-
chaic Miletos to begin minting its own coinage, since our initial numis-
matic evidence for the region appears in the second half of the seventh
Maiandros route or by land at all except for military purposes. Any trade
century in the area of contact. This find agrees with the literary accounts
before the mid-sixth century between Miletos and the interior was on a
that attribute the invention of coinage to Lydia (Hdt. 1.94.1; Xenoph. in very small scale and probably only dealt in small luxury items that could
Poll. 9.83), although modern opinion is undecided about its exact origin.
be carried easily, especially metal goods and ingots. 4 Intercourse with

A common weight standard was shared between Lydia and Miletos, and
Lydia must have served as a major stimulus for the government of Ar-
electrum coinage was issued from Miletos as early as the beginning of the
sixth century, most commonly featuring lions: the standard type by the
chaic Miletos to begin minting its own coinage, since our initial numis-
Hellenistic era was marked by a standing or recumbent lion whose head
matic evidence for the region appears in the second half of the seventh
is turned backward, with the lion gazing on a star.5 century in the area of contact. This find agrees with the literary accounts
Since trade to the east was constrained by the difficulty of inland
that attribute the invention of coinage to Lydia (Hdt. 1.94.1; Xenoph. in
transportation, Miletos turned to the west and seaborne commerce. One
Poll. 9.83), although modern opinion is undecided about its exact origin.
of the first steps in this process was the acquisition of some of the nearby
Sporades Islands immediately off the Carian coast. These islands-Lade,

A common weight standard was shared between Lydia and Miletos, and
Tragia, and Pharmakoussa are closest to Miletos, while a second line
electrum coinage was issued from Miletos as early as the beginning of the
3. Fish: Ar. Eq. 361; Ath. 7.311a, 320a. Sheep and wool: Carm. Pop. 35; Ath. sixth century, most commonly featuring lions: the standard type by the
12.519b, 12.540d; Ar. Ra. 543. Furniture: Ath. 1.28, 11.486e; Krit. 1.5-6; IG 13 421.202,
Hellenistic era was marked by a standing or recumbent lion whose head
206; IG 13 422.295. Dye: Arist. Hist. An. 5.15.3= 5.347a4-6; Herrmann 1965. Rohlig
is turned backward, with the lion gazing on a star. 5

1933, 12, 21-22; Noonan 1973; Roebuck 1959, 20-21. Thales: Arist. Pol. 1.1259a9-18.
Since trade to the east was constrained by the difficulty of inland

Roebuck's otherwise excellent discussion is marred by one assumption: he believes that
lonia was probably self-sufficient in timber for shipbuilding because Chios and Miletos
transportation, Miletos turned to the west and seaborne commerce. One
exported furniture. This is a troublesome hypothesis, because wood that is used for the of the first steps in this process was the acquisition of some of the nearby
manufacture of furniture is not necessarily appropriate for shipbuilding.
Sporades Islands immediately off the Carian coast. These islands-Lade,
4. Roebuck 1959, 13-18; Dunham 1915, 11-15, 50. A sixth-century Lydian inscrip-
Tragia, and Pharmakoussa are closest to Miletos, while a second line

tion found on Kalabaktepe may be a reflection of trade between the two peoples: see Adiego
1997.
5. Early coinage in general: Kraay and Hirmer 1966, 353; Wallace 1987. Archaic
3. Fish: Ar. Fq. 361; At h. 7.311 a, 320a. Sheep and wool: Carm. Pop. 35; Ath.
Milesian coins: Brett 1955, #1882-83; Kraay and Hirmer 1966, #588, #589(?), #591;
12.519h, 12.540d; Ar. Ra. 541. Furniture: Ath. 1.28, 11.486e; Krit. 1.5-6; IG 1' 421.202,
206; JG P 422.295. Dye: Arist. Hist. An. 5.15.3 = 5.347a4- 6; Herrmann 1965. Rohlig
Kraay 1976, #588, #589, #591.
1933, 12, 21-22; N oonan 1973; Roebuck 1959, 20-21. Thales: Arist. Pol. 1.1259a9-18 .
Roebuck's otherwise excellent discussion is marred by one assumption: he believes that
Ionia was probably sel£·sufficient in timber for shipbuilding because Chios and Miletos
exported furniture. This is a troublesome hypothesis, because wood that is used for the
manufacture of furniture is not necessarily appropriate for shipbuilding.
4. Roebuck 1959, 13-18; Dunham 1915, 11-15, 50. A sixth-century Lydian inscrip-
tion found on Kalabaktepe may be a reflection of trade between the two peoples: see Adiego
1997.
5. Early coinage in general: Kraay and Hirmer 1966, 353; Wallace 1987. Archaic
Milesian coins: Brett 1955, #1 882-83; Kraay and Hirmer 1966, #588, #5 89(? ), #5 91;
Kraay 1976, #5 88, #589, #591.
ï»¿Trade and Colonization 49
consists of Ikaros, Korsiai, Patmos, Lepsia, Leros, and Kalymnos-
contain a minimal amount of arable land: in general they are small,
rocky, and undesirable except so far as they facilitated maritime trade.

Trade and Colonization 49
We would expect Miletos to establish an early domination over some of
them for the land they offered and especially as first steps in establishing
consists of Ikaros, Korsiai, Patmos, Lepsia, Leros, and Kalymnos-

contain a minimal amount of arable land: in general they are small,
what would become an extensive network of trade. Unfortunately, the
evidence for their settlement is for the most part lacking.
Leros is the best known of these islands and can stand as a model for
rocky, and undesirable except so far as they facilitated maritime trade.
Milesian relations with them, but even the history of Leros before the
We would expect Miletos to establish an early domination over some of
fifth century is virtually unattested.6 Strabo (14.1.6) uses Anaximenes of
them for the land they offered and especially as first steps in establishing
Lampsakos (FGH 72 F 26), a fourth-century B.C.E. historian and rhetori-
what would become an extensive network of trade. Unfortunately, the

evidence for their settlement is for the most part lacking.
cian, as the authority for the Milesian colonization of Ikaros and Leros.
Since this discussion is located in Strabo's section on Milesian colonies in
the Troad and Propontis, it might seem reasonable to make a temporal

Leros is the best known of these islands and can stand as a model for
connection as well and place the acquisition of the islands in the eighth or
Milesian relations with them, but even the history of Leros before the
seventh century. Indeed, the earliest pottery-several Fikellura sherds and fifth century is virtually unattested. 6 Strabo (14.1.6) uses Anaximenes of
another piece that resembles Chian ware-dates to ca. 700,7 giving us a
Lampsakos (FGH 72 F 26), a fourth-century R.C.E. historian and rhetori-

rough terminus ante quem. We know that in the fifth century, Leros was
cian, as the authority for the Milesian colonization of Ikaros and Leros.
already closely tied to Miletos, because Herodotos (5.125) recounts that
when Aristagoras was suffering from declining popularity at Miletos

Since this discussion is located in Strabo's section on Milesian colonies in
during the Ionian Revolt, Hekataios advised him to flee to Leros, build a
the Troad and Propontis, it might seem reasonable to make a temporal
fort there, and use it as a base of operations. Certainly by the mid-fifth connection as well and place the acquisition of the islands in the eighth or
century, when Leros appears on the first Athenian tribute list, the Mile-
seventh century. Indeed, the earliest pottery-several Fikellura sherds and
sians were firmly in possession.8
another piece that resembles Chian ware-dates to ca. 700,7 giving us a

The evidence for Milesian control over the other islands is much more
tenuous. Besides Leros, the only two that are firmly linked to Miletos
rough terminus ante quem. We know that in the fifth century, Leros was
even as late as the Hellenistic era are Lepsia and Patmos. Judging from the
already closely tied to Miletos, because Herodotos (5.125) recounts that
pottery, Lepsia may have been Milesian as soon as the early Archaic when Aristagoras was suffering from declining popularity at Miletos
period, but the evidence is not conclusive. Of the remaining islands,
during the Ionian Revolt, Hekataios advised him to flee to Leros, build a
6. Benson 1963, esp. 45-51. Bean and Cook (1957, 134-35) note the continuous
fort there, and use it as a base of operations. Certainly by the mid-fifth

occupation of Leros from the seventh century B.C.E. to Byzantine times. They also comment,
century, when Leros appears on the first Athenian tribute list, the Mile-
"The absence of fortifications would correspond to the status of ancient Leros, which was
not an independent city but a dependent colony of the Milesians" (135). They do not date
sians were firmly in possession. 8
this colonization. The evidence for Milesian control over the other islands is much more
7. The oldest inscription, however, is an honorary decree from the fourth century
tenuous. Besides Leros, the only two that are firmly linked to Miletos
B.C.E.: L. Ross in Inscriptiones Graecae Ineditae 2.68ff., reproduced at Benson 1963, 31-
even as late as the Hellenistic era are Lepsia and Patmos. Judging from the
32. Cf. Haussoulier 1902, 127-28.
pottery, Lepsia may have been Milesian as soon as the early Archaic
8. ATL 2.81. A native historian of the island, Pherekydes, lived in the Classical or
Hellenistic era (FGH 3 T 3). Dionysios of Halikarnassos (Din. 11.661) also mentions a
period, but the evidence is not conclusive. Of the remaining islands,
certain Deinarchos, who may have written a history of Leros. For a discussion, see Benson
6. Henson 1963, csp. 45-51. Hean and Cook (1957, 134-35) note the continuous
1963, 47 n. 13.
occupation of Leros from the seventh century B.C.E. to Byzantine times. They also comment,
"The absence of fortifications would correspond to the status of ancient Leros, which was
not an independent city but a dependent colony of the Milesians" (135). They do not date
this colonization.
7. The oldest inscription, however, is an honorary decree from the fourth century
B.C.E.: L. Ross in Inscriptiones Graecae Ineditae 2.68££., reproduced at Benson 1963, 31-
32. Cf. Haussoulier 1902, 127- 28.
8. ATL 2.81. A native historian of the island, Pherekydes, lived in the Classical or
Hellenistic era (FGH 3 T 3). Dionysios of Halikarnassos (Din. 11.661) also mentions a
certain Deinarchos, who may have written a history of Leros. For a discussion, see Benson
1963,47 n. 13.
Ikaros was certainly Greek since at least the seventh century, but Strabo is
the only direct evidence linking it to Miletos at any time: it may have been
a Milesian settlement, or it may have been Samian. Kalymnos has My-

cenaean and Archaic sherds but nothing to indicate the origin of the
inhabitants. Korsiai was probably Samian, and we know nothing about
Ikaros was certainly Greek since at least the seventh century, but Strabo is
the only direct evidence linking it to Miletos at any time: it may have been
the early history of Lade, Tragia, and Pharmakoussa.9
Most scholars presume that the Milesian influence on the islands- at
least on Leros, Lepsia, and Patmos, and probably on Ikaros as well-

a Milesian settlement, or it may have been Samian. Kalymnos has My-
must have begun in the late seventh century.10 The argument is indirect:
cenaean and Archaic sherds but nothing to indicate the origin of the
we know that the Milesians were founding colonies in the Propontis and
inhabitants. Korsiai was probably Samian, and we know nothing about
Pontos before then, and it is not credible that they could have bypassed
the early history of Lade, Tragia, and Pharmakoussa.9

such important naval bases close to home. Again, Leros serves as an
Most scholars presume that the Milesian influence on the islands- at

example. Not only are its harbors superb and thus difficult to overlook,
but during the Peloponnesian War, it was used as a point of reconnais-

least on Leros, Lepsia, and Patmos, and probably on Ikaros as well-
sance by both the Spartan and the Athenian fleets (Thuc. 8.26). In addi-
must have begun in the late seventh century. 10 The argument is indirect:
tion, anyone who controlled one or more of the nearest islands could use we know that the Milesians were founding colonies in the Propontis and
them as bases from which to threaten the city of Miletos (cf. Hdt. 5.125),
Pontos before then, and it is not credible that they could have bypassed
so it was too dangerous to allow the islands to fall to others. This line of
such important naval bases close to home. Again, Leros serves as an

argumentation is persuasive, but its full implications are often overlooked
in that it clearly points to an earlier date for the acquisition of the islands
example. Not only are its harbors superb and thus difficult to overlook,
than is usually assumed: since the earliest known Milesian colonies date
but during the Peloponnesian War, it was used as a point of reconnais-
to the third quarter of the seventh century at the very latest-and may go sance by both the Spartan and the Athenian fleets (Thuc. 8.26). In addi-
back well into the eighth-it is better to date the Milesian occupation of
tion, anyone who controlled one or more of the nearest islands could use
at least some of these islands to the early seventh or eighth century.
them as bases from which to threaten the city of Miletos (cf. Hdt. 5.125),
Whatever role the Sporades may have played in Milesian economic
growth, Miletos must have developed an extensive fleet, at least of mer-

so it was too dangerous to allow the islands to fall to others. This line of
chant ships. According to Herodotos (1.17) and Diodoros Sikilos (fr.
argumentation is persuasive, but its full implications are often overlooked
7.11), Miletos had a thalassocracy-command of the sea-at the end of in that it clearly points to an earlier date for the acquisition of the islands
the seventh century. We cannot argue from this literary evidence that
than is usually assumed: since the earliest known Milesian colonies date
Miletos controlled and policed the Aegean Sea in the way Athens did in
to the third quarter of the seventh century at the very latest-and may go
the fifth century, but we can deduce that Greeks had the memory of a
back well into the eighth-it is better to date the Milesian occupation of
strong Milesian navy, probably related to the extensive overseas trade
9. In general: Ehrhardt 1983, 15-20; Bean and Cook 1957, 116-38 (location, re-
at least some of these islands to the early seventh or eighth century.
mains, and resources of the various islands). Lepsia: Ehrhardt 1983, 16-17; Bean and Cook Whatever role the Sporades may have played in Milesian economic
1957, 135-38. Ikaros: Roebuck 1959, 18; Bilabel 1920, 54-55. Kalymnos: Bean and Cook
growth, Miletos must have developed an extensive fleet, at least of mer-
1957, 127-33. Haussoullier (1902) lumps Korsiai in with other Milesian possessions.
chant ships. According to Herodotos (1.17) and Diodoros Sikilos (fr.

7.11), Miletos had a thalassocracy-command of the sea-at the end of

10. Benson 1963, 49; Roebuck 1959, 18, 67-70; Ehrhardt 1983, 15-20; Haussoullier
1902; Manganaro 1963/64.
the seventh century. We cannot argue from this literary evidence that
Miletos controlled and policed the Aegean Sea in the way Athens did in
the fifth century, but we can deduce that Greeks had the memory of a
strong Milesian navy, probably related to the extensive overseas trade
9. In general: Ehrhardt 1983, 15-20; Bean and Cook 1957, 116-38 (location, re-
mains, and resources of the various islands). Lepsia: Ehrhardt 1983, 16-17; Bean and Cook
1957, 135-38. Ikaros: Roebuck 1959, 18; Bilabel1920, 54-55. Kalymnos: Bean and Cook
1957, 127-~~- Haussoullier (1902) lumps Korsiai in with other M ilesian possessions.
10. Benson 1963, 49; Roebuck 1959, 18, 67-70; Ehrhardt 1983, 15-20; Haussoullier
1902; Manganaro 1963/64.

and colonization.11 As Milesian interests abroad increased, the impor-
tance of communicating with them and carrying goods abroad would
have grown apace, while increased maritime activity would have corre-
spondingly opened new opportunities for trade. Because of this link,
evidence of Milesian military activity overseas may point to some of these
and colonization. 11 As Milesian interests abroad increased, the impor-

tance of communicating with them and carrying goods abroad would
trade interests.
Miletos's earliest reliably recorded military venture abroad is its par-
ticipation in the Lelantine War (ca. 710-650 B.C.E.),12 which was, accord-
have grown apace, while increased maritime activity would have corre-
ing to Thucydides (1.15.3), the largest land engagement of Greeks in the
spondingly opened new opportunities for trade. Because of this link,
era between the Trojan War and the Persian invasions of the fifth century.
evidence of Milesian military activity overseas may point to some of these
The war was fought in Euboia over the Lelantine Plain, situated between
trade interests.
the cities of Chalkis and Eretria, and Thucydides reports, t ota be e g 6
Miletos's earliest reliably recorded military venture abroad is its par-

tov ta aLt mot yev6oevov t6oe tov XaxtL6m0v x xa 'EQertQ1v xa' To
&)io eE)Wlvtxov ;g ~F% uzx)a u wxat yv 6tr~ol [Especially in the war

ticipation in the Lelantine War (ca. 710-650 B.C.E. ), 12 which was, accord-
that was once fought between the Chalkidians and the Eretrians, the rest
ing to Thucydides (1.15.3), the largest land engagement of Greeks in the
of the Greek world sided with one party or the other].13 Our sources tell era between the Trojan War and the Persian invasions of the fifth century.
us only that the war aligned Eretria and Miletos against Chalkis, Samos,
The war was fought in Euboia over the Lelantine Plain, situated between
Thessaly, and the Chalkidian colonies in Thrace.14 Some scholars have
the cities of Chalkis and Eretria, and Thucydides reports, WlALO'ta 6£ ES

tov naAUL notE ycVO!J.cVOV nol-.cf.WV Xah~Mwv x.al. 'EQctQLWV x.at to
followed the tone of Thucydides' comments and speculated that the war
either was from its beginning or else gradually became a large conflict
involving numerous Greece cities that chose sides according to certain

&no <EH11VLx.ov ES /;uf.qwziav £x.atlogwv CLE<Jt11 [Especially in the war
trade relationships.15 Since Samos and Miletos are natural adversaries that was once fought between the Chalkidians and the Eretrians, the rest
because they are located so close to each other (cf. Hdt. 3.39.4), it is
of the Greek world sided with one party or the other]. 13 Our sources tell
difficult to explain their participation in a conflict so far from home if it
us only that the war aligned Eretria and Miletos against Chalkis, Samos,
was not connected in some way to their trading interests abroad. How-
ever, it is also possible that the war preceded the formation of real trade
Thessaly, and the Chalkidian colonies in Thrace.H Some scholars have
alliances and was instead a simple border dispute between Chalkidians
followed the tone of Thucydides' comments and speculated that the war
and Eretrians, aided by only a small number of Samian and Milesian either was from its beginning or else gradually became a large conflict
11. Wallinga (1993, 78) discounts the idea of a Milesian thalassocracy.
involving numerous Greece cities that chose sides according to certain
12. Parker 1997, 59-83. According to Konon (FGH 26 F 44.1-2), the Neleids were
trade relationships.1 5 Since Samos and Miletos are natural adversaries

because they are located so close to each other (cf. Hdt. 3.39.4), it is
involved in raids against the island of Melos and Karystos on Euboia.
13. The most recent and comprehensive work on this topic is Parker 1997. See also
Boardman 1957, 27-29; Bradeen 1947; Burn 1929.

difficult to explain their participation in a conflict so far from home if it
14. Str. 10.1.11-12; Hdt. 5.99.1; Plut. Mor. 760e-761b = Arist. fr. 98 Rose. was not connected in some way to their trading interests abroad. How-
15. Burn (1929) argues for the involvement of three trade leagues, while Bradeen (1947,
ever, it is also possible that the war preceded the formation of real trade
239-40) says, "The war became a series of more or less local struggles." Bradeen thinks
alliances and was instead a simple border dispute between Chalkidians

that Eretria aligned with Miletos, Chios, Megara, Argos, and Aigina against Chalkis with
and Eretrians, aided by only a small number of Samian and Milesian

Samos, Corinth, Sparta, Erythrai, Paros, Andros, and Athens. Burn has an even more
11. Wallinga (1993, 78 ) discounts the idea of a Milesian thalassocracy.

extensive listing. Parker (1997, 119-52) is characteristically conservative, completely reject-
ing the idea of trade leagues.
12. Parker 1997, 59-83. According to Konon (FGH 26 F 44.1-2), the Neleids were
involved in raids against the island of Melos and Karystos on Euboia.
13. The most recent and comprehensive work on this topic is Parker 1997. See also
Roardman 1957, 27-29; Rradeen 1947; Rurn 1.929.
14. Str. 10.1.11-12; Hdt. 5.99.1; Plur. Mor. 760e-761b = Arist. fr. 98 Rose.
15 . Burn (1929) argues for the involvement of three trade leagues, while Bradeen (1947,
239-40) says, "The war became a series of more or less local struggles." Bradeen thinks
that Eretria aligned with Miletos, Chios, Megara, Argos, and Aigina against Chalkis with
Samos, Corinth, Sparta, Erythrai, Paros, Andros, and Athens. Burn has an even more
extensive listing. Parker (1997, 119-52) is characteristically conservative, completely reject-
ing the idea of trade leagues.

noblemen who were induced to join in support of their guest-friends on
Euboia.16
Apart from the Lelantine War, the evidence for a few early allies of
Miletos indicates the unsteady and shifting nature of agreements be-
tween states or between powerful families within those states. In particu-
noblemen who were induced to join in support of their guest-friends on

Euboia. 16
lar, Paros and Erythrai were allied with Miletos at different times. The
city of Parion is reported to have been founded on the southern shore of
the Propontis in 709 by Miletos, Paros, and Erythrai together, although

Apart from the Lelantine War, the evidence for a few early allies of
Miletos may have played a lesser role: Paros named it, but Erythrai is
Miletos indicates the unsteady and shifting nature of agreements be-
usually remembered as the mother city (Str. 13.1.14; Paus. 9.27.1).17
tween states or between powerful families within those states. In particu-
Moreover, the special relationship between Miletos and Paros is empha-
lar, Paros and Erythrai were allied with Miletos at different times. The
sized by the fact that the Milesians called in the Parians to arbitrate an
city of Parion is reported to have been founded on the southern shore of

extensive civil stasis, probably in this same period of the late eighth or
early seventh century (Hdt. 4.28). Thus, as early as ca. 700, the Mile-
the Propontis in 709 by Miletos, Paros, and Erythrai together, although
sians were allied with Paros, itself one of the most prosperous cities of
Miletos may have played a lesser role: Paros named it, but Erythrai is
the day.18 usually remembered as the mother city (Str. 13.1.14; Paus. 9.27.1).17
Miletos also had a celebrated association with the city of Sybaris in
Moreover, the special relationship between Miletos and Paros is empha-

Magna Graecia (southern Italy). Sybaris was jointly founded ca. 720 by
sized by the fact that the Milesians called in the Parians to arbitrate an
Achaia and Troizen and enjoyed such prosperity resulting from trade
16. Tausend 1987; 1992, 137-45. Tausend attributes Thucydides' comments to an erro-
extensive civil stasis, probably in this same period of the late eighth or
neous conflation of a series of local conflicts (especially between Samos and Miletos, Cor-
early seventh century (Hdt. 4.28). Thus, as early as ca. 700, the Mile-
inth and Megara, and Chios and Erythrai) into one larger war. sians were allied with Paros, itself one of the most prosperous cities of
17. Parthenios (Narr. Am. 9) also remembers a story in which Miletos and Erythrai are
the day. 1s
allied against Naxos. In contrast, Plutarch (Mor. 244e-245a) recalls a war in which Miletos
Miletos also had a celebrated association with the city of Sybaris in

helps Chios against Erythrai, perhaps the same help that Herodotos refers to at 1.18.3. See
Tausend 1992, 78-85.

Magna Graecia (southern Italy). Sybaris was jointly founded ca. 720 by
18. Many scholars disagree with the Parian alliance, based on two arguments. One
Achaia and Troizen and enjoyed such prosperity resulting from trade
concerns the dating of the Parian arbitration at Miletos, which I have significantly revised
(see chap. 3). The other concerns the fact that the Parians participated with Samos and
16. Tausend 1987; 1992, 137-45. Tausend attributes Thucydides' comments to an erro-
Erythrai in ca. 650 in an arbitration between Chalkis and Andros over the colony of
neous conflation of a series of local conflicts (especially between Samos and Miletos, Cor-
Akanthos/Sane (Plut. QG 30), leading some to assume that Paros must have been a
inth and Megara, and Chios and Erythrai) into one larger war.
Chalkidian ally in the Lelantine War and throughout the Archaic period. This conclusion
17. Parthenios (Narr. Am. 9) also remembers a story in which Miletos and Erythrai are
forces those who adopt it to write off the evidence of the Milesian participation in the
allied against Naxos. In contrast, Plutarch (Mor. 244e-245a) recalls a war in which Miletos
colonization of Parion. For example, Burn (1929, 17 n. 46) says, "The Milesian element at
helps Chios against Erythrai, perhaps the same help that Herodotus refers to at 1.18.3. See
Parium, mentioned by Strabo [13.1.14], may be presumed (without further evidence, how- Tausend 1992, 78-85.
ever) to be the result of Milesian seizure of an unfriendly port on the way to her Pontic
18. M any scholars disagree with the Parian alliance, based on two arguments. One
concerns the dating of the l'arian arbitration at ,Yliletos, which 1 have significantly revised
possessions" (followed by Bradeen 1947, 231). The Parian participation in the arbitration
over Akanthos may mean that Paros was one of the interested parties whose acquiescence
(see chap. 3). The other concerns the fact that the Parians participated with Samos and
was necessary for the stability of a peaceful process of colonization in the north Aegean: at
Erythrai in ca. 650 in an arbitration between Chalkis and Andros over the colony of
Akanthos/Sane (Plut. QG 30), leading some to assume that Paras must have been a
about the same time as the Akanthian arbitration, Paros seized the very desirable north
Chalkidian ally in the Lelantine War and throughout the Archaic period. This conclusion
forces those who adopt it to write off the evidence of the Milesian participation in the
Aegean island of Thasos, after a fierce struggle with the Thracians who had inhabited it
(Graham 1978). Paros was at its height in ca. 650, and its presence in Thrace could not be
colonization of Parion. For example, Burn (1929, 17 n. 46) says, "The Milesian element at
ignored.
Parium, mentioned by Strabo [13.1.14], may be presumed (without further evidence, how-
ever) to be the result of Milesian seizure of an unfriendly port on the way to her Pontic
possessions" (followed by Bradeen 1947, 231). The Parian participation in the arbitration
over Akanthos may mean that Paras was one of the interested parties whose acquiescence
was necessary for the stability of a peaceful process of colonization in the north Aegean: at
about the same time as the Akanthian arbitration, Paras seized the very desirable north
Aegean island of Thasos, after a fi erce struggle with the Thracians who had inhabited it
(Graham 1978). Paras was at its height in ca. 650, and its presence in Thrace could not be
ignored.
with the Etruscans that, like Miletos, the very name Sybarite became a
synonym for luxury (Timai. FGH 566 F 50). The Milesian connection
with Sybaris must have been commercial and probably dated back consid-
erably, even to the end of the seventh century:19 indeed, one of the marks
of Sybarite luxury was the Milesian clothing that they wore (Ath.
with the Etruscans that, like Miletos, the very name Sybarite became a
synonym for luxury (Timai. FGH 566 F 50). The Milesian connection
12.519b). The relationship was very close by the end of the Archaic
period: in a passage already quoted in chapter 1 (Hdt. 6.21.1), the Syba-
rites, who are called the particular friends of the Milesians, are chided by
with Sybaris must have been commercial and probably dated back consid-
Herodotos for failing to show proper sympathy when Miletos was de-
erably, even to the end of the seventh century: l 9 indeed, one of the marks
stroyed in 494.
of Sybarite luxury was the Milesian clothing that they wore (Ath.
In sum, while only the small barren islands very near to Miletos fell
12.519h). The relationship was very close hy the end of the Archaic
into Milesian possession, Miletos must have been involved-especially
period: in a passage already quoted in chapter 1 (Hdt. 6.21.1 ), the Syba-

through trade-with other mainland and island states, and it had particu-
larly friendly relations at some point with at least Eretria, Paros, Erythrai,
rites, who are called the particular friends of the Milesians, are chided by
and Sybaris.
Herodotos for failing to show proper sympathy when Miletos was de-
As the Greeks traveled further abroad, they became involved in com- stroyed in 494.
mercial enterprises with the non-Greek powers of the eastern Mediterra-
In sum, while only the small barren islands very near to Miletos fell
nean. While the Mycenaeans had been active trade partners of the eastern
into Milesian possession, Mil eros must have been involved-especially

states, that commerce died with the collapse of their empire.20 Although
Phoenician traders brought back Greek-especially Euboian-wares to

through trade-with other mainland and island states, and it had particu-
Syria and the Cilician coast as early as the second half of the tenth century
larly friendly relations at some point with at least Eretria, Paros, Erythrai,
B.C.E., the Greeks themselves did not arrive in the Levant until the middle and Sybaris.
of the eighth century, when they appeared not only as traders but also as
As the Greeks traveled further abroad, they became involved in com-
pirates: in 714/13, Sargon II, along with Phoenician reinforcements, led a
mercial enterprises with the non-Greek powers of the eastern Mediterra-

great sea battle against the Greek pirates.21 Greek merchants established
themselves in ethnic quarters of existing cities, such as Al-Mina, Bassit,

nean. While the Mycenaeans had been active trade partners of the eastern
Ingirra (Anchiale), Tarsos, and Shuksu. Their home cities are generally
states, that commerce died with the collapse of their empire. 2o Although
unknown: the only clue consists in the pottery remains, but that evidence Phoenician traders brought back Greek-especially Euboian-wares to
is not clear, since, for example, Euboian ware need not be carried on
Syria and the Cilician coast as early as the second half of the tenth century
B.C.E., the Greeks themselves did not arrive in the Levant until the middle
Euboian ships. In the Near Eastern texts, the Greeks were consistently
labeled collectively with the term Yawan, the Akkadian form of Ionian.
of the eighth century, when they appeared not only as traders but also as
This designation is not helpful in differentiating between Greeks from
19. Bradeen 1947, 234-35 nn. 53 and 57.

pirates: in 714/13, Sargon II, along with Phoenician reinforcements, led a
20. Kochavi (1992) discusses the Mycenaean trade with the Levant in the second millen- great sea battle against the Greek pirates.21 Greek merchants established
nium, as well as enumerating the many trade commodities, items that were still sought when
themselves in ethnic quarters of existing cities, such as Al-Mina, Bassit,
Greek trade resumed with the East.
Ingirra (Anchiale), Tarsos, and Shuksu. Their home cities are generally
21. Greek goods have not been found in Palestine before ca. 800 and remain rare in the
unknown: the only clue consists in the pottery remains, but that evidence
late seventh century: see Haider 1996, esp. 113-15. For Greeks in the Levant, see Haider
1996; Braun 1982b. For the possibility of a land trade route through Asia Minor conducted
is not clear, since, for example, Euboian ware need not be carried on
by Aramaic speakers in the eighth century, see Rollig 1992.
Euboian ships. In the Near Eastern texts, the Greeks were consistently
labeled collectively with the term Yawan, the Akkadian form of Ionian.
This designation is not helpful in differentiating between Greeks from
19. Bradeen 1947, 234-35 nn. 53 and 57.

20. Kochavi (1992) discusses the Mycenaean trade with the Levant in the second millen-
nium, as well as enumerating the many trade commodities, items that were still sought when
Greek trade resumed with the East.
2 1. Greek goods have not been found in Palestine before ca. 800 and remain rare in the
late seventh century: see Haider 1996, esp. 113-15. For Greeks in the Levant, see Hajder
1996; Braun 19S2h. For the possibility of a land trade route through Asia Minor conducted
by Aramaic speakers in the eighth century, see Rollig 1992.
separate cities, but it does indicate that the eastern Greeks made up a
significant proportion of the contingent: even today, Yunani is the word
used to refer to Greeks in the Turkish, Arabic, and Persian languages.

Typically many Greeks in the Levant were engaged in crafts manufac-
turing and trade, especially in metals, both worked and unworked: cop-
separate cities, but it does indicate that the eastern Greeks made up a
significant proportion of the contingent: even today, Yunani is the word
per from Cyprus, tin from Mesopotamia, jewelry, and both gold and
silver plate. Another desirable item was glass, and Phoenicia was also
famous for its dye works, from which the Greeks presumably imported
used to refer to Greeks in the Turkish, Arabic, and Persian languages.
cloth (although probably not so much Miletos, which had its own cloth
Typically many Greeks in the Levant were engaged in crafts manufac-
industry). The Greeks offered in exchange chiefly slaves, as well as other
turing and trade, especially in metals, both worked and unworked: cop-
goods: Ezekiel (27:13) mentions both slaves and bronze cauldrons. The
per from Cyprus, tin from Mesopotamia, jewelry, and both gold and
silver plate. Another desirable item was glass, and Phoenicia was also
most important result of this intercourse was the Greek alphabet: it is
usually thought that Greek merchants in these cities first learned and then
converted the Phoenician alphabet for use with the Greek language, thus
famous for its dye works, from which the Greeks presumably imported
ending the Dark Ages and returning literacy to the Greek world.22
cloth (although probably not so much Miletos, which had its own cloth
Among those who were not merchants, the Greeks are most frequently industry). The Greeks offered in exchange chiefly slaves, as well as other
mentioned, often together with the Carians, as mercenaries in the armies
goods: Ezekiel (27:13) mentions both slaves and bronze cauldrons. The
of the kings. For example, in 605 when Nebuchadrezzar annihilated
most important result of this intercourse was the Greek alphabet: it is

Necho's Egyptian army at Carchemish, there is literary and pottery evi-
dence to indicate that Greeks served as mercenaries on both sides, and it

usually thought that Greek merchants in these cities first learned and then
is also probable that Greeks served under Josiah in Judea.23 Because our
converted the Phoenician alphabet for use with the Greek language, thus
sources are Near Eastern and the various Greeks are not distinguished in ending the Dark Ages and returning literacy to the Greek world.22
them, it is difficult to establish a specific role for the Milesians or indeed
Among those who were not merchants, the Greeks are most frequently
to guarantee their presence in the Levant at all. Miletos was certainly an
mentioned, often together with the Carians, as mercenaries in the armies

importer of Eastern trade goods, although only at a late date: the first
oriental imports appear at Miletos in the sixth century, mainly ivory and
of the kings. For example, in 605 when Nehuchadrezzar annihilated
bronze items of North Syrian manufacture.24 There is no certainty that
Necho's Egyptian army at Carchemish, there is literary and pottery evi-
the goods were carried to Miletos by Milesian, rather than other Greek or dence to indicate that Greeks served as mercenaries on both sides, and it
Phoenician, vessels, but it seems likely that the leading city in lonia,
is also probable that Greeks served under Josiah in Judea.23 Because our
famous later as a merchant power, should be involved in trade dominated
sources are Near Eastern and the various Greeks are not distinguished in
by lonians.
them, it is difficult to establi sh a specific role for the Milesians or indeed

In Egypt, too, the lonians played the leading role in reestablishing
22. For an example of this standard view, see Jeffery 1990; however, new theories are
to guarantee their presence in the Levant at all. Miletos was certainly an
abounding. In particular, Woodard (1997) offers a variant theory, in which Greek writing is importer of Eastern trade goods, although only at a late date: the first
developed on Cyprus by scribes who were accustomed to writing Greek in the Cypriot
oriental imports appear at Miletos in the sixth century, mainly ivory and
syllabary. A completely different view is offered by B. Powell (1991), who argues that a
bronze items of North Syrian manufacture. 24 There is no certainty that

single Euboian adapter worked with a Phoenician informant ca. 800 B.C.E. to establish a
the goods were carried to Miletos by Milesian, rather than other Greek or
prototype of the Greek alphabet for recording hexameter verse.
23. Wiseman 1991, 230; Mitchell 1991, 387.

Phoenician, vessels, but it seems likely that the leading city in Tonia,
24. Weickert et al. 1957, 126-32; Rohlig 1933, 48.
famous later as a merchant power, should be involved in trade dominated
by Ionians.
In Egypt, too, the Ionians played the leading role in reestablishing
22. For an example of this standard view, see Jeffery 1990; however, new theories are
abounding. In particular, Woodard (1997) offers a variant theory, in which Greek writing is
developed on Cyprus by scribes who were accustomed to writing Greek in the Cypriot
syllabary. A completely different view is offered by B. Powell (1991), who argues that a
single Euboian adapter worked with a Phoenician informant ca. 800 B.C.E. to establish a
prototype of the Greek alphabet for recording hexameter verse.

21. Wiseman 1991, 210; Mitchell1991, 387.
24. Weickert et al. 1957, 126-32; Roblig 1933, 48.
contact after the collapse of the Mycenaean trade networks. Here the
Greeks arrived in the middle seventh century:25 no pottery dated to
LH III C has been found, and the first post-Bronze Age sign of a Greek
presence does not come until the reign of Psammitichos I (r. 664-610).
According to Herodotos (2.152), Psammitichos employed a group of sea
contact after the collapse of the Mycenaean trade networks. Here the
Greeks arrived in the middle seventh century: 25 no pottery dated to
raiders from lonia and Caria to work for him as mercenaries, helping
him dispose of the eleven enemies arrayed against him. He then granted
the soldiers land at Bubastis, on the Pelusian mouth of the Nile, which
LH III C has been found, and the first post-Bronze Age sign of a Greek
was called simply the Camps (stratopeda), and this was the beginning of
presence does not come until the reign of Psammitichos I (r. 664-610).
Greek intercourse among the Egyptians (cf. D.S. 1.67). Strabo (17.1.18)
According to Herodotos (2.152), Psammitichos employed a group of sea
tells a similar story but names the Milesians in particular, saying that
raiders from Ionia and Caria to work for him as mercenaries, helping
him dispose of the eleven enemies arrayed against him. He then granted
while Psammitichos reigned, they landed on the Bolbitine mouth of the
Nile and fortified a settlement called the Milesion Teichos (Wall of the
Milesians). It is tempting to try to connect these two stories, but geo-

the soldiers land at Bubastis, on the Pelusian mouth of the Nile, which
graphy does not allow it. Bubastis is on the Pelusian mouth, which is
was called simply the Camps (stratopeda), and this was the beginning of
the far eastern branch of the delta, while the site of Milesion Teichos is to Greek intercourse among the Egyptians (cf. D.S. 1.67). Strabo (17.1.18 )
the west, on the Bolbitine mouth (just east of the Kanopic mouth and the
tells a similar story but names the Milesians in particular, saying that
future site of Alexandria). In part because no likely candidate for
while Psammitichos reigned, they landed on the Bolbitine mouth of the

Milesion Teichos has ever been found, some scholars doubt Strabo's
entire account, believing it to be based on a much later tradition of

Nile and fortified a settlement called the Milesion Teichos (Wall of the
Milesian preeminence in Egypt that was not historically grounded.
Milesians). It is tempting to try to connect these two stories, but geo-
Nevertheless, the presence of Greek mercenaries is well established in graphy does not allow it. Bubastis is on the Pelusian mouth, which is
garrisons or forts throughout many sites in Egypt, and the numbers are
the far eastern branch of the delta, while the site of Milesion Teichos is to
impressive. Thirty thousand such Ionian and Carian mercenaries head-
the west, on the Bolbitine mouth (just east of the Kanopic mouth and the
quartered at Sa's were employed by Apries in the first half of the sixth
century (Hdt. 2.163). The ruins at Daphnai (Tell Defenneh) can be dated
future site of Alexandria) . In part because no likely candidate for
by the pottery remains-mostly from eastern Greece-to the late seventh
Milesion Teichos has ever been found, some scholars doubt Strabo's
century and include a fort that housed twenty thousand men. Memphis entire account, believing it to be based on a much later tradition of
has Greek remains from the late seventh century, although Herodotos
Milesian preeminence in Egypt that was not historically grounded.
(2.154) says that Amasis moved the Greeks there in the sixth. Certainly
Nevertheless, the presence of Greek mercenaries is well established in

we can conclude that Greek (and Carian) mercenaries were busy in Egypt
garrisons or forts throughout many sites in Egypt, and the numbers are
from the middle of the seventh century, and Milesians quite likely stood
among their ranks.

impressive. Thirty thousand such Ionian and Carian mercenaries head-
After the mercenaries came traders, drawn no doubt by the appeal of quartered at Sai's were employed by Apries in the first half of the sixth
Egyptian grain and luxury goods, but, on arrival, they found that access
century (Hdt. 2.163). The ruins at Daphnai (Tell Defenneh) can be dated
to Egyptian markets was strictly limited. Colonization was not an option.
by the pottery remains-mostly from eastern Greece-to the late seventh

25. For Greeks in Egypt, especially in Naukratis, see Moller 2000; Bowden 1996; Braun
century and include a fort that housed twenty thousand men. Memphis
1982a; Boardman 1980, 118-33; Austin 1970.
has Greek remains from the late seventh century, although Herodotos
(2.154) says that Amasis moved the Greeks there in the sixth. Certainly
we can conclude that Greek (and Carian) mercenaries were busy in Egypt
from the middle of the seventh century, and Milesians quite likely stood
among their ranks.
After the mercenaries came traders, drawn no doubt by the appeal of
Egyptian grain and luxury goods, but, on arrival, they found that access
to Egyptian markets was strictly limited. Colonization was not an option.
25. For Greeks in Egypt, especially in Naukratis, see Moller 2000; Bowden 1996; Braun
1982a; Boardman 1980, 118-33; Austin 1970.
The pharaoh refused to allow the establishment of normal Greek poleis in
his land. The Greeks did not spread out and establish trading enclaves in
many Egyptian cities, as they had done in the Near East. Instead, the
pharaoh forced all Greeks, regardless of their home city, to settle to-
gether. Naukratis, the one true Greek trading center in all of Egypt, was
The pharaoh refused to allow the establishment of normal Greek poleis in

his land. The Greeks did not spread out and establish trading enclaves in
established on the east bank of the Kanopic mouth of the Nile, 65 km.
southwest of the future city of Alexandria. It was the sole port in Egypt to
which Greek merchants were allowed to sail, and the commerce emanat-
many Egyptian cities, as they had done in the Near East. Instead, the
ing from it was closely regulated by the Egyptian pharaoh. Among other
pharaoh forced all Greeks, regardless of their home city, to settle to-
things, the Greeks there were denied the right to intermarry with the
gether. Naukratis, the one true Greek trading center in all of Egypt, was
Egyptians, a privilege enjoyed by the mercenaries, who were encouraged
established on the east bank of the Kanopic mouth of the Nile, 65 km.
southwest of the future city of Alexandria. It was the sole port in Egypt to
to do so to keep up a steady supply of soldiers for the royal army.
The origin of Naukratis is murky: we know neither when it was
founded nor by whom, but the story always seems to return to the
which Greek merchants were allowed to sail, and the commerce emanat-
Milesians. Strabo says, xo6vcp 6' &vac)J ouv eg eg6tov yI'a txo6v vo o6v
ing from it was closely regulated by the Egyptian pharaoh. Among other
xatavavaxt o Vu teg 'Ivaogv o6ktv xtitoiuv Ncaixzutv ov moki igf things, the Greeks there were denied the right to intermarry with the
xe86&Lag jr8eQ08v [But in time, sailing out to the Saftic district, they
Egyptians, a privilege enjoyed by the mercenaries, who were encouraged

to do so to keep up a steady supply of soldiers for the royal army.
[the Milesians] defeated Inaros in a sea battle and founded the city of
Naukratis not far above Schedia] (17.1.18). We do not know who Inaros
was, but this tradition that the Milesians founded Naukratis becomes an
The origin of Naukratis is murky: we know neither when it was
often repeated statement in later antiquity, probably based on Miletos's
founded nor by whom, but the story always seems to return to the
subsequent reputation for colonial foundations. However, it is com- Milesians. Strabo says, XQOVQJ D' avaJtJcEUoavw:; EL~ TOV L:a.LTLXOV VOf!OV
pletely unsupported by the archaeological evidence and what we know
xm:avavf.tax~oavTE~ 'Ivagwv n61,Lv lixTwav N a u xgm:Lv ou noA:u ·~~

L:xd)La~ ilmg8Ev [But in time, sailing out to the Sa.itic district, they
about the later city, so it is almost certainly false.26
Herodotos does not confirm the Milesian foundation of Naukratis
(2.178.1-3).
[the Milesians] defeated Inaros in a sea battle and founded the city of
4)tk)kk rv 6 7v6uevo; 6'"A vcLg ; & ) F% ; eE)kIvwv L et e0-
Naukratis not far a bove Schediaj (17.1.18). We do not know who Inaros
ov; ahne86ato xaLt 81 xa 'toLot AmrxveV[votoL ec ALYyvtov was, but this tradition that the Milesians founded N aukratis becomes an
6wxe8 Navbx atLv 6ktv voLxfioa,, toLot 6 iti loo~oivoCtot
often repeated statement in later antiquity, probably based on Miletos's
26. In Roman times, Naukratis used the Milesian calendar and perhaps Milesian laws,
subsequent reputation for colonial foundations. However, it is com-

but Bowden thinks this adoption was later and that the story of the Milesian foundation
pletely unsupported by the archaeological evidence and what we know

arose as justification for this adoption or as a consequence of it: see Bowden 1996, 24-
28; Austin 1970, 23; Moller 2000. The foundation story first occurs in Strabo, but this
about the later city, so it is almost certainly false. 26
story has certain reminiscences of Thucydides' account of the start of the Egyptian revolt H erodotos does not confirm the Milesian foundation of Naukratis
in 463 B.C.E. (1.104) and may be ultimately derived from it. Strabo's story recurs in the
(2.178.1-3).
thalassocracy list of Diodoros Sikilos (7.11); the Sch. Theok. 17.98; Euseb. 88b (Helm),
with the date 749; and Steph. Byz. s.v. NaxQanrLg. Drijvers (1999), however, embraces
Strabo's story and uses it to argue that the Milesian share of Naukratis was only obtained
<)nAE)J,Y]V DE YEVO~LEVO<:; o"A!laOL~ ana TE E~ 'EH~vwv i-!ETE~ETEQ
by force. OlJ~ aJtEDE~aTO xaL D~ x aL TOLOL tlJtlXVElJf!EvOLOL E~ Atyvmov
EDWY.E NauxgatLv n6A.Lv Evmxfjom, TOLOL DE ll~ ~ovA.o!lEVOLm
26. In Roman times, N a ukratis used the Milesian calendar and perhaps Milesian la ws,
but Bowden thinks this adoption was later and that the story of the Milesian foundation
arose as justification for this adoption or as a consequence of it: see Bowden 1996, 24 -
28; Austin 1970, 23; Moller 2000. The foundation story first occurs in Strabo, but this
story has certain reminiscences of Thucydides' account of the start of the Egyptian revolt
in 463 B.C.E. (1.104) and may be ultimately derived from it. Strabo's story recurs in the
thalassocracy list of Diodoros Sik ilos (7.11 ); the Sch. Theok. 17.98; Euseb. 88b (Helm ),
with the date 749; and Steph. Byz. s.v. NauxgatL£. Drijvers (1999), however, embraces
Strabo's story and uses it to argue that the Miles ian share of N aukratis was only obtained
by force.
aotwv AvotzEtv ato0 b6 vavti)to iivotot EW8x Xc6Oovg cvi-
6oco0acOaLt oiwtoig vxal Ievea 0eoloPL. [2] to v vvv LtoyLytoov
actJv t8[evog ZxaL OvoaototUatov 8ov ZxL XolotyL tatov, zxa-

tevoV 6e E vLov, a 8 motieUg etl at 1 9tvi vat xoiv ,
'Idvzwv v XLog xa To;g zxat Izxatia zxa K)Kaoovtev, Aomt-
U'UT(J)V EVOLXEHV auToil CE Va'UTLl>AO~LEvOWL EC(J)XE XOJQO'Uc; EVL-

bguaao8m ~())~oil:; xal Tc~cvca 8cot:m. [2] To ~cv vuv ~tcywwv
wv 6& APobog oxac Kvbog xaztc eAxaoLvnoobo xa L oa L;Xtg,
Alokowv 6 e Mvot-Lnvay ovv. [3] ovtav Wv aot t 1 o0t;o -to
th[evog, cxa T hoootatag ;o0 toi otoQ o o aat at 6itg sto oeLat
aUT<JJV TE~Evo::; xal ovo~aCJTOTaTOV EOV xai. XQ'IlCJL~OJTaTOV, xaA.-
maouxovo tL ocut 6 oe aX t X6 tLEg WtcraotLefiv oL, ovev ci L
EV~EVOV 6io 'EA.A.~vLOv, a'L6c rr6A.tl':::; dm at LCQWLEvm xmv'fj,
tueo6v etautxoLe0vvtL. xO); &6 ALylvftv rat LF oL t Jv i69Sioa-
'Iwv(J)v ~Ev Xlo::; xal Thu::; xal c:t>wxaw xal Kl.a~o~cval, L1(J)Ql-
v-o th{uvog At6g, xa &XXo lato Hflg xac MtiXIotoO
E(J)V CE 'P66oc; xal, Kvl6oc; xaL 'A/,txagvllaaoc; xaL c:t>cwllhc;,

Ato/,/o(J)v 6£ ~ Mun/,11val(J)v ~ouv11. [3] TOVT(J)V ~Ev ECJTL wi!w TO
'Aio avog.
TE~cvoc;, xal JTQOCJTaTac; Toil E~rroglou a~Tm at rr6A.tl':::; dot at

[Since Amasis liked the Greeks, he performed many services for
them and especially to those who came to Egypt he gave the city
Naukratis to inhabit, and to those sea travelers who did not wish to
JtaQEXO'Uam· oom 6£ aA.A.m ;tOALEc; ~ETaJTOLEUVTm, ou6f:v CJ<jn
settle there permanently he gave land to erect altars and precinct to ~cTcov ~cTarrmcilvTm. X(J)QLc; 6£ AtyLv~Tm Errl E(J)UnDv t6guaa-
the gods. [2] Now the greatest sanctuary of these, the most famous
vw ti:~cvo::; L1t6::;, xal &no LU~LOL "Hgr]::; xai. MtA.~aLOL

and the most wealthy, was called the Hellenion. It was erected by
'Arr6A.A.mvo::;.
the following people working together: of the lonians, Chios, Teos,
Phokaia, and Klazomenai, of the Dorians, Rhodes, Knidos, Halikar-
nassos, and Phaselis, and of the Aiolians only Mytilene. [3] This
[Since Amasis liked the Greeks, he performed many services for
sanctuary belongs to these cities, and they are the ones who appoint them and especially to those who came to Egypt he gave the city
the officers in charge of the port. And whatever other cities claim a
Naukratis to inhabit, and to those sea travelers who did not wish to
share in this, they do so illegally. But the Aiginetans by themselves
settle there permanently he gave land to erect altars and precinct to

built a sanctuary of Zeus separate from the rest, and also the
Samians built one for Hera and the Milesians for Apollo.]
the gods. [2] Now the greatest sanctuary of these, the most famous
While not attributing the foundation to any one Greek city, Herodotos
and the most wealthy, was called the Hellenion. It was erected by
does include the Milesians among the inhabitants, and he offers a time the following people working together: of the lonians, Chios, Teos,
reference, the reign of Amasis I, 570-526. But this date is too late for the
Phokaia, and Klazomenai, of the Dorians, Rhodes, Knidos, Halikar-
earliest pottery remnants, Corinthian and Attic sherds from the last quar-
nassos, and Phaselis, and of the Aiolians only Mytilene. [3] This
ter of the seventh century. Instead, the suggestion is often made that the
sanctuary belongs to these cities, and they are the ones who appoint
site was originally occupied under Psammitichos yet somehow reorga-
nized by Amasis.
the officers in charge of the port. And whatever other cities claim a
The excavation at Naukratis has confirmed three of the four sanctuar- share in this, they do so illegally. But the Aiginetans by themselves
ies that Herodotos mentions. The Milesian Temple of Apollo dates to the
built a sanctuary of Zeus separate from the rest, and also the
early sixth century, as probably does the Samian Temple of Hera next to
Samians built one for Hera and the Milesians for Apollo.]
it, although the evidence there is too sparse for certainty. The Hellenion
While not attributing the foundation to any one Greek city, Herodotos
does include the Milesians among the inhabitants, and he offers a time
reference, the reign of Amasis I, 570-526. But this date is too late for the
earliest pottery remnants, Corinthian and Attic sherds from the last quar-
ter of the seventh century. Instead, the suggestion is often made that the
site was originally occupied under Psammitichos yet somehow reorga-
nized hy Amasis.
The excavation at Naukratis has confirmed three of the four sanctuar-
ies that Herodotos mentions. The Milesian Temple of Apollo dates to the
early sixth century, as probably does the Samian Temple of Hera next to
it, although the evidence there is too sparse for certainty. The Hellenion
was later, just after 570, coinciding with the reign of Amasis. Two other
temples have also been found: one to Aphrodite (possibly erected by the
Chians, based on the abundance of Chian pottery there) also dates to the
early sixth century, while a sanctuary for the Dioskouroi has too few
remains left for accurate dating.
was later, just after 570, coinciding with the reign of Amasis. Two other
temples have also been found: one to Aphrodite (possibly erected by the
From the fact that it was one of only three states to erect its own
sanctuary, one might surmise that Miletos enjoyed a favored status, but the
evidence is confusing. Herodotos says that those cities who shared in the
Chians, based on the abundance of Chian pottery there) also dates to the
Hellenion appointed the officers in charge of the port and thus, presum-
early sixth century, while a sanctuary for the Dioskouroi has too few
ably, had control over Naukratis, excluding from power the Samians,
remains left for accurate dating.
Milesians, and Aeginetans. It has been suggested that the founding of the
From the fact that it was one of only three states to erect its own
sanctuary, one might surmise that Miletos enjoyed a favored status, but the
Hellenion represents a political unification of a previously fragmented
Greek settlement. Another view states that the newer arrivals may have
joined together against the older powers, a view perhaps confirmed by the
evidence is confusing. Herodotos says that those cities who shared in the
fact that the Hellenion dates to a period later than that of the other temples.
Hellenion appointed the officers in charge of the port and thus, presum-
Or perhaps Herodotos was mistaken or misinformed and the officers were ably, had control over Naukratis, excluding from power the Samians,
not chosen from such a limited group. Given the evidence available to us, it
Milesians, and Aeginetans. It has been suggested that the founding of the
is impossible to draw a satisfactory conclusion.27
Hellenion represents a political unification of a previously fragmented

Other Milesian evidence besides the Temple of Apollo has been discov-
ered at Naukratis.28 M6oller attributes the Middle Wild Goat-style sherds

Greek settlement. Another view states that the newer arrivals may have
to a Milesian origin, as well as some of the Fikellura vases from the sixth
joined together against the older powers, a view perhaps confirmed by the
century, bird bowls, and Ionian bowls.29 The Greeks sent olive oil and wine fact that the Hellenion dates to a period later than that of the other temples.
to Egypt, much of it for local Greek consumption, although the olive oil
Or perhaps Herodotos was mistaken or misinformed and the officers were
was superior to Egyptian castor and sesame oil and so may have been
not chosen from such a limited group. Given the evidence available to us, it
valued by the Egyptians. The Milesians probably exported furniture and
wool products as well. Finally, large hoards of Greek silver, including both
is impossible to draw a satisfactory conclusion. 27
ingots and coins, have been found in Egypt and the Levant, suggesting that
Other Milesian evidence besides the Temple of Apollo has been discov-
the Greeks paid for many of their purchases in cash, although the mistreat- ered at Naukratis.2 8 Moller attributes the Middle Wild Goat-style sherds
ment of the coins suggests that the Egyptians did not prize them for their
to a Milesian origin, as well as some of the Fikellura vases from the sixth
nominal value but treated them only as bullion. The principal Egyptian
century, bird bowls, and Ionian bowls. 29 The Greeks sent olive oil and wine
commodity available for Milesian import was grain: Bacchylides (fr.
to Egypt, much of it for local Greek consumption, although the olive oil
20B14-16 Snell) mentions ships loaded with Egyptian grain in the fifth
27. For a summary of the arguments, see Austin 1970, 31-32; Moller 2000, chap. 6. I
was superior to Egyptian castor and sesame oil and so may have been
find it telling that neither Austin nor Mller is confident enough to draw any definite valued by the Egyptians. The Milesians probably exported furniture and
conclusions on the topic.
wool products as well. Finally, large hoards of Greek silver, including both
28. Faience and other Egyptian material thought to come from workshops at Naukratis
ingots and coins, have been found in Egypt and the Levant, suggesting that
has recently been found at the Archaic Sanctuary to Aphrodite on Zeytintepe, in Milesian
the Greeks paid for many of their purchases in cash, although the mistreat-
territory. See Holbl 1999.
29. Mller 2000, chap. 6.

ment of the coins suggests that the Egyptians did not prize them for their
nominal value but treated them only as bullion. The principal Egyptian
commodity available for Milesian import was grain: Bacchylides (fr.
20B14-16 Snell) mentions ships loaded with Egyptian grain in the fifth
27. For a summary of the arguments, see Austin 1970, 31-32; Moller 2000, chap. IJ. I
find it telling that neither Austin nor Moller is confident enough to draw any definite
conclusions on the topic.
28. Faience and other Egyptian material thought to come from workshops at Naukratis
has recently been found at the Archaic Sanctuary to Aphrodite on Zeytintepe, in Nlilesian
territory. See Holbl 1999.

29. Moller 2000, chap. 6.
century, and presumably they sailed earlier as well. In general, the Greeks
also sought linen for clothing and sails, papyrus, salt, alum for dying, gold
and semiprecious stones, incense, animal skins, unguents and perfumes,

ebony, ivory, and alabaster.30
Thus, in the early Archaic period, Miletos and other Greek cities began
century, and presumably they sailed earlier as well. In general, the Greeks
also sought linen for clothing and sails, papyrus, salt, alum for dying, gold
to develop commercial relationships both among themselves and with the
older civilizations of the eastern Mediterranean. However, that large trade
network was not the limit of Greek involvement abroad, for the lonians
and semiprecious stones, incense, animal skins, unguents and perfumes,
and others started very early to establish proper Greek cities in faraway
ebony, ivory, and alabaster.30
places. A period of colonization began in the Mediterranean and Pontos as
Thus, in the early Archaic period, Miletos and other Greek cities began
early as the middle of the eighth century B.C.E. and lasted for more than
to develop commercial relationships both among themselves and with the

older civilizations of the eastern Mediterranean. However, that large trade
two hundred years, serving as a direct stimulus to the prosperity of the
Classical Greek world.
Colonization
network was not the limit of Greek involvement abroad, for the lonians
Although the specific causes for the Archaic colonial expansion continue
and others started very early to establish proper Greek cities in faraway
to be disputed, two main alternatives are postulated. The first holds that places. A period of colonization began in the Mediterranean and Pontos as
the Greek cities were either overcrowded or somehow lacking in re-
early as the middle of the eighth century R.C.E. and lasted for more than
sources, so that they were forced by necessity to stretch their skimpy food
two hundred years, serving as a direct stimulus to the prosperity of the

supply beyond what it could sustain. The problem may have occurred
because of a population explosion in the home city or because the avail-

Classical Greek world.
ability of resources fell due to drought, famine, or climatic change. Ac-
cording to this scenario, the Greeks colonized especially to get rid of
excess people, out of "land hunger" as scholars usually call it. In one
Colonization
variation of this theory, the colonies are also viewed as food producers:
the mother city would naturally maintain close ties and a most-favored-
nation status with the colonies, so colonies that were located in fertile,
Although the specific causes for the Archaic colonial expansion continue
grain-producing regions would ship their excess produce back home to
to be disputed, two main alternatives are postulated. The first holds that
the mother city.31 the Greek cities were either overcrowded or somehow lacking in re-
30. Mller 2000; Ehrhardt 1983, 87-90; Graham 1982a, 134; Boardman 1980, 129;
sources, so that they were forced by necessity to stretch their skimpy food
Austin 1970, 35-39; Rohlig 1933, 31-37; Bilabel 1920, 58-59; Dunham 1915, 23-24.
supply beyond what it could sustain. The problem may have occurred
31. Among the many sources on Greek colonization in general, see Tsetskhladze 1998a;
because of a population explosion in the home city or because the avail-

Graham 1982a; Graham 1982b; Graham 1983; Boardman 1980; Murray 1980, chap. 7;
Danoff 1962, 1056-57; Roebuck 1959. Roebuck (1959, 87-130) summarizes the different
ability of resources fell due to drought, famine, or climatic change. Ac-
motivations and the evidence for them, while Tsetskhladze (1994, 123-26) makes a specifi- cording to this scenario, the Greeks colonized especially to get rid of
cally Milesian argument. Cook 1946 (79), Graham 1982a, and Noonan 1973 typify the
excess people, out of "land hunger" as scholars usually call it. ln one
arguments for overcrowding. Noonan does not believe that the Black Sea produced suffi-
variation of this theory, the colonies are also viewed as food producers:
the mother city would naturally maintain close ties and a most-favored-
cient volume of grain to allow for its export until the late sixth or early fifth century B.C.E.
nation status with the colonies, so colonies that were located in fertile,
grain-producing regions would ship their excess produce back home to
the mother city.ll
30. Moller 2000; Ehrhardt 1983, 87-90; Graham 1982a, 134 ; Boardman 1980, 129;
Austin 1970, 35-39; Rohlig 1933, 31-37; Bilabel 1920, 58-5 9; Dunham 1915, 23- 24 .
.) 1. Among the many sources on Greek colonization in general, see Tsetskhladze 199Sa;
Graham 1982a; Graham 1982b; Graham 1983; Boardman 1980; Murray 1980, chap. 7;
Danoff 1962, 1056-57; Roebuck 1959. Roebuck (1959, 87-130) summarizes the different
motivations and the evidence for them, while Tsetskhladze (1994, 123-26) makes a specifi-
cally Milesian argument. Cook 1946 (79), Graham 1982a, and Noonan 1973 typify the
arguments for overcrowding. Noonan does not believe that the Black Sea produced suffi-
cient volume of grain to allow for its export until the late sixth or early fifth century li.C.L
Ever since the fall of the Mycenaeans and the Dark Ages, the Greek
world suffered a general scarcity of such metals as tin and copper (the
ingredients of bronze) and of gold most of all. Silver was found in a few
large deposits in Greece-in Thrace, on Siphnos, and, in the fifth century,
in Attika. Iron was more widespread, but even it was lacking at some
Ever since the fall of the Mycenaeans and the Dark Ages, the Greek
world suffered a general scarcity of such metals as tin and copper (the
locations. Without these metals, life could continue only on the most
primitive level, without adequate tools and weaponry. Accordingly, the
alternative view maintains that the Greeks colonized in regions that of-
ingredients of bronze) and of gold most of all. Silver was found in a few
fered safe locations near natural resources or on trade routes with native
large deposits in Greece-in Thrace, on Siphnos, and, in the fifth century,
peoples, especially those rich in metals, as well as raw wool, hides, tim-
in Attika. Iron was more widespread, but even it was lacking at some
ber, fish, hemp, flax, honey, and probably slaves.32 Why else would the
locations. Without these metals, life could continue only on the most
primitive level, without adequate tools and weaponry. Accordingly, the
Greeks bypass good land nearer to home to establish their earliest colo-
nies as far away as the Bay of Naples and the middle of the Black Sea,
places that can be seen as the termini of trade routes?33

alternative view maintains that the Greeks colonized in regions that of-
In the end, it is fruitless to look for one exclusive cause of Greek
fered safe locations near natural resources or on trade routes with native
colonization. The motives would have varied according to the situation peoples, especially those rich in metals, as well as raw wool, hides, tim-
of the diverse mother cities, over time, and from colonial location to
ber, fish, hemp, flax, honey, and probably slaves.32 Why else would the
location. One colony may be situated near a friendly native tribe but may
Greeks bypass good land nearer to home to establish their earliest colo-
itself lack the agricultural land to support even its own population, sug-
gesting that trade should be the motivation for that particular site. An-
nies as far away as the Bay of Naples and the middle of the Black Sea,
other may have arable land to spare, but little native contact, suggesting
places that can be seen as the termini of trade routes?33
an agricultural settlement. A third might exploit other natural resources, In the end, it is fruitless to look for one exclusive cause of Greek
either using them locally or by sending them abroad. The conditions in
colonization. The motives would have varied according to the situation
the ancient world are too complex and too little understood to allow for
of the diverse mother cities, over time, and from colonial location to
an accurate and convincing reconstruction of the colonial models. At
best, we may have enough evidence available for an individual site to

location. One colony may he situated near a friendly native tribe bur may
He argues that, instead of being motivated by a need for food in the mother city, the
itself lack the agricultural land to support even its own population, sug-
migration was motivated by land hunger. Cawkwell (1992) summarizes the arguments for gesting that trade should be the motivation for that particular site. An-
climatic problems (cf. Camp 1979), at least for the earliest colonies, and argues against the
other may have arable land to spare, but little native contact, suggesting
population explosion model.
an agricultural settlement. A third might exploit other natural resources,

32. Iron: Aesch. Prom. Vinct. 714; Xen. Anab. 5.5.1. Silver: Str. 12.3.19. Gold: Str.
either using them locally or by sending them abroad. The conditions in

11.2.18. Wool and clothing: Pliny NH 6.5; Hipponax of Ephesos in Tzetz. Chil. 10.348ff.
Hides: Str. 11.2.3. Timber: Theoph. Hist. Plant. 4.5.5; Str. 11.2.17, 12.3.11-12; Pliny NH
the ancient world are too complex and too little understood to allow for
16.197. Fish: Arist. Hist. An. 8.13.2; Str. 7.6.2, 12.3.19; Hdt. 4.53. Hemp: Hdt. 4.74; Str. an accurate and convincing reconstruction of the colonial models. At
11.2.17. Flax: Hdt. 2.105; Str. 11.2.17; Xen. Cyn. 4. Honey and wax: Polyb. 4.38.1ff.
best, we may have enough evidence available for an individual site to
33. For trade as the motivating factor in the north Pontos, see Solovev 1998; Koshelenko
and Kuznetsov 1998. Cawkwell (1992, 296) believes that trade may have been a strong
motive for later colonies but that the early ones were founded to escape drought and/or
He argues that, instead of being motivated by a need for food in the mother city, the
famine; however, he does not sufficiently explain the distance to the first few colonies
migration was motivated by land hunger. Cawkwell (1992) summarizes the arguments for
(Pithekousai, Sinope, and Kyzikos).
climatic problems (d. Camp 1979), at least for the earliest colonies, and argues against the
population explosion model.
32. Iron: Aesch. Prom. Vinet. 714; Xen. Anab. 5.5.1. Silver: Str. 12.3.19. Gold: Str.
11.2.18. Wool and clothing: Pliny NH 6.5; Hipponax of Ephesos in Tzetz. Chi/. 10.348££.
Hides: Str. 11.2.3. Timber: Tbeopb. Hist. Plant. 4.5.5; Str. 11.2.17, 12.3.11-12; Pliny NH
16.197. Fish: Arist. Hist. An. 8.13.2; Str. 7.6.2, 12.3.19; Hdt. 4.53. Hemp: Hdt. 4.74; Str.
11.2.17. Flax: Hdt. 2.105; Str. 11.2.17; Xen. Cyn. 4. Honey and wax: Polyb. 4.38.1ff.
33. For trade as the motivating factor in the north Pontos, see Solovev 1998; Koshelenko
and Kuznetsov 1998. Cawkwell (1992, 296) believes that trade may have been a strong
motive for later colonies but that the early ones were founded to escape drought and/or
famine; however, he does not sufficiently explain the distance to the first few colonies
(Pithekousai, Sinope, and Kyzikos).
allow intelligent guesses about its origin and role in the Archaic Greek
economy.
The Greek colonization movement was inspired by the first distant

expeditions abroad, remembered in such mythological stories as the wan-
derings of Odysseus, which are sometimes set in Italy and the west, and of
allow intelligent guesses about its origin and role in the Archaic Greek
economy.
Jason and the Argonauts, who sailed into the Black Sea. Sporadic voyages
would have opened the eyes of those seafarers to the potential in trade and
settlement abroad, leading to a gradual regularization of contact with

The Greek colonization movement was inspired by the first distant
native peoples all along the Mediterranean and Pontic shores.34 Beginning
expeditions abroad, remembered in such mythological stories as the wan-
in the eighth century, various cities sent out colonies, called apoikiai, that
derings of Odysseus, which are sometimes set in Italy and the west, and of
were intended to be permanent independent settlements, sometimes with
Jason and the Argonauts, who sailed into the Black Sea. Sporadic voyages
extensive territorial claims. Some thrived and grew over the years to have
would have opened the eyes of those seafarers to the potential in trade and
tens of thousands of inhabitants and even prospered sufficiently to send
out secondary foundations, ancillary settlements made by a primary col-

settlement abroad, leading to a gradual regularization of contact with
ony to consolidate its agricultural hold over a region or to extend its
native peoples all along the Mediterranean and Pontic shores. 34 Beginning
trading influence. in the eighth century, various cities sent out colonies, called apoikiai, that
Each colony, no matter what its nature, was entrusted to an oikist, or
were intended to be permanent independent settlements, sometimes with

founder, who was given charge of the operation from start to finish,
extensive territorial claims. Some thrived and grew over the years to have
including establishing the physical layout and autonomous political
institutions of the new city. When choosing a specific location, the

tens of thousands of inhabitants and even prospered sufficiently to send
founder typically looked for a site near native peoples who were amen-
out secondary foundations, ancillary settlements made by a primary col-
able to trade. But in the first instance, until friendly relations with the ony to consolidate its agricultural hold over a region or to extend its
natives could be established, the site had to be defensible. He also sought
trading influence.
nearby navigable water with good harbors, to provide ready transporta-
Each colony, no matter what its nature, was entrusted to an oikist, or

tion to and from the site, by river to the native peoples inland and by sea
to the rest of Greece. The first settlement in a region was often on an

founder, who was given charge of the operation from start to finish,
island or peninsula that could be easily defended; it was sometimes later
including establishing the physical layout and autonomous political
moved to a location with better agricultural or trading potential. Thus, institutions of the new city. When choosing a specific location, the
the colonies tended to cluster along coastlines, especially near the mouths
founder typically looked for a site near native peoples who were amen-
of rivers, and close enough to established peoples to profit from trade,
able to trade. But in the first instance, until friendly relations with the
but not so close as to provoke a unified military response that the colony
natives could be established, the site had to be defensible. He also sought

could not withstand.3s
The individual colonies reflected the diversity of circumstances in

nearby navigable water with good harbors, to provide ready transporta-
which they were founded. Some based their economy on farming, fishing, tion to and from the site, by river to the native peoples inland and by sea
and the general exploitation of other raw materials in the region. Others
to the rest of Greece. The first settlement in a region was often on an
were primarily oriented toward the exchange of goods and raw materials
island or peninsula that could be easily defended; it was sometimes later

34. Malkin 1998; Graham 1990.
moved to a location with better agricultural or trading potential. Thus,

35. Murray 1980, 100-119.
the colonies tended to cluster along coastlines, especially near the mouths
of rivers, and close enough to established peoples to profit from trade,
but not so close as to provoke a unified military response that the colony
could not withstand.35
The individual colonies reflected the diversity of circumstances in
which they were founded. Some based their economy on farming, fishing,
and the general exploitation of other raw materials in the region. Others
were primarily oriented toward the exchange of goods and raw materials
34. Malkin 1998; Graham 1990.

35. Murray 1980, 100-119.
with the native peoples: as such, they were known as emporia. Although
modern scholars sometimes try to differentiate between emporion and
apoikia as technical terms, the Greek writers-Herodotos especially-

make no clear distinction between the two: nearly all emporia were inde-
pendent poleis in their own right, although it was possible to designate as
with the native peoples: as such, they were known as emporia. Although
modern scholars sometimes try to differentiate between emporion and
an emporion the port district of a city or a trading post without formal
autonomy. One must conclude that the appellation emporion meant that
the location was heavily involved in trade but said nothing about its
apoikia as technical terms, the Greek writers-Herodotos especially-
political status and did not preclude another economic base for the settle-
make no clear distinction between the two: nearly all emporia were inde-
ment as well, such as agriculture or fishing. If the colony had its chief base
pendent poleis in their own right, although it was possible to designate as
in agriculture, it was more commonly called an apoikia.36
an emporion the port district of a city or a trading post without formal

autonomy. One must conclude that the appellation emporion meant that
The Greeks concentrated their colonial settlements in three main ar-
eas: Magna Graecia (Italy below Naples) and Sicily; the north Aegean
region, including the Chalkidike; and the northeast corner of the Mediter-
the location was heavily involved in trade but said nothing about its
ranean, including the Hellespont, Propontis, Bosporos, and Pontos.37 In
political status and did not preclude another economic base for the settle-
the first region, the Greeks found they could gain valuable arable land ment as well, such as agriculture or fishing. If the colony had its chief base
while also establishing trade routes with the Etruscans and across to
in agriculture, it was more commonly called an apoikia.36

Spain and inland Europe. In the second, the Thracians were fierce adver-
The Greeks concentrated their colonial settlements in three main ar-

saries whose bellicose customs and migratory habits threatened the stabil-
ity of the north Aegean colonies, but the well-watered plains, dense for-
eas: Magna Graecia (Italy below Naples) and Sicily; the north Aegean
ests, and rich mines were well worth the risk.38 Finally, the Propontic and
region, including the Chalkidike; and the northeast corner of the Mediter-
Pontic regions offered many resources both in food and in metals, and ranean, including the Hellespont, Propontis, Bosporos, and Pontos.3 7 In
they were inhabited by many native, often nomadic societies that, though
the first region, the Greeks found they could gain valuable arable land
sometimes hostile, had much to offer the Greeks in trade.39
while also establishing trade routes with the Etruscans and across to
The colonizing movement swept through Archaic Greece. Some cities
sent out only a handful of colonies: Sparta founded only one colony of any
Spain and inland Europe. In the second, the Thracians were fierce adver-
importance, Taras (modern Tarento) in southern Italy.40 Others settled a
saries whose bellicose customs and migratory habits threatened the stabil-
dozen or more cities, led by the pioneering ventures of the Euboian cities, ity of the north Aegean colonies, but the well-watered plains, dense for-
Eretria and Chalkis, which founded the first confirmed colonies in the
ests, and rich mines were well worth the risk. 38 Finally, the Propontic and
36. Bresson and Rouillard 1993; Hansen 1997a, 1997b; Hind 1997. Danoff (1962,
Pontic regions offered many resources both in food and in metals, and
1050-57) is a spokesman for an older theory of colonization as a lengthy process with
they were inhabited by many native, often nomadic societies that, though
distinct stages, from first contact, to trading post, to colony; however, this theory is not now
generally accepted.
sometimes hostile, had much to offer the Greeks in trade.3 9
37. Of course, there were colonies elsewhere (the Adriatic, Libya, and the Mediterranean The colonizing movement swept through Archaic Greece. Some cities
coast of France and Spain), but they were fewer in number.
sent out only a handful of colonies: Sparta founded only one colony of any
38. Mihailov 1991. Graham (1978) makes the argument that the relatively late date for
importance, Taras (modern Tarento) in southern Italy. 40 Others settled a

the Parian colonization of the very desirable island Thasos (ca. 650) was due to the strength
dozen or more cities, led by the pioneering ventures of the Euboian cities,
of the native Thracians and their Phoenician backing.
39. Sulimirski and Taylor 1991; Mellink 1991b; Graham 1971, 40-41; Danoff 1962;
Eretria and Chalkis, which founded the first confirmed colonies in the
Roebuck 1959, 42-60.
36. Bresson and Rouillard 1993; Hansen 1997a, 1997b; Hind 1997. Danoff (1962,
40. Malkin 1994.
1050-57) is a spokesman for an older theory of colonization as a lengthy process with

distinct stages, from first contact, to trading post, to colony; however, this theory is not now
generally accepted.
37. Of course, there were colonies elsewhere (the Adriatic, Libya, and the Mediterranean
coast of France and Spain), but they were fewer in number.
38. Mihailov 1991. Graham (1978) makes the argument that the relatively late date for
the Parian colonization of the very desirable island Thasos (ca. 650 ) was due to the suength
of the native Thracians and their Phoenician backing.
39. Sulimirski and Taylor 1991; Mellink 1991b; Graham 1971, 40-41; Danoff 1962;
Roebuck 1959,42-60.
40. Malkin 1994.
middle of the eighth century, at Pithekousai and Kyme in the Bay of Naples,
and then followed with others in both the west and the north. They were
rivaled by Corinth, the master of the isthmus and so a dominant sea power
that established, among others, Syracuse (mid-eighth century), soon to
become the preeminent city on Sicily, and Potidaia on the Chalkidike
middle ofthe eighth century, at Pithekousai and Kyme in the Bay of Naples,
and then followed with others in both the west and the north. They were
(mid-seventh century). Another leading colonizer, Megara, founded
Megara Hyblaia on Sicily (728 B.C.E.) and many cities in the Propontis and
Bosporos, including the very successful sites of Chalkedon and Byzantion

rivaled by Corinth, the master of the isthmus and so a dominant sea power
(later Constantinople), built on either side of the mouth of the Bosporos in
that established, among others, Syracuse (mid-eighth century), soon to
the early to middle part of the seventh century.
become the preeminent city on Sicily, and Potidaia on the Chalkidike
The most successful mother city, the one most renowned for the num-
(mid-seventh century). Another leading colonizer, Megara, founded

ber and prosperity of its colonies, was Miletos.41 Strabo says (14.1.6):
Megara Hyblaia on Sicily (728 B.C.E.) and many cities in the Propontis and
&motxtv" 6 te yho EvreLvog Qnovog VQo ovot v Govvxto'tat cxg
ixai H1 pomovtdg xaL &) ot sk'ovU g6oot.

Bosporos, including the very successful sites of Chalkedon and Byzantion
[The deeds of this city are many, but the greatest one is the number
(later Constantinople), built on either side of the mouth of the Bosporos in
of its colonies. For the Black Sea has been entirely colonized by the early to middle part of the seventh century.
them, as well as the Propontis and a good many other regions.]
The most successful mother city, the one most renowned for the num-
Pseudo-Skymnos (GGM 1.225, lines 734-37) adds that the Milesians
ber and prosperity of its colonies, was Miletos. 41 Strabo says (14.1.6):
were able by their colonization efforts to change the name of the Pontos
from "Inhospitable" (Axeinos) to "Hospitable" (Euxeinos). Even under
the Roman Empire, the Milesians themselves continued to brag about

rro"A/,a 68 t~~:; rr6"Acw~:; £Qya tautll!:;, ~tioywtov 68 to rr"A~8o~:; twv
their colonizing prowess in inscriptional prescripts from the second
i'mmrwiJV. otE yag Eui;Etvo~:; rr6vto~:; uno toinmv ouvopcwtm rrii;
century C.E., calling themselves H ThQciTtflg 'ImwVLag ZtoLxLvl ZcixaL [tlt-
xal, ~ TigorrovtLI:; xal, aA_),m JtAELOUI:; tOJtOL.

o6o)Log o) Mv xc t e8y'Vmov o6)Vemv v t8 t~ H6vr xa' -r ALy tATp
zxat x o cLXXoo tifg oLxov Vn;g Mti)Lo'v m6 o tg [the city of Miletos, the
first to inhabit lonia, and the mother city of many great cities on the
[The deeds of this city are many, but the greatest one is the number
Pontos and in Egypt and in many places].42 of its colonies. For the Black Sea has been entirely colonized by
Without a doubt, Miletos colonized far more cities than did any other
them, as well as the Propontis and a good many other regions.]
Greek polis. Ancient sources put the number of Milesian colonies as high
as ninety. Modern scholars, using archaeological evidence as well as the
41. For Milesian trade and colonization in particular, the main sources are Rohlig 1933,
Pseudo-Skymnos (GGM 1.225, lines 734-37) adds that the Milesians
Bilabel 1920, 9-153; Ehrhardt 1983. Roebuck (1959) discusses Ionian trade.
were able by their colonization efforts to change the name of the Pontos
42. This text is found or restored formulaically in the lacunae of prescripts of Milet 1.7 from "Inhospitable" (Axeinos) to "Hospitable" (Euxeinos). Even under
#233-36, 239, 240 (= CIG 2878), erected under the emperors Antoninus Pius, Marcus
the Roman Empire, the Milesians themselves continued to brag about

Aurelius, Commodus, and Septimius Severus.
their colonizing prowess in inscriptional prescripts from the second

century C.E., calling themselves 'H ;tQWtll t~; 'Iwvia; cf:>xw~fVll xal, ~llt
g6rro/,t; noHwv xat ~cya"Amv rr6/,Emv Ev tE t0 II6vnp xat tft Aty{mt<p

xal, rroHaxoil t~~:; otxou~£v11; MLA11QLOJV rr6"At.; [the city of Miletos, the
first to inhabit Ionia, and the mother city of many great cities on the
Pontos and in Egypt and in many places]. 42
Without a doubt, Miletos colonized far more cities than did any other
Greek polis. Ancient sources put the number of Milesian colonies as high
as ninety. Modern scholars, using archaeological evidence as well as the
41. For Milesian trade and colonization in particular, the main sources are Ri:ihlig 1933,
Rilabel 1920, 9- 153; Ehrhardt 1983. Roebuck ( 1959) discusses Ionian trade.
42. This text is found or restored formulaically in the lacunae of prescripts of Milet 1.7
#233-36, 239, 240 (= CIG 2878), erected under the emperors Antoninus Pius, Marcus
Aurelius, Commodus, and Septimius Severus.
literary references, have made lower estimates, ranging from thirty to
forty-five Milesian colonies.43 More cities will be added to that list in
years to come, when archaeological efforts in the Propontic and Pontic

regions are expanded. Meanwhile, even if we accept the conservative
numbers and count only the primary settlements, the fact remains that
literary references, have made lower estimates, ranging from thirty to

forty-five Milesian colonies. 43 More cities will be added to that list in
Miletos established a significant proportion of the Greek colonies: ap-
proximately one-fifth of all known Greek colonies between 800 and 500
B.C.E. and, astonishingly, more than one-half of the colonies in the north-
years to come, when archaeological efforts in the Propontic and Pontic
east. No other mother city exerts that kind of domination in an area of
regions are expanded. Meanwhile, even if we accept the conservative
Greek colonization.44
numbers and count only the primary settlements, the fact remains that
While Pithekousai is generally regarded to be the earliest Archaic
Miletos established a significant proportion of the Greek colonies: ap-

Greek colony, being founded before ca. 750-725, Miletos is credited
proximately one-fifth of all known Greek colonies between 800 and 500
in the literary record with two colonies in the same era: Kyzikos and
Sinope.45 These foundations are problematic, however, both because of

B.C.E. and, astonishingly, more than one-half of the colonies in the north-
their extreme antiquity and because these cities are given not one but two
east. No other mother city exerts that kind of domination in an area of
foundation dates in the extant literature. Eusebius (88b and 93b Helm) Greek colonization.44
gives both 756 and 679 as foundation dates for Kyzikos. He dates Sinope
While Pithekousai is generally regarded to be the earliest Archaic

to 631 (96b Helm), but then he dates Sinope's colony, Trapezous, to 756
Greek colony, being founded before ca. 750-725, Miletos is credited

(1.80e Schoene [Armen.]), implying that Sinope had to have had an
original foundation date even earlier.46 Pseudo-Skymnos (GGM 1.236,

in the literary record with two colonies in the same era: Kyzikos and
lines 941-52 = 986-97 Diller [source of text]) would seem to confirm
Sinope. 4 5 These foundations are problematic, however, both because of
this double foundation. their extreme antiquity and because these cities are given not one but two
(XIv6rm m6 tg) - - - - -- v tVog
foundation dates in the extant literature. Eusebius (88b and 93b Helm)
'Apato6vv tcJv rXrotoyLxbov (&6o) [tLag,
gives both 756 and 679 as foundation dates for Kyzikos. He dates Sinope
v ote [ev cxouv 8yyeVeg vteg IhU9ot,
et ft a &"o 6', bg k ov otv, EXkf vwOv 06o

to 631 (96h Helm), hut then he dates Sinope's colony, Trapezous, to 756
F ' 'Apatovwv 6tip(ooyv, Avtovxog "e xa'
(1.80e Schoene [Annen.]), implying that Sinope had to have had an
coUv A11theovtt (DOoytog, 5vreg 88tta oL' original foundation date even earlier. 46 Pseudo-Skymnos (GGM 1.236,
43. Sen. Helv. 7 (75 colonies); Pliny NH 5.112 (90); Graham 1982a, 160-62 (30);
lines 941-52 = 986-97 Diller [source of text]) would seem to confirm
Ehrhardt 1983, 96 and passim (40 primary and 30 secondary); Bilabel 1920, 13-60 (45).
this double foundation.

See the appendix at the end of this volume.
44. The numbers I use here are from Graham 1982a, 160-62. Miletos colonized thirty
out of fifty-one colonies in the northeast. With the four known secondary settlements in
(LLVOJJtll JtOt.Lc;) - - - - - E:;tWVWtoc;
his charts, the figure reaches 69 percent. The next most prolific colonizer, Chalkis, settled
'At.ta~6vwv Twv nA.l']oLoxwQwv (ano) ~-tLiic;,
nine colonies in the west and seven in the north Aegean, totaling 12 percent of all known
~v ;tOT£ !-lEV q)xouv E"{"{fVfl£ ovr£; LVQOL,

f.tETcl Taiha b', we; A.f.youmv, 'EU~vwv OOOL
Greek colonization and 37.5 percent of the colonization of the west.
bi' 'At.ta~6vwv OLf.~rJaav, Mn6A.ux6c; T£ xal,

45. For early Greek colonization and precolonial contacts, see Graham 1990.
46. Trapezous as colony of Sinope: Xen. Anab. 4.8.22; D.S. 14.30.3; Arr. Peripl. Eux. 1
= GGM 1.370, para. 1; Steph. Byz. s.v.; Eust. Dion. Per. 687.
ouv ~llLAEOVTL <IJA.6ywc:;, ovT£c:; 8£na),oL·
43. Sen. Helv. 7 (75 colonies); Pliny NH 5.112 (90); Graham 1.982a, 160-62 (30);
Ehrhardt 1983, 96 and passim (40 primary and 30 secondary); Bilabel 1920, 13-60 (45 ).
Sec the appendix at the end of this volume.
44. The numbers I use here are from Graham 1982a, 160-62. Miletos colonized thirty
out of fifty-one colonies in the northeast. With the four known secondary settlements in
his charts, the figure reaches 69 percent. The next most prolific colonizer, Chalkis, settled
nine colonies in the west and seven in the north Aegean, totaling 12 percent of all known
Greek colonization and 37.5 percent of the colonization of the west.
45. For early Greek colonization and precolonial contacts, see Graham 1990.
46. Trapezous as colony of Sinope: Xen. Anab. 4.8.22; D.S. 14.30.3; Arr. Peripl. Eux. 1
= GGM 1.370, para. 1; Steph. Ryz. s.v.; Fust. Dion. Per. 687.
F neLtta(s') "APQW y oypvet MLXfJloog,
{no KL4E14QtLW obtog (s') avaLe9POuL 6oxe
teLt KLv Ie49ovg Kc og m 6tav 6e Krft'fvlg

oL yevoevoL vy&tieg (te) t<Jv Miro'tyLv.
o oo covoixzocU 6' T i1v v~lxaz
£m:m;a (6') "A~gwv c0 y£vEL Mtf.~moc;,

6 K11L49EQ{o xateiue iriv 'AcO'av c iutog.
[Next comes Sinope,... a city that is named for an Amazon, of

uno KL!-!1-!EQLWV O~toc; (b') avmgci:a8m boxri'
whom there were many in that land. At one point, the wellborn
!-!ELU KL!l~lEQL01Jc; K<$oc; Jt<XfcLV b£ KQlltLVf]c;
Syrians occupied it, and afterward, as they say, some Greeks who
ot "{EVO!lEVOL cpvya6E::; (tE) tWV MLAf]OLWV.
had fought against the Amazons, Autolykos and Phlogios with
O~TOL avvmxlsovm ()' mm1v llVLXa
Deileon, Thessalian men. Then came Habrondas, a Milesian by
race. It seems that he was killed by Kimmerians. But after the

o Kt~l!lEQLWV xatfi'!QallE t~v 'A olav atgat6::;.
Kimmerians came Koos and Kretines, who were exiles from among
[Next comes Sinope, ... a city that is named for an Amazon, of
the Milesians. These men colonized the city, when the army of
whom there were many in that land. At one point, the wellborn
Kimmerians overran Asia.]
Syrians occupied it, and afterward, as they say, some Greeks who
Many scholars dismiss as fiction the earlier dates, reasoning, first, that
excavators have not yet found any material in the Pontos that can be
had fought against the Amazons, Autolykos and Phlogios with
securely dated to the eighth century B.C.E. and, second, that the Greeks
Deileon, Thessalian men. Then came Habrondas, a Milesian by
were incapable of sailing up the Bosporos before ca. 700. The first reason is race. It seems that he was killed by Kimmerians. But after the
a classic argumentum ex silentio that cannot be taken as the last word but
Kimmerians came Koos and Kretines, who were exiles from among
instead must be seen as a terminus ante quem: we can be sure that there is
the Milesians. These men colonized the city, when the army of
nothing earlier that has not yet been found, especially since the sites in
question are by no means excavated thoroughly. In contrast, the written

Kimmerians overran Asia.]
sources have proven themselves generally reliable and should not be dis-
carded cavalierly, without positive counterevidence.47 The second argu- Many scholars dismiss as fiction the earlier dates, reasoning, first, that
ment is based on prevailing wind and current conditions blowing from the
excavators have not yet found any material in the Pontos that can be
Pontos out to the Aegean Sea.48 However, modern wind tables show that
securely dated to the eighth century H.C.E. and, second, that the Greeks
47. Graham 1958, esp. 38-39; Graham 1971, 38; Cook 1946; PECS 473-74, 842. Cf.
Tsetskhladze 1994, 118; 1998a. According to Graham (1990, 52), Trapezous has never
were incapable of sailing up the Bosporos before ca. 700. The first reason is
been dug at all, while the excavations at Sinope have been "too sporadic to create any
a classic argumentum ex silentio that cannot be taken as the last word but
confidence that the earliest material is known." At Olbia/Berezan, the best excavated of the instead must be seen as a terminus ante quem: we can be sure that there is
Milesian colonies, the foundation date of 647 (Eus. 95b Helm) is supported by archaeologi-
nothing earlier that has not yet been found, especially since the sites in
cal finds: Vinogradov and Kryzickij (1995, 127) report the discovery of a sherd from
question are by no means excavated thoroughly. In contrast, the written

Berezan from the second quarter of the seventh century and others from Olbia from the
second half of that century. Cf. Solovev 1998. For the reliability of literary dates, see
sources have proven themselves generally reliable and should not be dis-
Lazarov 1998 (western Pontos); Ivantchik 1998 (Sinope, but only discussing the second
carded cavalierly, without positive counterevidence. 47 The second argu-
ment is based on prevailing wind and current conditions blowing from the
foundation date).
48. Carpenter 1948. For discussion of the question of eighth-century colonization, see
Pm1tos out to the Aegean Sea. 48 However, modern wind tables show that
Graham 1990, 52-54; Graham 1982a, 118-19, 123; Graham 1958; Ehrhardt 1983, 41-42,
47. Graham 1958, esp. 38-39; Graham 1971, 38; Cook 1946; PECS 473-74, 842. Cf.
Tsetskhladze 1994, 118; 1998a. According to Graham (1990, 52), Trapemus has never
been dug at all, while the excavations at Sinope have been "too sporadic to create any
confidence that the earliest material is known." At Olbia/Bcrczan, the best excavated of the
Milesian colonies, the foundation date of 647 (Eus. 95b Helm) is supported by archaeologi-
cal finds: Vinogradov and Kryzickij (1995, 127) report the discovery of a sherd from
Berezan from the second quarter of the seventh century and others from Olbia from the
second half of that century. Cf. Solovev 1998. For the reliability of literary dates, see
Lazarov 1998 (western Pontos); lvantchik 1998 (Sinope, but only discussing the second
foundation date).
48. Carpenter 1948. For discussion of the question of eighth-century colonization, see
Graham 1990, 52-54; Graham 1982a, 118-19, 123; Graham 1958; Ehrhardt 1983,41-42,
southerly winds blow often enough during the sailing season-in some
months up to one-third of the days-to allow sailing ships to make the run
up through the Bosporos. In addition, countercurrents and eddies could be

utilized, as they continue to be today, and boats could also be towed from
land.49 Thus, the arguments against the early foundation of Sinope and
southerly winds blow often enough during the sailing season-in some
months up to one-third of the days-to allow sailing ships to make the run
Kyzikos are not definitive, and the eighth-century dates for both should be
seen as possibilities, awaiting further confirmation or disproval. Mean-
while, we can conclude that the Milesians joined the Greek colonization
up through the Bosporos. In addition, countercurrents and eddies could be
movement from a very early date, perhaps its very start: at the same time as
utilized, as they continue to be today, and boats could also be towed from
the Euboians were extending their interests to Italy, according to the liter-
land. 49 Thus, the arguments against the early foundation of Sinope and
ary dates, the Milesians were also active in the northeast.
Kyzikos are not definitive, and the eighth-century dates for both should he
The sheer number of Milesian colonies suggests that the desire for
seen as possibilities, awaiting further confirmation or disproval. Mean-

trade, more than any other factor, must have acted as the stimulus for
their foundation. Certainly, one cannot plausibly argue that a city that
while, we can conclude that the Milesians joined the Greek colonization
sent out forty-five or more colonies was trying solely to relieve overcrowd-
movement from a very early date, perhaps its very start: at the same time as
ing: indeed, it is likely that Miletos had to recruit volunteers from else- the Euboians were extending their interests to Italy, according to the liter-
where in the Greek world to fill out its colonial contingents. The fact that
ary dates, the Milesians were also active in the northeast.

the first colonies were far distant supports this idea as well: nine subse-
The sheer number of Milesian colonies suggests that the desire for
quent Milesian colonies are located closer to Miletos than is Kyzikos,
while Sinope is halfway into the Black Sea. Finally, the interdependency
trade, more than any other factor, must have acted as the stimulus for
between colonization and trade is demonstrated by the famed prosperity
their foundation. Certainly, one cannot plausibly argue that a city that
and luxurious living of the Milesians. sent out forty-five or more colonies was trying solely to relieve overcrowd-
It is important to recognize that grain may have been one of the items
ing: indeed, it is likely that Miletos had to recruit volunteers from else-
that was traded back to the mother city. The earliest explicit account of
where in the Greek world to fill out its colonial contingents. The fact that
grain ships sailing out of the Black Sea dates to Xerxes' invasion of
Greece in 480, as reported by Herodotos (7.146).5o Elsewhere in Herod-

the first colonies were far distant supports this idea as well: nine subse-
49-50; Boardman 1980, 240ff.; Drews 1976. Contra Carpenter, see esp. Labaree 1957;
quent Milesian colonies are located closer to Miletos than is Kyzikos,
Graham 1958. See also Danoff 1962, 1053-54; Tsetskhladze 1994; Hind 1994, 482. while Sinope is halfway into the Black Sea. Finally, the interdependency
49. In the Anaplus Bospori, written in the second century C.E., Dionysios of Byzantium
between colonization and trade is demonstrated by the famed prosperity
(pp. 22-23 Giingerich [2d ed.]) describes ships sailing upstream and others hugging the
and luxurious living of the Milesians.

shore to avoid the strong current. See Graham 1958, 30.
It is important to recognize that grain may have been one of the items
The theory against the Greeks in the Black Sea in the eighth century relies on the idea that
the first big oared ships, pentekonters, were invented ca. 700, but Thucydides says (1.13.3-
that was traded back to the mother city. The earliest explicit account of
14.2) that triremes were invented then and that pentekonters were the normal warships grain ships sailing out of the Black Sea dates to Xerxes' invasion of
used by the Greeks until shortly before the Persian Wars. To make their theory work,
Greece in 480, as reported by Herodotos (7.146).50 Elsewhere in Herod-
scholars have assumed that Thucydides confuses the two ship types.
49-50; Boardman 1980, 240ff.; Drews 1976. Contra Carpenter, see esp. Labaree 1957;
50. Noonan (1973) uses the lack of earlier literary accounts as one piece of evidence
against the earlier export of grain from the Pontos. However, it is difficult to know what
Graham 1958. See also Danoff 1962, 1053-54; Tsetskhladze 1994; Hind 1994,482.
earlier accounts he would seek, since Homer is too early, Hesiod writes about a different
49. In the A nap/us Bospori, written in the second century C . E., Dionysios of Byzantium
part of the world, and the other Archaic writers are few and writing on diverse topics. In
(pp. 22-23 Giingerich [2d ed.]) describes ships sailing upstream and others hugging the
short, an argumentum ex silentio is not compelling.
shore to avoid the strong current. See Graham 1958, 30.
The theory against the Greeks in the Black Sea in the eighth century relies on the idea that
the first big oared ships, pentekonters, were invented ca. 700, but Thucydides says (1.13.3-
14.2) that triremes were invented then and that pentekonters were the normal warships
used by the Greeks until shortly before the Persian Wars. To make their theory work,
schola" have assumed that Thucydides confuses the two ship types.
50. Noonan (1973) uses the lack of earlier literary accounts as one piece of evidence
against the earlier export of grain from the Pontos. However, it is difficult to know what
earlier accounts he would seek, since Homer is too early, Hesiod writes about a different
part of the world, and the other Archaic writers are few and writing on diverse topics. In
short, an argumentum ex silentio is not compelling.
otos (1.14-22, esp. 17), earlier shipments may be implied. The Lydians,
he relates, plundered Milesian territory for twelve straight years, destroy-
ing the crops. The story is set in the reign of Kings Sadyattes and Alyattes,
ca. 617-605, and if it is to be trusted, we must believe that before 600
B.C.E. the Milesians had a source of grain abroad. Herodotos clearly
otos (1.14-22, esp. 17), earlier shipments may be implied. The Lydians,
he relates, plundered Milesian territory for twelve straight years, destroy-
states that the Lydians stole the Milesian crops for twelve straight years
but understood the futility of besieging the city in the normal way, since
the Milesians had the ability to import goods by sea. Even granting the
ing the crops. The story is set in the reign of Kings Sadyattes and Alyattes,
possibility of exaggeration in this story, one cannot throw it out whole-
ca. 617-605, and if it is to be trusted, we must believe that before 600
sale. It is reasonable to assume that Miletos suffered a lengthy siege and,
B.C.E. the Milesians had a source of grain abroad. Herodotos clearly
as a result, looked to its colonies in the Propontis and Pontos for a
states that the Lydians stole the Milesian crops for twelve straight years
but understood the futility of besieging the city in the normal way, since
portion of its grain supply, even if those colonies had not been founded
specifically as sources of grain. The grain shipments may have continued
through the sixth century as well, as the Milesians converted more

the Milesians had the ability to import goods by sea. Even granting the
and more of their labor force to manufacturing. It is also possible that
possibility of exaggeration in this story, one cannot throw it out whole-
imported grain enabled Milesian farmers to turn to lucrative cash crops, sale. It is reasonable to assume that Miletos suffered a lengthy siege and,
such as wool, olives, and grapes, since the city was certainly heavily
as a result, looked to its colonies in the Propontis and Pontos for a

involved both in the cloth industry and in the manufacture of pottery,
portion of its grain supply, even if those colonies had not been founded
which is not usually exported empty. Like Athens in the fifth century, the
Milesians may have found it more profitable to import a certain amount

specifically as sources of grain. The grain shipments may have continued
of grain, not because they could not grow it themselves, but because they
through the sixth century as well, as the Milesians converted more
could labor more profitably in other ventures while relying on their fleet and more of their labor force to manufacturing. It is also possible that
and colonies to fulfill the food needs of the growing populace.51s
imported grain enabled Milesian farmers to turn to lucrative cash crops,
We must conclude that both the causes and the benefits of colonization
such as wool, olives, and grapes, since the city was certainly heavily
were numerous. While some colonies may have been sent out as grain
producers for the mother city, this was probably a later phenomenon. It is
involved both in the cloth industry and in the manufacture of pottery,
very likely that many of the earlier Milesian colonies were sent out to
which is not usually exported empty. Like Athens in the fifth century, the
exploit the natural resources and to establish commercial contacts with Milesians may have found it more profitable to import a certain amount
native peoples. Because the colonists rarely entered completely uninhab-
of grain, not because they could not grow it themselves, but because they
ited regions, a colony was of little use unless or until it could establish a
could labor more profitably in other ventures while relying on their fleet
viable economic relationship with the non-Greek populations of the hin-
and colonies to fulfill the food needs of the growing populace. 5 1

terland, guaranteeing the colony a steady supply of raw materials in
barter for the worked goods coming in from the colony, the mother city,
We must conclude that both the causes and the benefits of colonization
and beyond. were numerous. While some colonies may have been sent out as grain
Immediately to the south of the Propontis and Pontos, Anatolia was
producers for the mother city, this was probably a later phenomenon. lt is
51. Moles (1996, 260-61) notes that the Lydian invasions of Milesian territory are
very likely that many of the earlier Milesian colonies were sent out to
intended as an allusion to the Spartan invasions of Attika in the early years of the Peloponne-
exploit the natural resources and to establish commercial contacts with

sian War, but Moles still does not question the veracity of the original account.
native peoples. Because the colonists rarely entered completely uninhab-

ited regions, a colony was of little use unless or until it could establish a
viable economic relationship with the non-Greek populations of the hin-
terland, guaranteeing the colony a steady supply of raw materials in
barter for the worked goods coming in from the colony, the mother city,
and beyond.
Immediately to the south of the Propontis and Pontos, Anatolia was
51. Moles (1996, 260-61 ) notes that the Lydian invasions of Milesian territory are
intended as an allusion to the Spartan invasions of Attika in the early years of the Peloponne-
sian War, but Moles still does not question the veracity of the original account.
inhabited by a number of different native peoples.52 Besides the autoch-
thonous people, called Doliones, who were present in small number, espe-
cially near the colony Kyzikos, the native peoples can be divided roughly
into the larger groupings of (from west to east) Mysians, Phrygians, Bi-
thynians, and Paphlagonians, followed by the remnants of the Hittite

thonous people, called Doli ones, who were present in small number, espe-
Empire and Assyrians (in the region later known simply as Cappadocia
Pontica, or simply, the Pontus). These peoples are generally thought to be
of Thracian descent, speaking Anatolian dialects of Indo-European, al-

though the Phrygian language more closely resembles Greek. Most lived in
small tribal units that were livestock-based and seminomadic, practicing
some agriculture but migrating as necessary. They lived in such close prox-
imity to each other that they were difficult to distinguish (Str. 12.4.4). The
Phrygians were the exception: they were the most urbanized and organized
of these peoples, possessing what can legitimately be called an empire.

Their zenith lasted from the twelfth century to the ninth, and their down-
fall came with the destruction of their capital city, Gordion, shortly after small tribal units that were livestock-based and seminomadic, practicing
the reign of their famous king Midas (born ca. 760 or 755 B.C.E.). Control
of much of Asia Minor then fell into the hands of the Lydian Empire, ruled
imity to each other that they were difficult to distinguish (Str. 12.4.4 ). The
from Sardis by the kings Gyges, Ardys, Sadyattes, Alyattes, and Kroisos. In
547, that empire fell in turn to the rising Achaimenid family of Persia, led
by Cyrus the Great.53
Disruption between these empires was caused by the influx of other Their zenith lasted from the twelfth century to the ninth, and their down-
Thracian peoples from above the Black Sea, peoples called Skythians
fall came with the destruction of their capital city, Gordian, shortly after
and Kimmerians. According to Herodotos (1.103-6; 4.1 and passim),
the Skythians followed the Kimmerians into Asia toward the end of the
seventh century and occupied the land, plundering and looting, for
twenty-eight years before returning north. Today we know that this
picture may not be entirely accurate.54 There is already evidence of some 54 7, that empire fell in turn to the rising Achaimenid family of Persia, led
Skythians or Kimmerians in Asia as early as the eighth century, and they
by Cyrus the Great. 53
stayed there much longer than twenty-eight years, although Herodotos
Disruption between these empires was caused by the influx of other

is correct in describing the destruction they wrought. In the early sev-
enth century, the Kimmerians pillaged Gordion, thus destroying the
Phrygian Empire, and they sacked Sardis as well. They invaded Asia
52. One of the best ancient sources devoted to the native peoples of Anatolia and the the Skythians followed the Kimmerians into Asia toward the end of the
surrounding regions is book 12 of Strabo's Geography; cf. Xenophon's Anabasis. For
modern sources, see the many articles in CAH 32.2, including Mellink 1991b.

picture may not be entirely accurate. 54 There is already evidence of some

53. Herodotos relates much of these events in his book 1. See also Mellink 1991a;
Graham 1971; Hasluck 1910.
54. See esp. Jacobson 1995, 29-51.

enth century, the Kimmerians pillaged Gordian, thus destroying the
52. One of the best ancient sources devoted to the native peoples of Anatolia and the
modern sources, see the many articles in CAH 32 .2, including Mellink 1991b.

54. Sec csp. Jacobson 1995, 29-51.
thonous people, called Doliones, who were present in small number, espe-

thonous people, called Doli ones, who were present in small number, espe-

small tribal units that were livestock-based and seminomadic, practicing
imity to each other that they were difficult to distinguish (Str. 12.4.4). The

Their zenith lasted from the twelfth century to the ninth, and their down-
fall came with the destruction of their capital city, Gordion, shortly after small tribal units that were livestock-based and seminomadic, practicing
imity to each other that they were difficult to distinguish (Str. 12.4.4 ). The
547, that empire fell in turn to the rising Achaimenid family of Persia, led
by Cyrus the Great.53
Disruption between these empires was caused by the influx of other Their zenith lasted from the twelfth century to the ninth, and their down-
fall came with the destruction of their capital city, Gordian, shortly after
the Skythians followed the Kimmerians into Asia toward the end of the
picture may not be entirely accurate.54 There is already evidence of some 54 7, that empire fell in turn to the rising Achaimenid family of Persia, led
by Cyrus the Great. 53
Disruption between these empires was caused by the influx of other

enth century, the Kimmerians pillaged Gordion, thus destroying the
52. One of the best ancient sources devoted to the native peoples of Anatolia and the the Skythians followed the Kimmerians into Asia toward the end of the
modern sources, see the many articles in CAH 32.2, including Mellink 1991b.

picture may not be entirely accurate. 54 There is already evidence of some

54. See esp. Jacobson 1995, 29-51.

enth century, the Kimmerians pillaged Gordian, thus destroying the
52. One of the best ancient sources devoted to the native peoples of Anatolia and the
modern sources, see the many articles in CAH 32 .2, including Mellink 1991b.

54. Sec csp. Jacobson 1995, 29-51.
must see that the colonies were fundamentally Greek cities, with Greek
personal names, offices, architecture, and cults, but it is also clear that the
colonists and native peoples entered early on into mutually beneficial

trade relationships that lasted for centuries to come.
The success of Miletos's colonization movement can be seen in the
must see that the colonies were fundamentally Greek cities, with Greek
personal names, offices, architecture, and cults, but it is also clear that the
sheer number and extent of the colonies: five are known today in the
region west of the Propontis, ten along the south shore of the Propontis,
nine more on the south shore of the Pontos, three on the east coast, five
colonists and native peoples entered early on into mutually beneficial
on the west, and as many as ten along the north. The Lesbians, Pho-
trade relationships that lasted for centuries to come.
kaians, Teians, and Athenians competed with the Milesians for a foothold
The success of Miletos's colonization movement can be seen in the
in the Hellespont and Thracian Chersonese, a region desirable both for its
sheer number and extent of the colonies: five are known today in the
region west of the Propontis, ten along the south shore of the Propontis,
trade and tariff potential and for its adequate, but not overabundant,
agricultural land. The Milesians took control of the south littoral of the
Propontis, while the Megarians dominated to the east and north.59 The
nine more on the south shore of the Pontos, three on the east coast, five
Black Sea was entirely Milesian as far as we can tell, with sixteen to
on the west, and as many as ten along the north. The Lesbians, Pho-
twenty primary colonies and six to ten secondary ones ringing its shore.60 kaians, Teians, and Athenians competed with the Milesians for a foothold
This fact indicates that Miletos must have had very good relations with
in the Hellespont and Thracian Chersonese, a region desirable both for its
the Megarians, since Megara controlled the Bosporos, the only way into
trade and tariff potential and for its adequate, but not overabundant,
and out of the Black Sea.61
The Milesian monopoly on the Black Sea lasted from the foundation
agricultural land. The Milesians took control of the south littoral of the
of Sinope in the mid-eighth century until the middle of the sixth century,
Propontis, while the Megarians dominated to the east and north.59 The
when three non-Milesian cities were founded in succession. First, Megara Black Sea was entirely Milesian as far as we can tell, with sixteen to
settled Heraklea Pontika ca. 560 on the stretch of the south shore be-
twenty primary colonies and six to ten secondary ones ringing its shore. 60
tween the Thracian Bosporos and the Milesian colony Tieion. About fifty
This fact indicates that Miletos must have had very good relations with
years later, the Megarians acted with their colonies, Byzantion and
Chalkedon, to establish Mesembria across the bay north of Apollonia

the Megarians, since Megara controlled the Bosporos, the only way into
Pontika (near modern Burgas, Bulgaria). In addition, Teos founded
and out of the Black Sea.6 1
Phanagoria ca. 545 in rivalry to Kepoi and Hermonassa, on the east shore The Milesian monopoly on the Black Sea lasted from the foundation
house remains that they attribute to native inhabitants: this argument for a mixed popula-
of Sinope in the mid-eighth century until the middle of the sixth century,
tion is much stronger, but the evidence is extremely limited at the present time. The best
when three non-Milesian cities were founded in succession. First, Megara

argument is based on a mixture of Greek and native nomenclature, such as we find at
settled Heraklea Pontika ca. 560 on the stretch of the south shore be-
Tanais (PECS 877).
59. The Megarians founded Astakos (modern Izmit) in 711 on the easternmost arm of
tween the Thracian Bosporos and the Milesian colony Tieion. About fifty
the Propontis (it may also have been a later settlement from Chalkedon); Chalkedon on the years later, the Megarians acted with their colonies, Byzantion and
Asian side of the mouth of the Bosporos in 676 or 685; Selymbria on the north shore before
Chalkedon, to establish Mesembria across the bay north of Apollonia
668 B.C.E.; and Byzantion on the European side of the Bosporos in 659 or 668. See Graham
Pontika (near modern Burgas, Bulgaria). In addition, Teos founded

1982a, 119-21, 160-62.
Phanagoria ca. 545 in rivalry to Kepoi and Hermonassa, on the east shore
60. The most extensive source for the Black Sea in general, including geography, flora,
fauna, mineral resources, native peoples, and Greek settlements, is Danoff 1962, which is
house remains that they attribute to native inhabitants: this argument for a mixed popula-
especially good for its bibliography up to that date. See also Ehrhardt 1983.
tion is much stronger, but the evidence is extremely limited at the present time. The best
61. Graham 1982a, 124.
argument is based on a mixture of Greek and native nomenclature, such as we find at

Tanais (PECS 877).
59. The Megarians founded Astakos (modern lzmit) in 711 on t he easternmost ann of
the Propontis (it may also have been a later settlement from Chalkedon); Chalkedon on the
Asian side of the mouth of the Bosporos in 676 or 685; Sclymbria on the north shore before
668 n.c.E.; and Byzantion on the European side of the Bosporus in 659 or 668. See Graham
1982a, 119-21, 160-62.
60. The most extensive source for the Black Sea in general, including geography, flora,
fauna, mineral resources, native peoples, and Greek settlements, is Danoff 1962, which is
especially good for its bibliography up to that date. Sec also Ehrhardt 1983.
61. Graham 1982a, 124.
of the Kimmerian Bosporos.62 The Milesian stranglehold was broken, but
why? Perhaps the Milesians were rewarding cooperative trading allies by
permitting them into their inner sanctuary, or perhaps they had no choice,
weakened in part by the Persian takeover of lonia in the 540s. Whatever
the cause, the golden age of Milesian colonization was over. Only a few
of the Kimmerian Bosporos. 62 The Milesian stranglehold was broken, but

why? Perhaps the Milesians were rewarding cooperative trading allies by
more settlements would originate from Miletos after 550. Notably, near
the end of the sixth century, the Milesian tyrant Histiaios founded
Myrkinos in Macedonia, a gift from the Persian king. That colony was
permitting them into their inner sanctuary, or perhaps they had no choice,
not successful, dying along with Aristagoras (Hdt. 5.11-12, 23-24, 126;
weakened in part by the Persian takeover of Ionia in the 540s. Whatever
Thuc. 4.102).
the cause, the golden age of Milesian colonization was over. Only a few
Some general characteristics of Milesian colonization may be offered
more settlements would originate from Miletos after 550. Notably, near
the end of the sixth century, the Milesian tyrant Histiaios founded
by way of conclusion. First, with a few exceptions, the Milesians sent their
colonies to the Hellespont, Propontis, and Pontos: there were no Milesian
colonies in the west, and there was nothing before the late sixth century in
Myrkinos in Macedonia, a gift from the Persian king. That colony was
the north Aegean. Second, one cannot describe Milesian colonization as
not successful, dying along with Aristagoras (Hdt. 5.11-12, 23-24, 126;
occurring in waves or stages, and it is impossible to distinguish between a Thuc. 4.102).
Propontic and a Pontic phase.63 Third, while Miletos shared the coloniza-
Some general characteristics of Milesian colonization may be offered

tion of the Hellespont and Propontis with other Greek mother cities,
by way of conclusion. First, with a few exceptions, the Milesians sent their
Milesian colonies were for the most part located along the south shore,
and indeed, Miletos controlled the Asian littoral of the Propontis from
colonies to the Hellespont, Propontis, and Pontos: there were no Milesian
where it began to broaden out at the top of the Hellespont at the cities of
colonies in the west, and there was nothing before the late sixth century in
Kolonai and Paisos through its course east to Kios (north of modern the north Aegean. Second, one cannot describe Milesian colonization as
Bursa). Finally, although the Milesians had no colonies on the Bosporos
occurring in waves or stages, and it is impossible to distinguish between a
proper, from the first foundation at Sinope before 756 until the middle of
Propontic and a Pontic phase. 63 Third, while Miletos shared the coloniza-
the sixth century, Miletos had a complete monopoly on Black Sea coloniza-
tion: until ca. 560 B.C.E., no Greeks except Milesians were known to have
tion of the Hellespont and Propontis with other Greek mother cities,
colonized the Black Sea. Thus, Miletos was undeniably the greatest of all
Milesian colonies were for the most part located along the south shore,
Greek mother cities. Its widespread colonies not only provided trade and and indeed, Miletos controlled the Asian littoral of the Propontis from
economic prosperity but, in the crisis years to come, would play a signifi-
where it began to broaden out at the top of the Hellespont at the cities of
cant role in reviving and repopulating Miletos in the first decades of the
Kolonai and Paisos through its course east to Kios (north of modern
Classical era.
Bursa). Finally, although the Milesians had no colonies on the Bosporos

62. Burstein 1976 (Heraklea Pontika); Tsetskhladze 1997, 51-55 (Phanagoria). Of all
the Milesian colonies for which we have dated evidence, only Tomis is dated later, ca. 500-
proper, from the first foundation at Sinope before 756 until the middle of
475 B.C.E., but I would expect that earlier material will be found when the excavation, the sixth century, Miletos had a complete monopoly on Black Sea coloniza-
which is now quite sparse, is expanded.
tion: until ca. 560 B.C.E., no Greeks except Milesians were known to have
63. According to Ehrhardt (1983, 250), Milesian colonization paused from ca. 680 to
colonized the Black Sea. Thus, Miletos was undeniably the greatest of all
ca. 650 B.C.E., probably because of the invasion of the Kimmerians into Asia Minor: cf.
Greek mother cities. Its widespread colonies not only provided trade and
Carpenter 1948; Labaree 1957. Graham (1987) disputes this theory as being artificially
imposed by Ehrhardt based on an argumentum ex silentio.

economic prosperity but, in the crisis years to come, would play a signifi-
cant role in reviving and repopulating Miletos in the first decades of the
Classical era.
62. Burstein 1976 (Heraklea Pontika); Tsetskhladze 1997, 51-55 (Phanagoria). Of all
the Milcsian colonies for which we have dated evidence, only Tomis is dated later, ca. 500-
475 B.C.E., but I would expect that earlier material will be found when the excavation,
which is now quite sparse, is expanded.
61. According to Ehrhardt (1983, 250), Milesian colonization paused from ca. 680 to
ca. 650 B.C.E., probably because of the invasion of the Kimmerians into Asia Minor: cf.
Carpenter 1948; Labaree 1957. Graham (1987) disputes this theory as being artificially
imposed by Ehrhardt based on an argumentum ex silentio.
The Milesian Intellectuals
Before Periklean Athens, before the Library and Museum of Alexandria,
Miletos stood as the foremost intellectual center of the Greek world. Be-
cause of the paucity of literary sources from the Archaic period, we know
surprisingly little about the individuals involved; we have only a handful of
The Milesian Intellectuals

names and a small number of fragments of their works. But what survives
is enough to establish that Miletos was the birthplace of some of the
leading thinkers of the age, including poets, philosophers, and geogra-

Before Periklean Athens, before the Library and Museum of Alexandria,
phers. The city was the natural location for such intellectual achievement,
Miletos stood as the foremost intellectual center of the Greek world. Be-
because of its economic dominance. Its far-flung trading ventures led to
cause of the paucity of literary sources from the Archaic period, we know
contacts with a wide variety of peoples and cultures. The Milesians were in
surprisingly little about the individuals involved; we have only a handful of

close association not only with the Hellenic cities on the mainland and
names and a small number of fragments of their works. But what survives
both the eastern and western Mediterranean but also with the Carians,
Lykians, Lydians, and Persians of Asia Minor; the Thrakians and Sky-
is enough to establish that Miletos was the birthplace of some of the
thians in the north; the Egyptians in the south; the Syrians and Phoenicians
leading thinkers of the age, including poets, philosophers, and geogra-
of Asia; and countless other small groups of native peoples that inhabited phers. The city was the natural location for such intellectual achievement,
the environs of the various colonies. This cultural exposure opened the
because of its economic dominance. Its far-flung trading ventures led to

Milesians' eyes to new opinions and perspectives, and they began to investi-
contacts with a wide variety of peoples and cultures. The Milesians were in
gate and challenge the world around them in ways hitherto unknown. In
addition, the prosperity that came with trade provided surplus and luxury,
close association not only with the Hellenic cities on the mainland and
key ingredients to any intellectual movement: only in an environment of
both the eastern and western Mediterranean but also with the Carians,
affluence can a society afford to allow a highly talented segment of its Lykians, Lydians, and Persians of Asia Minor; the Thrakians and Sky-
population to devote their lives to erudition.
thians in the north; the Egyptians in the south; the Syrians and Phoenicians
The final characteristic that made sixth-century Miletos fertile ground
of Asia; and countless other small groups of native peoples that inhabited
for the growth of new schools of thought was its strong literary tradition
in epic and gnomic poetry. The earliest known Milesian poet, Arktinos,
the environs of the various colonies. This cultural exposure opened the
was one of the contributors to some of the earliest Greek literature, the
Milesians' eyes to new opinions and perspectives, and they began to investi-
poetry referred to today as the Epic Cycle.64 This collection consisted of a gate and challenge the world around them in ways hitherto unknown. In
number of epic poems, composed in a Homeric vein and designed to fill
addition, the prosperity that came with trade provided surplus and luxury,
in the parts of the story of the Trojan War that the Iliad and the Odyssey
key ingredients to any intellectual movement: only in an environment of

had passed over as well as other great conflicts of the Heroic Age, such as
affluence can a society afford to allow a highly talented segment of its

the Seven against Thebes. Because in antiquity the poems were sometimes
associated with Homer himself, most of the actual poets have been forgot-
population to devote their lives to erudition.
ten; those we do know are recalled merely as names, like Arktinos of The final characteristic that made sixth-century Miletos fertile ground
Miletos. However, the poems themselves were very fashionable and com-
for the growth of new schools of thought was its strong literary tradition
monly read through the Classical era; afterward they fell into such a state
in epic and gnomic poetry. The earliest known Milesian poet, Arktinos,
64. Bernab& PEG 1.65-71. 86-92: Davies 1989.
was one of the contributors to some of the earliest Greek literature, the
poetry referred to today as the Epic Cycle.64 This collection consisted of a
number of epic poems, composed in a Homeric vein and designed to fill
in the parts of the story of the Trojan War that the Iliad and the Odyssey
had passed over as well as other great conflicts of the Heroic Age, such as
the Seven against Thebes. Because in antiquity the poems were sometimes
associated with Homer himself, most of the actual poets have been forgot-
ten; those we do know are recalled merely as names, like Arktinos of
Miletos. However, the poems themselves were very fashionable and com-
monly read through the Classical era; afterward they fell into such a state
64. Bernabe PEG 1.65-71, 86-92; Davies 1989.

of unpopularity that very little remains of any of the dozens of poems of
the Epic Cycle.
Arktinos probably composed his hexameters in the late seventh cen-

tury, yet, as is so often the case, only brief testimonia survive to the
present day. His name is associated with two works. The Sack of Troy
of unpopularity that very little remains of any of the dozens of poems of

the Epic Cycle.
('IXiov negotg), in two books, was about the ruse of the Trojan horse and
the destruction of the city. It is little known and may not be correctly
attributed to him (Paus. 10.25.5). However, the Aithiopis (AWLto tg), in

Arktinos probably composed his hexameters in the late seventh cen-
five books, almost certainly belongs to him. It continued Homer's Iliad,
tury, yet, as is so often the case, only brief testimonia survive to the
focusing on the deeds of Achilles, including his victory over the Amazon
present day. His name is associated with two works. The Sack of Troy
Penthesilaia, his slaying of Thersites for insulting Penthesileia's corpse,
('IALOU JtEQGL~), in two books, was about the ruse of the Trojan horse and
the destruction of the city. It is little known and may not be correctly
his absolution for this bloodguilt by Odysseus, and his slaying of Mem-
non, an Ethiopian prince. The work ends with Achilles' death at the
hands of Paris and Apollo, and his funeral.65

attributed to him (Paus. 10.25.5). However, the Aithiopis (Ai8wnL~ ), in
Nothing more is known about Arktinos, but another early poet of
five books, almost certainly belongs to him. It continued Homer's Iliad,
Miletos, Phokylides (fl. before 650), was quite famous in antiquity as a focusing on the deeds of Achilles, including his victory over the Amazon
poet of gnomic hexameter verses addressed to a nameless companion.66
Penthesilaia, his slaying of Thersites for insulting Penthesileia's corpse,

Only 39 lines of Phokylides' work are extant, most as isolated individual
his absolution for this bloodguilt by Odysseus, and his slaying of M em-
verses or couplets; one passage of eight lines survives. An interesting
characteristic of this poetry is that the phrase xai t68 e twxv)l6ew [This
non, an Ethiopian prince. The work ends with Achilles' death at the
too is a saying of Phokylides] recurs four times in our limited collection of
hands of Paris and Apollo, and his funeral.65
fragments. Apparently it was used every few lines to separate the axioms. Nothing more is known about Arktinos, but another early poet of
The wording is evidently meant not so much to reserve credit for the
Mileros, Phokylides (fl. before 650), was quite famous in antiquity as a
work as to lend authority to each of the individual precepts.67 Yet, despite
poet of gnomic hexameter verses addressed to a nameless companion. 66

Phokylides' apparent expertise, the ancients knew nothing about his life.
The surviving poems are gnomic sayings, advising on topics like the best
Only 39 lines of Phokylides' work are extant, most as isolated individual
life (one spent in agriculture), debts, and looking to the gods for success.
verses or couplets; one passage of eight lines survives. An interesting
In general, the poet recommends a moderate course, and as a result, he characteristic of this poetry is that the phrase xal, t66E wxulcLCEW [This
enjoyed a reputation as one of the best representatives of the genre of
too is a saying of Phokylides] recurs four times in our limited collection of
wisdom poetry, a position he shared with Hesiod and Theognis. Isokrates
fragments. Apparently it was used every few lines to separate the axioms.
(2.43) mentions all three in the same context when he excoriates the
The wording is evidently meant not so much to reserve credit for the
failure of humans to follow the good models that are set for them.68
65. Davies 1989, 74-79 (Sack of Troy), 53-61 (Aithiopis).

work as to lend authority to each of the individual precepts.6 7 Yet, despite
66. West 1978a, 1978b. For the surviving fragments, see Diehl Anth. Lyr. Graec. 13.57- Phokylides' apparent expertise, the ancients knew nothing about his life.
60; Bergk PLG 2.445-49. Several later moralizing poems are attributed to him as well, but
The surviving poems are gnomic sayings, advising on topics like the best
they were clearly written by an Alexandrian Jew from the turn of the millennium. They are
life (one spent in agriculture), debts, and looking to the gods for success.
attributed to Ps.-Phokylides and collected by van der Horst (1978).
In general, the poet recommends a moderate course, and as a result, he

67. West (1978a, 164-65) attributes this feature to oriental influence.
68. Cf. Dio Chrys. 2.5; Ath. 632d; Cyril. Patrol. 76.841d.
enjoyed a reputation as one of the best representatives of the genre of
wisdom poetry, a position he shared with Hesiod and Theognis. Isokrates
(2.43) mentions all three in the same context when he excoriates the
failure of humans to follow the good models that are set for them.6S
65. Davies 1989, 74- 79 (Sack of Troy), 53- 61 (Aithiopis).

66. West 1978a, 1978b. For the surviving fragments, see Diehl Anth. Lyr. Graec. 13.57-
60; Bergk PLG 2.445-49. Several later moralizing poems are attributed to him as well, but
they were clearly written by an Alexandrian Jew from the turn of t he millennium. They are
attributed to Ps.-Phokylides and collected by van der Horst (1978).
67. West (1978a, 164-65) attributes this feature ro oriental influence.

68. Cf. Dio Chtys. 2.5; Ath. 632d; Cyril. Patrol. 76.841d.
Just as Phokylides was highly influential in the field of gnomic poetry,
so Timotheos was a crucial figure in fifth-century music and poetry, and
he serves as an example of the continuing literary tradition at Miletos

into the Classical era.69 Reputed to be a friend of Euripides, Timotheos
was a great innovator famous for combining the dithyramb with nomes.
Just as Phokylides was highly influential in the field of gnomic poetry,

so Timotheos was a crucial figure in fifth-century music and poetry, and
The dithyramb was usually performed in honor of Dionysos by a male
chorus dancing to flute music, while the nome was a solo piece sung to
Apollo and accompanied by the lyre. According to Clement of Alexan-

he serves as an example of the continuing literary tradition at Miletos
dria (Strom. 1.16, 51 St.; cf. Pherek. fr. 155.19ff. Kassel and Austin),
into the Classical era.69 Reputed to be a friend of Euripides, Timotheos
Timotheos was the first poet to employ a chorus in a citharodic nome.
was a great innovator famous for combining the dithyramb with nomes.
One example of Timotheos's work has been preserved for us by the
The dithyramb was usually performed in honor of Dionysos by a male

chorus dancing to flute music, while the nome was a solo piece sung to
desert sand: in 1902, in a grave at Abusir in Lower Egypt, archaeologists
discovered a copy of Timotheos's Persika (P. Berol. 9865). The nome was
probably performed in the last decade of the fifth century and may have
Apollo and accompanied by the lyre. According to Clement of Alexan-
had a prologue written by Euripides (Satyr. Vita Eur. fr. 39, col. 22). The
dria (Strom. 1.16, 51 St.; cf. Pherek. fr. 155.19ff. Kassel and Austin),
papyrus itself dates from the fourth century B.C.E. and is now recognized Timotheos was the first poet to employ a chorus in a citharodic nome.
as the oldest extant Greek manuscript.70 The 240 surviving verses recount
One example of Timotheos's work has been preserved for us by the

the story of the Battle of Salamis in a series of separate scenes and mostly
desert sand: in 1902, in a grave at Abusir in Lower Egypt, archaeologists

from the Persian point of view. The poem also includes an author's address
to the audience, defending his musical innovations, such as the use of an

discovered a copy of Timotheos's Persika (P. Berol. 9865). The nome was
eleven-stringed lyre. The language is passionate during the battle scenes
probably performed in the last decade of the fifth century and may have
and rather obscure elsewhere: Timotheos anticipates the Hellenistic predi- had a prologue written by Euripides (Satyr. Vita Eur. fr. 39, col. 22). The
lection to impress the audience by piling up little-known words and
papyrus itself dates from the fourth century li.C.E. and is now recognized
lengthy periphrases.
as the oldest extant Greek manuscript.7° The 240 surviving verses recount
Thus, Miletos had several poets of note in the Archaic and Classical
periods. This literary tradition at Miletos combined with economic afflu-

the story of the Battle of Salamis in a series of separate scenes and mostly
ence and foreign experiences to produce the setting for the creation of
from the Persian point of view. The poem also includes an author's address
rational thinking in the West: Miletos was the birthplace of Greek phi- to the audience, defending his musical innovations, such as the use of an
losophy and science. Three of the most influential pre-Socratics lived
eleven-stringed lyre. The language is passionate during the battle scenes
there, and their fame is so great that even today many may know the
and rather obscure elsewhere: Timotheos anticipates the Hellenistic predi-

lection to impress the audience by piling up little-known words and
name Miletos solely for its association with Thales, Anaximander, and
Anaximenes. These philosophers represent the transition in thought from
myth to reason.71 The first step of this process was to reject the personifi-
lengthy periphrases.
cation of natural forces into gods-something intrinsic to the Greek Thus, Miletos had several poets of note in the Archaic and Classical
69. Janssen 1984; Page PMG 399-418, frs. 777-804.
periods. This literary tradition at Miletos combined with economic afflu-
70. Editio princeps: Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1903b.
ence and foreign experiences to produce the setting for the creation of
rational thinking in the West: Miletos was the birthplace of Greek phi-
71. Every handbook on the history of philosophy will contain a section on the pre-
Socratics. The material offered here is based most closely on Kirk, Raven, and Schofield
1983, 1-75, and Barnes 1979, 3-5. See also Emlyn-Jones 1980, 94-132; Hussey 1995.
losophy and science. Three of the most influential pre-Socratics lived
there, and their fame is so great that even today many may know the
name Miletos solely for its association with Thales, Anaximander, and
Anaximenes. These philosophers represent the transition in thought from
myth to reason.71 The first step of this process was to reject the personifi-
cation of natural forces into gods-something intrinsic to the Greek
69. Janssen 1984; Page PMG 399-418, frs. 777-804.

70. F.ditio princeps: Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1903b.
71. Every handbook on the history of philosophy will contain a section on the pre-
Socratics. The material offered here is based most closely on Kirk, Raven, and Schofield
1983, 1- 75, and Barnes 1979, 3- 5. See also Emlyn-Jones 1980, 94- 132; Hussey 1995.
worldview-while at the same time maintaining certain elements of the
tradition in which that personification took place. The Milesian philoso-
phers abandoned the deified natural forces seen in works like Hesiod's
Theogony, yet they embraced the genealogical structure of those works:
each of these three Milesians developed a system of nature around a
worldview-while at the same time maintaining certain elements of the

tradition in which that personification took place. The Milesian philoso-
single primary material that brought forth all other things.72 They did not
renounce the supernatural entirely, since the search for first elements was
in a sense the search for divinity. Instead, they were empiricists who
phers abandoned the deified natural forces seen in works like Hesiod's
abandoned unargued dogma in favor of reason, a crucial beginning for
Theogony, yet they embraced the genealogical structure of those works:
those trying to systematize the world around them.
each of these three Milesians developed a system of nature around a
Traditionally, Thales is not only the oldest of the Milesian philoso-
single primary material that brought forth all other things.72 They did not
renounce the supernatural entirely, since the search for first elements was
phers but also the first known Greek philosopher. Simplicius (Phys. 23.29
Diels) says that he had many predecessors but that he tog 86 no) i
8teveyx dv xelvov 6g &oxv~a t navtag rolg o6 atoio [so far sur-

in a sense the search for divinity. Instead, they were empiricists who
passed them as to blot out all who came before him].73 Since no genuine
abandoned unargued dogma in favor of reason, a crucial beginning for
works of Thales have survived-if, indeed, he ever wrote any-what we those trying to systematize the world around them.
know about him comes to us through the medium of other authors and is
Traditionally, Thales is not only the oldest of the Milesian philoso-

necessarily colored by their views.74 He is portrayed as a man who con-
phers but also the first known Greek philosopher. Simplicius (Phys. 23.29
Diels) says that he had many predecessors but that he a1n:o~:; 6£ nol.:u
sorted with kings and leading politicians but was so absentminded that,
while studying the stars above him, he fell into a hole in the ground (Pl.
Tht. 174a).
b~EV£"(XOJV f((.fLVWV OJ!:; cmoxg{njJm mivm~:; toile; JtQO autoiJ [so far sur-
Certainly, many of the stories that survive about Thales seem to have passed them as to blot out all who came before him] .73 Since no genuine
more in common with fable than reality. He was the oldest of the legend-
works of Thales have survived-if, indeed, he ever wrote any-what we
ary Seven Wise Men of the ancient world (Pl. Prt. 343a). According to
know about him comes to us through the medium of other authors and is
Herodotos (1.75), when Kroisos was fighting the Persians, Thales is
supposed to have built a ford across the river Halys by diverting the water
necessarily colored by their views.74 He is portrayed as a man who con-
from its original course into two new, shallower river beds. In another,
sorted with kings and leading politicians but was so absentminded that,
probably equally fictional story, Herodotos says (1.170) that Thales while studying the stars above him, he fell into a hole in the ground (Pl.
72. Their monist systems were probably not as specific as our sources might lead us to
Tht. 174a).
believe. Barnes (1979, 39-42) argues that the pre-Socratics themselves made statements
Certainly, many of the stories that survive about Thales seem to have
like "Everything is from X" and that others, chiefly Aristotle, reexpressed the statements in
more in common with fable than reality. He was the oldest of the legend-
the form "There is some single stuff that is the material principle of everything." However,
the original statement is much more ambiguous, and its interpretation need not imply
ary Seven Wise Men of the ancient world (Pl. Prt. 343a). According to
monism exactly. Herodotos (1.75), when Kroisos was fighting the Persians, Thales is
73. Trans. Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, #81. For Thales in general, see Kirk, Raven,
supposed to have built a ford across the river Halys by diverting the water
and Schofield 1983, 76-99; Barnes 1979, 5-13; Guthrie 1962, 45-72; DK 11.
from its original course into two new, shallower river beds. In another,
74. According to the Suda (s.v. Oasig), he wrote epic verse about his astrological
probably equally fictional story, Herodotos says (1.170) that Thales

findings. Simplicius (Phys. 23.29 Diels) says that he left only a nautical star-guide (v(ctrLxit
UtorQokoyLa), although Diogenes Laertes (1.23) doubts even that but mentions that some
believe that he wrote On the Solstice (HeQi r'rOfig) and On the Equinox (IHei
72. Their monist systems were probably not as specific as our sources might lead us to
believe. Barnes (1979, 39-42) argues that the pre-Socraties themselves made statements
'kl L~EQLcL;).
like "Everything is from X " and that others, chiefly Aristotle, reexpressed the statements in
the form "There is some single stuff that is the material principle of everything." However,
the original statement is much more ambiguous, and its interpretation need not imply
monism exactly.
73. Trans. Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, #81. For Thales in general, see Kirk, Raven,
and Schofield 1983, 76-99; Barnes 1979, 5-13; Guthrie 1962, 45-72; DK 11.
74. According to the Suda (s.v. E>aHjc;), he wrote epic verse about his astrological
findings. Simplicius (Phys. 23.29 Diels) says that he left only a nautical star-guide (vmmx1]
a<rtQOAoyla), although Diogenes Laertes (1.23) doubts even that but mentions that some
believe that he wrote On the Solstice (ilEQL tQOJtfjc;) and On the Equinox {ilEQL
'lUTJfi.CQLU£).
served as a political advisor when the lonians cities were being attacked
by the Persian general Harpagos. Finally, Aristotle (Pol. 1.1259a9-18)
tells a tale-probably a folktale-that reflects Thales' economic savvy:

during one winter when Thales observed from the stars that the olive
crop would be very good, he used this information to corner the market
served as a political advisor when the Ionians cities were being attacked
by the Persian general Harpagos. Finally, Aristotle (Pol. 1.1259a9-18)
in olive presses and realize a great profit, in order to prove 6it rto66v
eottL sXoute ly t0otg 4too oiog, av po1XviaL, &XX' oU toV'' fo-dT neq'
6 otov6aovotv [that it was quite easy for wise men to become rich if
tells a tale-probably a folktale-that reflects Thales' economic savvy:
they wished, but this is something they are not concerned about] (Arist.
during one winter when Thales observed from the stars that the olive
Pol. 1.1259a17-18).
crop would be very good, he used this information to corner the marker
The same astronomical skills that Thales exhibits in this story are used
in olive presses and realize a great profit, in order to prove gqOLOV o·u
to determine a floruit date for him: he probably lived in the early to
EO'TL JtAOUTELV TOLe; </Jl),oao</JoLc;, av ~OUACDVTO.l, &.IX ov

TOUT EO'Tl JtEQL
middle sixth century, because, according to Herodotos (1.74) and others,
during a war between the Lydians and the Medes, Thales predicted a
o a~ouoatoumv [that it was quite easy for wise men to become rich if
solar eclipse that astronomers have now dated to May 28, 585. While
they wished, but this is something they are not concerned about] (Arist.
some scholars doubt that he could have managed this feat, Kirk and Pol. 1.1259a17-18).
Raven defend the prediction. They admit that he did not understand the
The same astronomical skills that Thales exhibits in this story are used
to determine a floruit date for him: he probably lived in the early to
true cause of eclipses, but since he had access to Babylonian tables of
astronomical observations going back to 721 B.C.E., he could have made
his prediction based solely on empirical observation, although he could

middle sixth century, because, according to Herodotos (1.74) and others,
not have named the exact day of the event. According to other sources,
during a war between the Lydians and the Medes, Thales predicted a
Thales also discovered the cycle of solstices, and he defined the constella- solar eclipse that astronomers have now dated to May 28, 585. While
tion Ursa Minor and pointed out its navigational usefulness (presumably
some scholars doubt that he could have managed this feat, Kirk and
because it includes the Pole Star, Polaris), although it is hard to believe
Raven defend the prediction. They admit that he did not understand the
that this latter idea is original with him.75
Although Thales was an engineer and astronomer, he is most re-

true cause of eclipses, but since he had access to Babylonian tables of
nowned as the first natural philosopher. According to Aristotle (Meta.
astronomical observations going back to 721 B.C.E., he could have made
1.983b6-24): his prediction based solely on empirical observation, although he could
TWv 6J mQWTov tL)ooogrJouvtomv oi 1 )ctot Ora;g v k 8g e Lst
not have named the exact day of the event. According to other sources,
o6vag cf0 i6louv & axag Fvait Av a v... 68 y Q etvai yu ]a otv
Thales also discovered the cycle of solstices, and he defined the constella-
'1 av 11 l Qt)~8Ov; L W LaabvYY VettcL -rcO~cp o[Ltvfrl;S Ezev~
tion Ursa Minor and pointed out its navigational usefulness (presumably
To i tvio t Xf og Ã—xL to s bog g otavirlg Ox<fig ov TO (x6
JathW 'T8 )vciV, L UAC a gL V 6o-i~g toai~; &~xn1y6; i)oci-

because it includes the Pole Star, Polaris), although it is hard to believe
o['ag i86W9 s va 0fGLotV (8t6 xa iv 7yiv e' 586atog vega'fveo that this latter idea is original with him.75
s vut), a(f3hv Log -rv X6iiptv cta Lrlv ez toi m6vrov 690a -v
Although Thales was an engineer and astronomer, he is most re-
T90o fv IycV ov ov ...
nowned as the first natural philosopher. According to Aristotle (Meta.

1.983b6-24 }:
75. Cf. D.L. 1.23; Dercyllides ap. Theon Smyrn., p. 198.14 Hiller; Kallim. Iam. 1.52 (fr.
191 Pfeiffer). See Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, 81-84.
T&v o~ ngonov </>LA.oao</JTJO'aVTmv o t n/,E iaTm Tac; tv il/,11c; c'LoEL

f.lOvac; q)~8T]aav aQxixc; E1vm navTmv· ... OEi: yag E1vai nva </Jumv
11 f.lLUV 11 ~A.Elouc; f.llU£ £~ <bv yiyvnm ,&na 0'4JtOf.lEV11c; EXELVTJ£.
'tO f.lEVTOl n;).~Ooc; XUL 'tO Etoo; ·~; 't0LUU't11; agx~; ou 'tO UU'tO
JtUV'tE; Hyoumv, a!J)J, E>a/.f]; f.lEV 6 Tf]; TOLUUTT]; UQXTJYOc; </>lt,OCJ-
o</Jlac; VOOJQ Elvai </JTJOLV (OLO xat 'tllV y~v E<l>' iloawc; am</JaLVETO
Etvm), A.a~wv 'Lame; T~v 1m6/,T]1)nv TaUTTJV E-x Toil navTmv OQUV TllV
'tQO</J~V V'(QCxV o1 O'UV ...
75. Cf. D.L. 1.23; Den;yllides ap. Theon Smyrn., p. 198.14 Hiller; Kallim. l am. 1.52 (fr.
191 Pfeiffer). See Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1.983, 81-84.
[Most of the first philosophers thought that principles in the form
of matter were the principles of all things; . . . for there must be
some natural substance, either one or more than one, from which
the other things come-into-being, while it is preserved. Over the
number, however, and the form of this kind of principle they do not
rMost of the first philosophers thought that principles in the form

of matter were the principles of all things; ... for there must be
all agree; but Thales, the founder of this type of philosophy, says
that it is water (and therefore declared that the earth is on water),
perhaps taking this supposition from seeing the nature of all things
some natural substance, either one or more than one, from which
to be moist . . . ]76
the other things come-into-being, while ir is preserved. Over the
According to this account, Thales taught that everything is made of water
number, however, and the form of this kind of principle they do not
and the earth floats in it. 77He may have been influenced in this philosophy
all agree; but Thales, the founder of this type of philosophy, says
by Near Eastern and Egyptian cosmologies, but his theory represents the
that it is water (and therefore declared that the earth is on water),

first nonmythological answer to the question of the origin and makeup of
the universe in the Greek world. One material was chosen as the first
perhaps taking this supposition from seeing the nature of all things
principle, probably because unity is simpler than plurality, and water was
to be moist ... ]76
selected, perhaps because it is essential to life.
According to this account, Thales taught that everyrhing is made of water

Thus Thales is credited with inventing the natural philosophy for
which Miletos would become famous, but his own accomplishments are
uncertain and probably distorted by Aristotle and his successors as they

and the earth floats in it.77 He may have been influenced in this philosophy
sought to establish a neat progression in theory from Thales' first prin-
by Near Eastern and Egyptian cosmologies, but his theory represents the
ciple of water through the ideas of his most immediate successors.
first nonmythological answer to the question of the origin and makeup of
Anaximander and Anaximenes both grasped the concept of a first prin-
the universe in the Greek world. One material was chosen as the first
ciple, but they transformed it to fit their own theories.
principle, probably because unity is simpler than plurality, and water was
Slightly younger than Thales and possibly his student, Anaximander
brought the history of Greek philosophy into existence when he first com-
selected, perhaps because it is essential to life.
mitted his ideas to writing and created a new literary genre about nature
Thus Thales is credited with inventing the natural philosophy for
(tept cJ0oeg), extending his innovation so far as to write in prose for the
which Miletos would become famous, but his own accomplishments are
very first time.78 Because of the fabulous nature of the stories about Thales,
uncertain and probably distorted by Aristotle and his successors as they

Anaximander often stands as the first substantiated thinker in natural
sought to establish a neat progression in theory from Thales' first prin-

philosophy and so the landmark figure in spreading the influence of that
76. Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, #85. This and the other philosophical texts and
ciple of water through the ideas of his most immediate successors.
translations in this chapter are taken directly from Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, as
Anaximander and Anaximenes both grasped the concept of a first prin-
indicated. ciple, but they transformed it to fit their own theories.
77. Cf. Arist. Cael. 294a28-31. See Barnes 1979, 5-13; Kirk, Raven, and Schofield
Slightly younger than Thales and possibly his student, Anaximander

1983, 88-98.
brought the history of Greek philosophy into existence when he first com-
78. Kahn 1960, 6-7. For Anaximander, see Kahn 1960; Barnes 1979, 19-37; Kirk,
mitted his ideas to writing and created a new literary genre about nature
Raven, and Schofield 1983, 100-142. It is difficult to reconcile Anaximander's apparent
use of prose with the unanimous later tradition that Hekataios and his colleagues-the
(JtEQL ¢uaEW1:;), extending his innovation so far as to write in prose for the
logographers-were the pioneers in this field. very first time. 78 Because of the fabulous nature of the stories about Thales,
Anaximander often stands as the first substantiated thinker in natural
philosophy and so the landmark figure in spreading the influence of that
76. Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, #85. This and the other philosophical texts and
translations in this chapter are taken directly from Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, as
indicated.
77. Cf. Arist. Cael. 294a28-31. See Barnes 1979, 5-13; Kirk, Raven, and Schofield
1983, 88-98.
78. Kahn 1960, 6-7. For Anaximander, see Kahn 1960; Barnes 1979, 19-37; Kirk,
Raven, and Schofield 1983, 100-142. It is difficult to reconcile Anaximander's apparent

use of prose with the unanimous later tradition that Hekataios and his wlleagues-the
logographers-were the pioneers in this field.
school abroad. Unfortunately, the sum total of Anaximander's own words
that survive consists of one short citation in a later author who was himself
working not from the original but from an intermediary source: Simplicius
(Phys. 24.13 = 12a9 DK), a sixth-century C.E. Neoplatonist, derived his
account from Theophrastos, a successor of Aristotle, who worked from
school abroad. Unfortunately, the sum total of Anaximander's own words

that survive consists of one short citation in a later author who was himself
the original text of Anaximander.
T v 8F _Ev xaL xtvo4U Evov xc LE a tQov key6vwov 'Avaufrav69og
vtv HI atabov Mti)tCoog eaxoO y7v6Oevog 8tLbofoog zcxaL [aOf-

working not from the original but from an intermediary source: Simplicius
tiug QXiV te c x ootOxEov elQxETl Tv 6v wv tO6 8tELOov, mObtog
(Phys. 24.13 = 12a9 DK), a sixth-century C.E. Neoplatonist, derived his
toto tovvo Zxo ouV 8L.Loa g 0 8LWV, LX' w-tt tre vtW Q iie
account from Theophrastos, a successor of Aristotle, who worked from
aXho 2L TWV xako'qtevwvetVaL OTOtxelayV, 11 etiaV TL v6 ot
the original text of Anaximander.

creLiov, F {fg &uavtag ylveo8uLt oilg ovuavikg xzL oig v
S Sx"0o .fl 8 6Y vS S ntogobo, x 11Vh
Oo9hv sig tu,0 ta yivxeOuLt xath to6 oe " ti6vat LO yao t

n'Dv bio £v xat XLV01J~Evov xat amLQOV 'AEyovTwv 'Ava~i~avbgoc;
8Lpxat L oty VaX XLg -cg a8txtag xata TAv TO XO v a Ly, ~Ev Ilga~u16ou MLI.~moc; 8a'Aoil yEvo~Evoc; 6La6oxoc; xat ~a8tl
notytÃ—TxwTeQotg ov5ag 6v6t0oty 0a avid yv.
T~c; agxt1v TE xal, OTOLXELOV c'LQ11XE TOJV OVTWV TO U;tELQOV, ngonoc;

TOVW wuvo~a xo~ioac; Tf]c; agxt1c;. J.EyEL 6' a1m1v ~~TE Mwg fl~l:E
[Of those who say that it is one, moving, and infinite, Anaxi-
a.f..f..o l:L l:OJV XUAOWU~V(J)V clvm Ol:OLXELWV, aAf..' !hEQUV l:LVa <j>UOLV
mander, son of Praxiades, a Milesian, the successor and pupil of
anELQOV, £~ ~c; anav•ac; ylvco8m l:OUc; aUQavouc; xaL wuc; EV

Thales, said that the principle and element of existing things was the
apeiron [indefinite, or infinite], being the first to introduce this
name of the material principle. He says that it is neither water nor atnoi:c; x6o~wuc;. £l; JJv 6/o ·~ ylovcoic; EOTL wi:c; o~oL, xal, T~v
any other of the so-called elements, but some other apeiron nature,
<:p8ogav de; 1:aum yivwem xa•a To XQEwv· bLMvm yag mh&.
from which come into being all the heavens and the worlds in them.
0LX11V xaL l:LOLV a'AA~'AOL::; 1:t1c; a6Lxiac; xal:a TllV mil XQOVOU TU~LV,
JtOL!ll:LXWl:EQOLt:; o{hwc; OvO~LaGLV atna f..Eywv.
And the source of coming-to-be for existing things is that into
which destruction, too, happens "according to necessity; for they
pay penalty and retribution to each other for their injustice accord-
ing to the assessment of Time," as he describes it in these rather

[Of those who say that it is one, moving, and infinite, Anaxi-
poetical terms.]79
mander, son of Praxiades, a Milesian, the successor and pupil of

Thales, said that the principle and element of existing things was the
The key to Anaximander's philosophy is the apeiron, "infinite" or,
apeiron rindefinite, or infinitel, being the first to introduce this

more properly (because the concept of infinity probably did not yet
exist), "without boundary" or "enormously vast." It is the origin of all
things, and it surrounds them. It is unlimited and eternal, indestructible

name of the material principle. He says that it is neither water nor
and ungenerated. Most important of all, it is distinct from all of the
any other of the so-called elements, but some other apeiron nature,
79. Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, #101a = 12a9 DK. Cf. Hippolytos Ref 1.6.1-2 =
from which come into being all the heavens and the worlds in them.
And the source of coming-to-be for existing things is that into
12all DK; Ps.-Plut. Strom. 2 = 12a10 DK.
which destruction, too, happens "according to necessity; for they

pay penalty and retribution to each other for their injustice accord-
ing to the assessment of Time," as he describes it in these rather
poetical terms.J79
The key to Anaximander's philosophy is the apeiron, "infinite" or,

more properly (because the concept of infinity probably did not yet
exist), "without boundary" or "enormously vast." It is the origin of all
things, and it surrounds them. It is unlimited and eternal, indestructible
and ungenerated. Most important of all, it is distinct from all of the
79. Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, #lOla= 12a9 DK. Cf. Hippolyros Ref. 1.6.1-2 =
12all DK; Ps.-Piut. Strom. 2 = 12a10 DK.
other elemental things, such as earth, air, fire, and water. It is that from
which these opposites arise and combine to create the things of the earth
and into which they degenerate at their destruction. In his system, there
is no waste in physical change, because "all change in the developed
world takes place between the same original quantity of separate, op-
other elemental things, such as earth, air, fire, and water. It is that from
which these opposites arise and combine to create the things of the earth
posed substances."s80
Although his greatest impact lay in his definition of the first principle,
Anaximander's thought ranged over a wide variety of topics, from cos-

and into which they degenerate at their destruction. In his system, there
mology to meteorology and from zoology to geography. For example, not
is no waste in physical change, because "all change in the developed
only did he give a model for the universe, as Thales had done before him,
world takes place between the same original quantity of separate, op-
but he was the first to offer a theory of human origins. He thought that
posed substances. "80

Although his greatest impact lay in his definition of the first principle,
the earth was a wide cylinder suspended, according to Aristotle (Caeld.
2.295b10-296a3), by cosmic symmetry, situated in the middle of rings of
the heavenly bodies; that humans live on its upper surface and perhaps on
Anaximander's thought ranged over a wide variety of topics, from cos-
the lower, as Antipodes; that it was originally completely wet but has
mology to meteorology and from zoology to geography. For example, not
gradually become dried out over time because of the sun and winds and only did he give a model for the universe, as Thales had done before him,
will eventually dry up completely; that the life-forms on the earth-
but he was the first to offer a theory of human origins. He thought that
including humans-have their origin as fishlike creatures in the moist-
the earth was a wide cylinder suspended, according to Aristotle (Cael.

ness. Finally, Anaximander is credited with drawing the first map of the
inhabited earth. He was certainly influenced by Babylonian models, but

2.295b10-296a3), by cosmic symmetry, situated in the middle of rings of
characteristically he applied strict mathematical proportions to the subdi-
the heavenly bodies; that humans live on its upper surface and perhaps on
visions of a perfectly circular earth.81 the lower, as Antipodes; that it was originally completely wet but has
The impact of Anaximander's philosophy can hardly by overstated.
gradually become dried out over time because of the sun and winds and
According to Charles Kahn, Anaximander's rational outlook
will eventually dry up completely; that the life-forms on the earth-

asserted itself with the total force of a volcanic eruption, and the
ensuing flood of speculation soon spread from Miletus across the

including humans-have their origin as fishlike creatures in the moist-
length and breadth of the lands in which Greek was spoken.
ness. Finally, Anaximander is credited with drawing the first map of the
He later adds, inhabited earth. He was certainly influenced by Babylonian models, but
All later Greek formulas for the cosmos must accordingly be under-
characteristically he applied strict mathematical proportions to the subdi-
stood as developments or modifications of the Milesian view, and in
visions of a perfectly circular earth. 81

so far as our own conception of the laws of nature is derived from
The impact of Anaximander's philosophy can hardly by overstated.

that of Greece, its origins can be traced back to Anaximander.82
80. Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, 115.

According to Charles Kahn, Anaximander's rational outlook
81. See esp. Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, 133-42; Kahn 1960, esp. 75-118 passim
(for the map see 81-85).
asserted itself with the total force of a volcanic eruption, and the
82. Kahn 1960, 7, 199.
ensuing flood of speculation soon spread from Miletus across the

length and breadth of the lands in which Greek was spoken.
He later adds,
All later Greek formulas for the cosmos must accordingly be under-
stood as developments or modifications of the Milesian view, and in
so far as our own conception of the laws of nature is derived from
that of Greece, its origins can be traced back to Anaximander. 82

81. See esp. Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, 133-42; Kahn 1960, esp. 75-118 passim
(for rhe map see 81-85).
82. Kahn 1960, 7, 199.
Anaximander established the questions that all later philosophers, from
the ancient Greeks to the modern day, had to answer. They must approve
or contest Anaximander's teachings; they could never simply ignore him.

Anaximenes was a younger contemporary, of Anaximander, some-
times said to be his student.83 Aristotle says very little about him,84 but
Anaximander established the questions that all later philosophers, from

the ancient Greeks to the modern day, had to answer. They must approve
according to Diogenes (5.42), Theophrastos wrote a special monograph
on him, from which much of our surviving information is probably de-
rived. Diogenes (2.3 = Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, #138) himself
or contest Anaximander's teachings; they could never simply ignore him.
tells us nearly everything that we know about Anaximenes' life, while at
Anaximenes was a younger contemporary, of Anaximander, some-
the same time summarizing his accomplishments.
times said to be his student.S3 Aristotle says very little about him,84 bur
'Avac~ivng E vuctoatiov MtkLIotog xovcv 'AvaLI4v6oov,
according to Diogenes (5.42), Theophrastos wrote a special monograph

viot 6 xaL HIage8V6ov 4aicVa &xoicat at6v. Ooog aox1iv
on him, from which much of our surviving information is probably de-

ka 8 stQe xaL TO eLQ8tQov. xtve8oOU6t 6~ ta cihtio oUx Uo6 yi7v
& Xa xQL iflV. 4xFX~Q1tcL t8 ) t 'JIE a& )Xfi zxaL Ett(O. xzL
rived. Diogenes (2.3 = Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, #138) himself
y7syvjtat itv, zaOa tricJLv 'Amo)k66w o;, mxtOi 1V a68v
tells us nearly everything that we know about Anaximenes' life, while at
&)WOtV, teterlJo8 6F tAfi riEzOtfi tQir 6) v~tutL6L. the same time summarizing his accomplishments.
[Anaximenes son of Eurystratus, of Miletus, was a pupil of
'Ava~L~U~Vll£ EuQUO'LQ<iwu MLA~OLO£ ~x.ouorv 'Ava~q.tavOQou ,

Anaximander; some say he was also a pupil of Parmenides. He said
EVLOL Of. x.aL nawr vloou <j>aoLv cowilom mh6v. 0~10£ CxQ)(1lV
that the material principle was air and the infinite; and that the stars
CxfQU Elm x.aL 10 CXJtfLQOV. X.LVEL08m o£ 1U UOTQU oux UJtO y~v

move, not under the earth, but round it. He used simple and eco-
nomical Ionic speech. He was active, according to what Apollo-
dorus says, around the time of the capture of Sardis, and died in the a/,1-.a mQL y~v. x.exQll•al•r 1-.e~EL 'IaOL a;;t}:fj x.al. amQl••o.J. xai.
63rd Olympiad [528-525 B.C.E.].]
)'E)'EV11Tm [lEv, x.a8a <J>11mv 'AJto),AoOOJQO~, mgL TllV L:agOEOJV
aAmmv, 8-rrA£ln11ar i'i£ •n E~11ttoo•n TQL•n oAu[lmai'iL
Diogenes' dates may be inaccurate: he may, for example, be confusing the
Persian sack of Sardis in 546/5 with the Ionian sack in 498, or he may be
extrapolating from a simple statement like "Anaximenes was a younger
contemporary of Anaximander" (cf. Theophr. in Simp. Phys. 24.26

[Anaximenes son of Eurystratus, of Miletus, was a pupil of
Diels). We can say with confidence only that his floruit fell in the second
Anaximander; some say he was also a pupil of Parmen ides. He said
half of the sixth century.
that the material principle was air and the infinite; and that the stars
Like Anaximander, Anaximenes chiefly discussed cosmology and me-
move, not under the earth, but round it. He used simple and eco-
nomical Ionic speech. He was active, according to what Apollo-
teorology. He is sometimes maligned by modern scholars for a lack of
originality; he was certainly very much indebted to his predecessor.
Barnes defends him from this charge, arguing, first, that Anaximenes'
dorus says, around the time of the capture of Sardis, and died in the
83. For Anaximenes in general, see Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, 143-62; Barnes
63rd Olympiad [528-525 B.C.E.].]
1979, 38-44; Guthrie 1962, 115-40.
84. Three passages in all: Meta. 1.984a5-10; Cael. 2.294b13-23; Meteor. 2.365b6-20.
Diogenes' dates may be inaccurate: he may, for example, be confusing the

Persian sack of Sardis in 546/5 with the Ionian sack in 498, or he may be
extrapolating from a simple statement like "Anaximenes was a younger
contemporary of Anaximander" (cf. Theophr. in Simp. Phys. 24.26
Diels). We can say with confidence only that his floruit fell in the second
half of the sixth century.
Like Anaximander, Anaximenes chiefly discussed cosmology and me-
teorology. He is sometimes maligned by modern scholars for a lack of
originality; he was certainly very much indebted to his predecessor.
Barnes defends him from this charge, arguing, first, that Anaximenes'
83. For Anaximenes in general, see Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983, 143- 62; Barnes
1979, 38-44; Guthrie 1962, 115-40.
84. Three passages in all: Meta. 1.984a5-10; Cael. 2.294b13 - 23; Meteor. 2.365b6- 20.
two innovations were great improvements on Anaximander's system and,
second, that "Anaximenes was the more thorough, the more systematic,
the more rigorous, and the more scientifically inclined of the two men."85
Anaximenes' principal modification of Anaximander's theory was that
Anaximenes made the first principle air, probably something like "divine
two innovations were great improvements on Anaximander's system and,

second, that "Anaximenes was the more thorough, the more systematic,
breath." According to Anaximenes, that air changed by condensation
and rarefication to form the basic elements-earth, air, fire, water, stone,
cloud, and wind-which in turn combined in different ways to form the

the more rigorous, and the more scientifically inclined of the two men. "85
things of the earth: by condensation, air became first water and then,
Anaximenes' principal modification of Anaximander's theory was that
with more condensation, earth, and finally stone, while by rarefication it
Anaximenes made the first principle air, probably something like "divine
became atmospheric air and, eventually, fire. Anaximenes' second impor-
breath." According to Anaximenes, that air changed by condensation

and rarefication to form the basic elements-earth, air, fire, water, stone,
tant contribution was a modification of Anaximander's cosmology so
that the thin disk of the earth, instead of being suspended in a cosmic
balance, rested on a cushion of air. The heavenly bodies were created by a

cloud, and wind-which in turn combined in different ways to form the
rarefication into fire and moved around the earth, oregeQ QegQL t]V
things of the earth: by condensation, air became first water and then,
f[eLtoav xe4aW(v tOx etat t6 mt)lov [just as... a felt cap turns with more condensation, earth, and finally stone, while by rarefication it
round our head] (Hippol. Ref. 1.7.6 = Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983,
became atmospheric air and, eventually, fire. Anaximenes' second impor-

#156). This cosmology became the standard fifth-century Ionian view, to
tant contribution was a modification of Anaximander's cosmology so

which later figures had to react.86
After the Milesian philosophers, the idea of monism was either aban-
that the thin disk of the earth, instead of being suspended in a cosmic
doned or greatly modified by the later Ionian thinkers. They became
balance, rested on a cushion of air. The heavenly bodies were created by a
more concerned with problems of the arrangement, rather than the mate- rarefication into fire and moved around the earth, OJG7tEQEL JTEQ~ ·n1v
rial, of things. Still, they are deeply indebted to Thales, Anaximander,
~l.lE'tEQUV xE¢a"~v G'tQE¢nm TO mAiov [just as ... a felt cap turns

and Anaximenes for freeing them from the chains of mythological inter-
round our head] (Hippo!. Ref 1.7.6 =Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983,
pretations and introducing them to an empirical approach to natural
philosophy.
#156). This cosmology became the standard fifth-century Ionian view, to
After Anaximenes, the center of Greek philosophy moved elsewhere in
which later figures had to react.86
lonia and west to Sicily, but another intellectual movement developed at After the Milesian philosophers, the idea of monism was either aban-
Miletos in the late sixth century, a movement that was to have significant
doned or greatly modified by the later Ionian thinkers. They became
influence on the Greek literature of the fifth century and beyond. The
more concerned with problems of the arrangement, rather than the mate-
earliest known prose writers, called logographers, hailed from Miletos,
rial, of things. Still, they are deeply indebted to Thales, Anaximander,

and their innovations set the stage for Herodotos's invention of the genre
of history.
and Anaximenes for freeing them from the chains of mythological inter-
Logography was a creation of the Ionian Greeks.87 The word logos is pretations and introducing them to an empirical approach to natural
used in contrast to epos to show that these men wrote in prose, not meter,
philosophy.
so in the broadest sense, a logographer was any prose writer. However, it
After Anaximenes, the center of Greek philosophy moved elsewhere in

85. Barnes 1979, 38-39.
Ionia and west to Sicily, but another intellectual movement developed at

87. Pearson 1939, chap. 1.

Miletos in the late sixth century, a movement that was to have significant
influence on the Greek literature of the fifth century and beyond. The
earliest known prose writers, called logographers, hailed from Miletos,
and their innovations set the stage for Herodotos's invention of the genre
of history.
Logography was a creation of the Ionian Greeks.8 7 The word logos is
used in contrast to epos to show that these men wrote in prose, not meter,
so in the broadest sense, a logographer was any prose writer. However, it
85. Barnes 1979, 38- 39.

87. Pearson 1939, chap. 1.
is the modern convention to use this term only to refer to a particular
class of writers, rendered literally as "storytellers," who wrote in the
sixth and fifth centuries. Their works included chronicles of city founda-
tions, annals of particular cities, histories and customs of non-Greek
nations, and geographic handbooks. They often used official city records
is the modern convention to use this term only to refer to a particular

class of writers, rendered literally as "storytellers," who wrote in the
as source material, while at the same time exercising a good deal of
license in making the accounts more interesting. They were also heavily
influenced by Homer and the epic poets rather than the empirical spirit of
sixth and fifth centuries. Their works included chronicles of city founda-
the pre-Socratics, so they made no sharp distinction between myth and
tions, annals of particular cities, histories and customs of non-Greek
history. Their writing was fairly primitive and unadorned, which is not
nations, and geographic handbooks. They often used official city records
surprising considering that they were pioneering prose style.
as source material, while at the same time exercising a good deal of

Kadmos, Dionysios, and Hekataios were all early prose writers from
license in making the accounts more interesting. They were also heavily
Miletos. Kadmos and Dionysios are shadowy figures: we have very little
information about them and no substantial fragments. Kadmos, son of

influenced by Homer and the epic poets rather than the empirical spirit of
Pandion, is named among the earliest prose writers by a number of
the pre-Socratics, so they made no sharp distinction between myth and
ancient authors.88 He is a contemporary of Hekataios, which puts his history. Their writing was fairly primitive and unadorned, which is not
floruit in the last part of the sixth century, and he is supposed to have
surprising considering that they were pioneering prose style.

written a story, in four books, of the foundation of Miletos and all of
Kadmos, Dionysios, and Hekataios were all early prose writers from
Ionia.89 Dionysios was his contemporary, although our information
about him is quite late, chiefly from the Suda (where he is anachronisti-
Miletos. Kadmos and Dionysios are shadowy figures: we have very little
cally called a historikos).90 Six works are attributed to him: the Events
information about them and no substantial fragments. Kadmos, son of
after Dareios (Tx tc h Aauelov), in five books; the Description of the Pandion, is named among the earliest prose writers by a number of
Inhabited World (HIe eyyecg olxovivrjg); the Persika, in the Ionic dia-
ancient authors.ss He is a contemporary of Hekataios, which puts his
lect; the Troika, in three books; the Mythika; and the Historical Cycle
floruit in the last part of the sixth century, and he is supposed to have
(Kix)og LctooQLz6g). It is doubtful that he authored all of these; von Fritz
thinks that he probably wrote only the Persika (a feat corroborated by

written a story, in four hooks, of the foundation of Miletos and all of
several scholiasts) and perhaps the Events after Dareios.
Ionia.s9 Dionysios was his contemporary, although our information
While the importance of neither Kadmos nor Dionysios can be estab- about him is quite late, chiefly from the Suda (where he is anachronisti-
lished definitively, it is probably not an exaggeration to say that Heka-
cally called a historikos). 90 Six works are attributed to him: the Events
taios was the most significant and influential of all the sixth-century
after Dareios (Ta f.tETa L'1agEiov), in five books; the Description of the
logographers.91 He was a prominent advisor to Aristagoras during the
Ionian Revolt, according to Herodotos (5.36, 124), although that role

Tnhabited World (TlEgLirtE<JL<:; otxowti-:vllt;); the Persika, in the Ionic dia-
88. Dion. Hal. de Thuc. 23; Str. 1.2.6 (alongside Hekataios); Joseph. Ap. 1.13; Suda s.v.
lect; the Troika, in three books; the Mythika; and the Historical Cycle
K 6xtog 6 Mtitlotog and K 6xtog Hav6tovog ; Clem. Al. Strom. 6.26.8; FGH 489; von (Kux;\oc; tcrtOQLxoc;). It is doubtful that he authored all of these; von Fritz
Fritz 1967, 2:54-55.
thinks that he probably wrote only the Persika (a feat corroborated by
89. It is likely that the tradition that he wrote about "all of lonia" is directly derived
several scholiasts) and perhaps the Events after Dareios.

from his father's name, Pandion, and is false.
While the importance of neither Kadmos nor Dionysios can be estab-

90. S.v. Atovv5otog MXi Log = FGH 687; von Fritz 1967, 1:415, 2:78.
91. FGH 1; Fornara 1983b, chap. 1, esp. pp. 4-12; Drews 1973, chap. 1; Tozer 1971,
lished definitively, it is probably not an exaggeration to say that Heka-
70-74; von Fritz 1967, vol. 1, chap. 3; Pearson 1939, 25-108; Jacoby 1912.
taios was the most significant and influential of all the sixth-century
logographers. 91 He was a prominent advisor to Aristagoras during the
Ionian Revolt, according to Herodotos (5.36, 124), although that role
88. Dian. Hal. de Thuc. 23; Str. 1.2.6 (alongside Hekataios}; joseph. Ap. 1.13; Suda s.v.
KaOflO<; o Mtlci1mo<; and KaO[tO<; ilavolovo<;; Clem. AI. Strom. 6.26.8; FGH 489; von
Fritz 1967, 2:54-55.
89. It is likely that the tradition that he wrote about "all of Ionia" is directly derived
from his father's name, Pandion, and is false.
90. S.v. ~LOVUOLO<; Mtlc~oto; = FGH 687; von Fritz 1967, 1:415,2:78.
91. FGH 1; Fornara 1983b, chap. 1, esp. pp. 4-12; Drews 1973, chap. 1; Tozer 1971,
70- 74; von Fritz 1967, vol. 1, chap. 3; Pearson 1939, 25- 108; Jacoby 1912.
may be fictionalized.92 He is also credited with writing two works, one on
myth and the other on geography, and he is the earliest confirmed prose
writer in both of those fields.

Hekataios's text on myth was written in four books, of which we have
three titles: Genealogia (Feverl)oy'ta), Heroologia (cHgwo)oy'ta), and
may be fictionalized. 92 He is also credited with writing two works, one on

myth and the other on geography, and he is the earliest confirmed prose
Histories (Ioro9'ta). Only thirty-five fragments survive. Of special inter-
est is Hekataios's introductory statement there (FGH 1 F 1 = Demet.
Eloc. 12).
writer in both of those fields.
CExataLog MtXIot)og 8 68 ItO8at' th8 y96ao 6g vot 6oxe
Hekataios's text on myth was written in four books, of which we have
riO6a tvat' oL yQ cE)l vwvO )oyot moXXo 'te xac' yeoLot, wg
three titles: Genealogia (rEVEYJI-oyla), Heroologia ('Hgwo/,oyla), and
Fvo't ialvovtuL, elclv.
Histories ('Iowgla). Only thirty-five fragments survive. Of special inter-

[Hekataios the Milesian tells these stories. And I write these things
est is Hekataios's introductory statement there (FGH 1 F 1 = Demet.

as they seem to me to be true, for the tales of the Greeks are many
and laughable, as it seems to me.]

Eloc. 12).
According to the fashion followed later by Herodotos and Thucydides,
Hekataios identifies himself in his very first words in the text. He also sets
'Exm:aioc:; MLA~moc:; 6oE ftU8Eicm' caOE yQa¢w we:; ftOL OOX.Ei
out part of his purpose: to write the things that he thinks are true. Like
(x),ll8Ea ctvm· ot yag 'EH~vwv Aoym JtOAAOL TE XO.L YEAOLOL, we:;

the pre-Socratics, he intended to apply a rational explanation to the
myths that he treated and thus to avoid )6yot yelolot. This approach
EftOL ¢alvov1:m, Etolv.
was of course a great departure from that of the poetic writers of the
past.93
[Hekataios the Milesian tells these stories. And I write these things
Hekataios's real fame came from his invention of the genre of geogra-
as they seem to me to be true, for the tales of the Greeks are many
and laughable, as it seems to me.]
phy: his second work was the first systematic geography of the known
world, called the Periegesis (He lY]flotg) or the Periodos Ges (Heofo6og
flg), from which three hundred fragments survive. His method was to
offer descriptions of different cities and peoples in order as they are According to the fashion followed later by Herodotos and Thucydides,
passed by the traveler; later geographers usually restricted themselves to
Hekataios identifies himself in his very first words in the text. He also sets
the coastal sites (writing periploi, or "voyages around"), but Hekataios
out part of his purpose: to write the things that he thinks are true. Like
seems to have gone inland in places as well. For each locale, he offered a
brief description of the people's customs, marvelous events, foundation

the pre-Socratics, he intended to apply a rational explanation to the
92. Also, according to Diodoros Sikulos (10.25.4), he was sent by the lonians as an
myths that he treated and thus to avoid A.6ym yr/..oim. This approach
ambassador to Artaphernes. S. West (1991) argues that most, if not all, of Herodotos's was of course a great departure from that of the poetic writers of the
portrayal of Hekataios is fanciful, based on the "wise adviser" motif, first identified by
past.93
Lattimore (1939). For more on Hekataios's putative actions during the revolt, see chap. 4.
Hekataios's real fame came from his invention of the genre of geogra-
93. Pearson (1939, 97-98) argues that Hekataios was going to offer a single version
instead of giving a lot of conflicting stories, as Herodotos would do.

phy: his second work was the first systematic geography of the known
world, called the Periegesis ( IlEQL~YYJOLc:;) or the Periodos Ges (Il£Qio6oc:;
rfjc:;), from which three hundred fragments survive. His method was to
offer descriptions of different cities and peoples in order as they are
passed by the traveler; later geographers usually restricted themselves to
the coastal sites (writing periploi, or "voyages around"), but Hekataios
seems to have gone inland in places as well. For each locale, he offered a
brief description of the people's customs, marvelous events, foundation
92. Also, according to Diodoros Sikulos (10.25.4), he was sent by the Ionians as an
ambassador to Artaphernes. S. West (1991) argues that most, if not all, of Herodotos's
portrayal of Hekataios is fanciful, based on the "wise adviser" motif, first identified by
Lattimore (1939). For more on Hekaraios's putative actions during the revolt, see chap. 4.
93. Pearson (1939, 97-98 ) argues that Hekataios was going to offer a single version
instead of giving a lot of conflicting stories, as Herodotos would do.
or origin, and any part that place might have played in legend. We cannot
be certain about the order in which he worked, but the custom among his
successors was to start at the Pillars of Herakles and work clockwise

around the coast, eastward along the European coast of the Mediterra-
nean, into the Propontis and Pontos, down through Asia Minor and the
or origin, and any part that place might have played in legend. We cannot
be certain about the order in which he worked, but the custom among his
Levant, and westward across northern Africa.
Hekataios is also famous for his map. Although Anaximander is
credited with making the first Greek map, Hekataios is supposed to

successors was to start at the Pillars of Herakles and work clockwise
have improved it. Agathemeros, a very late geographer, wrote (GGM
around the coast, eastward along the European coast of the Mediterra-
2.471, 1.1):
nean, into the Propontis and Pontos, down through Asia Minor and the
'Ava t'av69og 6 Mtl)otog xovciltg Oe&icyJ tqTog Ftro& loe
Levant, and westward across northern Africa.

Hekataios is also famous for his map. Although Anaximander is
r v oLxzov lvrv v TvxZt yLp9p"a' 10e6' 6v EzxataLog 6 Mti)ctiog
&vf mo)v cvi av0 6lg 8tgLjxof3omoev, 65ore 0av0auoOfivat to Q mya.
[Anaximander the Milesian, a student of Thales, first dared to draw

credited with making the first Greek map, Hekataios is supposed to
the inhabited world on a tablet. After him, Hekataios the Milesian,
have improved it. Agathemeros, a very late geographer, wrote (GGM
a well-traveled man, corrected it, so that it became a thing to be 2.471, 1.1):
marveled at.]94
'Ava1;l~avbgoc; 6 MLA~owc; axouot~c; ealcfw JtQGnoc; EtOA~Lf]Of

We usually associate Hekataios's name with the famous map mentioned
t~v obwu~u~v11V f.v Jtlvmu yga1j!m' !-lc8' ov 'Exa't'a'Loc; 6 ML),~owc;

by Herodotos in his story of the Ionian Revolt (5.49-50). Anaxagoras,
the leader of the revolt, tried to enlist Spartan aid by showing them the
map, which included many wealthy countries near lonia for Sparta to
UVllQ JtOAUJtJ,aVllS CLlptgl~wocv, WO't'£ 8au~ao8f]vm to JtQCiy~a.
plunder: he came yWv 6axeov m'[vaxa v TO yfig & a6crlg tofbog
ver&r into xLu 06OaXc e rAxca xa a otacto' aveg [holding a

[Anaximander the Miles ian, a student of Thales, first dared to draw
bronze tablet on which were engraved the circuit of the earth and all the
the inhabited world on a tablet. After him, Hekataios the Milesian,

seas and all the rivers] (5.49.1). Elsewhere, Herodotos mocks the design
of the earth in these early maps, because ol 'Qxeav6v te o ovta

a well-traveled man, corrected it, so that it became a thing to be
y9a6 ovet t JQL ri yivfv, oouv xv)ToTEm a b;g r6 6to vov, xat t iV
marveled at.J94
'Ao4vy flI E0o94rf otev icimtoyV [they draw the Ocean flowing
around the earth in a perfect circle as if drawn by a compass, and they

We usually associate Hekataios's name with the famous map mentioned
make Asia equal in size to Europe] (4.36.2; cf. 4.42.1.). Assuming that
by Herodotos in his story of the Ionian Revolt (5.49-50). Anaxagoras,

Herodotos is criticizing Hekataios and his followers, we can conclude
the leader of the revolt, tried to enlist Spartan aid by showing them the
that for Hekataios, theory was more important than accuracy. His map
was symmetrical, a perfect circle with two equal continents, Europe and
map, which included many wealthy countries near Ionia for Sparta to
Asia (including Africa). plunder: he came cxwv xaA.xcov nlvaxa CV 't'O.J y~c; (maof]c; mgLoboc;
94. Cf. Str. 1.1.11.
f.vnh!-lf]to xaL 8af.aooa 't'c nCioa xaL Jto't'a~wL nav't'cc; [holding a
bronze tablet on which were engraved the circuit of the earth and all the
seas and all the rivers] (5.49.1). Elsewhere, Herodotos mocks the design
of the earth in these early maps, because o'L 'Qxmv6v tE QEOvta
yga¢oum 1tEQLS 't'~V yf]v, f.oiloav XUXJ,O't'EQEU we; ano
't'OQVOU, xaL t~V
'AOLJlV til Evgwnn JtOLEUV't'O)V 'tOJlV rthey draw the Ocean flowing
around the earth in a perfect circle as if drawn by a compass, and they
make Asia equal in size to Europe] (4.36.2; cf. 4.42.1.). Assuming that
Herodotos is criticizing Hekataios and his followers, we can conclude
that for Hekataios, theory was more important than accuracy. His map
was symmetrical, a perfect circle with two equal continents, Europe and
Asia (including Africa).
94. Cf. Str.l.l.ll.

Hekataios's influence was considerable. Not only did he inaugurate
the study of systematic geography and offer the world a detailed (if
idealized) map, but he was the first securely attested logographer. By

employing prose writing to examine the past, he and his successors estab-
lished a genre that would in the next century provide the groundwork for
Hekataios's influence was considerable. Not only did he inaugurate

the study of systematic geography and offer the world a detailed (if
the formal study of history launched by Herodotos and Thucydides.
What distinguishes the historians from the Milesian more than anything
else is content: Hekataios did not hesitate to write about mythological

idealized) map, but he was the first securely attested logographer. By
heroes and gods as if they were real, while the historians would begin to
employing prose writing to examine the past, he and his successors estab-
apply a higher standard of credibility to their work. Yet they could not
lished a genre that would in the next century provide the groundwork for
have made the great leap to historia without the small steps taken first by
the formal study of history launched hy Herodotos and Thucydides.

What distinguishes the historians from the Milesian more than anything
the logographers in seeking to rationalize the past and committing their
thoughts to prose.
Because the literary survivals from the Archaic period are few and
else is content: Hekataios did not hesitate to write about mythological
fragmentary, we cannot fully appreciate the accomplishments of these
heroes and gods as if they were real, while the historians would begin to
intellectuals leaders, but even without lengthy texts, the bare facts of their apply a higher standard of credibility to their work. Yet they could not
accomplishments speak loudly. Continuing the older literary tradition,
have made the great leap to historia without the small steps taken first by
Miletos produced a poet whose works are ranked alongside those of He-
the logographers in seeking to rationalize the past and committing their

siod and Theognis. At the same time, Milesians were at the forefront of
intellectual innovation, creating the study of philosophy by developing an

thoughts to prose.
empirical approach to nature and to systematizing the cosmos, an ap-
Because the literary survivals from the Archaic period are few and
proach based on monism, without mythological references and personified fragmentary, we cannot fully appreciate the accomplishments of these
deities. Finally, the Milesians invented mapmaking, geography, and prob-
intellectuals leaders, but even without lengthy texts, the bare facts of their
ably logography as well, setting the stage for the birth of history. No other
accomplishments speak loudly. Continuing the older literary tradition,

Archaic Greek city can approach-much less match-these achievements.
Miletos produced a poet whose works are ranked alongside those of He-
siod and Theognis. At the same time, Milesians were at the forefront of
intellectual innovation, creating the study of philosophy by developing an
empirical approach to nature and to systematizing the cosmos, an ap-
proach based on monism, without mythological references and personified
deities. Finally, the Milesians invented mapmaking, geography, and prob-
ably logography as well, setting the stage for the birth of history. No other
Archaic Greek city can approach-much less match-these achievements.
ï»¿3
The Archaic City
Miletos stood as an independent city for more than four centuries, from
the time of its refoundation by the lonians, ca. 1050 B.C.E., until at least
the reign of the Lydian king Kroisos in the middle of the sixth century. We
know little about the organization of the polis in the early years in the
Dark Ages: the unanimous traditions of the later city have it ruled by a
Neleid monarchy immediately after its foundation, but there is no cor-
roborating evidence that might clarify the situation. By the time it entered
3
the historical record in the Archaic period, the city was run by an oli-
The Archaic City

garchy. That government can be explicated in some detail: it had an
eponymous prytanis and suffered civil strife early on, but it eventually
settled into a stability that enabled Miletos to become the successful
mother city and trade center and establish itself as a paradigm of luxury.
As long as it remained free, Miletos prospered and grew. Even during
the early decades of contact with a developing imperial power next door,
Miletos was strong enough to fend off the prolonged Lydian aggression
that began as early as the second quarter of the seventh century and
Miletos stood as an independent city for more than four centuries, from
persisted intermittently until nearly 600 B.C.E. As that attack intensified,
the time of its refoundation by the Ionians, ca. 1050 R.C.E., until at least
however, the military crisis provided the opportunity for one man,
Thrasyboulos, to take over the Milesian government toward the end of

the reign of the Lydian king Kroisos in the middle of the sixth century. We
the century and set himself up as a tyrant. He defended the city well,
know little about the organization of the polis in the early years in the
protecting it from a siege by using the seaborne resources it had devel- Dark Ages: the unanimous traditions of the later city have it ruled by a
oped over the years. Finally, Thrasyboulos was able to draw the Lydians
Neleid monarchy immediately after its foundation, but there is no cor-
into a treaty with favorable terms. We do not know how long he re-
roborating evidence that might clarify the situation. By the time it entered
mained in power, but when the tyranny eventually ended, Miletos re-
verted to its former oligarchy for about fifty years.

the historical record in the Archaic period, the city was run by an oli-
The end of Milesian independence probably came in the middle of the
garchy. That government can be explicated in some detail: it had an
sixth century, when Kroisos took over the Lydian throne, ca. 560, and eponymous prytanis and suffered civil strife early on, but it eventually
subjected all of lonia. There is evidence that Miletos lost its favored status
settled into a stability that enabled Miletos to become the successful
and owed both tribute and troops to its new master. But Kroisos's reign
mother city and trade center and establish itself as a paradigm of luxury.
87
As long as it remained free, Miletos prospered and grew. Even during

the early decades of contact with a developing imperial power next door,
Miletos was strong enough to fend off the prolonged Lydian aggression
that began as early as the second quarter of the seventh century and
persisted intermittently until nearly 600 B.C.E. As that attack intensified,
however, the military crisis provided the opportunity for one man,
Thrasyboulos, to take over the Milesian government toward the end of
the century and set himself up as a tyrant. He defended the city well,
protecting it from a siege by using the seaborne resources it had devel-
oped over the years. Finally, Thrasyboulos was able to draw the Lydians
into a treaty with favorable terms. We do not know how long he re-
mained in power, but when the tyranny eventually ended, Miletos re-
verted to its former oligarchy for about fifty years.
The end of Milesian independence probably came in the middle of the
sixth century, when Kroisos took over the Lydian throne, ca. 560, and
subjected all of Ionia. There is evidence that Miletos lost its favored status
and owed both tribute and troops to its new master. But Kroisos's reign
87
was short-lived: Cyrus the Great of Persia conquered the Lydians ca. 547.
He then turned his attention to lonia. Again, Miletos occupied an excep-
tional position: it was the only Ionian city to retain the same treaty terms
as it had under Kroisos. But with the Persian mastery came a new govern-
ment for the city, for Persia either allowed or imposed an unpopular
was short-lived: Cyrus the Great of Persia conquered the Lydians ca. 547.
He then turned his attention to Ionia. Again, Miletos occupied an excep-
tyranny on the Milesians. That tyranny survived for possibly as much as
forty years before the abuse of power led the Milesian people to the
extreme, eventually fatal step of rebelling from Persia to free itself from
tional position: it was the only Ionian city to retain the same treaty terms
the tyranny of one of its own leading men.
as it had under Kroisos. But with the Persian mastery came a new govern-
Early Archaic Offices
ment for the city, for Persia either allowed or imposed an unpopular
According to all of the mythical accounts examined in chapter 1, Miletos
tyranny on the Milesians. That tyranny survived for possibly as much as

forty years before the abuse of power led the Milesian people to the
was originally ruled by a monarchy, controlled by the same Neleid family
that pioneered the settlement of lonia. Since no credible records survive
from the first few centuries of Ionian Miletos, it is impossible to say

extreme, eventually fatal step of rebelling from Persia to free itself from
whether these myths are accurate in portraying traditional hereditary mon-
the tyranny of one of its own leading men.
archs (basileis). Typically, by the time the Greek alphabet appears in the
eighth century B.C.E. and certainly by the time the literary record becomes
abundant, nearly every Greek city-state has strong memories of an early
Early Archaic Offices

chieftainship or kingship that had eventually been replaced by some kind
of oligarchy. In most cases, it is difficult to determine whether those memo-
ries, recorded centuries after the fact, reflect a historical situation.

According to all of the mythical accounts examined in chapter 1, Miletos
Currently, historians are entangled in debate over the characteristics of was originally ruled by a monarchy, controlled by the same Neleid family
those Dark Age kings, a debate that may prove insoluble due to lack of
that pioneered the settlement of Ionia. Since no credible records survive
evidence. The Dark Ages not only were a time of great poverty and
from the first few centuries of Ionian Miletos, it is impossible to say

cultural decline but were also characterized by a near complete illiteracy
in the Greek world: the Linear B writing of Mycenaean society was lost,
whether these myths are accurate in portraying traditional hereditary mon-
and the alphabet was not yet adapted for Greek use (the Cypriot script
archs (basileis). Typically, by the time the Greek alphabet appears in the
may have survived). Other physical remains disclose little that is pertinent eighth century B.C. E. and certainly by the time the literary record becomes
to understanding political matters. Dark Age settlements typically leave
abundant, nearly every Greek city-state has strong memories of an early
little trace in the archaeological record, and such evidence as is left by an
chieftainship or kingship that had eventually been replaced by some kind

impoverished and illiterate society can scarcely offer concrete data about
of oligarchy. In most cases, it is difficult to determine whether those memo-

such institutions.
The only evidence usually available for the evaluation of Dark Age
ries, recorded centuries after the fact, reflect a historical situation.
kingship is subsequent literary sources, ranging from Homer and Hesiod Currently, historians are entangled in debate over the characteristics of
to much later accounts, such as that of Nicolaus of Damascus, a contem-
those Dark Age kings, a debate that may prove insoluble due to lack of
porary of Augustus, and even late antique lexicographers. Most scholars
evidence. The Dark Ages not only were a time of great poverty and
cultural decline but were also characterized by a near complete illiteracy

in the Greek world: the Linear B writing of Mycenaean society was lost,
and the alphabet was not yet adapted for Greek use (the Cypriot script
may have survived). Other physical remains disclose little that is pertinent
to understanding political matters. Dark Age settlements typically leave
little trace in the archaeological record, and such evidence as is left by an
impoverished and illiterate society can scarcely offer concrete data about
such institutions.
The only evidence usually available for the evaluation of Dark Age
kingship is subsequent literary sources, ranging from Homer and Hesiod
to much later accounts, such as that of Nicolaus of Damascus, a contem-

porary of Augustus, and even late antique lexicographers. Most scholars
ï»¿The Archaic City 89
of the Dark Ages have recourse to the epics of Homer, because of their
status among the earliest surviving works of Greek literature, but those
poems are extremely problematic as historical sources.1 Not only were

The Archaic City 89
the Homeric texts composed as literature and not history, but the prevail-
ing view is that they represent a chronological amalgam. Some elements
of the Dark Ages have recourse to the epics of Homer, because of their
status among the earliest surviving works of Greek literature, but those
are derived from the eighth century, others date to Mycenaean times, and
the majority falls somewhere in between. It is very difficult to isolate an
item of Homeric evidence and determine its level of accuracy about a

poems are extremely problematic as historical sources. 1 Not only were
given place and time with any kind of confidence. As a result, the argu-
the Homeric texts composed as literature and not history, but the prevail-
ments about Dark Age kingship as based on Homer are very tenuous, and
ing view is that they represent a chronological amalgam. Some elements
it is improbable that a scholarly consensus will ever be reached.
are derived from the eighth century, others date to Mycenaean times, and
the majority falls somewhere in between. It is very difficult to isolate an
Generally speaking, there are currently three schools of thought about
the political structures of Dark Age Greece, which may be summarized in
very broad terms. According to one theory, Dark Age monarchy was, as
item of Homeric evidence and determine its level of accuracy about a
the myths report, both institutionalized and hereditary. Such kings had
given place and time with any kind of confidence. As a result, the argu-
extensive personal power based on the legitimacy of the office instead of ments about Dark Age kingship as based on Homer are very tenuous, and
the ability of the man, who ruled by virtue of his inherited right.2 The
it is improbable that a scholarly consensus will ever be reached.

second view holds that society was governed not by hereditary kings but
Generally speaking, there are currently three schools of thought about

by aristocrats, big men or chiefs, who constantly struggled to perpetuate
their power, which was itself obtained only locally and only by virtue of
the political structures of Dark Age Greece, which may be summarized in
their personal ability and the strength of their followers.3 Finally, a com-
very broad terms. According to one theory, Dark Age monarchy was, as
promise explanation is that Dark Age kings were originally local chiefs, the myths report, both institutionalized and hereditary. Such kings had
as in the second theory, but the system developed over time so that
extensive personal power based on the legitimacy of the office instead of
eventually one paramount chief rose to take control over the others in the
the ability of the man, who ruled by virtue of his inherited right. 2 The
region. Ultimately, that king set up a formal system of power sharing
through short-term magistracies and collegial boards, and the monarchy

second view holds that society was governed not hy hereditary kings hut
itself faded out of use.4 Each of these theories has attractive elements, and
by aristocrats, big men or chiefs, who constantly struggled to perpetuate
each can be refined according to various nuances. But in the end, the their power, which was itself obtained only locally and only by virtue of
information available is insufficient for the task of clarification, and the
their personal ability and the strength of their followers. 3 Finally, a com-
power and status of Dark Age kings must remain an open question.
promise explanation is that Dark Age kings were originally local chiefs,
At Miletos, as elsewhere, the monarchy is attested only in myths, so its
as in the second theory, but the system developed over time so that
character and even existence is dubious: all that can be said with confi-
dence is that a vigorous, persistent later memory places Neleid kings at

eventually one paramount chief rose to take control over the others in the
1. The secondary sources on Homer are too extensive to attempt a comprehensive region. Ultimately, that king set up a formal system of power sharing
offering. I mention only Page 1959; Finley 1977; van Wees 1992. Raaflaub 1998a offers a
through short-term magistracies and collegial boards, and the monarchy
review of the scholarship.
itself faded out of use. 4 Each of these theories has attractive elements, and
2. Van Wees 1992; Carlier 1984.
each can be refined according to various nuances. But in the end, the
3. Stahl 1987, 150-55; Drews 1983; Quiller 1981.
4. Donlan 1989.
information available is insufficient for the task of clarification, and the
power and status of Dark Age kings must remain an open question.
At Miletos, as elsewhere, the monarchy is attested only in myths, so its
character and even existence is dubious: all that can be said with confi-
dence is that a vigorous, persistent later memory places Neleid kings at
1. The secondary sources on Homer are too extensive to attempt a comprehensive

offering. I mention only Page 1959; Finley 1977; van Wees 1992. Raaflaub 1998a offers a
review of the scholarship.
2. Van Wees 1992; Carlier 1984.

3. Stahl1987, 150-55; Drews 1983; Quiller 1981.
4. Donlan 1989.
Miletos in the Dark Ages.5 However, the reality at the beginning of the
historical era is that nearly every Greek city-state was ruled by some kind
of oligarchy, and this circumstance is consistent with all of the other

evidence about Archaic Miletos as well.
Archaic oligarchy can often be characterized as a government in which
Miletos in the Dark Ages. 5 However, the reality at the beginning of the
historical era is that nearly every Greek city-state was ruled by some kind
citizenship, the franchise, and access to offices were confined to a group
ranging in size from tens to several thousands and were often determined
according to wealth and family line.6 The functions that may have once
of oligarchy, and this circumstance is consistent with all of the other
been held by kings were fulfilled by various magistrates-generals,
evidence about Archaic Miletos as well.
judges, legislators, and priests. The oligarchy often ruled as a council
Archaic oligarchy can often be characterized as a government in which
(boule), a strong deliberative body that assiduously limited the actions of
citizenship, the franchise, and access to offices were confined to a group

ranging in size from tens to several thousands and were often determined
the assembly of all citizens (the ekklesia or demos).7
At Miletos, some of the elements of the earliest oligarchy are witnessed
in the mythic accounts of the downfall of the Neleid monarchy, but unlike
according to wealth and family line.6 The functions that may have once
the monarchical stories, these elements can be examined in the light of
been held by kings were fulfilled by various magistrates-generals,
more secure evidence. The first part of this story is preserved in a passage judges, legislators, and priests. The oligarchy often ruled as a council
already discussed in chapter 2: according to Konon (FGH 26 F 44),
(boule), a strong deliberative body that assiduously limited the actions of

the Neleid cousins Leodamas and Phitres solved their quarrel over the
the assembly of all citizens (the ekklesia or demos).?

throne by each commanding a war against a Milesian enemy. The victor,
Leodamas, became king. Nicolaus of Damascus (FGH 90 F 52) continues

At Miletos, some of the elements of the earliest oligarchy are witnessed
the story of the violence between the house of Leodamas and the house of
in the mythic accounts of the downfall of the N eleid monarchy, but unlike
Amphitres, which led to the downfall of the monarchy and the extermina- the monarchical stories, these elements can be examined in the light of
tion of the Neleid clan. Phitres, or Amphitres (surely the two names must
more secure evidence. The first part of this story is preserved in a passage
refer to the same individual), was not content with his loss and resorted to
already discussed in chapter 2: according to Konon (FGH 26 F 44),

violence. He killed Leodamas, and actog 86e eth t)v ctto ociraYctcbv
-iv m6otyv xa )Xa43o xa TOavvog 88yVeto Lci xv o6oxc7v Mti)oty[cv

the Neleid cousins Leodamas and Phitres solved their quarrel over the
[together with the members of his faction, Amphitres seized the city and
throne by each commanding a war against a Milesian enemy. The victor,
became tyrant over the Milesians by force]. The sons of Leodamas fled to Leodamas, became king. Nicolaus of Damascus (FGH 90 F 52) continues
nearby Assessos. With the aid of certain sacred objects, they were able to
the story of the violence between the house of Leodamas and the house of
put the army of Amphitres to flight. Then 'AI tTQLV 8' oL Aewb<tlavtog
Amphitres, which led to the downfall of the monarchy and the extermina-
5. In addition to the specific Neleids named here, Parthenios (Er. Path. 14) mentions
tion of the Neleid clan. Phitres, or Amphitres (surely the two names must
Phobios, and Polyainos (8.35) names Phrygios.
6. Rhodes 1972. In his discussion of Greek constitutions (Pol. 3.1279a22-1280a6),

refer to the same individual), was not content with his loss and resorted to
Aristotle was able to say that for practical purposes oligarchy was really the rule of the rich. violence. He killed Leodamas, and auto~ oi.: ~eta c&v auwu otaownoJV
7. By way of contrast, a democracy, such as the one employed in Athens in the fifth
t~v nof..Lv xatEf..a~Eto xat tugavvo£ f:y€v£to toxuv ngovxwv MLf..'Y]olwv
century, was a nonrepresentative, direct rule by the adult male citizens of a city through
[together with the members of his faction, Amphitres seized the city and
their right to attend, speak before, and vote in the assembly meetings. At Athens at least, the
became tyrant over the Milesians by force]. The sons of Leodamas fled to
deliberative power of the assembly was significantly enlarged at the expense of the council,
which became a kind of secretarial body that prepared and amended legislation according
nearby Assessos. With the aid of certain sacred objects, they were able to
to the demands of the assembly. See Ostwald 1986.
put the army of Amphitres to flight. Then 'A~t.<jJL'LQ1lV o' ot AEwOa~avwc;
5. In addition to the specific Neleids named here, Parthenios (Er. Path. 14) mentions
Phohios, and Polyainos (8.:l5) names Phrygios.
6. Rhodes 1972. In his discussion of Greek constitutions (Po/. 3.1279a22- 1280a6),
Aristotle was able to say that for practical purposes oligarchy was really the rule of the rich.
7. By way of contrast, a democracy, such as the one employed in Athens in the fifth
century, was a nonrepresentative, direct rule by the adult male citizens of a city through
their right to attend, speak before, and vote in the assembly meetings. At Athens at least, the
deliberative power of the assembly was significantly enlarged at the expense of the council,
which became a kind of secretarial body that prepared and amended legislation according
to the demands of the assembly. See Ostwald 1986.
not6ig xeLvovot, xa 6 n6 s tog xaz f tvoavvt; in tato Mt)~ilootg
[the sons of Leodamas killed Amphitres and ended both the war and the
tyranny among the Milesians]. In this second generation of familial strife,

The Archaic City 91
the sons of Leodamas regained their rightful position.
However, the matter was not settled there, as Nicolaus says (FGH 90
otal:occ; X'tElvoum, xat 6 n6A.qwc; xat !1 'tugavvtc; £m';;rauw MtA.llcrlmc;

[the sons of Leodamas killed Amphitres and ended both the war and the
F 53).
SnL 'Emtitnv g ptt rh ia:0ta alootVllg L o 8io " ov yEto-
ToveLIrTt X0()hfv 8govoLav ZTLvetv o0Vg (3o )star. xaU g TWv [Lev
tyranny among the Milesians]. In this second generation of familial strife,
maiov 'A4tLrtitog o6eov6g o6g T' V yxo0at;g yevco0ut ({me-
the sons of Leodamas regained their rightful position.
fikOov YhQ u0Cu0yxQi4t0 6eo0uv rg), Th 6 6vu carog M 148 tevcoev
However, the matter was not settled there, as Nicolaus says (FGH 90
xa ayv6tov ~ixvo ev, & trg ac~roig xeftvetev. trJv 6 e xotvwvcv
F 53).
-o v6vov " mo8 L xgtetve, -rtog 6a &).otg ivy;yv gooe ev' oi 6A
65txovro. ot tv 6i1 NlX)k 06at xater)0~~ouv 66be.
[Afterward, when Epimenes was elected aisymnetes by the people,

O'tL 'Enq.tEVY]c; ~LE'ta 'taiha atou~.tv~TY]c; uno 'toil O~ftOU XELQO-
on taking power he killed whomever he wished. But since he was
'tOVEL'tm Aa~wv £~ouolav X'tELVELV ovc; ~OUAETat. xat oc; 'tWV ~LEV
not able to overpower the sons of Amphitres (they had immedi- nal,owv 'A~.t¢tcg~wc; crubEvoc; o l6c;,; ~v £yxgm~c; yEvEo8m (um.-
ately fled out of fear), he confiscated their property and an-
1;i)f,8ov yag nagazg~~.ta ocloavuc;), Tao£ ov-w mhoi:c; eo~~LEUoEv

nounced that there would be a reward for anyone who would kill
xat UQYUQLOV Ex~QUSEV, c'L 'ttc; av'touc; xn:LVELEV. 'tQ)V OE XOLV(J)VQ)V

TO'U ¢6vou TQELc; UJtEXTELVE, w'i:c; OE aAA.otc; <j>uy~v JtQOEi:mv· ot Of
them. He executed three of their accomplices in the murder and
ordered the others to be exiled, and some fled. In this way the
Neleids were destroyed.]

wtzovw. ot ftEV Oll NYJAE'i:Om 1WTEA.u8Y]crav <boE.
The sons of Leodamas are dropped from the account: perhaps they per-
ished in the struggle. At any rate, power shifted to an elected office, the
[Afterward, when Epimenes was elected aisymnetes by the people,
aisymnetes, a position that would become prominent in historical times.
on taking power he killed whomever he wished. But since he was

In examining the historical implications of this myth, we must distin-
guish carefully between actual offices attested in earliest antiquity and

not able to overpower the sons of Amphitres (they had immedi-
anachronistic references to later institutions of government. It is likely
ately fled out of fear), he confiscated their property and an-
that this passage is affected by such anachronism in Nicolaus's use of the nounced that there would be a reward for anyone who would kill
terms tyrant and tyranny. The root of these words is probably Lydian,
them. He executed three of their accomplices in the murder and
and the first extant attestation in the Greek language occurs in a poem of
ordered the others to be exiled, and some fled. In this way the
Archilochos from the seventh century B.C.E. (fr. 22 Diehl). From that time
Neleids were destroyed.]

until the first century B.C.E., when Nicolaus was composing his work, the
word tyranny was used with a number of different meanings8 that can
be roughly divided into two uses, each with a technically defined subset. The sons of Leodamas are dropped from the account: perhaps they per-
8. Parker 1998: Libero 1996: Barcel6 1993: Berve 1967: Andrewes 1956.
ished in the struggle. At any rate, power shifted to an elected office, the
aisymnetes, a position that would become prominent in historical times.
In examining the historical implications of this myth, we must distin-

guish carefully between actual offices attested in earliest antiquity and
anachronistic references to later institutions of government. It is likely
that this passage is affected by such anachronism in Nicolaus's use of the
terms tyrant and tyranny. The root of these words is probably Lydian,
and the first extant attestation in the Greek language occurs in a poem of
Archilochos from the seventh century ll.C.E. (fr. 22 Diehl). From that time
until the first century B.C.E., when Nicolaus was composing his work, the
word tyranny was used with a number of different meanings 8 that can
be roughly divided into two uses, each with a technically defined subset.
8. Parker 1998; Libero 1996; Barcelo 1993; Berve 1967; Andrewes 1956.
Tyranny was used originally as a synonym for monarchy. It had no pejora-
tive connotations and could even be used as a compliment. More specifi-
cally, tyranny as it occurred in the so-called Age of Tyrants in the seventh

and sixth centuries B.C.E. was a subdivision of monarchy, defined by the
illegal seizure of power from the ruling government, regardless of
Tyranny was used originally as a synonym for monarchy. It had no pejora-

tive connotations and could even be used as a compliment. More specifi-
whether the ensuing rule was evil or enlightened. This definition is the
one ancient historians are usually thinking of when they use the word
tyrant. The second category of meanings is strictly derogatory: tyranny

cally, tyranny as it occurred in the so-called Age of Tyrants in the seventh
was used to indicate a hated rule characterized by violence and lawless-
and sixth centuries B.C.E. was a subdivision of monarchy, defined by the
ness. This second meaning became so common as time passed that it too
illegal seizure of power from the ruling government, regardless of
developed a subset: by the fourth century, philosophers employed the
whether the ensuing rule was evil or enlightened. This definition is the
one ancient historians are usually thinking of when they use the word
term to indicate an evil rule by one man, regardless of its constitutional
basis, and this last usage determines the meaning of the word still today.
In any case, there is no indication that tyrant was ever a formal title.
tyrant. The second category of meanings is strictly derogatory: tyranny
These events described by Nicolaus-if they occurred at all-must have
was used to indicate a hated rule characterized by violence and lawless-
taken place in the tenth or ninth century B.C.E., long before the age of writ- ness. This second meaning became so common as time passed that it too
ing, before the Greeks adopted the word tyrannos from the Lydian tongue,
developed a subset: by the fourth century, philosophers employed the

and before the Age of Tyrants permanently established the pejorative con-
term to indicate an evil rule by one man, regardless of its constitutional

notations of it. Thus, Nicolaus's choice of words represents no ancient tra-
dition reflecting Dark Age terminology. Rather, mindful of Amphitres'

basis, and this last usage determines the meaning of the word still today.
usurpation and violent rule, and writing under the influence of the philo-
In any case, there is no indication that tyrant was ever a formal title.
sophical definition, Nicolaus simply applied the word that most aptly fit These events described by Nicolaus-if they occurred at all-must have
the situation. The passage should not be considered to be evidence of the
taken place in the tenth or ninth century B.C.E., long before the age of writ-
political appellations in use in the last days of the Neleids. We have no way
ing, before the Greeks adopted the word tyrannos from the Lydian tongue,
of knowing what contemporaries may have called a man in Amphitres' po-
sition, whether basileus, tyrannos, or something else altogether.

and before the Age of Tyrants permanently established the pejorative con-
Another anachronism lies behind the name of the successor of the
notations of it. Thus, N icolaus's choice of words represents no ancient tra-
Neleids, Epimenes. This rare personal name recalls an office found in dition reflecting Dark Age terminology. Rather, mindful of Amphitres'
many Greek states, the epimenios. The name of this office means literally
usurpation and violent rule, and writing under the influence of the philo-
"a man for the month" or "a monthly official" and was applied most
sophical definition, Nicolaus simply applied the word that most aptly fit
basically to one charged with carrying out certain monthly duties, such as
the situation. The passage should not be considered to be evidence of the

sacrifices. In Archaic and Classical Greece, we find the title attached to
men fulfilling an array of sociopolitical functions, including priests, magis-

political appellations in use in the last days of the Neleids. We have no way
trates, and private individuals with sacred duties. Despite the literal mean- of knowing what contemporaries may have called a man in Amphitres' po-
ing of the title, epimenioi served terms of various length, ranging from a
sition, whether basileus, tyrannos, or something else altogether.
day to a year depending on the city.9
Another anachronism lies behind the name of the successor of the

9. Hesychius (s.v. ieonotoLo) associates them with hieropoioi ("those who managed
Neleids, Epimenes. This rare personal name recalls an office found in

sacred rites"). Szanto (1909) presents evidence from Smyrna, Istropolis, Bargelia in Caria,
many Greek states, the epimenios. The name of this office means literally
"a man for the month" or " a monthly official" and was applied most
basically to one charged with carrying out certain monthly duties, such as
sacrifices. In Archaic and Classical Greece, we find the title attached to
men fulfilling an array of sociopolitical functions, including priests, magis-
trates, and private individuals with sacred duties. Despite the literal mean-
ing of the title, epimenioi served terms of various length, ranging from a
day to a year depending on the city.9
9. Hesychius (s.v. lcgu:nuwl) associates them with hieropoioi ("those who managed
sacred rites"). Szanto (1909) presents evidence from Smyrna, lstropolis, Bargelia in Caria,
The myth of Epimenes is particularly suggestive because, in Classical
times, Miletos also had officials of this name. Epimenioi are attested in the
famous Banishment Decree of the fifth century B.C.E. (Milet 1.6 #187).
The Archaic City 93
This controversial decree, in which a small group of men is exiled from the
city, is discussed in detail in chapter 6, but some of the conclusions drawn
The myth of Epimenes is particularly suggestive because, in Classical

times, Miletos also had officials of this name. Epimenioi are attested in the
there are apt here: first, the decree probably dates to ca. 450 B.C.E. or soon
before; second, it represents the action of an oligarchic government; and
third, the epimenioi mentioned in it (line 5) made up a collegial board with

famous Banishment Decree of the fifth century B.C.E. (Milet 1.6 #187).
a limited term of office.10 Presumably they constitute the board empow-
This controversial decree, in which a small group of men is exiled from the
ered to execute the provisions of the decree. Thus, in the fifth century,
city, is discussed in detail in chapter 6, but some of the conclusions drawn
epimenioi were important political officials with executive responsibilities
there are apt here: first, the decree probably dates to ca. 450 B.C..E. or soon
before; second, it represents the action of an oligarchic government; and
for the city. It is likely that they served as a presiding committee in the
assembly, the oligarchic equivalent of the Athenian-style prytaneis that
were put in place in the fifth century.

third, the epimenioi mentioned in it (line 5) made up a collegial board with
It is possible, then, that Nicolaus's story about the rule by Epimenes-if
a limited term of office. 10 Presumably they constitute the board empow-
it is not entirely a late invention-may represent a Milesian tradition of ered to execute the provisions of the decree. Thus, in the fifth century,
the epimenios as an important Archaic office as well. In fact, some schol-
epimenioi were imponant political officials with executive responsibilities

ars assume the existence of Archaic epimenioi with a prominent position
for the city. It is likely that they served as a presiding committee in the
in the community. These officials, it is concluded from their early duties in
charge of the monthly sacrifices, became the leaders of the assembly,

assembly, the oligarchic equivalent of the Athenian-style prytaneis that
perhaps when the monthly sacrifices began to coincide with the assembly
were put in place in the fifth century.
meetings.11 However, the corroborating evidence for this view is not con- It is possible, then, that Nicolaus's story about the rule by Epimenes-if
vincing: the earliest direct support for Milesian epimenioi is the aforemen-
it is not entirely a late invention-may represent a Milesian tradition of
tioned Banishment Decree from the mid-fifth century, and the history of
the epimenios as an important Archaic office as well. In fact, some schol-

Milesian politics is not such that much faith can be put in a presumption of
continuity of institutions. Lacking hard evidence from Archaic Miletos

ars assume the existence of Archaic epimenioi with a prominent position
itself, confirmation has been sought in the institutions of its colonies, and
in the community. These officials, it is concluded from their early duties in
Kios and Istros may indeed have had eponymous epimenioi.12 But this charge of the monthly sacrifices, became the leaders of the assembly,
evidence is in no way informative about early conditions in the mother
perhaps when the monthly sacrifices began to coincide with the assembly
Delphi, Amorgos, Nesos on Lesbos, Ilion, Kios, Samos, Methymna, and elsewhere.
meetings. 11 However, the corroborating evidence for this view is not con-
vincing: the earliest direct support for Milesian epimenioi is the aforemen-
Ehrhardt (1983, 212) adds Kolophon, Minoa, Mylasa, and Lampsakos.
10. Pi&rart 1969, 365, 370-76, followed by Fornara 1983b, #66; Tod 1946, #35.
11. Ehrhardt 1983, 210-13.

tioned Banishment Decree from the mid-fifth century, and the history of
12. Kios: Le Bas and Waddinton #1141.1-3 = CIG 3723; #1140.1-3= Tod 1946, Milesian politics is not such that much faith can be put in a presumption of
#149 [post-360 B.C.E.]; #1143.9-10. The epimenios is listed in the prescripts of the de-
continuity of institutions. Lacking hard evidence from Archaic Miletos
crees, indicating that he may be an eponym. Unfortunately, only the last inscription has the
itself, confirmation has been sought in the institutions of its colonies, and
Kios and Istros may indeed have had eponymous epimenioi. 12 But this
word preserved in its entirety ( tL trvLE~ov6ata); in the first one, it is nearly entirely re-
stored (['E xtrveo]v[t]og), and the second has only the last four letters (-vtov). See
Ehrhardt 1983, 196 n. 1133. Istros: SEG 24 (1969) 1095.1-2 (third or second century
evidence is in no way informative about early conditions in the mother
B.C.E.). See Ehrhardt 1983, 211 n. 1301.
Delphi, Amorgos, Nesos on Lesbos, Ilion, Kios, Samos, Methymna, and elsewhere.
Ehrhardt ( 1983, 212) adds Kolophon, Minoa, Mylasa, and Lampsakos.
10. Pierart 1969, 365, 370-76, followed by Fornara 1983b, #66; Tod 1946, #35.
11. Ehrhardt 1983, 210-13.
12. Kios: Lc Bas and Waddinton #1141.1 - 3 = CIG 3723; #1140.1 - 3 = Tod 1946,
#149 [post-360 B.C.E.]; #1143.9-10. The epimenios is listeJ in the prescripts of the Je-
crees, indicating that he may be an eponym. Unfortunately, only t he last inscription has the
word preserved in its entirety (f.JT.I.JUlVl.ElJOav-ta); in the first one, it is nearly entirely re-
stored ([Em~tllVEUo]v[<]O£), and the second has only the last four letters (-vlou). See
Ehrhardt 1983, 196 n. 1133. lstros: SEC 24 (1969) 1095.1- 2 (third or second century
B.C. E.). See Ehrhardt 1983, 211 n. 1301.
city, for, unfortunately, these colonial epimenioi are attested only in inscrip-
tions from the fourth century and later. The supposition that the office of
epimenios dates back to the early days of colonization and was transferred
from the mother city is weak; only two colonies offer this evidence, and an
argument based on the assumption of institutional inertia-here lasting
city, for, unfortunately, these colonial epimenioi are attested only in inscrip-
tions from the fourth century and later. The supposition that the office of
several hundred years-can secure no more conviction in the case of
the colonies than with Miletos. We can say nothing confidently about the
functioning, or even the existence, of the epimenios at Miletos before

epimenios dates back to the early days of colonization and was transferred
the fifth century: the occurrence of the personal name may only represent
from the mother city is weak; only two colonies offer this evidence, and an
a retrojection of the office into earlier times.
argument based on the assumption of institutional inertia-here lasting
We are better informed about the institution through which Nicolaus
several hundred years-can secure no more conviction in the case of

the colonies than with Miletos. We can say nothing confidently about the
of Damascus claims that Epimenes carried out his reign of terror, the
aisymnetes.13 The aisymnetes is clearly established as an Archaic office.
The men holding this post, later called the stephanephoroi, "crown-
functioning, or even the existence, of the epimenios at Miletos before
wearers," became the eponyms of the city (annual officials who gave their
the fifth century: the occurrence of the personal name may only represent
name to the year for the purpose of reckoning dates), and lists of their a retrojection of the office into earlier times.
names inscribed on white marble have been found preserved in the sanctu-
We are better informed about the institution through which Nicolaus

ary of Apollo Delphinios (Milet 1.3 #122-29). The lists are titled, OY6E
of Damascus claims that Epimenes carried out his reign of terror, the
to) tvmv totvrjcuv or rlo btvrjocuv [Those of the Molpoi who acted as
aisymnetes] or I tFuv)of6ot o cL x' aovtvfitaL [Crown-Wearers and

aisymnetes. n The aisymnetes is clearly established as an Archaic office.
aisymnetai]. Unfortunately for the credibility of Nicolaus's evidence, the
The men holding this post, later called the stephanephoroi, "crown-
lists begin only near the end of the Archaic period, in the second half of wearers," became the eponyms of the city (annual officials who gave their
the sixth century.
name to the year for the purpose of reckoning dates), and lists of their
At the most basic level, the aisymnetes is a priest of Apollo: there
names inscribed on white marble have been found preserved in the sanctu-
existed at Miletos a corporation of sacred officials, the Molpoi of Apollo
Delphinios, at whose head stood a board of men called the aisymnetes of

ary of Apollo Delphinios (Milet 1.3 #122-29). The lists are titled, O'LOE
the Molpoi and his five prosetairoi, "companions." This arrangement is
~OA;LWV 1wu~v11aav or f]LGU!-!VlWCXV lT hose of the Mol poi who acted as
witnessed by the so-called Molpoi Decree (Milet 1.3 #133), which can be aisymnetes] or L'tE¢avtl¢OQOL ot xaL a tau~vfjTm [Crown-Wearers and
dated to 450/49 by the aisymnetes lists (Milet 1.3 #122.i.78).
aisymnetai]. Unfortunately for the credibility of Nicolaus's evidence, the
It records a decision of the Molpoi (b6o a io)noPotyv, line 4) regulat-
lists begin only near the end of the Archaic period, in the second half of
ing several cult functions, including the great annual procession to the
the sixth century.

Temple of Apollo at Didyma. Elsewhere I discuss this decree in the con-
text of Milesian religious institutions (chap. 5), but its political implica-
At the most basic level, the aisymnetes is a priest of Apollo: there
tions are also of importance, although their interpretation is problematic. existed at Miletos a corporation of sacred officials, the Molpoi of Apollo
The first editor of the Molpoi Decree proposed that the aisymnetes was
Delphinios, at whose head stood a board of men called the aisymnetes of
not merely the city's eponym and that he and the other Molpoi presided
the Molpoi and his five prosetairoi, "companions." T his arrangement is

witnessed by the so-called Molpoi Decree (Milet 1.3 #133), which can be
13. Nordin 1905; Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1914, 74-79; Poland 1935; de Sanctis
1931; Busolt and Swoboda 1920, 1:373-74; Luria 1928; Luria 1963; Hegyi 1977; Romer
1982.
dated to 450/49 by the aisymnetes lists (Milet 1.3 #122.i.78).
It records a decision of the Molpoi (eoo~a ~olwtoi:mv, line 4) regulat-
ing several cult functions, including the great annual procession to the
Temple of Apollo at Didyma. Elsewhere I discuss this decree in the con-
text of Milesian religious institutions (chap. 5), but its political implica-
tions are also of importance, although their interpretation is problematic.
The first editor of the Molpoi Decree proposed that the aisymnetes was
not merely the city's eponym and that he and the other Molpoi presided
13. N ordin 1905; Wilamowirz-Moellendorff 1914, 74-79; Poland 1935; de Sancris

1931 ; Busolt and Swoboda 1920, 1:373-74; Luria 1928; Luria 1963; Hegyi 1977; Romer
1982.
over or even constituted the deliberative body in early Classical Miletos.
According to this interpretation, the Molpoi Decree reflects the govern-
mental organization of the Milesian oligarchy.14 This idea has taken root
The Archaic City 95
and spread widely. Nonetheless, it rests on no firm evidence and should
be discarded.
over or even constituted the deliberative body in early Classical Miletos.

According to this interpretation, the Molpoi Decree reflects the govern-
Because of the importance of this issue, I will examine at some length the
arguments in favor of assuming wide political powers for the aisymnetes
and Molpoi. It is best to begin with what was taken to be direct evidence
mental organization of the Milesian oligarchy. 14 This idea has taken root
that they led the oligarchy. First, proponents of this idea take as evidence
and spread widely. Nonetheless, it rests on no firm evidence and should
the story of Epimenes and the end of the Neleids as related by Nicolaus of
be discarded.
Damascus, quoted earlier in this chapter. In that story, Epimenes takes his
Because of the importance of this issue, I will examine at some length the
place in the narrative on his election as aisymnetes, and this mention is
arguments in favor of assuming wide political powers for the aisymnetes

taken as proof positive that the aisymnetes was chief officer of the Archaic
state. However, the tale of Epimenes surely belongs to the realm of myth. It
and Mol poi. It is best to begin with what was taken to be direct evidence
is found in the context of details-for example, the sudden appearance of
that they led the oligarchy. First, proponents of this idea take as evidence
Phrygians under divine instructions to help the sons of Leodamas; and the story of Epimenes and the end of the Neleids as related by Nicolaus of
their routing the partisans of Amphitres through fear of the god-which
Damascus, quoted earlier in this chapter. In that story, Epimenes takes his
seriously undermines its credibility as a historical source. Moreover, we
place in the narrative on his election as aisymnetes, and this mention is

have already seen that Nicolaus of Damascus uses the term tyrannos anach-
ronistically. It is safest to assume that he has done the same with

taken as proof positive that the aisymnetes was chief officer of the Archaic
aisymnetes, knowing that there was an eponymous official of that name in
state. However, the tale of Epimenes surely belongs to the realm of myth. It
Miletos in his own time, and perhaps also influenced by Aristotle's defini- is found in the context of details-for example, the sudden appearance of
tion of an aisymnetes as an elected tyranny (Pol. 3.1284a31-b4).
Phrygians under divine instructions to help the sons of Leodamas; and
Second, the proponents of this theory argue that since the aisymnetes
their routing the partisans of Amphitres through fear of the god-which

was eponymous, he must have had significant political powers. Unfortu-
nately, there is no evidence that the aisymnetes was the eponym of the city
seriously undermines its credibility as a historical source. Moreover, we
before the beginning of the lists in the second half of the sixth century. In
have already seen that Nicolaus of Damascus uses the term tyrannos anach-
fact, as we shall see shortly, there is a more likely candidate for the ronistically. It is safest to assume that he has done the same with
position.
aisymnetes, knowing that there was an eponymous official of that name in
Third, an Athenian decree called the Athenian Regulations for Miletos
Miletos in his own time, and perhaps also influenced by Aristotle's defini-
tion of an aisymnetes as an elected tyranny (Pol. 3.1284a31- b4 ).
(IG 13 21) has been brought forward as evidence. The decree, which dates
to the middle of the fifth century, deals with the relationship between
Miletos and the Athenian Empire. The inscription is fragmentary, but the
Second, the proponents of this theory argue that since the aisymnetes
appearance of the letters Jtoot [. . .] in line 6 would indicate a political was eponymous, he must have had significant political powers. Unfortu-
role played by the prosetairoi, confirming the traditional theory. How-
nately, there is no evidence that the aisynmetes was the eponym of the city
ever, a more recent examination of the inscription, which included re-
before the beginning of the lists in the second half of the sixth century. In
moval of the fragment of the stone from the plaster reconstruction, has
fact, as we shall see shortly, there is a more likely candidate for the
14. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1904 (editio princeps); Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1914,
74-79; Luria 1928; Luria 1963; Poland 1935.

position.
Third, an Athenian decree called the Athenian Regulations for Miletos
(IG 1J 21) has been brought forward as evidence. The decree, which dates
to the middle of the fifth century, deals with the relationship between
Miletos and the Athenian Empire. The inscription is fragmentary, but the
appearance of the letters JtQOOE~[ . . . ] in line 6 would indicate a political
role played by the prosetairoi, confirming the traditional theory. How-
ever, a more recent examination of the inscription, which included re-
moval of the fragment of the stone from the plaster reconstruction, has
14. Wilamowitz-Modlendorff 1904 (editio prin<:eps); Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1914,

74-79; Luria 1928; Luria 1.963; Poland 1935.
disclosed the trace not of a tau but of a rho (or possibly a kappa), so that
the fragment now reads mrooe [. . .].15s Restoration to prosetairoi is
clearly eliminated, and the evidence of this inscription can be removed

from the discussion of this problem.
Besides the Molpoi Decree itself, all other epigraphical mentions-
disclosed the trace not of a tau but of a rho (or possibly a kappa), so that
the fragment now reads :;,;goocg [... ]. 15 Restoration to prosetairoi is
very few in number-of the Molpoi at Miletos date from after the estab-
clearly eliminated, and the evide~ce of this inscription can be removed

lishment of an Athenian-style democracy in the middle of the fifth cen-
tury, under which government the Molpoi can be expected to have had no
deliberative powers. Among these inscriptions, several refer to the Mol-

from the discussion of this problem.
poi in connection with the adjudication of citizenship rights. According
Besides the Molpoi Decree itself, all other epigraphical mentions-
to these inscriptions from the late third century B.C.E., prosecution can be
very few in number-of the Mol poi at Miletos date from after the estab-
made among the Molpoi in cases of complaints against unlawful claims
lishment of an Athenian-style democracy in the middle of the fifth cen-

of citizen rights (etvai artov ine~Ovvov fL Te [ [o)Jro L gvotoei xzd
/ T i bLzfiLtfi evag zxamr tol v6oovg [he shall be liable for prosecu-
tury, under which government the Mol poi can be expected to have had no
tion among the Molpoi and in the court of foreigners according to the
deliberative powers. Among these inscriptions, several refer to the Mol-
laws]).16 This function, it is claimed, must be a remnant of a much wider poi in connection with the adjudication of citizenship rights. According
jurisdiction held by the Molpoi and aisymnetes in the days of the oligar-
to these inscriptions from the late third century R.C.F.., prosecution can be
chy. However, the improper assumption of citizen rights had religious
made among the Molpoi in cases of complaints against unlawful claims

of citizen rights (dvm a{rrov uncu8uvov :;t~~ t£ f!l!lOlwtoL<; £votCW£L xa\,
implications, since the participation of false citizens in certain rites and
cults would be sacrilegious. Thus, the matter judged "among the Mol-
poi" might be strictly religious in nature and the juridical powers of the
I t~~ b~x.fj~ t~c:; ~£Vla<; xm;a toile:; v61louc:; [he shall be liable for prosecu-
board need never have been extensive.17 In addition, the particular role of tion among the Molpoi and in the court of foreigners according to the
the Molpoi as priests of Apollo Delphinios may be at issue here, since this
laws]). 16 This function, it is claimed, must be a remnant of a much wider
priesthood is tied to the ephebic ritual and citizenship in many states,
jurisdiction held by the Molpoi and aisymnetes in the days of the oligar-
including Miletos.18
The only other direct evidence that the supporters of this theory have
chy. However, the improper assumption of citizen rights had religious
brought to bear is that the Molpoi Decree attests the tribes to which the
implications, since the participation of false citizens in certain rites and
aisymnetes and the prosetairoi belong. Since the tribes were a basic civic cults would be sacrilegious. Thus, the matter judged "among the Mol-
division, it is assumed that their presence in the prescript of this inscrip-
poi" might be strictly religious in nature and the juridical powers of the
tion is consistent with a governmental function for the Molpoi. However,
board need never have been extensive.17 In addition, the particular role of
an analogy for this usage might be seen in the post-Kleisthenic constitu-
the Molpoi as priests of Apollo Delphinios may be at issue here, since this
tion at Athens, where each citizen was expected to identify himself accord-
ing to his deme: such identification did not imply that he held political
priesthood is tied to the ephebic ritual and citizenship in many states,
office but merely indicated that he was a citizen, as evidenced by the fact including Miletos.lS
of the demotic. Similarly, the presence of tribal names on the Molpoi
The only other direct evidence that the supporters of this theory have
15. Bradeen and McGregor 1973, 39.
brought to bear is that the Molpoi Decree attests the tribes to which the
aisymnetes and the prosetairoi belong. Since the tribes were a basic civic
16. Milet 1.3 #143.32; cf. 146.41, 150.65, etc.
17. De Sanctis 1976, 466.
18. Graf 1979, 7; Bielohlawek 1927.

division, it is assumed that their presence in the prescript of this inscrip-
tion is consistent with a governmental function for the Mol poi. However,
an analogy for this usage might be seen in the post-Kleisthenic constitu-
tion at Athens, where each citizen was expected to identify himself accord-
ing to his deme: such identification did not imply that he held political
office but merely indicated that he was a citizen, as evidenced by the fact
of the demotic. Similarly, the presence of tribal names on the Molpoi
15. Rradeen and McGregor 1973, 39.

16. Milet 1.3 #143.32; cf. 146.41, 150.65, etc.

17. DeSanctis 1976,466.
18. Graf 1979, 7; Bielohlawek 1927.
Decree need not indicate anything more than the basic principle of inclu-
sion in the body politic of the Milesian state. Clearly, since the more
important evidence has been shown to be dubious, the possible implica-

The Archaic City 97
tions of the mention of the tribes is too weak a supposition to bear the
whole weight of the theory that the aisymnetes was politically powerful.
Decree need not indicate anything more than the basic principle of inclu-
sion in the body politic of the Milesian state. Clearly, since the more
There is also indirect evidence about the aisymnetes, since the office
was not restricted to Miletos, but the other occurrences are so varied that
they offer very little help in interpreting the duties of the official at
important evidence has been shown to be dubious, the possible implica-
Miletos. Homer uses the word to designate noblemen who are singled
tions of the mention of the tribes is too weak a supposition to bear the
out as stewards of the games (Od. 8.258-60).19 The colonial evidence,
whole weight of the theory that the aisymnetes was politically powerful.
from Olbia and Sinope, is too fragmentary to be informative.20 Among
There is also indirect evidence about the aisymnetes, since the office
was not restricted to Miletos, but the other occurrences are so varied that
other cities, the evidence from Ephesos and Kyme is perhaps the most
significant, because it pertains to the Archaic period. According to a very
late source, the Suda (tenth century C.E., s.v. 'AQ[gtaxpog), an Athenian
they offer very little help in interpreting the duties of the official at
named Aristarchos was said to have been appointed aisymnetes at
Miletos. Homer uses the word to designate noblemen who are singled
Ephesos for a term of five years in the mid-sixth century B.C.E. The out as stewards of the games (Od. 8.258-60).19 The colonial evidence,
purpose of this extraordinary commission granted to an outsider is not
from Olbia and Sinope, is too fragmentary w be informative.20 Among

preserved, but it was probably some kind of specific political task or
other cities, the evidence from Ephesos and Kyme is perhaps the most
reform. At Kyme, the aisymnetai were the leaders of an Archaic oligar-
chy of one hundred men, and according to Aristotle (fr. 524 Rose), the
significant, because it pertains to the Archaic period. According to a very
word itself became synonymous for archon. The city of Teos also pre-
late source, the Suda (tenth century C.E., s.v. 'Agi,c;tagxoc;), an Athenian
sents evidence of an aisymnetes with significant authority, this time of a named Aristarchos was said to have been appointed aisymnetes at
judicial character. Here, by the fifth century, the aisymnetes was a stand-
Ephesos for a term of five years in the mid-sixth century B.C.E. The
ing official, a judge whose power included inflicting the death penalty.21
purpose of this extraordinary commission granted to an outsider is not

19. Cf. Il. 24.347-48. A third occurrence, at Il. 11.303, has Aisymnos as a personal
name.
preserved, but it was probably some kind of specific political task or
20. At Olbia, an eponymous priest of Apollo appears in Hellenistic times (IOlb. 26, 30),
reform. At Kyme, the aisymnetai were the leaders of an Archaic oligar-
and a college of Molpoi occurs in the Classical era (IOlb. 55, 56, 57, 167). Ehrhardt (1983, chy of one hundred men, and according to Aristotle (fr. 524 Rose), the
198-99, esp. n. 1175; 202) argues that the aisymnetes may have been the eponymous official;
word itself became synonymous for archon. The city of Teos also pre-
however, this interpretation relies on a lacuna in IOlb. 58, which is restored by F. Graf (1974,
sents evidence of an aisymnetes with significant authority, this time of a

judicial character. Here, by the fifth century, the aisymnetes was a stand-
210ff.) on the basis of the reading of the Milesian Molpoi Decree. The editors of the in-
scriptions have restored it thus: [Mo])[4oL?] .e &ve6c0cav 'Ano 6Xovt A[e]XitvLoit rtL
Atovv[oo]8&opo to Aivato MoXY[axyoeo iAqxov]tog ore0[av1oQ4o?...] .Exat ... Graf

ing official, a judge whose power included inflicting the death penalty.21
fills the lacuna beginning ptokx differently: toXl [Cov akOVttvCv]tog. Graf's restoration is not
strong enough to be taken alone as positive evidence for an eponymous aisymnetes. At

19. Cf. Tl. 24.347-48. A third occurrence, at T/. 11.303, has Aisymnos as a personal
Sinope, the aisymnetes is mentioned on two temple amphoras, but no date is given for them. name.
20. At Olbia, an eponymous priest of Apollo appears in Hellenistic times (IOlb. 26, 30),
Grakov (AIKSP [1968] 100-101, non vidi, cited in Ehrhardt 1983, 196 n. 1140) calls this
office the eponym.

and a college of Molpoi occurs in the Classical era (IO/b. 55, 56, 57, 167). Ehrhardt (1983,
21. Ephesos: Hegyi 1977, 7; Sakellariou 1958, 124, 133-34. Sakellariou thinks he
198-99, esp. n. 1175; 202 ) argues that the aisymnetes may have been the eponymous official;
reorganized the tribes and expanded Ephesian territory, but there is no evidence to go on.
however, this interpretation relies on a lacuna in IO!h. 58, which is restored by F. Graf (1974,
210ff.) on the basis of the reading of the Milcsian Molpoi Decree. The editors of the in-
scriptions have restored it thus: (Mo]A.[nol?] ~tc uvi:ewouv 'Am)AA.wvt t.[<]).cptvlwt t'nl
Teos: Hegyi 1977, 8; Busolt and Swoboda 1920, 1:373; Dittenberger 1960, #38. Naxos
t.wvu[oo]l\wQo t6 A!]valo MoA.J_I[ay6Q£W <'iQxov]to~ otecp[av11ti>6Qo'? ...] 'Exat ... Graf

also had two aisymnetai, but in Hellenistic times (Dittenberger 1960, #955.1).
fills the lacuna beginning ~WA..TC differently: ~wAJ_t[cilv aLOUftV&v]to~. Graf's restoration is not
strong enough to be taken alone as positive evidence for an eponymous aisymnetes. At
Sinope, the aisymnetes is mentioned on two temple amphoras, but no date is given for them.
Grakov (AIKSP [1968]100-101, non vidi, cited in Ehrhardt 1983, 196 n. 1140) calls this
office the eponym.
21. Fphesos: Hegyi 1977, 7; Sakellariou 1958, 124, 133-34. Sakellariou thinks he
reorganized the tribes and expanded Ephesian territory, bur there is no evidence to go on.
Teos: Hegyi 1977, 8; Busolt and Swoboda 1920, 1:373; Dittenberger 1960, #38. Naxos
also had two aisymnetai, but in Hellenistic times (Dittenberger 1960, # 955. 1).
Relevant to the politically powerful role of aisymnetai in Ephesos,
Kyme, and Teos is a general definition of the office laid down by Aristotle
in book 3 of the Politics (1285a31-b4).

e'tegov 6' 7UFe,15v Av to Lg aoxaiotg "EWICYow, 0g xakofotyv
a uwiviitag. citi 3etofO' 6g;a&m) i;g8tL~8 V cLLQ fl tvQovL;,
Relevant to the politically powerful role of aisymnetai in Ephesos,

Kyme, and Teos is a general definition of the office laid down by Aristotle
&t0u 9oovco0 6a m6flg ( 3a9(L3aixtÃ—gGo; tO U )zxu v6vtov &)X - c l
6LrQLtog evalt 6vov. 1lxov 8' o ~~v 6x8ta flov t LV &V xlV tc 0am-v,
o 86 XL pt T Lvv p(oJ LVOJVe XOVOJV f A r ev,... ttcait ELv

in book 3 of the Politics ( 1285a31-b4 ).
ovv eLOL t8 xa1 oiuv 6it ev to 6eno-rOLxae LvacL tVoavvLxa', 6it
66 TO alge8t xa Ex6vTrWV flcLG6 xaLc
E'tfQov 6' o:;tEQ ~v ev w i:s agxaioLS 'EA.A.'llaLv, oils xa/,oiJaLv

CXLG1J[!V~'tas. EO'tL OE wiJ8' ws cm:AWS cLJtELV CXLQE't~ 'tUQCXVVlS,
[Another [monarchy] is that which existed among the ancient
i'aa¢1igouaa OE n:fts ~CXQ~CXQLX-ftS ou n{l [!~ r.ma VO[!OV ana T<V [!~
Greeks, the type of rulers called aisymnetai. This is, to put it simply,
an elective tyranny, and it differs from the monarchy that exists
among barbarians not in governing without the guidance of law but

JtCHQLOc; dvm ~t6vov. ~QXOV b' ot ~Li:v OLa ~iov 't~V agx~v 'tCXU't'llV,
only in not being hereditary. Some holders of this type of monarchy ot OE f!EXQL nvwv WQL<Jf!EVOJV xg6vwv ~ n:gal;Ewv, ... a~'tm ~LEV
ruled for life, others until certain fixed limits of time or until certain
o~v dai TE xat ~aav Ota [LEV 'to OEOJtO'tLX-CXL Elvm 'tugavvtxai, OLa
undertakings were ended.... These monarchies therefore now and
6E To a lgnat x,ai, £x6v•wv ~aatl,txai ·

in the past are of the nature of tyrannies because they are autocratic,
but they are of the nature of kingships because they are elective and
rule over willing subjects.] [Another [monarchy] is that which existed among the ancient
This Aristotelian definition of aisymnetes is startling, but we cannot ac-
Greeks, the type of rulers called aisymnetai. This is, to put it simply,
cept Aristotle's words at face value. The meaning of aisymnetes as an
an elective tyranny, and it differs from the monarchy that exists

elective tyranny recalls strongly the story of Epimenes with which I
among barbarians not in governing without the guidance of law but

started this discussion, but it contradicts both the situation in Archaic
Kyme, where the office was part of a ruling oligarchy, and what we know
only in not being hereditary. Some holders of this type of monarchy
to have been the case at Miletos in Aristotle's own day, when the
ruled for life, others until certain fixed limits of time or until certain
aisymnetes existed as eponym but the city was ruled by a democracy.
undertakings were ended.. .. These monarchies therefore now and
Instead of offering an observation of historical fact, Aristotle seems to be
in the past are of the nature of tyrannies because they are autocratic,
but they are of the nature of kingships because they are elective and
indulging his penchant for overprecise definition, assigning to the aisym-
netes a significance originating in his own mind, which the historical
situation did not support.22

rule over willing subjects.l
While offering examples of politically powerful aisymnetai, the com-
parative evidence is so diverse as scarcely to constitute a proper ana-
This Aristotelian definition of aisymnetes is startling, but we cannot ac-

cept Aristotle's words at face value. The meaning of aisymnetes as an
22. Romer 1982; Newman 1887, 3:267-69; Busolt and Swoboda 1920, 1:374; Luria
1963.
elective tyranny recalls strongly the story of Epimenes with which I

started this discussion, but it contradicts both the situation in Archaic
Kyme, where the office was part of a ruling oligarchy, and what we know
to have been the case at Miletos in Aristotle's own day, when the
aisymnetes existed as eponym but the city was ruled by a democracy.
Instead of offering an observation of historical fact, Aristotle seems to be
indulging his penchant for overprecise definition, assigning to the aisym-
netes a significance originating in his own mind, which the historica l
situation did not support_22
While offering examples of politically powerful aisymnetai, the com-
parative evidence is so diverse as scarcely to constitute a proper ana-
22. Romer 1982; Newman 1887, 3:267-69; Busolt and Swoboda 1920, 1:374; Luria
1963.
logue.23 In addition, none of these cases provide a true parallel to the
Milesian situation, because at Miletos the aisymnetes is identified primar-
ily by his relationship to the religious body of which he is part: he is the

The Archaic City 99
aisymnetes of the Molpoi, not of the Milesians. The priestly office of the
aisymnetes is telling. Wilamowitz, the originator of the theory in ques-
logue.23 In addition, none of these cases provide a true parallel to the

Milesian situation, because at Miletos the aisymnetes is identified primar-
tion, points out that an oligarchy ruled by a board of priests would be a
constitutional arrangement unique in Greece: "Es ist wohl das erste Mal,
dass wir die Regierung statt an einen Rat an einen gottesdienstlichen

ily by his relationship to the religious body of which he is part: he is the
Verein iibergehen sehen."24 Another scholar thinks that it is practically a
aisymnetes of the Molpoi, not of the Milesians. The priestly office of the
general rule that eponimie sacerdotali [priestly eponyms] had no signifi-
aisymnetes is telling. Wilamowitz, the originator of the theory in ques-
cant political authority in Greek cities.25 A careful evaluation of the
tion, points out that an oligarchy ruled by a board of priests would be a

sources suggests that we limit the aisymnetes to his attested religious
constitutional arrangement unique in Greece: "Es ist wohl das erste Mal,
function and look elsewhere for the presiding officers of the Archaic
oligarchy.
class wir die Regierung statt an einen Rat an einen gottesdienstlichen
Before the aisymnetes gained the status of eponym, this function prob-
Verein iibergehen sehen. " 24 Another scholar thinks that it is practically a
ably was carried out by the Archaic prytanis. This oligarchic magistrate- general rule that eponimie sacerdotali [priestly eponyms] had no signifi-
the title means "president" or "manager"-must not be confused with the
cant political authority in Greek cities.25 A careful evaluation of the

democratic official that appears with the same title in Miletos after the
sources suggests that we limit the aisymnetes to his attested religious

Athenian-sponsored reforms of the mid-fifth century. The oligarchic
prytanis is witnessed by an inscriptional dedication to Hekate, written in

function and look elsewhere for the presiding officers of the Archaic
boustrophedon, probably from the sixth century but possibly earlier
oligarchy.
(Milet 1.3 #129). Before the aisymnetes gained the status of eponym, this function prob-
. .... 12 ......
ably was carried out by the Archaic prytanis. This oligarchic magistrate-
-- E6ooci ......
the title means "president" or "manager" -must not be confused with the
23. The linguistic origin of the word aisymnetes is unknown, although an assortment of
theories abound, in which the word is variously proposed to be pre-Doric, brought over in
democratic official that appears with the same title in Miletos after the
the migration, probably from the name of a local god (Busolt and Swoboda 1920, 1:1 374;
Athenian-sponsored reforms of the mid-fifth century. The oligarchic
Glotz 1928, 105); Greek, derived from arlox ("destiny" or "decree") + Utvog, "hymn," or prytanis is witnessed by an inscriptional dedication to Hekate, written in
from atlox + tvi t1, "memory" (Luria 1963; Etym. Magn.); or Anatolian (Chantraine
boustrophedon, probably from the sixth century but possibly earlier
1968, 1:39-40; Frisk 1960, 46; Hegyi 1977, 9-10).
(Milet 1.3 #129) .

24. "It is probably the first time that we see the government pass not to a council but to a
sacred college" (Wilamowitz-Moellendorf 1914, 77).
25. De Sanctis 1976, 468: ".. . la eponimia del sacerdote di Zeus dimostra che il
. . . . . . 12 ..... .
sacerdote Zeus non avera politicamente nessuna autorita. Ritengo che in generale ci6 possa
.,__ E68gqo ..... .
applicarsi quasi sempre alle eponimie sacerdotali delle x6 teg greche e, a maggior ragione
~ .-l\?WCU!J-CX<;
che per tutte le altre x6e g, per i motivi che vedemmo, alla eponimia di Mileto" [.. . the
23. The linguistic origin of the word aisymnetes is unknown, although an assortment of
eponymous status of the priest of Zeus demonstrates that the priest of Zeus did not have
any political authority. I think that in general this may be applied almost always to
theories abound, in which the word is variously proposed to be pre-Doric, brought over in
the sacred eponyms of the Greek cities and, with more reason than for all the other Greek
the migration, probably from the name of a local god (1\usolt and Swoboda 1920, 1:1 3 74;
Glotz 1928, 105); Greek, derived from nioa ("destiny" or "decree") + iiitVO£, "hymn," or
from alcm + ~tVll~lll, "memory" (Luria 1963; H.tym. Magn. ); or Anatolian (Chantrainc
cities, for reasons that we have seen, to the eponym of Miletos].
1968, 1:39-40; Frisk 1960, 46; Hegyi 1977, 9-10).

24. " It is probably the first time that we see the government pass not to a council but to a
sacred college" (Wibmowitz-Moellendorf 1914, 77).
25. De Sanctis 1976, 468: " ... Ia eponimia del sacerdote di Zeus dimostra che il
sacerdote Zeus non avera politicamente nessuna autorita. Ritengo che in generale ciii possa
applicarsi quasi sempre aile eponimie sacerdotali delle :r<OA£L£ greche e, a maggior ragione
che per tutte le altre :r<OAEL£, per i motivi che vedemmo, alia eponimia di Mileto" [... the
eponymous status of the priest of Zeus demonstrates that the priest of Zeus did not have
any political authority. I think that in general this may be applied almost always to
the sacred eponyms of the Greek cities and, with more reason than for all the other Greek
cities, for reasons that we have seen, to the eponym of Miletos].
- 'Ov&do QtQV [a-]
- veOov eg a-
-- v68a t&il
Eothras[es, son of... ],
[... ] Leodamas,
~ 'Ova~o ngu1[a-1
son of Onaxos, pryt[a]-
neis, dedicated this

----) VElJOVtEc; a-
to Hekate.]
~ vEowav ttl
This fragmentary dedication preserves the names of two prytaneis and
----) xatf]L
has room for at least one more. It is possible that the stone was consider-
ably larger than the piece extant and that the inscription contained six
ll· .. J,
names in all, one from each tribe. At any rate, this inscription offers proof Eothras[es, son of ... ],
that the office was collegial.
[ ... ] Leodamas,
Most scholars have assumed that each year, one of the prytaneis was
son of Onaxos, pryt(a]-

the eponym in Archaic Miletos.26 In this instance, comparative evidence
is very informative, because it is remarkably consistent. Eponymous

neis, dedicated this
prytaneis prevail in the Greek world in general and in lonia in particular,
to Hekate.l
where we find them as the Classical era in Chios, Phokaia, Lebedos, and
the Panionion and as early as the Hellenistic era in Teos, Kolophon,
This fragmentary dedication preserves the names of two prytaneis and

has room for at least one more. It is possible that the stone was consider-
Ephesos, Priene, and Magnesia on the Maiandros. None of this evidence
gives us direct information about an Archaic eponymous prytanis. Mile-
tos is the only Ionian city known to have had one that early, although the
ably larger than the piece extant and that the inscription contained six
office existed in the Archaic era in the Lesbian cities of Mytilene, Tene-
names in all, one from each tribe. At any rate, this inscription offers proof
dos, and Eresos and in some Doric cities, where it occurs very early and
that the office was collegial.
very rarely.27
Most scholars have assumed that each year, one of the prytaneis was
the eponym in Archaic Miletos.26 In this instance, comparative evidence
26. Ehrhardt 1983, 192-203; Gschnitzer 1973, 733-34; Busolt and Swoboda 1920,
1:505, 509.
27. Gschnitzer 1973, 733-36; cf. Ehrhardt 1983, 193. The presence of the eponymous
is very informative, because it is remarkably consistent. Eponymous
prytanis in the colonies and its significance for the situation in the mother city is more a
prytaneis prevail in the Greek world in general and in Ionia in particular,
theoretical conclusion than a matter of evidence. Ehrhardt (1983, 200-201, 222) proposes
where we find them as the Classical era in Chios, Phokaia, Lebedos, and
that it was restricted to the colonies in the Propontis. Because Ehrhardt divides Milesian
the Panionion and as early as the Hellenistic era in Teos, Kolophon,

Ephesos, Priene, and Magnesia on the Maiandros. None of this evidence
colonization into separate Propontic and Pontic phases, such a distribution would mean
that Miletos's prytanis had forfeited his eponymous position by the mid-seventh century,
when the colonization of the Propontis ended and that of the Pontos began. However, this
gives us direct information about an Archaic eponymous prytanis. Mile-
view fails to win conviction on two counts. First, Ehrhardt's strict division between the
tos is the only Ionian city known to have had one that early, although the
colonization of these two regions is dubious (Graham 1987). Second, the actual evidence office existed in the Archaic era in the Lesbian cities of Mytilene, Tene-
from the Propontis is so meager as to be evanescent. For example, Dittenberger (1960, #4
dos, and Eresos and in some Doric cities, where it occurs very early and
very rarely. 27
26. Ehrhardt 1983, 192-203; Gschnitzcr 1973, 733-34; Busolt and Swoboda 1920,
1:505, 509.
27. Gschnitzer 1973, 733-36; cf. Ehrhardt 1983, 193. The presence of the eponymous
prytanis in the colonies and its significance for the situation in the mother city is more a
theoretical conclusion than a matter of evidence. Ehrhardt (1983, 200- 201, 222) proposes
that it was restricted to the colonies in the Propontis. Because Ehrhardt divides Milesian
colonization into separate Propontic and Pontic phases, such a distribution would mean
that Miletos's prytanis had forfeited his eponymous position by the mid-seventh century,
when the colonization of the Propontis ended and that of the Pontos began. However, this
view fails to win conviction on two counts. First, Ehrhardt's strict division between the
colonization of these two regions is dubious (Graham 1987). Second, the actual evidence
from the Propontis is so meager as to be evanescent. For example, Dittenberger (1960, #4
Little is known about the role of this office in Miletos, but it is provoca-
tive that this scanty information recalls the tradition about Epimenes, for
it seems that the office of prytanis, not that of aisymnetes, was a suitable
The Archaic City 1 01
vehicle for the attainment of monarchical power. In a discussion of tyr-
anny, Aristotle says (Pol. 5.1305a15-19):
Little is known about the role of this office in Miletos, but it is provoca-
tive that this scanty information recalls the tradition about Epimenes, for
y~'yvovTo tvQvuavv8 meg 6t o ov I4xt)ov 1 vv xa 8tia to'
ayO a0 ; & ax x; YX89 Oc,0 i tiv, 65Ocu v Msr z t. f lg
QTovtUveLag mo)XOv yx v c[L y OdI JVu Qztog 6 mtouvLg.

it seems that the office of prytanis, not that of aisymnetes, was a suitable
[And tyrannies used to occur in former times more than they do
vehicle for the attainment of monarchical power. In a discussion of tyr-
now, because the important offices were entrusted to certain men,
anny, Aristotle says (Pol. 5.1305a15-19):
as at Miletos, where a tyranny rose out of a prytany (for the
£yi:yvovto b£ tugavvib£<; ng6t£gov ~O:AA.ov ~ vvv xai bla to

prytanis had control of many important matters).]
Archaic Miletos had several tyrants, and Aristotle could be referring to
any one of these. We are left with Aristotle's testimony and one Archaic
f.U::yaA.ac:; agxac:; EYXELQL~EG8ai tlGLV, WOJtEQ EV MlA~tcp EX t~<;
dedication, as well as much comparative evidence from surrounding cit-
nQmavEiac:; noA.Awv yag ~v xai ~EyaA.wv xugLoc:; 6 ;rginavlc:;.
ies, as evidence for the oligarchic prytany at Miletos. From this evidence,
we can accept that the prytanis was a powerful collegial office and that
[And tyrannies used to occur in former times more than they do

one prytanis gave his name to each Milesian year.28
Tyranny and Oligarchy

now, because the important offices were entrusted to certain men,
Miletos is known to have experienced two separate episodes of tyranny,
as at Miletos, where a tyranny rose out of a prytany (for the
that of Thrasyboulos and that of Histiaios and Aristagoras. Unusually for prytanis had control of many important matters).]
Archaic Miletos, the chronology of both these episodes can be fixed in
Archaic Miletos had several tyrants, and Aristotle could be referring to

reasonably limited bounds. Thrasyboulos was a guest-friend of Periander,
the tyrant of Corinth from ca. 627 to 587, and is best known to posterity
n. 2; cf. Ehrhardt 1983, 195; Hanell 1946, 81; Werner 1955, 435) thinks the prytanis was
any one of these. We are left with Aristotle's testimony and one Archaic
the original eponym at Kyzikos, but there is no evidence offered for this view. In its stead,
dedication, as well as much comparative evidence from surrounding cit-
Bilabel (1920, 128) postulates an eponymous priest, while Mordtmann (1980, 96) thinks
ies, as evidence for the oligarchic prytany at Miletos. From this evidence,
that the eponym was probably an archon. From the mid-fourth century through Roman
we can accept that the prytanis was a powerful collegial office and that
times, when we do have evidence, Kyzikos has an eponymous Hipparch (Ehrhardt 1983,
one prytanis gave his name to each Milesian year. 28

253 esp. n. 1121).
28. Ehrhardt (1983, 212) has a theory that the prytany was already established at
Miletos in the seventh century, in time to be transferred to three of the colonies. Cf. Gehrke
1980, 25. Pierart (1969; 1979, 440) agrees with an early date for the office but thinks that it
Tyranny and Oligarchy
developed independently and as a democratic office in Kios, Istros, and Odessos.
Miletos is known to have experienced two separate episodes of tyranny,

that of Thrasyboulos and that of Histiaios and Aristagoras. Unusually for
Archaic Miletos, the chronology of both these episodes can be fixed in

reasonably limited bounds. Thrasyboulos was a guest-friend of Periander,
the tyrant of Corinth from ca. 627 to 587, and is best known to posterity
n. 2; cf. Ehrhardt 1983, 195; Hanell1946, 81; Werner 1955, 435) thinks the prytanis was
the original eponym at Kyzikos, but there is no evidence offered for this view. In its stead,
Bilabel (1920, 128 ) postulates an eponymous priest, while Mordtmann (1980, 96) thinks
that the eponym was probably an archon. From the mid-fourth century through Roman
times, when we do have evidence, Kyzikos has an eponymous H ipparch (Ehrhardt 1983,
253 esp. n. 1121).
28. Ehrhardt (1983, 212) has a theory that the prytany was already established at
Miletos in the seventh century, in time to be transferred to three of the colonies. Cf. Gehrke
1980,25. Pierart (1969; 1979, 440) agrees with an early date for the office but thinks that it
developed independently and as a democratic office in Kios, Istros, and Odessos.
ï»¿102 Miletos, the Ornament of Ionia
for his successful resistance to the expanding power of Lydia under King
Alyattes. The date of Alyattes' attacks is fairly well established: he ruled
from ca. 610 to 560, and the wars with Miletos were early in his reign,
with peace being concluded ca. 605. The second clearly attested occur-
rence of tyranny came in the last years of the Archaic period. Herodotos
for his successful resistance to the expanding power of Lydia under King
Alyattes. The date of Alyattes' attacks is fairly well established: he ruled
reports a speech given by Histiaios, the tyrant of Miletos, on behalf of
his overlord, Dareios of Persia. This scene is part of the Great King's
Skythian expedition and so dates to ca. 513. This period of tyranny lasted
from ca. 610 to 560, and the wars with Miletos were early in his reign,
until 499, when Histiaios's successor, Aristagoras, claimed to have set
with peace being concluded ca. 605. The second clearly attested occur-
aside his tyranny at the start of the Ionian Revolt.
rence of tyranny came in the last years of the Archaic period. Herodotos
The tyranny of Thrasyboulos and the later one under the Per-
reports a speech given by Histiaios, the tyrant of Miletos, on behalf of

sian hegemony are important for the historian, since they provide
his overlord, Dareios of Persia. This scene is part of the Great King's
fixed points, both chronologically and politically, around which the
other Archaic evidence must be made to fit. This other evidence primar-
Skythian expedition and so dates to ca. 513. This period of tyranny lasted
ily concerns civil strife, or stasis, since the extant ancient sources give
until 499, when Histiaios's successor, Aristagoras, claimed to have set
three accounts of the involvement of the oligarchy in civil war before aside his tyranny at the start of the Ionian Revolt.
500 B.C.E.
The tyranny of Thrasyboulos and the later one under the Per-
Athenaios (12.523f-524b) cites Herakleides of Pontos (11.5) for
sian hegemony are important for the historian, since they provide
the most brutal of these stories.
eH9Uz)c~b6n; 6' O6 Hovtiz6; Fv 6e'te~w mUEQ Aiziociiv g; )rIcJLV

fixed points, both chronologically and politically, around which the
Mi)11ciw~v of6)~i; mEQurFmtowzev &vxkac a; xtov )lv flov zca
other Archaic evidence must be made to fit. This other evidence primar-
mrohLtizx; xO9 u;O1 o -r 8QT81Z8;ovz UyaUQTvte; ex 6L~cbJV &v Lov ily concerns civil strife, or stasis, since the extant ancient sources give
A ois;Fx8Qovs~. [524] ctucii ovto~v 7Qyx O Vttv-rx;ov oas Fxovtwv
three accounts of the involvement of the oligarchy in civil war before
zca tczv 6r] otrG , oi3; xe LvOLoi 79L~u; zcOovv, 1mQbtov ev
500 B.C.E.
z9Utflc~acLo6 6i o; zca -roii; m)ovciov; zflu3da c V -rsex ~va tczv
vwyovtwv e i; &)WVf~a; cwvuyuytv, flov cwCYvr oaciv xaL mco-

Athenaios (12.523f-524b) cites Herakleides of Pontos (11.5) for
vo wtIoJr6TO Ovaro&F 6L OLav. tOL'yLQ'tOL QcLV oi m)OoTioi
the most brutal of these stories.
Z9Ut]lYaLVt8g UQTUVTU W V ZVQLOL ZUT8G-flGUV [L8TcL TOW T8xVWV
zumtedtw)Civ. 4WV zio vwv )cni X &) c -rJ o)AC yev~cJ~aL

'Hgax.AcLOY]c:; o' 6 llovnxoc:; EV 0£1J't:EQCQ JtCQL ~LXULOOUVY]c:; ¢YJOLV. ~
-Eoaia zc ~ciuv LhaV v ~a-roI6tv va O6 vai. 616m89 06Og6
MLAY]OL(J)V Jt:OALc:; Jt:£QLJt:EJt:t(J)X.£V atuxlmc:; cna tQ1J¢llV ~lou xal

rtol.mxac:; EX8Qac:;· o'L to c:;nmdc:; oux. ayami>vtcc:; EX (n~OJV av£i:/,ov
EJT TO)'UVXQOVOV rUQif)aVVeV cavtoiv; to7 a [LhOV zcL FT-
QOJTWTOJV 6L fa i~xt iduv a~c~aVOVtai 8LJeV'
zci L ol Fe9yfLOwv t8 46vo; [hL8)2L&mto)~Liitowv

toile:; cx8gouc:;. [524] Ota<JLa~OVt(J)V '{UQ t&v tac:; OVOLac:; EXOVt(J)V
TLYflO(JV to 146o; zcL 6EV6QEoV auLe L&OcOX~. xat 'tOJV OY]~lO't<DV, ouc; fXCLVOl fCQ'{L8a; cxaA.ouv, Jt:QWtOV ~u':v
[Herakleides of Pontos, in the second book of his work On justice,
XQUt~oac:; 6 o~~toc:; xat toile:; Jt:AOlJOLOUc:; EX~a),wv x.at ta t EXVa tWV
says [Voss 41]: "The city of the Milesians fell upon disasters
<Pvy6vt(J)v de:; aA(J)vla; 01Jvayaywv, ~ouol ovvY]AOLYJOav xat rraga-

vo~WJtatCQ 8avatCQ OL£p8ngav. TmyagTm rraA.Lv ol rrA.oumOL

xgmf]oavTcc:; futavtac:; oJV xuQLOL xaTEOTTJoav f!ETa TOJV TEXV(J)V
xatEJt:LT't:(J)OCJ.V. rbv XULO[!EV(J)V <j>aOLV aAAa TE rto/,A.a '{EVE08m
tEQUta XUL EAaLaV LEQUV UV'tO[!UTllV ava¢8~vm. OLOJtCQ 6 eeoc:;
btl rtoA.ilv XQOVOV an·h/,a1JV£V au"Coilc; tOU [!U.VTcLOlJ xal. EJt£-
Q(J)TWVT(J)V ota Tlva attiav an£/,auvovwL clncv'
xai [!Ol fEQ'{L8(J)V TE <j>ovoc:; [lEAEl amot.E[!LOTOJV

JtLOOfjQ(J)V TE ~t6goc:; xal OEVOQEOV a tel a8aAA.£c:;.
[Herakleides of Pontos, in the second book of his work On Justice,

says [Voss 41]: "The city of the Milesians fell upon disasters
through luxury of living and civil animosities; for, not content with
reasonable moderation, they destroyed their enemies root and
branch. The men of prosperity were at strife with the populace,

whom they called Gergithes, and at first the populace got the upper
hand, and after they had ejected the rich from the city, they gathered
the children of the exiles on the threshing floors and trod them to
death with oxen, destroying them with a most outrageous death.
Therefore the rich, again getting the upper hand, tarred and burned
to death all whom they could get a hold of, along with their chil-
dren. While they were burning, among many other portents that are
said to have arisen, a sacred olive tree burst into flames spontane-
ously. Hence the god for a long time repelled them from his oracle,
and when they asked for what reason, he said, 'I too am mindful of
the slaughter meted out to the most unwarlike Gergithes, of the

doom of those who were covered with pitch, and of the tree that no
longer blooms.' "] dren. While they were burning, among many other portents that are
As evidence for Milesian stasis, this story is dubious on several counts.
First, the oracle that the passage presents is almost certainly not genuine.
In his comprehensive study, Joseph Fontenrose has cataloged extant Del-
phic and Didymaean oracles.29 He finds that those likely to be genuine

are quite rare and share certain distinctive characteristics: they were ut-
tered during the lifetime of the person recording them, they were format- doom of those who were covered with pitch, and of the tree that no
ted as unambiguous simple commands or sanctions, and the content was
longer blooms.'"]
confined principally to religious subjects, especially the prescription of
cult acts. Fontenrose also analyzes those oracles allegedly uttered in his-
torical times but recorded by someone living after the utterance (called
"quasi-historical" oracles). Most such oracles-often elaborately ob-
scure predictions about the future-are so unlike historical oracles in
form and content that they are untrustworthy and not to be considered

authentic. The Gergithes oracle belongs in this category, and we must
assume that these words were never given in response to the Milesians by
the god at Didyma.30

tered during the lifetime of the person recording them, they were format-
Moreover, comparative study shows that the oracle as reported by
Athenaios is not complete. Fontenrose has identified several classes of confined principally to religious subjects, especially the prescription of
29. Fontenrose 1978, 1988.
30. Fontenrose 1978, 11-57, Didymaean oracle #3; 1988, #36. Parke and Wormell
(1956, #130) locate the stasis in the oracle with the civil strife of the fifth century and, since
Didyma was not functioning at that time, identify it as a Delphic oracle.

Athenaios is not complete. Fontenrose has identified several classes of
29. Fontenrose 1978, 1988.


dren. While they were burning, among many other portents that are

doom of those who were covered with pitch, and of the tree that no
longer blooms.' "] dren. While they were burning, among many other portents that are

tered during the lifetime of the person recording them, they were format- doom of those who were covered with pitch, and of the tree that no
longer blooms.'"]
confined principally to religious subjects, especially the prescription of


tered during the lifetime of the person recording them, they were format-
Athenaios is not complete. Fontenrose has identified several classes of confined principally to religious subjects, especially the prescription of
29. Fontenrose 1978, 1988.

Athenaios is not complete. Fontenrose has identified several classes of
29. Fontenrose 1978, 1988.

quasi-historical oracles, of which the Gergithes oracle belongs to the
"offended god pattern," but it does not contain all the elements of an
oracular story of this class.

The oracular tales of this kind show the following pattern. (1)
Someone offends a god by desecrating his temple or altar or by
quasi-historical oracles, of which the Gergithes oracle belongs to the

"offended god pattern," but it does not contain all the elements of an
leaving the dead unburied. (2) The god sends plague, famine, other
calamity, or an ominous sign to the offender's city or land. (3) The
people seek an oracle, which directs recompense or restitution of

oracular story of this class.
some kind (or, as in Q123, rejects the oracle-seekers). (4) The of-
fending people either make amends or come to grief.31

The oracular tales of this kind show the following pattern. (1)
In all, Fontenrose collects twelve such Delphic oracles.32 Eleven offer a
Someone offends a god by desecrating his temple or altar or by

means of recompense to the people, while the twelfth (Q123, mentioned
in the preceding quote) is a rejection of the Sybarites and a prophesy

leaving the dead unburied. (2) The god sends plague, famine, other
of their utter destruction, which we know occurred in 510 B.C.E. The
calamity, or an ominous sign to the offender's city or land. (3) The
Gergithes oracle contains the offense and the ominous sign, but in con-
people seek an oracle, which directs recompense or restitution of
trast to the established pattern, it does not offer the possibility of recom-
some kind (or, as in Q123, rejects the oracle-seekers). (4) The of-
pense, the prophesy of doom, or the subsequent fate of the Milesians. We
fending people either make amends or come to grief.31

may therefore conclude that Athenaios truncated both the oracle and the
narrative in which it was embedded.33
Furthermore, if proper attention is paid to the context in which this

In all, Fontenrose collects twelve such Delphic oracles.32 Eleven offer a
passage is recorded, it is not difficult to conjecture plausibly how the means of recompense to the people, while the twelfth (Q123, mentioned
passage must have continued. As in the case of the Sybarites, the god
in the preceding quote) is a rejection of the Sybarites and a prophesy
rejects the approach of the Milesians. Athenaios and his source, Hera-
of their utter destruction, which we know occurred in 510 B.C.E. The

kleides Pontikos, present Miletos and Sybaris as examples of the misfor-
tune that arises when excessive luxury leads to wickedness. Both the
Gergithes oracle contains the offense and the ominous sign, but in con-
Sybarites and the Milesians spill the blood of their enemies in a way that
trast to the established pattern, it does not offer the possibility of recom-
offends the gods. In view of the similarities between the two stories, it is pense, the prophesy of doom, or the subsequent fate of the Milesians. We
likely that they ended in the same fashion, with Miletos's sack by the
may therefore conclude that Athenaios truncated both the oracle and the
Persians paralleling Sybaris's destruction by the Krotoniates. This conclu-
narrative in which it was embedded. 33

31. Fontenrose 1978, 77.
32. Fontenrose 1978, 76-77 esp. n. 35. He does not include the Gergithes oracle in this
Furthermore, if proper attention is paid to the context in which this
group, because he considers it to be Didymaean.
passage is recorded, it is not difficult to conjecture plausibly how the
33. Athenaios commonly abridges his stories, due in part to the conversational nature of
passage must have continued. As in the case of the Sybarites, the god
his essay. Here the truncation is especially apparent, for the reasons noted in the text as well
rejects the approach of the Milesians. Athenaios and his source, Hera-
as the fact that he goes on immediately from the text of the oracle to a quote from Klearchos
kleides Pontikos, present Miletos and Sybaris as examples of the misfor-

tune that arises when excessive luxury leads to wickedness. Both the
about Milesian luxury. Then, without finishing the story of Miletos, he is distracted by the
Klearchos story and moves immediately into another Klearchos story about the luxury of
the Skythians.
Sybarites and the Milesians spill the blood of their enemies in a way that
offends the gods. In view of the similarities between the two stories, it is
likely that they ended in the same fashion, with Miletos's sack by the
Persians paralleling Sybaris's destruction by the Krotoniates. This conclu-

32. Fontenrose 1978, 76- 77 esp. n. 35. He does not include the Gergithes oracle in this
group, because he considers it to be Didymaean.
33. Athenaios commonly abridges his stories, due in part to the conversational nature of
his essay. Here the truncation is especially apparent, for the reasons noted in the text as well
as the fact that he goes on immediately from the text of the oracle to a quote from Klearchos
about Milesian luxury. Then, without finishing the story of Miletos, he is distracted by the
Klearchos story and moves immediately into another Klearchos story about the luxury of
the Skythians.
oracle as preserved is truncated. It is possible that the language of the
missing lines provided the genesis for that gory detail.
In any case, it would be extremely naive to give credence to the story

surrounding the Gergithes oracle based on the presence of the detailed
description of the crimes of the Milesians. In connection with the destruc-
oracle as preserved is truncated. It is possible that the language of the

missing lines provided the genesis for that gory detail.
tion of Sybaris, at least three different versions of the sin that provoked
divine wrath were in circulation: Phylarchos (Ath. 12.521d-e = FGH
81 F 45) attributes the god's anger to the murder of thirty Krotoniate

In any case, it would be extremely naive to give credence to the story
ambassadors, who were then left unburied; Aelian (VH 3.43) reports that
surrounding the Gergithes oracle based on the presence of the detailed
the Sybarites murdered a suppliant citharode at Hera's altar; and
description of the crimes of the Milesians. In connection with the destruc-
Herakleides (Ath. 12.521e-f) identifies the victims as the supporters of
tion of Syharis, at least three different versions of the sin that provoked
the former tyrant Telys, who were murdered on altars of the gods. Such
divine wrath were in circulation: Phylarchos (Ath. 12.521d-e = FGH

heinous actions are stock elements in a typical story. In addition, the story
of Milesian misfortune (atuchia) that accompanies the Gergithes oracle is

81 F 45) attributes the god's anger to the murder of thirty Krotoniate
manifestly incompatible with the more reliable evidence of Herodotos on
ambassadors, who were then left unburied; Aelian (VH 3.43) reports that
the stasis at Miletos with which the story is usually associated: in Herod- the Sybarites murdered a suppliant citharode at Hera's altar; and
otos's account, instead of leading directly to the destruction of the city,
Herakleides (Ath. 12.521e-f) identifies the victims as the supporters of

the stasis was brought to a peaceful end in a settlement that inaugurated a
the former tyrant Telys, who were murdered on altars of the gods. Such
period of great prosperity. In view of these considerations, the narrative
framework of the Gergithes oracle is probably of as little historical value

heinous actions are stock elements in a typical story. In addition, the story
as the oracle itself.
of Milesianmisfortune (atuchia) that accompanies the Gergithes oracle is
Nevertheless, it is necessary to take a closer look at one of the details manifestly incompatible with the more reliable evidence of Herodotos on
from the story, since the scholarship on Miletos almost universally ac-
the stasis at Miletos with which the story is usually associated: in Herod-
cepts this tale at face value. In particular, historians try to use this account
otos's account, instead of leading directly to the destruction of the city,

to establish the nature of the parties involved in the stasis. The focus of
the argument is the strange name Gergithes. This term, which the rich
the stasis was brought to a peaceful end in a settlement that inaugurated a
used for their enemies, is said to derive from the village Gergis and region
period of great prosperity. In view of these considerations, the narrative
Gergithia or Gergithion in the Troad, extending south to the area of framework of the Gergithes oracle is probably of as little historical value
Aiolian Kyme.35 Based on the assumption that the Gergithes were an
as the oracle itself.
indigenous people like the prehistoric Leleges, some historians would
Nevertheless, it is necessary to take a closer look at one of the details

argue for a class division and stasis along racial lines. On this interpreta-
from the story, since the scholarship on Miletos almost universally ac-
tion, the upper-class plousioi are Greeks, while the Gergithes are the
native peoples, probably Carians, who toil among the lower classes and
cepts this tale at face value. In particular, historians try to use this account
artisans at Miletos.36 However, this view is not tenable, for we have seen to establish the nature of the parties involved in the stasis. The focus of
35. Hdt. 5.122, 7.43; Str. 13.1.70.616, 13.1.19.589. See Sakellariou 1958, 368;
the argument is the strange name Gergithes. This term, which the rich
Biirchner 1912.
used for their enemies, is said to derive from the village Gergis and region
36. Halliday 1928, 146; How and Wells 1912; Stein 1894; Wilamowitz-Moellendorff
Gergithia or Gergithion in the Troad, extending south to the area of

1914,74. On a possible linguistic link between the words Carian and Gergithes, see Faraguna
1995,43-46. Zgusta (1984, 138 paragraphs 202-5) says that it is unproven but tempting to
Aiolian Kyme.3 5 Based on the assumption that the Gergithes were an
indigenous people like the prehistoric Leleges, some historians would
argue for a class division and stasis along racial lines. On this interpreta-
tion, the upper-class plousioi are Greeks, while the Gergithes are the
native peoples, probably Carians, who toil among the lower classes and
artisans at Miletos.36 However, this view is not tenable, for we have seen
35. Hdt. 5.122, 7.43; Str. 13.1.70.616, 13.1.19.589. See Sakellariou 1958, 368;
Riirchner 1912.
36. Halliday 1928, 146; How and Wells 1912; Stein 1894; Wilamowitz-Moellendorff
1914,74. On a possible linguistic link between the words Carian and Gergithes, see Faraguna
1995,43- 46. Zgusta (1984, 138 paragraphs 202- 5) says that it is unproven but tempting to
in chapter 1 that there is no firm evidence for any significant population
of native Carians at Miletos at any time since the Ionian Migration.
Moreover, mention of the Gergithes in Archaic Miletos is further cause to

be suspicious of Herakleides's story. The homeland of this people is more
than 250 kilometers distant, and there is no other evidence to put them at
in chapter 1 that there is no firm evidence for any significant population

of native Carians at Miletos at any time since the Ionian Migration.
Miletos.37
Furthermore, the home of the Gergithes is closely associated with the
legendary Hellespontine Sibyl.38 The village of Gergis itself claims to be

Moreover, mention of the Gergithes in Archaic Miletos is further cause to
her birthplace (Lactant. 1.6) and/or burial place (Phlegon FGH 257 F 2;
be suspicious of Herakleides's story. The homeland of this people is more
cf. Paus. 10.12). This connection points to the possibility that the
than 250 kilometers distant, and there is no other evidence to put them at
Gergithes oracle originated in that place as a sibylline pronouncement. It
MiletosY
Furthermore, the home of the Gergithes is closely associated with the
could have been picked up and transmitted from there by a chresmologue
wandering through Asia Minor, and it could have been eventually associ-
ated with the Oracle at Didyma in order to garner prestige.39 Such change
legendary Hellespontine SibyJ.38 The village of Gergis itself claims to be
of attribution was fairly common according to Fontenrose.
her birthplace (Lactant. 1.6) and/or burial place (Phlegon FGH 257 F 2;
There were many oracle collections in the ancient world, both pri- cf. Paus. 10.12). This connection points to the possibility that the
vate and public, and there were many oracles that circulated orally.
Gergithes oracle originated in that place as a sibylline pronouncement. Tt

These oracles were variously attributed, and attributions of a single
could have been picked up and transmitted from there by a chresmologue

oracle shifted from one reporter to another. Often enough an oracle
that one person had attributed to Bakis [a chresmologue] another

wandering through Asia Minor, and it could have been eventually associ-
attributed to the Sibyl and another to the Delphic Apollo.
ated with the Oracle at Didyma in order to garner prestige.39 Such change
Once it was affiliated with Didyma, the baleful tone of the Gergithes of attribution was fairly common according to Fontenrose.
oracle would have made it easy to connect it with the destruction of
Miletos. In any case, until hard evidence of Gergithes at Miletos is pro-
There were many oracle collections in the ancient world, both pri-
duced, their presence at Miletos should be dismissed.
While Herakleides' evidence on this issue is of little use, a second

vate and public, and there were many oracles that circulated orally.
reconstruct the Greek word FQyLg from the Lykian word Kheriga, which is normally trans-
These oracles were variously attributed, and attributions of a single
lated into Greek as Kx tQLxg (Carian). Gergithes may thus be a cognate for Carians, but
oracle shifted from one reporter to another. Often enough an oracle
immediately it becomes clear that if this is the case, Gergithes must refer to a much larger area
that one person had attributed to Bakis [a chresmologue] another

than is conventionally titled Caria, since the name occurs as far north as the Troad and as far
attributed to the Sibyl and another to the Delphic Apollo.

south as a personal name in Cilicia. Thus, even if this theory is accepted, the word Gergithes is
no more specific than the word Leleges and cannot be exclusively connected to Miletos.
37. In the Carian mountains east of Miletos, there has been discovered a village called
Once it was affiliated with Didyma, the baleful tone of the Gergithes
Gerga or Gergakome, which Faraguna (1995, 42-44) uses to argue the presence of
oracle would have made it easy to connect it with the destruction of
Gergithes (i.e., Carians who went by that name) near Miletos. This is a very weak argument,
Miletos. ln any case, until hard evidence of Gergithes at Miletos is pro-

duced, their presence at Miletos should be dismissed.
because the village is not in Milesian territory but 60 km. removed into the interior, and
because all of the evidence from that site is from Roman times: see Bean 1980, 171-76.
38. Parke 1985b, 179; 1992, 31, 51-52.

While Herakleides' evidence on this issue is of little use, a second
39. Fontenrose 1978, chap. 5, with quote at p. 165.
reconstruct the Greek word fi:Qyo,~ from the Lykian word Kheriga. which is normally trans-
lated into Greek as Kagixa~ (Carian), Gergithes may thus be a cognate for Carians, but
immediately it becomes clear that if this is the case, Gergithes must refer to a much larger area
than is conventionally titled Caria, since the name occurs as far north as the Troad and as far
south as a personal name in Cilicia, Thus, even if this theory is accepted, the word Gergithes is
no more specific than the word L eleges and cannot be exclusively connected to Miletos.
37. In the Carian mountains east of Miletos, there has been discovered a village called
Gerga or Gergakome, which Faraguna (1995, 42-44) uses to argue the presence of
Gergithes (i.e., Carians who went by that name) near Mi!etos. This is a very weak argument,
because the village is not in Milesian territory but 60 km. removed into the interior, and
because all of the evidence from that site is from Roman times: see Bean 1980, 171-76.
38. Parke 1985b, 179; 1992, 31, 51-52.
39. Fontenrose 1978, chap. 5, with quote at p. 165.
account of the stasis at Miletos, reported by Plutarch, is of some value,
though it also presents difficulties in its details. In his Quaestiones
Graecae, Plutarch writes (32.298c-d):

T'Lveg oL ke& vtwart mca Ml Cio otg;' t v eQL eowuvta xa d Aaca-
cylvogac IvavvOv z xataXvtOvwvtv ~ttguetat 6Io t Iv 6tiv xau-
account of the stasis at Miletos, reported by Plutarch, is of some value,

though it also presents difficulties in its details. In his Quaestiones
oYov, 6v i1 ~~v CaXeto HXovtLg, 1 6 Xe0oo Xha. xQatfloavteg
oUv o 6vvato cxaLt A ayparlc neg1ctfouvteg FL; trfv tU19-
e'tvy, FovXeovto Qm Ltzv usyy 'tov $lpatvovteg sFg t; 2 Xo a

Graecae, Plutarch writes (32.298c-d):
xa 609W ti;g y1;g atav6yovt;eg xvocavrte;g 6e rv yvcbl nv
xat u keov, xazc 6ba to t' eLtvao tart mgoolyooe6OflOuv.

'TLVEs ot cmvcr(hm Jt<XQU MLAY]O'LOLs;' TWV JtfQL e6avTo. xo.t ~O.~LO.
[Who are the perpetual sailors among the Milesians? After the
(J~VOQ<X 1ugavvwv xmo.Autlrvtwv Et<XLQEim Mo t~v :rr6).Lv xmr-

crxov, cbv ~ ~iov £xa/,fi10 IIAOUTL(;, ~ 6£ XcLQO~axa. XQCXT~O'CXVTf(;
tyrants around Thoas and Damasenor had been overthrown, two
o~v ot 6uvmoL xo.L 1a :;tQay~mTa JtEQLGT~cro.VTE£ EL£ Tt1v EmL.Q-

parties held the city, one called Rich and the other Labor. When the
powerful men gained the upper hand and brought control over the
government into the hands of their own party, they were accus-
clo.v, £fyouAcuovTo JtfQL TOJV ~Lcylm:mv £~~o.lvovTc(; EL£ 1a :rrAo 'La
tomed to deliberating about matters of the greatest importance by
xat :;tOQQOJ T~£ Y~£ £:rravayovTE£. xugwoavTc; 6£ :rr~v yvw~YJV
going aboard ships and putting out to sea far away from the land.
X<J.TfJtlcfOV, xaL C'na TOVT cmvaihm JtQOO!lYOQCU8Y]GCXV.

When they made their decision, they sailed back, and on account of
this, they are called "perpetual sailors."]
As a synonym for the Rich40 and the powerful men, the meaning of
[Who are the perpetual sailors among the Milesians? After the
the term aeinautai is uncertain. The shipboard meetings of the victorious
tyrants around Thoas and Damasenor had been overthrown, two
Rich are clearly an etymological invention by Plutarch or his source to
parties held the city, one called Rich and the other Labor. When the
explain a term whose meaning had been lost through the passage of time.
powerful men gained the upper hand and brought control over the
government into the hands of their own party, they were accus-
We are not in a much better position to interpret the word. Various
guesses have been made based on etymologizing no more believable than
Plutarch's, equating aeinautai with an early form of sea police; with

tomed to deliberating about matters of the greatest importance by
officials in charge of the war fleet, like the naukraroi at Athens; or with a
going aboard ships and putting out to sea far away from the land.
nickname for the party of the merchant aristocracy.41
When they made their decision, they sailed back, and on account of
40. Wyttenbach's emendation of Ploutis for the nonsensical manuscript reading HXovrig
this, they are called "perpetual sailors."]

is certainly correct.
41. Sea police: W. Helbig (non vidi), cited and rejected by Ormerod 1924, 96 n. 3. War
fleet commanders: Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1906b, 78. Merchant aristocracy: Halliday

As a synonym for the Rich40 and the powerful men, the meaning of
1928. One last, rather desperate attempt by Wachsmuth (non vidi; cited by Szanto 1894) the term aeinautai is uncertain. The shipboard meetings of the victorious
suggests a derivation from &el + va itrg = vaLtig from vaLco, meaning "ever flowing." He
Rich are clearly an etymological invention by Plutarch or his source to
then relates this term with the fire of the public hearth, which is never allowed to go out,
explain a term whose meaning had been lost through the passage of time.
and his conclusion is that the aeinautai are the persons who dwell permanently at the public
We are not in a much better position to interpret the word. Various

hearth.
guesses have been made based on etymologizing no more believable than

Plutarch's, equating aeinautai with an early form of sea police; with
officials in charge of the war fleet, like the naukraroi at Athens; or with a
nickname for the party of the merchant aristocracy. 4 1
40. Wyttenbach's emendation of Ploutis for the nonsensical manuscript reading lll-.ov,;l~
is certainly correct.
41. Sea police: W. Helbig (non vidi), cited and rejected by Ormerod 1924, 96 n. 3. War
fleet commanders: Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1906b, 78. Merchant aristocracy: Halliday
1928. One last, rather desperate attempt by Wachsmuth (non vidi; cited by Szanto 1894)
suggests a derivation from Ctd + vairtllS = vaLtnv; from vaim, meaning "ever flo\ving. " He
then relates this term with the fire of the public hearth, which is never allowed to go out,
and his conclusion is that the aeinautai are the persons who dwell permanently at the public
hearth.
Elsewhere in the Greek world, the only traces of aeinautai are found
on Euboia, where three inscriptions serve as evidence. The first one, IG
12(9) 923 from Chalkis, is broken so badly that we are left merely with a
The Archaic City 109
list of names and the word aeinautai. A second inscription, from Eretria,
records the dedication by aeinautai of a herm that dates to the fifth
Elsewhere in the Greek world, the only traces of aeinautai are found
on Euboia, where three inscriptions serve as evidence. The first one, IG
century B.C.E.42 The third is a dedicatory inscription, IG 12(9) 909 from
the third century B.C.E., also from Chalkis. The text of this inscription is
more extensive than the others. But since the stone is broken vertically
12(9) 923 from Chalkis, is broken so badly that we are left merely with a
nearly down the middle, a great deal of the context is lost. The lacuna has
list of names and the word aeinautai. A second inscription, from Eretria,
been formulaically completed by the editor.
records the dedication by aeinautai of a herm that dates to the fifth
[-- - -ro]g .o[o]orooevoI.-
century B.C..£. 42 The third is a dedicatory inscription, IG 12(9) 909 from

the third century B.C.E., also from Chalkis. The text of this inscription is
[vovg &y7aOfit t xt' be8o6X0]cat t xotv(Lt 'Aevav-
[tiv iatLVCout --- ] .ov)ov AtovvCooguvov
[xlc cti-)4vJci70ou 66 ]vlg oJ-r)4voL btxzocv-

more extensive than the others. But since the stone is broken vertically
[Val; 'v8Z tiafl; J -r] oivxotv zcxL kotIct[L &vu-
nearly down the middle, a great deal of the context is lost. The lacuna has
[yQ0 ycLL 6 6e Tb L if]Ciiiu 8kCtiflv )V iOixvr been formulaically completed by the editor.
[xc &avae8 vat, 6mov &v 6 rit to0 vh Loo v xa) -
[--- wu]~ ;:t:Q[o]qnogcuo!l~-

[crrwt Lvt' to 6' &v6 6 OWt] vcuro)Uoyicao0it trj
[xoivzi ov youq4Lrna-r] 'A9X LaXov.
[ ... those approaching. [Blessings. It seemed best] to the corpora-

[vou~· aya8fjL "t1JX11L. oeo6x8]m TOlL XOLVOJL 'Aevau-
tion of the aeinau[tai to praise - - -], son of Dionysophanos, [and to
[TO)V fJtaLVEGaL--- ]~OUAOV LlLOVUGO<j:lUVO'\)
crown him] with the crown of [laur]el [on account of his jus]tice [in
[xa\, aTE<j:lavwam C\a¢]vTJ~ aTE<j:lavwL C\Lxmoa~
matters regarding the] corporation and on account of his distinc-
[vTJ~ EVEXU 1:~~ JtEQL ca] 'Y.OLVa xal, <j:lLAOU[Lla~· ava-

[ygalj!m bio Tob2 To 1J!'h<P]w11 a daT111,11v AL8lv11v
tion. [It was also decided that they should] in[scribe this vote] on a
stone stele [and erect it in the] sacred precinct [where it would be
most] beau[tiful. The secretary] Archemachos will be accountable

[xa\, ava8ci:vm, OJtOU av i5]61;T)L LOU LEQOU fV xaAAl-
to the [corporation for the cost].]
[Gl:WL dvm· TO 6' avaAWf.lU] £vano/,oylaaa8m T0
Although this text is the best evidence available for the meaning of
[xoLvG)L Tov yga~L!laTea] 'Agxe!laxov.
aeinautai, it tells us only that these people formed a corporation, or
koinon, and that they probably had something to do with the cult of [ ... those approaching. [Blessings. It seemed best] to the corpora-
Apollo, as they are rewarding a benefactor with a laurel crown and placing
tion of the aeinau[tai to praise - - -], son of Dionysophanos, [and ro
a stele in a temple. The editor of the inscription sheds no new light on the
crown him] with the crown of [laur]el [on account of his jus]tice [in
question, merely reiterating the old guess about the naukraroi.43
42. Petrakos 1963.

matters regarding the] corporation and on account of his distinc-
43. The editor, Hiller von Gaertingen, explains the term aeinautai thus (ad IG 12(9)
tion. [It was also decided that they should] in[scribe this vote] on a
909): "collegii cuiusdam quod continuisse videtur trierarchos, fortasse etiam milites
stone stele [and erect it in the] sacred precinct [where it would be
most] beau[tiful. The secretary] Archemachos will be accountable

to the [corporation for the cost].]
Although this text is the best evidence available for the meaning of
aeinautai, it tells us only that these people formed a corporation, or
koinon, and that they probably had something to do with the cult of
Apollo, as they are rewarding a benefactor with a laurel crown and placing
a stele in a temple. The editor of the inscription sheds no new light on the
question, merely reiterating the old guess about the naukraroi. 4 :l
42. Petrakos 1963.

43. The editor, Hiller von Gaertingen, explains the term aeinautai thus (ad IG 12(9)
909): "collegii cuiusdarn quod continuisse videtur trierarchos, fortasse etiam rnilites
None of these attempted explanations is convincing, and we must
avoid accepting assumptions about Milesian politics that are based on the
meaning of a word, aeinautai, which was probably known to Plutarch or

his source only as the obscure name of a corporation of functionaries: the
existence of the aeinautai in Euboia shows that Plutarch's explanation at
None of these attempted explanations IS convincmg, and we must

avoid accepting assumptions about Milesian politics that are based on the
Quaestiones Graecae 32 is ad hoc and impossible.
The name of the second faction, Cheiromacha, may offer better infor-
mation about the Archaic political situation, but first we must fix its
meaning of a word, aeinautai, which was probably known to Plutarch or
meaning with the greatest possible precision. The first part of the com-
his source only as the obscure name of a corporation of functionaries: the
pound, cheiro- (hand) is certain, but -macha presents a complication.
existence of the aeinautai in Euboia shows that Plutarch's explanation at
Most experts connect it, despite its alpha, with mach- (make). In this case,
Quaestiones Graecae 32 is ad hoc and impossible.

the translation "the Artisans" is perfectly adequate (cf. Eust. 1833.56,
The name of the second faction, Cheiromacha, may offer better infor-
1425.64, 1783.13). A rival view links the word with mache (fight) and
offers the translation "those who fight with their hands," meaning the
mation about the Archaic political situation, but first we must fix its
weaponless poor.44 In each case, we are seriously handicapped because
meaning with the greatest possible precision. The first part of the com-
we do not know whether the name Cheiromacha was applied by that pound, cheiro- (hand) is certain, but -macha presents a complication.
faction to itself or was an appellation given by its enemies. The transla-
Most experts connect it, despite its alpha, with mech- (make). In this case,
tion "Hand-Maker Party" may imply lower- or middle-class merchants
the translation "the Artisans" is perfectly adequate (cf. Eust. 1833.56,

and artisans; if so, Miletos was involved in true class warfare. Equally,
"Hand-Maker" may be a term of disapprobation applied to a faction of

1425.64, 1783.13). A rival view links the word with mache (fight) and
prosperous merchants by the landed aristocracy. Other possibilities
offers the translation "those who fight with their hands," meaning the
abound. The translation "Hand-Fighter Party" also suffers from ambigu- weaponless poor. 44 In each case, we are seriously handicapped because
ity. While it could indicate those too poor to serve as hoplites, it could
we do not know whether the name Cheiromacha was applied by that
conceivably constitute an insult to the new rich by the established warrior
faction to itself or was an appellation given by its enemies. The transla-

nobility. A faction of the old elite itself, perhaps drawing support from
the discontent of the lower classes, cannot be ruled out.

tion "Hand-Maker Party" may imply lower- or middle-class merchants
The most intriguing item of information in Plutarch's passage is the
and artisans; if so, Miletos was involved in true class warfare. Equally,
mention of the tyrants around Thoas and Damasenor, but it will be better "Hand-Maker" may be a term of disapprobation applied to a faction of
to postpone this discussion until I have introduced the third and final
prosperous merchants by the landed aristocracy. Other possibilities
account of Archaic Milesian stasis. This time the source of the story is the
abound. The translation "Hand-Fighter Party" also suffers from ambigu-

history of Herodotos and so has the advantage of being much nearer to
ity. While it could indicate those too poor to serve as hoplites, it could
the events themselves. Herodotos says (5.28-29):
tofto vi v aX i1 Na o 8,e6vatovatiJ v v"iowv ago , tofto

conceivably constitute an insult to the new rich by the established warrior
6p_ xaia mov a v yov v 1']M'Lkriog wa-to a e itf~g t ota 80 nobility. A faction of the old elite itself, perhaps drawing support from
classiarios e Wilamowitzii coniectura" [of a certain college that seems to contain trierarchs
the discontent of the lower classes, cannot be ruled out.
and perhaps even naval soldiers, as Wilamowitz suggested].
The most intriguing item of information in Plutarch's passage is the

44. Ruze 1985, 163.
mention of the tyrants around Thoas and Damasenor, but it will be better
to postpone this discussion until I have introduced the third and final
account of Archaic Milesian stasis. This time the source of the story is the
history of Herodotos and so has the advantage of being much nearer to
the events themselves. H erodotos says (5.28-29):
T.O'Uto [!EV yag ~ Na~oc; eUCUL[!OVLlJ "tWV V~(}(l)V JtQOE<jJEQ£, toiho

b£ ~ta-ra "tOV au-rov XQOVOV h MLA11"t0£ au-r~ "t£ EWm~c; ~lCtAW"ta b~
classiarios e Wilamowitzii coniectura" lof a certain college that seems to contain trierarchs
and perhaps even naval soldiers, as Wilamowitz suggested].
44. Ruze 1985, 163.
TOTEuzii~crnu zxcL611 zcL Ti~; 'JowvL11; 1v mQoc xnvua, zute8
6e tovitojv ~r6vio yevtx; &V69Jz v oi oaoanuec; ta X iLCta
MUMcw, [LEXQL ov [LiV Ha9LOL ZClt]QLCCLV -ovrov; yxQ zutcot-

Lc z Q cLEx TOJv ev E)Xivwv 8Y)ovto oi Mi)f]Ciioi. [29.1] zutfiX-
)Xc~uv &A o ea; 6be8oi HaQi og 6a; &mxovto cd tOzv v698; a oio
frv
TOl:E UX.f!aoaoa xaL <~Jll x.aL ,;~c; 'Iwvlt1c; JtQOOXYJ~La, x.aTtJJtEQ8E
DE tolJTCDV EJtL blJO '{EVEac; UVDQWV VOOllOaOa cc; Ta ~LUALGTa
cLQLctoL Fg ti'1v Mi)r~tov, 659WV yaxo 6t ocxag;6e1vJ; go zo )Oo-
o,;am, f!EXQL o~ f!LV nagtm x.a,;iwnoav· m1novc; yag xawg,;-

9rievov;, crnuv ca~viO)Vflio&8cu6aL & F_0ev iIAv xcfnrV. moi-
evivm;6e tcavia zc~ L &eLvm; mtav ti~v Mi)11ci1iv, 6zwg Tivax
oLev (CV UV8Ctflv flITflÂ°x a oV ~v E ycsniEVOV, &m-

LOT~gac; ex Jtav,;wv 'Ef.l~vwv ELAOVTO ot Mt).~mm. [29.1] x.m~A.
y9Ca)OVito TOOVVO[LU toV 68curmW toil, &yOi3. [29.2] 6L8 8-
A.a~av DE o¢wc; cbDE ot IIa~nm' we; UJt~XOVl:O a1n&v avDgEc; ot
)uwvm; 6 emthuv i~v x WnfV XUcL omuv~o ooVte; tovtov g,
UQLGl:OL Ec; 1:11v M~A11wv, wgwv yag D~ o¢mc; DELVoJc; otxo<)lflo-

Q1WEvovc;, £¢aoav cdnow ~ouf..w8m Ot£~£A8£'lv 1:11v XOJQY]V. JtOL-
cwc tch{LCta zut j3riovF; to &citv, &,flv QTOLfl1oU[L8VOL UQT68 cLv
tOVtOv V L8v tfVQO)LV vF[L8LV TOWv OV t0V UaQov 8ve F ay-
c[h vv; 6ox48Lv yao crnuv z c ~V 6fl[LO wAIv oi(tw 61 ceat

£ilVTEc; DE ,;aiJ,;a x.aL DL£~LOVTEc; Jtiioav T~V MtJ.Y]oLY]V, oxwc; l:LVa
8QTL[L8) flG8GOUL 6worte TW xRetewv toil; 6e &)~ovg Mi)X1c ovg
'LDOLEV (Ev) UVEOTY]X1J~ll ,;fj XWQTJ aygov E~ E~Egyao~u',vov, UJtE-
'toil; mUQV tcwaVLaovtOUto(1v etcacav m O~cOaL. yga¢ovw TO OVVOf!U TOU DEOJtOTECD TO'U aygou. [29.2] DLE~E
[For Naxos was the most prosperous of the islands, while, about
A.aoaVTEc; o£ Jtiioav Tr]v 'XWQYJV x.al OJtav~o·uc; EVQOVTEc; ,;oinovc;,

o>c; TUXLOl:a xal:E~Y]OUV ec; 1:0 UOT1J, aALY]V JtOLY]OCt~LEVOL UJtE6c:t;av
the same time [499 B.C.E.], Miletos itself was at its height and
TOUl:01Jc; f!EV l:~V JtOALV Vf~LELV l:WV E~QOV wvc; aygovc; E~ E~Egya
especially was the ornament of Ionia. Previously Miletos had been
very disturbed by civil strife for two generations, until when the
Parians set it in order. For the Milesians chose them out of all the
Of!EV01Jc;' Dox£ELv yag £¢aoav xat TWV DYJf!OO~wv oihw 6~ o<)lcac;
Greeks to reform their state. [29] The Parians reconciled them in EJtlf!EA~OEOOm o)oJtEQ l:WV o<)lEtEQWV' wvc; DE af..Aovc; MLAY]0~01Jc;
the following way. When the best men of them arrived at Miletos,
wvc; JtQLV OTaOLa~OVTac; 'tOUTOJV ETat;av Jtd8w8m.

seeing the terrible economic state of the place, they said that they
wished to travel around in the territory. They did these things and
traveled throughout the Milesian territory. Whenever, in the deso-

[For Naxos was the most prosperous of the islands, while, about
late land, they saw a well-tilled field, they wrote down the name of
the same time [499 B.C.E.j, Miletos itself was at its height and
the owner of the land. And although they traveled all through the especially was the ornament of Ionia. Previously Miletos had been
region, they saw a well-tilled field only rarely. As soon as they
very disturbed by civil strife for two generations, until when the
returned to the city, they summoned an assembly and appointed to
Parians set it in order. For the Milesians chose them out of all the
Greeks to reform their state. [29] The Parians reconciled them in
govern the state those men whose land they found was well tilled,
for they said that they thought that such men would tend to public
matters with the same care that they displayed in their own private
the following way. When the best men of them arrived at Miletos,
affairs. They ordered the remaining Milesians who were previously seeing the terrible economic state of the place, they said that they
in stasis to obey these men.]
wished to travel around in the territory. They did these things and
Herodotos adds several new pieces of information. He seems to be relat-
traveled throughout the Milesian territory. \Vhenever, in the deso-

late land, they saw a well-tilled field, they wrote down the name of
ing the end of the stasis, for its settlement is presented as a precondition
the owner of the land. And although they traveled all through the
region, they saw a well-tilled field only rarely. As soon as they
returned to the city, they summoned an assembly and appointed to
govern the state those men whose land they found was well tilled,
for they said that they thought that such men would tend to public
matters with the same care that they displayed in their own private
affairs. They ordered the remaining Milesians who were previously
in stasis to obey these men.]
Herodotos adds several new pieces of information. He seems to be relat-

ing the end of the stasis, for its settlement is presented as a precondition
of the great prosperity in Miletos at the time of the Ionian Revolt. Signif-
icantly, the settlement established a landed oligarchy of limited size:
though the rich may have had to share power with farmers of more
moderate means, there was little place for artisans and small merchants in
the new scheme. Furthermore, this passage supplies additional chrono-
of the great prosperity in Miletos at the time of the Ionian Revolt. Signif-
icantly, the settlement established a landed oligarchy of limited size:
logical facts: the stasis lasted "two generations." Based on Herodotos's
reckoning at 2.142.2 that one hundred years is approximately three gen-
erations, this phrase is traditionally taken to indicate about sixty years of

though the rich may have had to share power with farmers of more
factional strife; however, since Herodotean chronological dating is notori-
moderate means, there was little place for artisans and small merchants in
ously indefinite, at best we must conclude that it lasted a rather long time
the new scheme. Furthermore, this passage supplies additional chrono-
and that Herodotos did not know how long himself or he would have
logical facts: the stasis lasted "two generations." Based on Herodotos's

used a more specific number.45
reckoning at 2.142.2 that one hundred years is approximately three gen-

Basing their understanding on these passages, most historians today
share what has become the predominant view about factional strife at
erations, this phrase is traditionally taken to indicate about sixty years of
Miletos: at some point in the Archaic past, Miletos moved from the rule
factional strife; however, since Herodotean chronological dating is notori-
of tyrants (Thoas and Damasenor) to a lengthy period of stasis; after half ously indefinite, at best we must conclude that it lasted a rather long time
a century or more, the strife was settled by a commission of Parians, who
and that Herodotos did not know how long himself or he would have
established an oligarchy of the most capable landowners; Miletos then
used a more specific number. 4 5

entered its most prosperous period. This picture is perfectly plausible and
compares well with the process known to have taken place in other Greek
Basing their understanding on these passages, most historians today
cities in the seventh and sixth centuries, in which the hereditary nobility
share what has become the predominant view about factional strife at
gave way, often through tyranny, to an oligarchy based more on landhold- Miletos: at some point in the Archaic past, Miletos moved from the rule
ings and wealth than on hereditary status.46
of tyrants (Thoas and Damasenor) to a lengthy period of stasis; after half
Dating these events at Miletos more precisely in the Archaic era is
a century or more, the strife was settled by a commission of Parians, who

difficult, since the only named figures, Thoas and Damasenor, appear
nowhere else in the extant literature. Because the tyranny of Thrasy-

established an oligarchy of the most capable landowners; Miletos then
boulos (ca. 605) is one of the few fixed points in Archaic Milesian chro-
entered its most prosperous period. This picture is perfectly plausible and
nology, the choice must be made whether to place the Parion arbitration compares well with the process known to have taken place in other Greek
of stasis before or after Thrasyboulos. Almost without exception, histori-
cities in the seventh and sixth centuries, in which the hereditary nobility
ans opt for the later date: Thrasyboulos, according to this view, is the
gave way, often through tyranny, to an oligarchy based more on landhold-

man who, as Aristotle says, used the power of the prytany as a spring-
ings and wealth than on hereditary status. 46

board to tyranny.47 The tyrants Thoas and Damasenor followed, prob-
45. While the figure of thirty years per generation is sometimes correct, a calculation
Dating these events at Miletos more precisely in the Archaic era is
based on other passages (Hdt. 4.158.1, 1.163.2, 1.95.2) might lead one to accept a genera- difficult, since the only named figures, Thoas and Damasenor, appear
tion length of forty years, and scholars who have examined this problem of time reckoning
nowhere else in the extant literature. Because the tyranny of Thrasy-
in Herodotos amply demonstrate the futility of fixing the length of a Herodotean genera-
boulos (ca. 605) is one of the few fixed points in Archaic Milesian chro-
tion. See Lateiner 1989, 114-25; Ball 1979; Mitchel 1956.
nology, the choice must be made whether to place the Parion arbitration
46. Balcer 1984b, 89; Drews 1972.
47. Hanell 1946, 75-81; Mazzarino 1947, 225-32; Berve 1967, 1:101-2, 2:578-79;
of stasis before or after Thrasyboulos. Almost without exception, histori-
Graf 1985, 81; Harris 1971, 29-35; Balcer 1984b; How and Wells 1912. I have only found
ans opt for the later date: Thrasyboulos, according to this view, is the
man who, as Aristotle says, used the power of the prytany as a spring-
board to tyranny.47 The tyrants Thoas and Damasenor followed, prob-
45. While the figure of thirty years per generation is sometimes correct, a calculation
based on other passages (Hdt. 4.158.1, 1.163.2, 1.95.2) might lead one to accept a genera-
tion length of forty years, and scholars who have examined this problem of time reckoning
in Herodotos amply demonstrate the futility of fixing the length of a Herodotean genera-
tion. See I.ateiner 1989, 114-25; Rall1979; Mitchel1956.
46. Balcer 1984b, 89; Drews 1972.

47. Hanell1946, 75-81; Mazzarino 1947, 225-32; Berve 1967,1:101-2, 2:578-79;
Graf 1985, 81; Harris 1971, 29- 35; Balcer 1984b; How and Wells 1912. I have only found
ably immediately after Thrasyboulos. Then civil strife broke out and
lasted for two generations, until ca. 525, when the Parian arbitration
reestablished peaceful government and laid the foundation for great pros-
perity. This rather precise date for the Parian arbitration is based on the
traditionally accepted date for the beginning of the lists of eponymous
ably immediately after Thrasyboulos. Then civil strife broke out and
lasted for two generations, until ca. 525, when the Parian arbitration
aisymnetai. It is quite probable that the first list begins with some kind of
reorganization of the government,48 and the apparent synchronicity of
the new eponym with the Parian-established oligarchy has seemed deci-
reestablished peaceful government and laid the foundation for great pros-
sively to favor a post-Thrasyboulan date for the era of stasis. Because of
perity. This rather precise date for the Parian arbitration is based on the
the likely significance of the beginning of the aisymnetes list, it is conve-
traditionally accepted date for the beginning of the lists of eponymous
nient to discuss it in some detail before moving on to examine more
aisymnetai. It is quite probable that the first list hegins with some kind of
closely this traditional chronology.
reorganization of the government, 4 ~ and the apparent synchronicity of

The date of ca. 525/4 for the beginning of the aisymnetes list is by no
means as certain as it is usually taken to be. Albert Rehm (Milet 1.3.241-

the new eponym with the Parian-established oligarchy has seemed deci-
53), the original editor of the lists, bases the absolute chronology of the
sively to favor a post-Thrasyboulan date for the era of stasis. Because of
first list on two names. The last name on that list, Asandros, son of the likely significance of the beginning of the aisymnetes list, it is conve-
Agathon (ii.101), can be dated to 314/3 B.C.E. (D.S. 19.75.1, 19.62.5),
nient to discuss it in some detail before moving on to examine more

while Alexander, son of Philip (ii.81), is Alexander the Great. He could
closely this traditional chronology.

not have taken Miletos before late summer 334, so, Rehm concludes, he
must have taken the eponymous office in 334/3, at which time the entire
The date of ca. 525/4 for the beginning of the aisynmetes list is by no
first list up to that point was engraved: all of the names before ca. 333
means as certain as it is usually taken to be. Albert Rehm (Milet 1.3.241-
were copied from a previous edition of the list, re-created from memory, 53), the original editor of the lists, bases the absolute chronology of the
or both.49
first list on two names. The last name on that list, Asandros, son of
Several dubious presuppositions underlie this dating and weaken its
Agathon (ii.lOl), can be dated to 314/3 B.C.E. (D.S. 19.75.1, 19.62.5),

Stein (1894, ad Hdt. 5.28) and Ehrhardt (1983, 202) favoring an earlier date. Stein does so
because he thinks the fall of Thoas and Damasenor marks the end of the Neleid monarchy,
while Alexander, son of Philip (ii.81), is Alexander the Great. He could
which is baseless conjecture. Ehrhardt has a theory that the change in eponym from prytany
not have taken Miletos before late summer 334, so, Rehm concludes, he
to aisymnetes was probably contemporary to the reordering of the city after the Kimmerian must have taken the eponymous office in 334/3, at which time the entire
invasion in the mid-seventh century B.C.E. However, his argument does not have sound
first list up to that point was engraved: all of the names before ca. 333
footing: he asserts that the predominant eponym was a prytany in the colonies of the
were copied from a previous edition of the list, re-created from memory,
or both. 49
Propontis and a priest in the colonies of the Pontos, but as the earlier discussion of eponym
has demonstrated, the evidence is often lacking or postulated, so the pattern he describes is
not sufficiently confirmed.

Several dubious presuppositions underlie this dating and weaken its
48. Rehm in Milet 1.3.242; cf. Hanell 1946, 80-81.
49. There is no reason to question the reliability of the early names on the list. Cf. the
Stein (1894, ad Hdt. 5.28) and Ehrhardt (1983, 202) favoring an earlier date. Stein does so
work by Salviat (1984) on the archon lists at Thasos, where he concludes from the numer- because he thinks the fall of Thoas and Damasenor marks the end of the Neleid monarchy,
which is baseless conjecture. Ehrhardt has a theory that the change in eponym from prytany
ous names and the complexity of the lists that the Thasians had authentic records to work
from clear back to the high sixth century and quite possibly to the colony's beginning in the
to aisymnetes was probably contemporary to the reordering of the city after the Kimmerian
seventh century. However, Cavaignac (non vidi; followed by Herrmann in Milet 6.1) makes
invasion in the mid-seventh centu ry R.C.F. Ho\vever, his argument does not have sound
an argument for dating both Asandros and Alexander a year later, in 313/2 and 333/2,
footing: he asserts that the predominant eponym was a prytany in the colonies of the
Propontis and a priest in the colonies of the Pontos, but as the earlier discussion of eponym
respectively. Following this development and counting backward from Alexander, allotting
has demonstrated, the evidence is often lacking or postulated, so the pattern he describes is
one year for each name, we arrive at a beginning date of 524/3.
not sufficiently confirmed.

48. Rehm in Milet 1.3.242; cf. Hanell 1946, 80-81.
49. There is no reason to question the reliability of the early names on the list. Cf. the
work by Salviat (1984) on the archon lists at Thasos, where he concludes from the numer-
ous names and the complexity of the lists that the Thasians had authentic records to work
from clear back to the high sixth century and quite possibly to the colony's beginning in the
seventh century. However, Cavaignac (non vidi; followed by Herrmann in Milet 6.1) makes
an argument for dating both Asandros and Alexander a year later, in 313/2 and 333/2,
respectively. Following this development and counting backward from Alexander, allotting
one year for each name, we arrive at a beginning date of 524/3.
security. The first assumption is that there was an aisymnetes at Miletos
without interruption for all of the years from ca. 525/4 to 334/3. Accord-
ing to Herodotos (Hdt. 6.18-22.1), Miletos was entirely depopulated in

494 B.C.E., and the archaeological record has confirmed the massive de-
struction done to the city at that time. Rehm notes that he cannot say that
security. The first assumption is that there was an aisymnetes at Miletos

without interruption for all of the years from ca. 525/4 to 334/3. Accord-
the list is without breaks before the year of Alexander's aisymnetes and
especially before 479/8 (Milet 1.3.242).50 This is an important observa-
tion. Based on Herodotos's testimony and the archaeological record, it is

ing to Herodotos (Hdt. 6.18-22.1), Miletos was entirely depopulated in
likely that the city of Miletos did not exist as a polity for at least some of
494 B.C.E., and the archaeological record has confirmed the massive de-
the years between 494 and ca. 479. The population had been slaughtered
struction done to the city at that time. Rehm notes that he cannot say that
or transplanted to Ampe on the Persian Gulf, and the land was given away
the list is without breaks before the year of Alexander's aisymnetes and
to Persians and Carians. Certainly refugees may have begun returning at
especially before 479/8 (Milet 1.3.242).50 This is an important observa-

any time in the intervening years, but when the city was emptied, the
government would have ceased to exist, probably until after the re-
tion. Based on Herodotos's testimony and the archaeological record, it is
foundation, ca. 479 B.C.E. or shortly afterward. We must postulate that
likely that the city of Miletos did not exist as a polity for at least some of
the aisymnetes list stretches back as much as another fifteen years. If the the years between 494 and ca. 479. The population had been slaughtered
adoption of the new eponym does coincide with the Parian arbitration, a
or transplanted to Ampe on the Persian Gulf, and the land was given away
date of ca. 540/39 would be more likely.51
to Persians and Carians. Certainly refugees may have begun returning at

However, the two events may well not be related at all. A strong
argument can be made that a date after the rule of Thrasyboulos for the
any time in the intervening years, but when the city was emptied, the
Milesian stasis and the Parian arbitration is untenable. First, no attempt
government would have ceased to exist, probably until after the re-
to set the date of the Parian arbitration in the latter half of the sixth foundation, ca. 4 79 B.C.E. or shortly afterward. We must postulate that
century can neglect the implications of the fact that by the late 540s,
the aisymnetes list stretches back as much as another fifteen years. If the
Miletos was under direct Persian control. If the establishment of the
adoption of the new eponym does coincide with the Parian arbitration, a
oligarchy is set according to the traditional starting date of the aisymnetes
50. The stone is intact, but there are no guarantees that there were not temporal gaps
date of ca. 540/39 would be more likely. 51
between some of the names, especially as the entire list before Alexander was inscribed at
However, the two events may well not be related at all. A strong
one time. Rehm also points out that the big names of the Ionian Revolt are lacking, an argument can be made that a date after the rule of Thrasyboulos for the
objection that is not troubling if this office is powerless and/or chosen by lot. Cf. Hanell
Milesian stasis and the Parian arbitration is untenable. First, no attempt
1946, 75-81.
to set the date of the Parian arbitration in the latter half of the sixth
51. An additional, and probably insoluble, problem is the possibility of suffect officials.
century can neglect the implications of the fact that by the late 540s,
Twice on the first list (#122.ii.11, 22), two names are written in smaller characters on the
same line, suggesting either a mistake on the part of the stonecutter or that the original
Miletos was under direct Persian control. If the establishment of the
official died in office and another was chosen to fill out his term. The question then arises oligarchy is set according to the traditional starting date of the aisymnetes
whether it would be necessary to engrave the name of a suffect on a list of eponymous
officials. The editor has chosen the former alternative, allotting each name its own year, but
50. The stone is intact, but there are no guarantees that there were not temporal gaps
between some of the names, especially as the entire list before Alexander was inscribed at
the possibility remains open that the list may go back two years less than originally thought.
one time. Rehm also points out that the big names of the Ionian Revolt are lacking, an
In a variant argument, Cavaignac (non vidi; see Herrmann in Milet 1.6) suggests that these
objection that is not troubling if this office is powerless and/or chosen by lot. Cf. Hanel!
two years coincide with episodes of unrest or civil strife when two different men held the
1946,75-81.
office, the one casting out the other: column ii, line 11 would coincide with Lysander's coup
51. An additional, and probably insoluble, problem is the possibility of suffect officials.
in 403/2 (Polyain. 7.18.2), while line 22 would accord with problems in 392/1 consequent
Twice on the first list (#122.ii.ll, 22), two names are written in smaller characters on the
to the battle with Knidos.
same line, suggesting either a mistake on the part of the stonecutter or that the original
official died in office and another was chosen to fill out his term. The question then arises
whether it would be necessary to engrave the name of a suffect on a list of eponymous
officials. The editor has chosen the former alternative, allotting each name its own year, but
the possibility remains open that the list may go hack two years less than originally thought.
In a variant argument, Cavaignac (non vidi; see Herrmann in Milet 1.6) suggests that these
two years coincide with episodes of unrest or civil strife when two different men held the
office, the one casting out the other: column ii, line 11 would coincide with Lysander's coup
in 403/2 (Polyain. 7.18.2), while line 22 would accord with problems in 392/1 consequent
to the battle with Knidos.
list to ca. 525, one must explain why the Persians allowed a major com-
mercial center under their control to remain in civil war for some fifteen
years. If, instead, the date of ca. 540 is preferred, one must explain why
the Persians, who were completing their conquest and solidifying their
rule, would permit the Milesians to call in the Parians to establish a new
list to ca. 525, one must explain why the Persians allowed a major com-
mercial center under their control to remain in civil war for some fifteen
government for the city, rather than arranging the matter themselves.52
A second objection to the traditional view lies in the short duration of
the government established by the Parians, if the arbitration is to be dated

years. If, instead, the date of ca. 540 is preferred, one must explain why
in the period ca. 540 to ca. 525. Even granting the precarious assumption
the Persians, who were completing their conquest and solidifying their
that Persian laissez-faire administration overlooked continuing civil war
rule, would permit the Milesians to call in the Parians to establish a new
and permitted outside intervention, a date in this range does not fit well
government for the city, rather than arranging the matter themselves.52
A second objection to the traditional view lies in the short duration of
with Herodotos's implication that the new oligarchy was enduring
enough to bring on prosperity. It would be difficult to impute stability to
a government set up at this time, for we know that as early as 513, the
the government established by the Parians, if the arbitration is to be dated
date of Dareios's invasion of Skythia, the city is again ruled by a tyrant,
in the period ca. 540 to ca. 525. Even granting the precarious assumption
who seems to have been in place for some time (Hdt. 4.137-42). The that Persian laissez-faire administration overlooked continuing civil war
point of this story about the establishment of good government would be
and permitted outside intervention, a date in this range does not fit well
very much blunted if that government only lasted less than a decade, from
with Herodotos's implication that the new oligarchy was enduring

525 to before 513, and was then overthrown by an unpopular tyranny.
Even if we accept that the arbitration occurred in ca. 540, then the
enough to bring on prosperity. It would be difficult to impute stability to
oligarchy persisted for only about twenty years, a very short period to
a government set up at this time, for we know that as early as 513, the
merit the emphasis that Herodotos gives it.53 Because these events-a date of Dareios's invasion of Skythia, the city is again ruled by a tyrant,
stasis of two generations, the Parian arbitration, and a period of pro-
who seems to have been in place for some time (Hdt. 4.137-42). The
nounced and remarkable prosperity-do not fit well into the context of
point of this story about the establishment of good government would be

the sixth century, it seems that a date before the tyranny of Thrasyboulos
should be preferred.
very much blunted if that government only lasted less than a decade, from
In his text, Plutarch mentions two men, Thoas and Damasenor, who
525 to before 513, and was then overthrown by an unpopular tyranny.
are commonly assumed to be tyrants, and the tendency of scholars is to Even if we accept that the arbitration occurred in ca. 540, then the
place them in the sixth century, squarely in the middle of the great Age of
oligarchy persisted for only about twenty years, a very short period to
52. Balcer (1984b, 99) uses this point in the opposite manner, arguing that under the
merit the emphasis that Herodotos gives it. 53 Because these events-a
Persians, Miletos enjoyed a semiautonomous status. Thus, he says, the fact that the
stasis of two generations, the Parian arbitration, and a period of pro-

Parians were allowed to arbitrate rather than Persians "indicates a high degree of internal
self-determination."
nounced and remarkable prosperity-do not fit well into the context of
53. Some scholars have sidestepped this problem by assuming that the Parian arbitration the sixth century, it seems that a date before the tyranny of Thrasyboulos
set up the tyranny. For example, Mazzarino (1947, 230-32) sees the whole stasis as a struggle
should be preferred.
for power between two families. However, this interpretation is an impossible reading of
In his text, Plutarch mentions two men, Thoas and Damasenor, who
Herodotos. Unless we are to dismiss the entire story, perhaps as "a political parable inserted
are commonly assumed to be tyrants, and the tendency of scholars is to

here for some unknown reason" (How and Wells 1912, ad Hdt. 5.28-29), we must accept
that the resulting government was an oligarchy and face the problems this fact entails for a
place them in the sixth century, squarely in the middle of the great Age of
sixth-century date for the Milesian stasis.
52. Balcer ( 1984b, 99) uses this point in the opposite manner, arguing that under the
Persians, Miletos enjoyed a semiautonomous status. Thus, he says, the fact that the
Parians were allowed to arbitrate rather than Persians "indicates a high degree of interna l
self-determination."
53. Some scholars have sidestepped this problem by assuming that the Parian arbitration
set up the tyranny. For example, Mazzarino (1947, 230-32) sees the whole stasis as a struggle
for power between two families. However, this interpretation is an impossible reading of
Herodotus. Unless we are to dismiss the entire story, perhaps as "a political parable inserted
here for some unknown reason" (How and Wells 1912, ad Hdt. 5 .28-29), we must accept
that the resulting government was an oligarchy and face the problems this fact entails for a
sixth-century date for the Milesian stasis.
Tyrants in Archaic Greece. Another look at Plutarch's text shows that he
does not call them tyrants,54 for his genitive absolute actually reads, T6v
neq' 6avy xc Au uaolvoJ v a VVVV xata v8pevtwv [after the

tyrants around Thoas and Damasenor had been overthrown]. "Those
around the tyrants Thoas and Damasenor" is not at all the same thing as
Tyrants in Archaic Greece. Another look at Plutarch's text shows that he

does not call them tyrants,54 for his genitive absolute actually reads, n'Dv
"the tyrants around Thoas and Damasenor." This last phrase is admit-
tedly odd, and scholars have been slow to see its meaning. They have been
led astray principally by the common Greek phrase o megl + accusative

7t£QL E>6avta xat ~a~am'1voga tugavvwv xataA.uOiovtwv [after the
nominis proprii. Our grammars identify a peculiar usage of this phrase. In
tyrants around Thoas and Damasenor had been overthrown]. "Those
writers of late Greek, it is said to be used as a periphrasis for the object of
around the tyrants Thoas and Damasenor" is not at all the same thing as
the preposition: for example, oi L eQt o6v 'Axtflt3ti& vl would mean
"the tyrants around Thoas and Damasenor." This last phrase is admit-
tedly odd, and scholars have been slow to see its meaning. They have been
simply "Alkibiades."55 Confusion arising from this usage has infected the
led astray principally by the common Greek phrase ol JtEQL + accusative

text of Plutarch as well as its interpretation. This confusion has centered
on the presence of the word tvQ6vvWv in the genitive. Assuming a periph-
rasis, we would expect an appositional construction to agree with the

nominis proprii. Our grammars identify a peculiar usage of this phrase. In
accusative object of the preposition rather than with the substantively writers of late Greek, it is said to be used as a periphrasis for the object of
used definite article. While in his Oxford commentary Halliday suggests
the preposition: for example, ot JtEQL tov 'AA.xLBLaCfJV would mean

that tvoavvWv be deleted as a gloss, Tischner's Teubner edition of 1935
simply "Alkibiades. "55 Confusion arising from this usage has infected the
(reprinted in 1971) emends the offending genitive to the accusative
atvovvovg. The suggested emendation produces the meaning "after those

text of Plutarch as well as its interpretation. This confusion has centered
around the tyrants Thoas and Damasenor had been overthrown," or,
on the presence of the word tugavvwv in the genitive. Assuming a periph-
understanding a periphrasis, "after the tyrants Thoas and Damasenor had rasis, we would expect an appositional construction to agree with the
been overthrown." The passage then would refer to the fall from power of
accusative object of the preposition rather than with the substantively
the supporters of the two tyrants or of the tyrants themselves.
used definite article. While in his Oxford commentary Halliday suggests

Plutarch's original text, which is found in all the manuscripts, can and
should be retained. Recent scholarship has found that instances of the

that tugavvwv be deleted as a gloss, Tischner's Teubner edition of 1935
periphrastic oi m 'L + accusative are much less common than previously
(reprinted in 1971) emends the offending genitive to the accusative
supposed and therefore that the periphrastic construction should not be tugavvou<;. The suggested emendation produces the meaning "after those
assumed without the strongest contextual support.56 Furthermore, when
around the tyrants Thoas and Damasenor had been overthrown," or,
the periphrasis is discounted, the resultant phrase, "the tyrants around
understanding a periphrasis, "after the tyrants Thoas and Damasenor had

Thoas and Damasenor," does indeed make clear sense, as the following
been overthrown." The passage then would refer to the fall from power of
parallels show. Telling of the fall of King Knopos of Erythrai, Hippias, a
historian of the same city, writes (Ath. 6.259b-c):

the supporters of the two tyrants or of the tyrants themselves.
54. Gorman and Gorman 2000. Berve (1967, 1:102) is the most accurate of modern Plutarch's original text, which is found in all the manuscripts, can and
scholars, in that he does not call them tyrants but comments instead: "Eine tyrannengleiche
should be retained. Recent scholarship has found that instances of the
Macht konnten fuir kurze Zeit Thoas und Damasenor mit ihrer Hetairie gewinnen" [Thoas
periphrastic ol JtEQL + accusative are much less common than previously

and Damasenor, along with their backers, could have won a tyrantlike power for a short
supposed and therefore that the periphrastic construction should not be

time].
55. Kiihner-Gerth 2.1.270; Schwyzer-Debrunner 2.417; LSJ s.v. re0 C.I.2 (with accusa-
assumed without the strongest contextual support. 56 Furthermore, when
tive of persons), "later oi A. tv&, periphr. for the person himself" (cf. C.I.3).
the periphrasis is discounted, the resultant phrase, "the tyrants around
56. Dubuisson 1977.
Thoas and Damasenor," does indeed make clear sense, as the following
parallels show. Telling of the fall of King Knopos of Erythrai, Hippias, a
historian of the same city, writes (Ath. 6.259b- c):
54. Gorman and Gorman 2000. Berve (1967, 1:102) is the most accurate of modern
scholars, in that be does not call them tyrants but comments instead: "Eine tyrannengleicbe
l\1acbt konnten fur kurze Zeit Tboas und Damasenor mit ibrer Hetairie gewinnen" [Tboas
and Damasenor, along with their backers, could have won a tyrantlike power for a short
time].
55. Kiibncr-Gcrth 2.1.270; Scbwyzcr-Dcbrunncr 2.417; LS] s.v. nEQl C.I.2 (with accusa-
tive of persons), "later ot n. nva, periphr. for the person himself" (cf. C.l.3).
56. Dubuisson 1977.
xzc xataO 6 Fvtog to lcatsog nr6 otJv e' Q-tov'Op tIylV mok)o'
vtv cvatLoOvvat tcJv tol Kvoimofi mv xcx i1 K)Xeovtxl taOolou
eyeLt eig Koko#xbva. oL 3e m etE6v 'OQt-yylv tiVOavvoLt Xovteg

i1v x XLov 86~va qtv toig vtoLtacvovg acfutv totg qrTy9LactL
8t6L08tov zxa toLig vovovg zxataX)ouvteg catto' 68eitov ta zxth
xat XUTUAYJ¢8/::vToc:; 'tO'U aot£Oc; uno TQJV JtEQL TOV 'OQtU'{Y]V JtOAAOL
JlfV avmQoilvTm Twv Toil Kvwnou ¢i/,wv xat ·hKArovb~Y] Jla8ouoa
ti v 6)tv v6og -texovg o6Fva 6e6tevot tWv 6iiotv"
[When the city had been taken by the followers of Ortyges, many of
the friends of Knopos were killed, and Kleonike, learning this, es-
q>Euyn Etc; KoAo<j:Jwva. ot bio Jt!oQL Tov 'OQTUYYJV TUQavvm EXOVTEc;
caped to Kolophon. Since they had the might of Chios behind them,
T~v Ex Xiou Mva~ttv Toile; cvww~ti::vouc:; mh0w wic:; JtQay~taat
the tyrants around Ortyges killed everyone who opposed their ac-
bti::¢8ELQOV XUL Toile; VOJlOUc; xaTaAU<JaVTEc; alJToL btELJtOV Ta xma
tions, and after setting aside the laws, they ran things inside the city
T~v n6/,tv cvToc:; tElzouc:; ol!bf_va CEXOJlEVOL Twv CYJJlOTwv·

while at the same time allowing none of the people to come within
the walls.]
Here we find the phrase "the tyrants around Ortyges." But to whom do
(When the city had been taken by the followers of Ortyges, many of
these words refer? They do not refer, as one might guess, to a tyrant
the friends of Knopos were killed, and Kleonike, learning this, es-
named Ortyges and his faction-though the plural of tyrannos some- caped to Kolophon. Since they had the might of Chios behind them,
times has this use. In a previous passage, Hippias makes the matter clear.
the tyrants around Ortyges killed everyone who opposed their ac-
There Knopos, still on the throne, sets out to Delphi to consult the oracle
tions, and after setting aside the laws, they ran things inside the city
because he is worried about his own safety (Ath. 6.259a).
xcaL't L taufta 6 oolouvtvoog caito ~ig Aeg)oig oL tiv f3laotXeLav

while at the same time allowing none of the people to come within
acto3 xatakuoaI Pcov) O evoL Yv' 6)tLya9XpLa xataotflowvrti,
the walls.]
flouv 6' o-ot'Optiyfg xr L'Ioog xa' 'Exuaoog, o TAzxakoOlvo ith
mTo eL r;ag O6ecurs1ag itvaLt TJv ntLavJIv moxvveg xa'c

Here we find the phrase "the tyrants around Ortyges." But to whom do
x6oaxg.
these words refer? They do not refer, as one might guess, to a tyrant
[And afterward, when he set out for Delphi, with him went the very
men who wanted to get rid of his kingship in order to establish an

named Ortyges and his faction-though the plural of tyrannos some-
oligarchy (these men were Ortyges, Iros, and Echaros, who are
times has this use. In a previous passage, Hippias makes the matter clear.
called the lap-dogs and the flatterers, because they attended famous There Knopos, still on the throne, sets out to Delphi to consult the oracle
people).]
because he is worried about his own safety (Ath. 6.259a).
Hippias is describing a situation where a king is deposed in favor of an
xal, JlETa TatlTa OQJlll<JUVTOc; auwu Ei:; ~EA<j:Jou; OL T~V ~aatt.ElaV

oligarchy. It is a narrow oligarchy, hostile to both the laws and the demos,
but it is clearly an oligarchy.
This passage shows that we must be careful to distinguish the nuances

auwiJ xaTa),iJom ~OUAOJlEVOL l:v' Olct'{UQXlUV xmaoThowvTm,
of the word tyrannos. Here we see that, used in the pejorative sense to ~oav b' o~TOL '0QTU'{Y]c; xat ~IQoc:; xaL ''EzaQoc;, ot cxaA.oiJvTo bta
characterize a harsh, selfish, violent rule, the term is not restricted to
TO mQt tac:; tleQandac:; etvm Twv cm¢avwv nQ6xuvec:; xat
x6AaxEc:;.
(And afterward, when he set out for Delphi, with him went the very
men who wanted to get rid of his kingship in order to establish an
oligarchy (these men were Ortyges, Iros, and Echaros, who are
called the lap-dogs and the flatterers, because they attended famous
people).]
Hippias is describing a situation where a king is deposed in favor of an

oligarchy. It is a narrow oligarchy, hostile to both the laws and the demos,
but it is clearly an oligarchy.
This passage shows that we must be careful to distinguish the nuances

of the word tyrannos. Here we see that, used in the pejorative sense to
characterize a harsh, selfish, violent rule, the term is not restricted to
monarchy alone but may refer to any number of people. It is especially
easy for a democratic tradition to stigmatize a narrow and harsh oligar-
chy with this name. One need only think of the Thirty Tyrants at Athens.
Plutarch is familiar with this mode of expression, as he shows when he
describes the oligarchy at Thebes in the mid-fourth century. Here he
monarchy alone but may refer to any number of people. It is especially

easy for a democratic tradition to stigmatize a narrow and harsh oligar-
refers to the group of men in question as tv~avvot57 and both oL me&L
Aeovfr6av (Pel. 6.2) and oi 'L t 'AQXyuv (Pel. 9.2). Particularly reminis-
cent of Quaestiones Graecae 32 is Pelopidas 6.1: xaTua6e6ov)Xw votg

chy with this name. One need only think of the Thirty Tyrants at Athens.
vo6 TOv m t 'AX 'v xa Aeovtiav ov6e T [Lout F tLv ana)XX~yfv
Plutarch is familiar with this mode of expression, as he shows when he
tva tig tvoavvbog [[the Thebans], being enslaved to those around
describes the oligarchy at Thebes in the mid-fourth century. Here he
Archias and Leontidas, had no hope that they could find any escape from
refers to the group of men in question as tugavvm5 7 and both ot JtfQL

Acovti<'lav (Pel. 6.2) and ot Jt£Qt 'Agziav (Pel. 9.2). Particularly reminis-
tyranny]. A little earlier, Plutarch revealed the line of thought that led to
such a choice of terminology, calling these men av9aeg ,Lya9x)oL xaL
s)ot otot xa' i rtLov of38v povoveg [oligarchical men, wealthy,

cent of Quaestiones Graecae 32 is Pelopidas 6.1: xaTa6£6oui-.W[!EVOL<;
and intending nothing moderate] (Pel. 5.2). Thus, rulers who recognize
UJtO 't:WV Jt£QL 'Agzl,av xat A£OV't:L6av oM£ Eht<Jm Jt£QL~V cctaAA.ay11V
no measure, whether they be one or several, can accurately be styled nva 1:~<; 1:ugavvi6o<; [[the Thebans], being enslaved to those around
tyrants: eQyC Lev IvQavvovg, 6y'cp 86e o)epaixtovg 6v ag [In deed
Archias and Leontidas, had no hope that they could find any escape from
they were tyrants, in name polemarchs] (Plut. Ages. 24.1).
tyranny]. A little earlier, Plutarch revealed the line of thought that led to
Clearly then, tv9ovvovg is an unnecessary emendation to the text of
Plutarch, because tvoavvWv not only gives clear sense and is supported
such a choice of terminology, calling these men av6g£<; OJ.LyagzL'XOL x,al_
by all of the manuscripts but, considering its rarity compared to oi 'emL
:;tAOU<JLOL xat [!E't:QLOV oU6£v ¢govoiJvn:<; [oligarchical men, wealthy,
Tv tvQvvCwv, is the lectio difficilior as well. Plutarch's source is describ- and intending nothing moderate] (Pel. 5.2). Thus, rulers who recognize
ing not a tyranny at all but a narrow oligarchy like that of Thebes, one
no measure, whether they be one or several, can accurately be styled
that either ruled harshly or is remembered by a hostile tradition. With
tyrants: EQY4l [!EV 't:ugavvoll<;, /,6yu( 6/o Jto!..Ep.agzoll<; ov1:a::; [In deed
this point established, we may discount what seemed a strong reason to
situate the stasis at Miletos in the sixth century.

they were tyrants, in name polemarchs] (Plut. Ages. 24.1).
In this context, certain chronological implications from Herodotos's
Clearly then, 't:UQavvou::; is an unnecessary emendation to the text of
recounting of the stasis must also be considered. As mentioned earlier, the Plutarch, because 't:UQavvwv not only gives clear sense and is supported
context of Herodotos's account of the Parian arbitration is the Milesian-
by all of the manuscripts but, considering its rarity compared toot Jt!oQL
led expedition against Naxos in 499 B.C.E. Herodotos joins the tale to its
1:&v 't:llQUVVWV, is the lectio difficilior as well. Plutarch's source is describ-

context with the expression xay teO0e68 tovtwv [previous to this]
ing not a tyranny at all but a narrow oligarchy like that of Thebes, one
(Hdt. 5.28). The word x0u'ne90e normally has the spatial meaning
"above." Its temporal use is rare, occurring only one other time in Herod-
that either ruled harshly or is remembered by a hostile tradition. With
otos, and that passage is equally vague: at 9.64.2, xa uTev8E is used of this point established, we may discount what seemed a strong reason to
the common ancestors of Pausanias and Leonidas starting at the great-
situate the stasis at Miletos in the sixth century.
grandfather (cTv 6 xaJt,eQ00 o1 ooy6vmWv). Unfortunately, neither
In this context, certain chronological implications from Herodotos's

57. Plut. Pel., esp. 6 and 9; Comp. Pel. et Marc. 1.6; Ages. 24.2; de Gen. 109.576b,
recounting of the stasis must also be considered. As mentioned earlier, the

586d, etc.
context of Herodotos's account of the Parian arbitration is the Milesian-

led expedition against Naxos in 499 B.C.E. Herodotos joins the tale to its
context with the expression xmUJt£Q8£ 6E winwv [previous to thisl
(Hdt. 5.28). The word x,m;umg8£ normally has the spatial meaning
"above." Its temporal use is rare, occurring only one other time in Herod-
otos, and that passage is equally vague: at 9.64.2, ((.a't:UJt£Q8£ is used of
the common ancestors of Pausanias and Leonidas starting at the great-
grandfather (1:wv DE lta't:UJtEQAE ot ngoy6vwv). Unfortunately, neither
57. Plur. Pel., esp. 6 and 9; Camp. Pel. et Marc. 1.6; Ages. 24.2; de Gen. 109.576b,
586d, etc.
passage makes it clear whether the previous time referred to is immediate
or distant. The use of XzUti7m89OE, then, does not rule out either a sixth-
century date or one before Thrasyboulos.

Similarly, Herodotos's concern with Miletos's rise from hard times to
prosperity does not necessitate a sixth-century date for the episode he
passage makes it clear whether the previous time referred to is immediate

or distant. The use of xm:iJJtEQ8E, then, does not rule out either a sixth-
relates. Herodotos establishes the reversal of fortune is one of the domi-
nant themes of his Histories (1.5.3-4).
tofvtov orb dfvu; ryofl3co4cL Fg TO t6 yo~ o il, oyov, 6iio~Wg

century date or one before Thrasyboulos.
o [LLZQU zuL yaJ~a iJ-racLvOroJrV 'm itv. [4] is 70'V To QTO UL
Similarly, Herodotos's concern with Miletos's rise from hard times to
e~y6ocL v, ts mo)Wxc taviOV[LoZix ay~yove, tis 6 FA' F[L8 v15V
prosperity does not necessitate a sixth-century date for the episode he
tLeycJac, Thot8Qov IJV O[LLZQD. iJv &vOoimflflrV 0&V TL'Jrit Lvog
relates. Herodotos establishes the reversal of fortune is one of the domi-

8v6cLL[Lrov~fv oa~6c v 8VtrnUTiitc LVOVcYcLV 8Th1L~VfcO[LL&[LO-
nant themes of his Histories (1.5.3-4).

[Saying this, I will continue further with my story, touching on the
small and the great towns of men alike. [4] For many of those that
were once great are now small, and those that are in my time great
TOlJtOV GY]~t~vac:; JtQO~~Go~m ES cO JtQOGW LOU Aoyov, o~ol,wc:;
were formerly small. And knowing thus that human prosperity does G[HXQCx xat ~Eya/,a &.creta av8gomwv EJtEl;LrJ)V. [4] l:Cx yixg 1:0 JtaAm
not remain long in the same place, I will mention both alike.]
flfYUAa f]v, 1:a JtoHix al'm))v cr~txga yeyovE, 1:a be £rr' E~Eil frv
Coming as it does in the first pages of his work, this statement is clearly
[tEyaf..a, JTQOl:EQOV ~v G[llXQU. l:~V av8QWJtl]LrJV Jw EJTLG'tU~lEVOc:;

cUCaL~lOVLl]V ouba~tix fv c(JJ1)1:0.J ~lEVOlJGav EJTl[lV~Go~m U[l¢0-
thematic. Furthermore, he would reach back as far as necessary to find
evidence to fit his pattern. Witness 1.65.2-66.1 , where Kroisos, about to
launch his campaign against the Persians (ca. 548), has sent to learn
LEQWV o~oiwc:;.
about the value of the Lakedaimonians as possible allies.
[[65.2] Td 6a c-ri TQr9tQVov tc,-ov zcL zuzovoiicb-rtoi 1ciuv

[Saying this, I will continue further with my story, touching on the
Gxe60v m6vtw Efv w v ztai~ta i pc agcvtoiv; zca eVOLGL
small and the great towns of men alike. [4] For many of those that
arQocJolLztoL. WT 3cO~ov 36 d6J6e F; FvoiLriv Avzov9yov TOWv
I~muotLflrtov 6oziLiov &v696; eXOovto; ec AO_ oig ; r -to

were once great are now small, and those that are in my time great
X~fotfQLov, ... [5] 06)g yao E8TQOt9Thvc18 t6aXLCtu, [LEtEitflOi8 to
were formerly small. And knowing thus that human prosperity does
v6~ia iu mvtu ZcL 8 ae aJcL8tVtU [U] ThCLQC3LXLV... [66.1] not remain long in the same place, I will mention both alike.]
oictw [V [eta 3cOovt8; vvo~o a~V... o La 6C Ev t8
&yuO f xaL 7r)fOei ovx 6)1yowV &vbQ6zv, &v& to 69cqov c tf~zu
Coming as it does in the first pages of his work, this statement is clearly
za 8vOevflOflcicv.
thematic. Furthermore, he would reach back as far as necessary to find

[65.2] Still, earlier to these things, they [the Spartans] were the
worst governed of nearly all the Greeks, both in their own affairs
evidence to fit his pattern. Witness 1.65.2-66.1, where Kroisos, about to
launch his campaign against the Persians (ca. 548 ), has sent to learn
about the value of the Lakedaimonians as possible allies.
[[65.2] 1:0 OE En Jtgou:gov co{nwv xat xaxovow1nmm ~crav

GX,EOOV JtUVcWV 'Ef..f..~vwv xma cE cr¢eac:; a\noiJc:; xat l;ELVOLGL
aJtgocr~ELxcm. ~tEcE~af..ov OE 3JOE £c:; EVVOflLrJv· Avxougyov nuv
LJtUQTlrJl:EWV OOXLI-l01J avbgoc:; E/,86vwc:; £c:; i1EA¢oilc:; EJTL 1:0
XQ1W1:~Qtov, ... [5J (he:; yag Eil:Ecg6mvaE 1:axww, ~nEat11 aE 1:a
voflLfl« rravw 1w.t £¢u/.al;E cailw ~t1l Jtaga~aivE tv .. . . [66.1]
oilcw ~lEV flEca~aA6vtec:; El'lvowh811crav, ... ola be EV l:E xwgn
ayaAfi xat JTA~AE"L oux OALywv avbgwv, ava l:E EOQa~ov autLXa
XUL EVflEV~flY]GUV.
[65.2] Still, earlier to these things, they [the Spartans] were the
worst governed of nearly all the Greeks, both in their own affairs
and in their unsociable attitude toward strangers. They were trans-
formed into good government as follows: Lykourgos, an excellent
Spartan man, went to Delphi to consult the Oracle,. . . [5] For

immediately after he took up his office, he both changed all the laws
and guarded them so that they would not be broken.... [66.1]
and in their unsociable attitude toward strangers. They were trans-

formed into good government as follows: Lykourgos, an excellent
Being thus altered, they were well governed, . . . Because of the
good land and the great number of people, they shot up quickly and
flourished.]
Spartan man, went to Delphi to consult the Oracle, ... [5] For
The parallel between this passage and the story of the Parion arbitration
immediately after he took up his office, he both changed all the laws
are clear and instructive.58 In both, the focus is on present prosperity and
and guarded them so that they would not be broken .... [66.1]
military potential, prosperity arose out of a troubled past, and prosperity
Being thus altered, they were well governed, . . . Because of the

good land and the great number of people, they shot up quickly and
is brought about by a single fundamental reorganization of the govern-
ment. Significantly, the two stories are set in an unspecified past time
indicated by a single adverbial phrase (t6 6 n ti 6teov to twv and

flourished.]
xa JteQ68 6 to~twv): in the case of the legendary Lykourgos, the tem-
poral setting is clearly several centuries before the embassy sent by
The parallel between this passage and the story of the Parion arbitration
are clear and instructive. 58 In both, the focus is on present prosperity and
Kroisos. Herodotos found a lengthy interval of time no obstacle to the
juxtaposition of cause and effect, and recognizing Herodotos's narrative
pattern, we see that an earlier date for the Parian arbitration is by no

military potential, prosperity arose out of a troubled past, and prosperity
means excluded by the text.
is brought about by a single fundamental reorganization of the govern-
We can and should redate the Milesian stasis and the Parian arbitra-
ment. Significantly, the two stories are set in an unspecified past time
tion to the period before the tyranny of Thrasyboulos. After the Neleid
indicated by a single adverbial phrase (1:0 o£ lin JtQO"tEQOV w{nwv and

xa"tUJtEQ8E 6£ LOU"twv): in the case of the legendary Lykourgos, the tem-
monarchy had run its course during the Dark Ages, whether over a few
decades or over a few centuries, a hereditary oligarchy of some sort was
established at Miletos, led by an eponymous prytany. That government

poral setting is clearly several centuries before the embassy sent by
concluded with the harsh rule of those who were colleagues with Thoas
Kroisos. Herodotos found a lengthy interval of time no obstacle to the
and Damasenor. After them, a long period of unrest followed, during
juxtaposition of cause and effect, and recognizing Herodotos's narrative
which prolonged and savage civil strife racked the city, to be settled
pattern, we see that an earlier date for the Parian arbitration is by no

eventually by a delegation of Parians, who inaugurated a new oligarchy
means excluded by the text.

whose power rested in the hands not of a hereditary nobility but of a
broader base of landowners.

We can and should redate the Milesian stasis and the Parian arbitra-
The dating of these events cannot be fixed with precision, but a likely
tion to the period before the tyranny of Thrasyboulos. After the Neleid
time for them is the eighth and seventh centuries B.C.E. Around the monarchy had run its course during the Dark Ages, whether over a few
middle of the seventh century, Paros was enjoying a period of prosperity,
decades or over a few centuries, a hereditary oligarchy of some sort was

as demonstrated by the poetry of Archilochos and the colonization of
established at Miletos, led by an eponymous prytany. That government

58. I am indebted to both Richard Billows and Robert Gorman for independently sug-
concluded with the harsh rule of those who were colleagues with Thoas
gesting this parallel.
and Damasenor. After them, a long period of unrest followed, during

which prolonged and savage civil strife racked the city, to be settled
eventually by a delegation of Parians, who inaugurated a new oligarchy
whose power rested in the hands not of a hereditary nobility but of a
broader base of landowners.
The dating of these events cannot be fixed with precision, but a likely
time for them is the eighth and seventh centuries B.C.E. Around the
middle of the seventh century, Paras was enjoying a period of prosperity,
as demonstrated by the poetry of Archilochos and the colonization of
58. I am indebted to both Richard Billows and Robert Gorman for independently sug-
gesting this parallel.
Thasos. In addition, the resulting Milesian prosperity emphasized by
Herodotos correlates well with the great explosion in colonization that
Miletos experienced, beginning possibly in the mid-eighth century and

really taking off in the final third of the seventh.59 Thus, the new oligar-
chy continued stably until the end of the seventh century, when Thrasy-
Thasos. In addition, the resulting Milesian prosperity emphasized by

Herodotos correlates well with the great explosion in colonization that
boulos emerged as tyrant, perhaps as a direct result of the Lydian threat
(he might have used the prytany as a means to absolute power). After his
tyranny ended, perhaps with the conclusion of the external threat, the
Miletos experienced, beginning possibly in the mid-eighth century and
oligarchy would have resumed ruling until ca. 540, when a new govern-
really taking off in the final third of the seventh. 59 Thus, the new oligar-
ment reorganization occurred.60 This reorganization should probably be
chy continued stably until the end of the seventh century, when Thrasy-
associated with the establishment of a new tyranny at Miletos, a form of
houlos emerged as tyrant, perhaps as a direct result of the Lydian threat

government that was to last some forty years. Whether one-man rule was
(he might have used the prytany as a means to absolute power). After his
initiated by the Persians in their conquest of lonia, or whether some
enterprising Milesian recognized in the Lydian and then Persian presence

tyranny ended, perhaps with the conclusion of the external threat, the
an opportunity for self-advancement, we cannot know. But it is especially
oligarchy would have resumed ruling until ca. 540, when a new govern-
in the context of tyranny that it makes sense to transform the eponymous ment reorganization occurred. 60 This reorganization should probably be
official from the prytany, a politically powerful office, to a priesthood
associated with the establishment of a new tyranny at Miletos, a form of

with no known political powers: a tyrant does not abide rivals, whereas
government that was to last some forty years. Whether one-man rule was
in an oligarchy, the power of the eponym could be considerable.
The External Threat

initiated by the Persians in their conquest of Ionia, or whether some
The government of Miletos faced increasingly difficult challenges as the
enterprising Milesian recognized in the Lydian and then Persian presence
Archaic period progressed. Earlier, during the Dark Ages, the Anatolian an opportunity for self-advancement, we cannot know. But it is especially
interior was occupied by relatively disorganized peoples who posed little
in the context of tyranny that it makes sense to transform the eponymous
threat to the lonians, so the contacts that Miletos did have with
official from the prytany, a politically powerful office, to a priesthood

the interior seem to have been primarily commercial and relatively peace-
ful. The exception to the pattern, the Phrygians held sway far inland, in
with no known political powers: a tyrant does not abide rivals, whereas
59. It is possible that some of the first colonies were sent out as a result of the civil strife
in an oligarchy, the power of the eponym could be considerable.
and that only after the strife was settled and the economic advantages of the original
colonies were demonstrated did the Milesians realize their financial potential and become
the great colonizing power.
60. There must have been a return to oligarchy in this period, or else we are left to
The External Threat
speculate how Miletos could have been ruled by a tyranny for more than a century (ca.
605-499) without comment in a single extant author. Once the theory of stasis is removed,
The government of Miletos faced increasingly difficult challenges as the

we are left assuming a traditional oligarchy by default. As a comparison, Thucydides
Archaic period progressed. Earlier, during the Dark Ages, the Anatolian
himself (1.13) jumps directly from monarchy to tyranny, and people generally just explain
away this leap (e.g., Gomme ad loc.). But Athens gives a well-documented, clear example of
interior was occupied by relatively disorganized peoples who posed little
threat to the Ionians, so the contacts that Miletos did have with
aristocratic or oligarchic rule between traditional kings and tyrants.
the interior seem to have been primarily commercial and relatively peace-
ful. The exception to the pattern, the Phrygians held sway far inland, in
59. It is possible that some of the first colonies were sent out as a result of the civil strife
and that only after the strife was settled and the economic advantages of the original
colonies were demonstrated did the Milesians realize their financial potential and become
the great colonizing power.
60. There must have been a return to oligarchy in this period, or else we are left to
speculate how Miletos could have been ruled by a tyranny for more than a century (ca.
605-499) without comment in a single extant author. Once the theory of stasis is removed,
we are left assuming a traditional oligarchy by default. As a comparison, Thucydides
himself (1.13) jumps directly from monarchy to tyranny, and people generally just explain
away this leap (e.g., Gomme ad lac.). Bur Athens gives a well-documented, clear example of
aristocratic or oligarchic rule between traditional kings and tyrants.
east-central Asia Minor, and with the rise in the seventh century of the
powerful Lydian Empire to the west of the Phrygians, Milesian sover-
eignty suddenly came under attack. For the rest of the Archaic period, a
principal concern of Milesian policy would be to maintain an indepen-
dent position in the face of the increasing pressure felt from the growing
east-central Asia Minor, and with the rise in the seventh century of the
powerful Lydian Empire to the west of the Phrygians, Milesian sover-
powers of the East.
According to Herodotos, the Milesians faced their first real peril from
King Gyges (ca. 680-645), the founder of the Mermnad dynasty in Lydia.
eignty suddenly came under attack. For the rest of the Archaic period, a
He attacked Miletos and Smyrna, presumably unsuccessfully, and cap-
principal concern of Milesian policy would be to maintain an indepen-
tured Kolophon (Hdt. 1.14.4). He may have reached some kind of agree-
dent position in the face of the increasing pressure felt from the growing
ment with the Milesians, because that same Gyges is said to have allowed
powers of the East.

According to Herodotos, the Milesians faced their first real peril from
Miletos to colonize Abydos in his territory on the Troad (Str. 13.1.22).
Gyges met his death at the hands of the Kimmerian invaders in Asia
Minor, who went on to burn the Lydian capital at Sardis (Hdt. 1.15). His
King Gyges (ca. 680-645), the founder of the Mermnad dynasty in Lydia.
son and successor, Ardys, attacked Miletos and seized nearby Priene.
He attacked Miletos and Smyrna, presumably unsuccessfully, and cap-
Little is said of Ardys's son, Sadyattes, except that he invaded Miletos tured Kolophon (Hdt. 1.14.4). He may have reached some kind of agree-
regularly. The next king, Alyattes (ca. 610-560), was an active general: he
ment with the Milesians, because that same Gyges is said to have allowed
fought the Medes, expelled the Kimmerians, captured Smyrna, attacked
Miletos to colonize Abydos in his territory on the Troad (Str. 13.1.22).

Klazomenai, and continued the ancestral war on Miletos (Hdt. 1.16-22).
In this latter enterprise, he invaded Milesian territory every year, plunder-

Gyges met his death at the hands of the Kimmerian invaders in Asia
ing the trees and crops before retiring. These raids continued for twelve
Minor, who went on to burn the Lydian capital at Sardis (Hdt. 1.15). His
years in all, six under Sadyattes and six under Alyattes.61 son and successor, Ardys, attacked Miletos and seized nearby Priene.
Herodotos makes the claim that TI; yaf0 Oc0OCcoro g oL Mt)hcltoi
Little is said of Ardys's son, Sadyattes, except that he invaded Miletos
88exZ9Leov, 6cote ei ;g 1itl Eiivca yov tfi cOt ctfi [the Milesians had
regularly. The next king, Alyattes (ca. 610-560), was an active general: he
mastery over the sea, so that a proper siege would be futile for his
[Alyattes's] army] (Hdt. 1.17.3). His statement implies that Miletos must
fought the Medes, expelled the Kimmerians, captured Smyrna, attacked
have been protected by land as well, a conclusion that is verified by the digs
Klazomenai, and continued the ancestral war on Miletos (Hdt. 1.16-22).
on the south slope of Kalabaktepe. While no part of the sea wall running In this latter enterprise, he invaded Milesian territory every year, plunder-
around the city peninsula dates before the late sixth century, archaeologists
ing the trees and crops before retiring. These raids continued for twelve
have found on the south slope of Kalabaktepe the remains of a fortification
years in all, six under Sadyattes and six under Alyattes. 61

Herodotos makes the claim that tf]c; yag 8aA,cwm1c; ot MLA,~mm
wall built shortly after 650 B.C.E. They presume that this land wall must
£m;xgauov, o)atE EJtE6QT]c; !!~ Elvm EQyov rfj atgatL11 [the Milesians had
have extended from the east shore through the Lion and Sacred Gates,
down to the south slope of Kalabaktepe, and then over to the west coast.
This extension from shore to shore cut off the city by land.62 mastery over the sea, so that a proper siege would be futile for his
61. The tradition preserved by Herodotos is open to charges at least of exaggeration,
[Alyattes's] army] (Hdt. 1.17.3). His statement implies that Miletos must
based on the theory that he is using these incidents to allude to events of his own day, when
have been protected by land as well, a conclusion that is verified by the digs
on the south slope of Kalabaktepe. While no part of the sea wall running
the Lakedaimonians were regularly invading Attika. See Moles 1996; Raaflaub 1987.
62. Milet 1.8.116-17; Milet 2.3.9-10, 118-20 (where it was thought to be a circuit
around Kalabaktepe); esp. Miller-Wiener 1986a, 95-97; Graeve and Senff 1990; Graeve
around the city peninsula dates before the late sixth century, archaeologists
and Senff 1991; Cobet 1997.
have found on the south slope of Kalabaktepe the remains of a fortification
wall built shortly after 650 n.c.E. They presume that this land wall must
have extended from the east shore through the Lion and Sacred Gates,
down to the south slope of Kalabaktepe, and then over to the west coast.
This extension from shore to shore cut off the city by land.62
61. The tradition preserved by Herodotos is open to charges at least of exaggeration,

based on the theory that he is using these incidents to allude to events of his own day, when
the Lakedaimonians were regularly invading Attika. See Moles 1996; Raaflaub 1987.
62. Milet 1.8.116-17; Milet 2.3.9-10, 118-20 (where it was thought to be a circuit
around Kalabaktepe); esp. Muller-Wiener 1986a, 95-97; Graeve and Senff 1990; Graeve
and Senff 1991; Cobet 1997.
According to Herodotos, peace between Miletos and Lydia arose in an
odd fashion. During the twelfth year of the invasions, ca. 605 B.C.E.,
Lydians who were burning crops accidentally set fire to a temple of Athena
in the town of Assessos in Milesian territory.63 Soon afterward, the king fell
very sick, and on applying to the Oracle at Delphi for healing, he was re-
According to Herodotos, peace between Miletos and Lydia arose in an

odd fashion. During the twelfth year of the invasions, ca. 605 B.C.E.,
fused any answer until he rebuilt Athena's temple. Alyattes decided to sue
for a temporary truce, so that he could rebuild the temple without harass-
ment. In a story that bears the marks of a folktale, his heralds were received
Lydians who were burning crops accidentally set fire to a temple of Athena
by the tyrant Thrasyboulos. Although the city was suffering greatly from
in the town of Assessos in Miles ian territory. 63 Soon afterward, the king fell
the annual forays on their local grain supply, Thrasyboulos schemed to
very sick, and on applying to the Oracle at Delphi for healing, he was re-
have all of the city's supplies brought out to a big public banquet, so that
fused any answer until he rebuilt Athena's temple. Alyattes decided to sue
the heralds would see a city at ease, enjoying no great inconvenience from
for a temporary truce, so that he could rebuild the temple without harass-
the Lydian raids. When these things were reported back to Alyattes, he was
so disheartened that he abandoned his idea of a temporary truce and

ment. In a story that bears the marks of a folktale, his heralds were received
agreed to a permanent peace. Herodotos reports (1.22.4),
by the tyrant Thrasyboulos. Although the city was suffering greatly from
[e ta 6e j i i -re&XX6 fi] oi &veto e' 6W -r e vovg &XXfiXoLGL the annual forays on their local grain supply, Thrasyboulos schemed to
etva t xa claov;xon, zxa b6o te &v - v6 vnoi tfi 'AO8vait
have all of the city's supplies brought out to a big public banquet, so that
oiob6Yfos 6 'AXva tit v tfi 'Acici , t6o 6 Te e i 'vo3Thov
the heralds would see a city at ease, enjoying no great inconvenience from
[Afterward there was a reconciliation between them on the terms
that they would be friends [xeinoi] and allies [symmachoi], and

the Lydian raids. When these things were reported back to Alyattes, he was
Alyattes built two temples in place of the one in Assessos, and he
so disheartened that he abandoned his idea of a temporary truce and
recovered his health.] agreed to a permanent peace. Herodotos reports (1.22.4),
Thus Miletos became a friend and ally on equal footing with the Lydian
!lEta bi: ~ tE btaHayfl aqn E(CVEtO b;' ~ tE 1;dvov<; a/,A~/,mm

king. However, this status was not to last under the next Lydian king,
Kroisos (ca. 560-546). Herodotos says, r&o 6o ti~g KQoLov a9Xfl
6aveg E)W veg Youv 8e'5OeQot [Before the rule of Kroisos, all the
rlvm xal awwJ.xov<;, xal b'Uo tE avt[ £vo<; V110V£ tll 'A811vatn
Greeks were free] (Hdt. 1.6.3), but Kroisos took lonia along with the rest otxo66~-tY]OE 6 'AA1JUttY]<; EV tfj 'ACJCJY]CJ0, autO£ tE EX tfl£ VOUCJ01J
of western Anatolia, by conquest: xo6vov 6E 8 Ttyevo Lvov xa xate-
CxVfCJTY].
cJoTQUIVOV yXebOv 6av-rojv TO v v-6og; 'AXvog mo t toff oLxrfitvOv"
[in the course of time, nearly all the peoples west of the river Halys had
been subdued] (Hdt. 1.28). The terms of the subjection are not delineated
[Afterward there was a reconciliation between them on the terms
in our sources, but lonia certainly owed a financial tribute to its new that they would be friends [xeinoi] and allies [s ymmachoi], and
master (Hdt. 1.6.2, 27.1), and it probably took part in his military levy as
Alyattes built two temples in place of the one in Assessos, and he
63. For physical confirmation of the part of the story dealing with Assessos, see chap. 5.
recovered his health.]
Thus Miletos became a friend and ally on equal footing with the Lydian
king. However, this status was not to last under the next Lydian king,
Kroisos (ca. 560-546). Herodotos says, ngo 6£ tll£ Kgoioov agxfj<;
:;ravtE; ''EAAY]VE; ~aav EAEU8EQOL [Before the rule of Kroisos, all the
Greeks were free] (Hdt. 1.6.3), but Kroisos took Ionia along with the rest
of western Anatolia, by conquest: xg6vov 6£ bnyc:vOf!EVOlJ xal xm:E-
CJTQCI:f!f!EV(JJV axc:6ov Jtav,;(JJv twv !ivto; "AI,vo; notaf!oil otxYJf!EV(JJv·
[in the course of time, nearly all the peoples west of the river Halys had
been subdued] (Hdt. 1.28). The terms of the subjection are not delineated
in our sources, but Ionia certainly owed a financial tribute to its new
master (Hdt. 1.6.2, 27.1), and it probably took part in his military levy as
63. For physical confirmation of the part of the story dealing with Assessos, see chap. 5.
well.64 Nothing in Herodotos states directly that Kroisos changed the
terms of the existing treaty with Miletos; the historian simply says that
Kroisos conquered each Ionian city in turn and forced lonia to pay tribute.
There are no exceptions mentioned, and it is unlikely that the man who
conquered all of western Asia would allow a prosperous commercial cen-
well. 64 Nothing in Herodotos states directly that Kroisos changed the

terms of the existing treaty with Miletos; the historian simply says that
ter in the midst of his holdings to avoid taxation. Miletos must be consid-
ered a tribute-paying ally by that time. However, Lydian control of Miletos
did not last long: Kroisos soon moved to expand his empire to the east.
Kroisos conquered each Ionian city in turn and forced Ionia to pay tribute.
When he turned against the Persian king, Cyrus, Kroisos could manage
There are no exceptions mentioned, and it is unlikely that the man who
only a draw. He returned to Sardis and dispersed his troops for the winter,
conquered all of western Asia would allow a prosperous commercial cen-
but Cyrus boldly followed, and the suddenness of his attack led to the
ter in the midst of his holdings to avoid taxation. Miletos must he consid-
capture of Sardis and the conquest of Lydia (ca. 547 B.C.E.).65
ered a tribute-paying ally by that time. However, Lydian control of Miletos

During his war with Lydia, Cyrus had sought to convince the lonians
to defect to the Persian side. The lonians were not persuaded-an indica-
did not last long: Kroisos soon moved to expand his empire to the east.
tion that they did not find Kroisos's rule too onerous or that they feared
When he turned against the Persian king, Cyrus, Kroisos could manage
worse from the Persians-and, as a consequence, they now faced the only a draw. He returned to Sardis and dispersed his troops for the winter,
anger of the Great King (Hdt. 1.76.3). When, after the fall of Sardis, the
but Cyrus boldly followed, and the suddenness of his attack led to the
lonians sent to Cyrus asking to submit on the same terms as they had
capture of Sardis and the conquest of Lydia (ca. 547 R.C.R.).65

received from Kroisos, the Persian refused. Under threat of attack, the
cities of lonia met together at the Panionion to decide their response.

During his war with Lydia, Cyrus had sought to convince the Ionians
The Ionian League, or the Panionion, apparently created as a reflec-
to defect to the Persian side. The Ionians were not persuaded-an indica-
tion of the ethnic and cultural unity of the Ionian people, was a religious tion that they did not find Kroisos's rule too onerous or that they feared
association that dated perhaps as early as the ninth century: certainly it
worse from the Persians-and, as a consequence, they now faced the
was well established by the seventh. The name Panionion was also given
anger of the Great King (Hdt. 1.76.3). When, after the fall of Sardis, the
to its meeting place on Mount Mykale, as described by Herodotos
(1.148.1).
Ionians sent to Cyrus asking to submit on the same terms as they had
To6 6 Hyvtcivt6v o" trifg MvxaX1;g X5og gLo;, 6og u~xtov
received from Kroisos, the Persian refused. Under threat of attack, the
tetgacLeIlvog, xotvfi uaOutr vog n6o'Ivwv Hocosti6ovtL Et- cities of Ionia met together at the Panionion to decide their response.
zwvkp 1 6' Mvxz6 o~ c-r tif ' 117U L~f Q~; pv
The Ionian League, or the Panionion, apparently created as a reflec-
veiov xaz xoVui a loc w , , ;g FPv vov)y6oVevot &no tJv mo'lawv
tion of the ethnic and cultural unity of the Ionian people, was a religious
"Iv8g y8yeoxov 6o tilv, tfi v Ovo oVvo aL HavtWvta.
association that dated perhaps as early as the ninth century: certainly it

[The Panionion is a sacred place on Mount Mykale, on the north
slope, chosen in common by the lonians for Poseidon Helikonios.

was well established by the seventh. The name Panionion was also given
64. The evidence is ambiguous and may refer instead to mercenary troops. At Hdt. to its meeting place on Mount Mykale, as described by Herodotos
1.77.4, Kroisos dismisses his army, ;g iv aro ~SetvEx6g. EestvEx6g can mean "allied," as at
(1.148.1).
Thuc. 7.42, but the usual meaning is "mercenary" (LSJ s.v. evtxog meaning 2).
65. Cook 1985, 210-14.
•o bE IlavLoJVLov Ecru •flc:; MuxaAYJ<; xwgoc:; tg6c:;, ;rgoc:; &.gxwv

•nga~t!lEvoc:;,xmvfj El;aQaLQlWEVO<; uno 'loJVwv IlocrELOEWVL 'EAL-
xwvlo!. ~ bE Muxat,ll E(Jl:L •flc:; ~m:lgou UXQY] JtQOc:; sE¢ugov
UVE!lOV xat~xouoa LCt~Hp, E<; TllV ou/-}.qo!lEVOL aJto TWV Jtof.lwv
'1wvE<; ayEOY.OV OQT~V, t'fi E8EVTO OVVO!la TiaVLWVLa.
[The Panionion is a sacred place on Mount Mykale, on the north

slope, chosen in common by the Ionians for Poseidon Helikonios.
64. The evidence is ambiguous and may refer instead to mercenary troops. At Hdt.
1.77.4, Kroisos dismisses his army, o<;~v oo!toiJ 1;ELVLXO<;. :=:nvtx6~ can mean "allied," as at
Thuc. 7.42, bur the usual meaning is "mercenary" (LSJ s.v. !;evtx6<; meaning 2).
65. Cook 1985, 210- 14.
And Mykale is a peninsula of the mainland projecting out to the
west toward Samos, and in this place the lonians from the cities
gather and are accustomed to celebrating the festival that is called

Panionia.]
The site of the festival was found at Melie in the middle of the twentieth
And Mykale is a peninsula of the mainland projecting out to the

west toward Samos, and in this place the Ionians from the cities
century, about 17 km. south of modern Kusadasi. For this festival, the
Prienians probably supplied the priests, but because Samos and Priene
fought repeatedly over the site, the festival was moved before the mid-
gather and are accustomed to celebrating the festival that is called
fifth century to a location near Ephesos. The list of members admits some
Panionia.]
small variation but is usually restricted to these twelve: Miletos, Myous,
Priene, Ephesos, Kolophon, Lebedos, Teos, Klazomenai, Phokaia, Samos,
The site of the festival was found at Melie in the middle of the twentieth
century, about 17 km. south of modern Kusadasi. For this festival, the
Chios, and Erythrai (Hdt. 1.142-48).66
The Panionion was not originally a political or military organization:
when the Lydians were attacking the cities of Asia Minor, there was no
Prienians probably supplied the priests, but because Samos and Priene
sign of any collective response.67 Miletos, Kolophon, Priene, and Klazo-
fought repeatedly over the site, the festival was moved before the mid-
menai were individually attacked by the predecessors of Kroisos. In the
fifth century to a location near Ephesos. The list of members admits some
case of Miletos, only Chios came to its aid, and this because Miletos had
small variation but is usually restricted to these twelve: Miletos, Myous,

Priene, Ephesos, Kolophon, Lebedos, Teos, Klazomenai, Phokaia, Samos,
previously assisted the Chians in a war against Erythrai (Hdt. 1.14.4-22,
esp. 1.18.3). Kroisos attacked Ephesos and then each of the Ionian and
Aeolian cities individually (Hdt. 1.26.3). The weakness inherent in dis-

Chios, and Erythrai (Hdt. 1.142-48).66
unity did not escape Herodotos, who records a conversation among the
The Panionion was not originally a political or military organization:
lonians in which Thales of Miletos, one of the Seven Sages, suggests that when the Lydians were attacking the cities of Asia Minor, there was no
they form a common government at a central location, the city of Teos.
sign of any collective response. 67 Miletos, Kolophon, Priene, and Klazo-

Thales probably never proposed this scheme: the speech fits too neatly
menai were individually attacked by the predecessors of Kroisos. In the

into the pattern of Herodotean "wise adviser" speeches, which serve the
narrative function of giving useful advice that will be disregarded.68 It

case of Miletos, only Chios came to its aid, and this because Miletos had
does suggest that Herodotos believed that the best course was to unite:
previously assisted the Chians in a war against Erythrai (Hdt. 1.14.4-22,
they could have experienced a synoikism and become a politically unified esp. 1.18.3 ). Kroisos attacked Ephesos and then each of the Ionian and
Ionian state, but this unprecedented step was not appealing to the
Aeolian cities individually (Hdt. 1.26.3 ). The weakness inherent in dis-
independent-minded poleis. Nowhere did the lonians act together until
unity did not escape Herodotos, who records a conversation among the
Cyrus refused to give them terms and the lonians met at the Panionion to
66. PECS 671 (site); Str. 8.7.2, 14.1.20; D.S. 15.49.1. Cf. Thuc. 3.104; IvPriene #35.
Ionians in which Thales of Miletos, one of the Seven Sages, suggests that
Kleiner, Hommel, and Miiller-Wiener (1967, 6-9, 91-93) argue that the Ionian League
they form a common government at a central location, the city of Teos.
probably existed in some form by the time of the ca. 700 B.C.E. destruction of Melie (Vitr. Thales probably never proposed this scheme: the speech fits too neatly
4.1; IvPriene #37). Cf. Tausend 1992, 90-95; Cook 1962, 803; Roebuck 1959, 9-10;
into the pattern of Herodotean "wise adviser" speeches, which serve the
Roebuck 1955; Lenschau 1944; Caspari 1915; Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1906a.
narrative function of giving useful advice that will be disregarded.68 It

67. Lateiner 1982, 132-34 (religious); Roebuck 1955, 26 (nonreligious); Caspari 1915
(political).
does suggest that Herodotos believed that the best course was to unite:
68. Lattimore 1939; Lang 1968, 29-30; Lang 1984, 55.
they could have experienced a synoikism and become a politically unified
Ionian state, but this unprecedented step was not appealing to the
independent-minded poleis. Nowhere did the Tonians act together until
Cyrus refused to give them terms and the Ionians met at the Panionion to
66. PECS 671 (site); Str. 8.7.2, 14.1.20; D.S. 15.49.1. Cf. Thuc. 3.104; IvPriene #35.
Kleiner, Hommel, and Muller-Wiener (1967, 6-9, 91-93) argue that the Ionian League
probably existed in some form by the time of the ca. 700 B.C.E. destruction of Melie (Vitr.
4.1; IvPriene #37). Cf. Tausend 1992, 90-95; Cook 1962, 803; Roebuck 1959, 9-10;
Roebuck 1955; Lenschau 1944; Caspari 1915; Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1906a.
67. Lateiner 1982, 132-34 (religious); Roebuck 1955, 26 (nonreligious); Caspari 1915
(political).
68. Lattimore 1939; Lang 1968, 29- 30; Lang 1984, 55.
decide what to do. Even then, they did not present a united front, because
the Milesians did not attend the meeting. Miletos had made a separate
peace with the Persians: for unspecified reasons, Cyrus granted to

Miletos alone the terms they had enjoyed under Kroisos. Thus, the
Milesians were satisfied and refused to take part in the Panionian council
decide what to do. Even then, they did not present a united front, because
the Milesians did not attend the meeting. Miletos had made a separate
(Hdt. 1.141-52). Deeply disadvantaged by the loss of its leading mem-
ber, the league nevertheless resolved to send envoys to Sparta to beg for
military aid, which was never produced.

peace with the Persians: for unspecified reasons, Cyrus granted to
Despite its efforts, the Panionion was a complete failure as a political or
Miletos alone the terms they had enjoyed under Kroisos. Thus, the
military organization. The cities of lonia faced Cyrus individually, and
Milesians were satisfied and refused to take part in the Panionian council
each fell in turn. The Persians reduced all of lonia except Miletos, with its
(Hdt. 1.141-52). Deeply disadvantaged by the loss of its leading mem-

ber, the league nevertheless resolved to send envoys to Sparta to beg for
favorable terms, and Teos and Phokaia, whose inhabitants fled rather than
be subjugated-the Teians to refound their failed Thracian colony,
Abdera, and the Phokaians to the far west (Hdt. 1.161-69).69 It is re-
military aid, which was never produced.
ported that the islanders were so afraid that they surrendered as well (Hdt.
Despite its efforts, the Panionion was a complete failure as a political or
1.169.2), but this statement-if accurate-can only refer to the islands military organization. The cities of Ionia faced Cyrus individually, and
immediately off the coast, such as Leros and the other small islands in
each fell in turn. The Persians reduced all of Ionia except Miletos, with its
Milesian territory. The Persians had no fleet to speak of, and large islands
favorable terms, and Teos and Phokaia, whose inhabitants fled rather than
like Samos and Chios are unlikely to have felt intimidated into surrender-
ing their freedom without a direct threat.70 The more distant of the
be subjugated-the Teians to refound their failed Thracian colony,
Kyklades were entirely uninvolved.
Abdera, and the Phokaians to the far west (Hdt. 1.161-69).69 It is re-
Although its individual members were defeated, Herodotos tells us ported that the islanders were so afraid that they surrendered as well (Hdt.
that the Ionian League continued to meet (1.170.1). That Cyrus allowed
1.169.2), but this statement-if accurate-can only refer to the islands
them to do so is the final, conclusive sign that the league was first and
immediately off the coast, such as Leros and the other small islands in
foremost religious in nature. Cyrus had a policy of promoting religious
institutions in the conquered territories,71 but he was not likely to tolerate

Milesian territory. The Persians had no fleet to speak of, and large islands
a political organization that might stand as a threat to his mastery of
like Samos and Chios are unlikely to have felt intimidated into surrender-
lonia. Of course, the lonians probably still used these meetings to talk ing their freedom without a direct threatJO The more distant of the
about the problem posed by the Persians: one story, which may well be
Kyklades were entirely uninvolved.
false-it features the "wise adviser" motif again-recounts a gathering
Although its individual members were defeated, Herodotos tells us

after the Persian conquest, when Bias of Priene is supposed to have sug-
that the Ionian League continued to meet (1.170.1 ). That Cyrus allowed
gested that the only way the lonians would ever regain their freedom
69. Demand 1990, 34-44.

them to do so is the final, conclusive sign that the league was first and
70. The islanders may not even have participated in the Panionion meetings against foremost religious in nature. Cyrus had a policy of promoting religious
Cyrus, since they may not have felt too threatened by this land power. Samos was probably
institutions in the conquered territories/1 but he was not likely to tolerate
attacked in the 540s, along with the rest of lonia, but it was not taken until after the death
a political organization that might stand as a threat to his mastery of

of Polykrates in 522, when the Persians helped Syloson obtain the tyranny there. According
Ionia. Of course, the Ionians probably still used these meetings to talk
to Herodotos (3.149), they handed it over to Syloson after they had swept the island clean
of people, in a process like gathering fish into a net. See Shipley 1987, 78-90.
about the problem posed by the Persians: one story, which may well be
71. Wiesehofer 1987; Cook 1983, 41.
false-it features the "wise adviser" motif again-recounts a gathering
after the Persian conquest, when Bias of Priene is supposed to have sug-
gested that the only way the Ionians would ever regain their freedom
69. Demand 1990, 34-44.

70. The islanders may not even have participated in the Panionion meetings against
Cyrus, since they may not have felt too threatened by this land power. Samos was probably
attacked in the 540s, along with the rest of Ionia, but it was not taken until after the death
ofPolykrates in 522, when the Persians helped Syloson obtain the tyranny there. According
to Herodotus (3.149), they handed it over to Syloson after they had swept the island clean
of people, in a process like gathering fish into a net. See Shipley 1987, 78-90.
71. WiesehOfer 1987; Cook 1983,41.
would be to stage a mass migration of all lonians to Sicily, a proposal
Herodotos praises very highly (Hdt. 1.170.2). However, no remedy was
ever taken, and the Panionion remained politically impotent.

As part of the Persian Empire, the Ionian cities, and so also Miletos,
were subject to the wishes of the Great King, but in its early days his
would be to stage a mass migration of all Ionians to Sicily, a proposal

Herodotos praises very highly (Hdt. 1.170.2). However, no remedy was
empire was not well organized. Certainly it seems that Cyrus preferred to
rule through his own governors rather than through vassals, although
those governors were not necessarily Persian. However, both Cyrus and
ever taken, and the Panionion remained politically impotent.
his immediate successor, Kambyses, were so consumed by nearly unceas-
As part of the Persian Empire, the Ionian cities, and so also Miletos,
ing wars of conquest from Thrace to Egypt that they had little time for
were subject to the wishes of the Great King, but in its early days his
real administration, leaving the door open for local corruption and
empire was not well organized. Certainly it seems that Cyrus preferred to
rule through his own governors rather than through vassals, although
opposition. Subsequently, the Persian king Dareios changed all that. He
came to the throne through a military coup in 522, and initially he too
faced constant war: he boasts about having defeated nineteen enemies

those governors were not necessarily Persian. However, both Cyrus and
and captured nine kings all in the space of a single year. After his famed
his immediate successor, Kambyses, were so consumed by nearly unceas-
expedition against the Skythians in ca. 513, Dareios settled down in a ing wars of conquest from Thrace to Egypt that they had little time for
period of comparative peace.72
real administration, leaving the door open for local corruption and
At some point in his reign, Dareios reformed the organization of Per-
opposition. Subsequently, the Persian king Dareios changed all that. He

sian rule; it may have occurred immediately after he took the throne, as
Herodotos reports, or as late as 493 B.C.E., when lonia was reassessed

came to the throne through a military coup in 522, and initially he too
after the Ionian Revolt (Hdt. 6.43).73 Dareios's reorganization consisted
faced constant war: he boasts about having defeated nineteen enemies
of a redivision of the satrapies, splitting up some and joining together and captured nine kings all in the space of a single year. After his famed
others along traditional ethnic or national lines, and the determination of
expedition against the Skythians in ca. 513, Dareios settled down in a
a fixed tribute based on the productive capacity of the region. He ap-
period of comparative peace.72

pointed a governor for each satrapy, usually a high Persian official and
often a relative of the Great King himself. This satrap was responsible to
At some point in his reign, Dareios reformed the organization of Per-
the king for the payment of the annual tribute, the raising of military
sian rule; it may have occurred immediately after he took the throne, as
levies, the administration of justice, security, and the entertainment of Herodotos reports, or as late as 493 B.C.E., when Ionia was reassessed
visiting Persian nobility.74 There was no uniform administrative organiza-
after the Ionian Revolt (Hdt. 6.43 ).73 Dareios's reorganization consisted
tion within the various satrapies; rather, each was governed in a way best
of a redivision of the satrapies, splitting up some and joining together

72. Cook 1983, 41-42 (governors), 56 (Dareios).
others along traditional ethnic or national lines, and the determination of

73. Even before Dareios, the Persian Empire was split into administrative units called
satrapies by the Persians and archai by the Greeks, and each satrapy was ruled by a satrap
a fixed tribute based on the productive capacity of the region. He ap-
or archon. See Kuhrt 1988, 130-32; Young 1988, 87-91. pointed a governor for each satrapy, usually a high Persian official and
74. The allied payment of tribute and military service both date back at least to
often a relative of the Great King himself. This satrap was responsible to
Kambyses, because on his death, a pretender to the throne declared a three years' remission
the king for the payment of the annual tribute, the raising of military
of military service and tribute ( &rXeeLv vEvaL orggl'y xct ~ ov ' v et rtc L), thus
levies, the administration of justice, security, and the entertainment of

earning popularity with all the subjects under his rule except the Persians (Hdt. 3.67.3). For
the reorganization in general, see the larger discussions in Cook 1983, 167-82; Cook 1985,
visiting Persian nobility. 74 There was no uniform administrative organiza-
267-77; Petit 1985; Harris 1971, 95-96; Cameron 1973.
tion within the various satrapies; rather, each was governed in a way best
72. Cook 1983, 41-42 (governors), 56 (Dareios).

73. Even before Dareios, the Persian Empire was split into administrative units called
satrapies by the Persians and archai by the Greeks, and each satrapy was ruled by a satrap
or archon. See Kuhrt 1988, 130-32; Young 1988, 87-91.
74. The allied payment of tribute and military service both date back at least to
Kambyscs, because on his death, a pretender to the throne declared a three years' remission
of military service and tribute (cu:EP.EL11V Elvm OTQUl:llL'l£ xat <jx)gou b' ETW TQla), thus
earning popularity with all the subjects under his rule except the Persians (Hdt. 3.67.3). For
the reorganization in general, see the larger discussions in Cook 198.1, 167- 82; Cook 1985,
267-77; Petit 1985; Harris 1971, 95-96; Cameron 1973.
fitting to the makeup of its constituency. In western Asia Minor, the
satraps generally did not act through lieutenants but rather conducted
internal affairs themselves, while garrisons with separate military com-

manders were often present at important cities and frontier posts.75
Miletos and the other cities of lonia were grouped in a satrapy with the
fitting to the makeup of its constituency. In western Asia Minor, the

satraps generally did not act through lieutenants but rather conducted
Aiolians, Carians, Lykians, Milyans, and Pamphylians. Its seat was at
Sardis, which housed a garrison, and in 500 B.C.E. the satrap was
Artaphernes, a full brother of Dareios (Hdt. 5.25.1).

internal affairs themselves, while garrisons with separate military com-
Thus Miletos and the rest of the mainland Ionian cities lost their
manders were often present at important cities and frontier posts.75
independence in the central decades of the sixth century. They were not
Miletos and the other cities of Ionia were grouped in a satrapy with the
destroyed or even significantly damaged at that time, but they did owe
Aiolians, Carians, Lykians, Milyans, and Pamphylians. Its seat was at

Sardis, which housed a garrison, and in 500 B.C.E. the satrap was
both money and troops to the Persian king. Their external affairs were
subject to his dictates, and as we shall see, even their internal politics
took a turn for the worse as a result of the conquest. Ionia would never
Artaphernes, a full brother of Dareios (Hdt. 5.25 .1 ).
again achieve the kind of commercial and intellectual prosperity it had
Thus Miletos and the rest of the mainland Ionian cities lost their
known in the past, and it would never again enjoy political indepen- independence in the central decades of the sixth century. They were not
dence. While "Freedom of the Greeks"-meaning the freedom of the
destroyed or even significantly damaged at that time, but they did owe
lonians-would become a rallying cry for Greek military operations in
both money and troops to the Persian king. Their external affairs were
the fifth century, especially during the Peloponnesian War, it was never
to be. Ionia merely wound up trading one master, Persia, for another,
subject to his dictates, and as we shall see, even their internal politics
Athens, until, by the end of the fifth century, it found itself firmly en-
took a turn for the worse as a result of the conquest. Ionia would never
sconced back in Persian hands. again achieve the kind of commercial and intellectual prosperity it had
75. Xen. Cyr. 8.6; Petit 1985; Corsaro 1985 (taxes); Cook 1983, 173, 176 (satraps), 84
known in the past, and it would never again enjoy political indepen-
(garrisons); Armayor 1978. The two chief sources for the information on satrapies are the
dence. While "Freedom of the Greeks"-meaning the freedom of the

Behistun Inscription and Herodotos (3.90-97, 7.61-95).
Ionians-would become a rallying cry for Greek military operations in

the fifth century, especially during the Peloponnesian War, it was never
to be. ionia merely wound up trading one master, Persia, for another,
Athens, until, by the end of the fifth century, it found itself firmly en-
sconced back in Persian hands.
75. Xen. Cyr. 8.6; Petit 1985; Corsaro 1985 (taxes); Cook 1983,173,176 (satraps), 84
(garrisons); Armayor 1978. The two chief sources for the information on satrapies are the
Behistun Inscription and Herodotos (3.90- 97, 7.61- 95).
ï»¿4
Ionian Revolt and Refoundation
The decades after the Persian conquest were some of the most eventful in
Milesian history. Although at first Miletos fared well under Persian con-
trol, enjoying the same terms under Dareios as it had under the Lydians,
its days of growth and expansion were past. The city's economic opportu-
nities were beginning to be curtailed, with most colonization ending and
with its rival powers growing in influence in the Aegean. This was also a
time of significant political change for Miletos, as it came to be ruled by

4
tyrants. We cannot say exactly when they arose or whether they were
Ionian Revolt and Refoundation

directly established by the Persians. Certainly they received Persian sup-
port. In any case, the Milesians and the other lonians came to resent these
tyrants-their own countrymen-so much that they were willing to risk
everything to be rid of them. Across Asia Minor, hostility toward the
tyrants embroiled the Greeks in a revolt against the Persians that brought
catastrophic consequences. Ionia was recaptured and punished by the
Persians, and as instigator and leader of the revolt, Miletos was treated
most harshly: in 494 the city was completely depopulated and razed to
The decades after the Persian conquest were some of the most eventful in
the ground. The setback was monumental, and Miletos would never
Milesian history. Although at first Miletos fared well under Persian con-
again be a leading political power, but its return to prosperity was remark-
able. Rebuilding their home from the ground up, the Milesians created a
trol, enjoying the same terms under Dareios as it had under the Lydians,
city that served as a model of urban planning for the rest of the Greek
its days of growth and expansion were past. The city's economic opportu-
world for centuries to come. nities were beginning to be curtailed, with most colonization ending and
The Ionian Revolt
with its rival powers growing in influence in the Aegean. This was also a
Miletos reached its economic peak just before the Persian takeover, but the
time of significant political change for Miletos, as it came to be ruled by

last half of the sixth century was marked by clear indications that loss of
sovereignty was accompanied by a certain decrease in prosperity. There

tyrants. We cannot say exactly when they arose or whether they were
129
directly established by the Persians. Certainly they received Persian sup-
port. ln any case, the Milesians and the other lonians came to resent these
tyrants-their own countrymen-so much that they were willing to risk
everything to be rid of them. Across Asia Minor, hostility toward the
tyrants embroiled the Greeks in a revolt against the Persians that brought
catastrophic consequences. Ionia was recaptured and punished by the
Persians, and as instigator and leader of the revolt, Miletos was treated
most harshly: in 494 the city was completely depopulated and razed to
the ground. The setback was monumental, and Miletos would never
again be a leading political power, but its return to prosperity was remark-
able. Rebuilding their home from the ground up, the Milesians created a
city that served as a model of urban planning for the rest of the Greek
world for centuries to come.
The Ionian Revolt
Miletos reached its economic peak just before the Persian takeover, but the
last half of the sixth century was marked by clear indications that loss of
sovereignty was accompanied by a certain decrease in prosperity. There
129
was no sharp economic collapse, but signs reveal that Milesian power was
beginning to wane at long last. In the middle of the sixth century, the
Milesian monopoly on Black Sea colonization was broken, and Miletos

also faced growing rivalry from other Hellenic cities and was cut off from
some traditional trade partners. In the late sixth century, Athens especially
was no sharp economic collapse, but signs reveal that Milesian power was
beginning to wane at long last. In the middle of the sixth century, the
succeeded in displacing much of the Milesian trade at Naukratis and also
to some extent in the northeast, where Attic pottery was becoming quite
common. Peisistratos sent the elder Miltiades to take over the Thracian
Milesian monopoly on Black Sea colonization was broken, and Miletos
Chersonese (Hdt. 6.34), thus controlling access to the Propontis and cut-
also faced growing rivalry from other Hellenic cities and was cut off from
ting further into Milesian trade and dominance. Moreover, at this time,
some traditional trade partners. In the late sixth century, Athens especially
Polykrates, the tyrant of Samos, was exploiting the traditional rivalry with
succeeded in displacing much of the Milesian trade at Naukratis and also

to some extent in the northeast, where Attic pottery was becoming quite
Miletos through piracy, attacking Milesian trade with his fleet (Hdt. 3.39;
cf. Ath. 12.540d). Another blow to Milesian commerce was the destruc-
tion of Sybaris, Miletos's illustrious trading partner in the west, in 510

common. Peisistratos sent the elder Miltiades to take over the Thracian
(Hdt. 5.44). Thus, in the years after 540, Milesian prosperity was threat-
Chersonese (Hdt. 6.34 ), thus controlling access to the Propontis and cut-
ened by changing economic circumstances.1 ting further into Milesian trade and dominance. Moreover, at this time,
During the 540s, the Milesian government also experienced a transfor-
Polykrates, the tyrant of Samos, was exploiting the traditional rivalry with
mation when the traditional oligarchy was put aside in favor of a tyrant,
Miletos through piracy, attacking Milesian trade with his fleet (Hdt. 3.39;
a situation that was repeated in many of the Ionian Greek cities under
the Persian Empire. Persian-backed tyrannies did irreparable harm to the

cf. Ath. 12.540d). Another blow to Milesian commerce was the destruc-
civic life of the poleis in the last half of the sixth century and were
tion of Sybaris, Miletos's illustrious trading partner in the west, in 510
probably the most onerous feature of Persian rule. These tyrants might (Hdt. 5.44). Thus, in the years after 540, Milesian prosperity was threat-
have been directly established by Persian policy; once inaugurated, they
ened by changing economic circumstances. 1
were maintained by Persian support. Many of them were harshly des-
During the 540s, the Milesian government also experienced a transfor-

potic, governing more in their own self-interest than for the benefit of
their citizens.2
mation when the traditional oligarchy was put aside in favor of a tyrant,
The nature of their rule is vividly illustrated by Herodotos (book 4) in
a situation that was repeated in many of the Ionian Greek cities under
the episode of the Istrian Bridge, ca. 513, during Dareios's invasion of the Persian Empire. Persian-backed tyrannies did irreparable harm to the
1. Georges (2000) argues for increased prosperity of the lonians in general after the
civic life of the poleis in the last half of the sixth century and were
Persian takeover, but his evidence for Miletos specifically (pp. 10-12) is not strong. First,
probably the most onerous feature of Persian rule. These tyrants might
he says that the Milesian acquisition of Myrkinos gave them an inroad into the profitable
have been directly established by Persian policy; once inaugurated, they

Thracian silver trade, but he fails to note that the settlement was a failure and that
Histiaios was soon recalled. Second, he points out the preeminence of the Milesian coloni-
were maintained by Persian support. Many of them were harshly des-
zation movement but neglects to mention that the movement for all intents and purposes potic, governing more in their own self-interest than for the benefit of
ended by the middle of the sixth century. Third, the Milesian possession of Didyma put
their citizens. 2
them in a very favorable position, with which one cannot quarrel. Finally, Georges believes
The nature of their rule is vividly illustrated by Herodotos (book 4) in

that Miletos was an "independent native dynasty" that payed no tribute to Persia, which is
the episode of the Istrian Bridge, ca. 513, during Dareios's invasion of
probably not true: Herodotos never specifically mentions Milesian tribute, but Miletos
1. Georges (2000) argues for increased prosperity of the Ionians in general after the
probably began paying tribute under the stricter policies of Kroisos. See chap. 3.
2. Georges 2000, 19-23.
Persian takeover, but his evidence for Miletos specifically (pp. 10-12) is not strong. First,
he says that the Milesian acquisition of Myrkinos gave them an inroad into the profitable
Thracian silver trade, but he fails to note that the settlement was a failure and that
Histiaios was soon recalled. Second, he points out the preeminence of the Milesian coloni·
zation movement but neglects to mention that the movement for all intents and purposes
ended by the middle of the sixth century. Third, the Milcsian possession of Didyma put
them in a very favorable position, with which one cannot quarrel. Finally, Georges believes
that Miletos was an "independent native dynasty" that payed no tribute to Persia, which is
probably not true: Herodotos never specifically mentions Milesian tribute, but Miletos
probably began paying tribute under the stricter policies of Kroisos. See chap. 3.
2. Georges 2000, 19-23.

ï»¿Ionian Revolt and Refoundation 131
Skythia.3 The king is said to have gathered for this campaign a large land
force along with a fleet provided by the Greeks from lonia, Aiolia, and
the Hellespont (Hdt. 4.83ff.). Dareios entered Skythia by way of a bridge

Ionian Revolt and Refoundation 131
over the Istros (Danube) River, which was assigned to the protection of
the lonians for the next sixty days. When they had waited for the ap-
Skythia. 3 The king is said to have gathered for this campaign a large land
force along with a fleet provided by the Greeks from Ionia, Aiolia, and
pointed length of time and the king had still not returned, the Greek
commanders considered abandoning the bridge and returning home. In
the context of this debate, Herodotos first introduces Histiaios, the ty-
the Hellespont (Hdt. 4.83ff.). Dareios entered Skythia by way of a bridge
rant of Miletos. Herodotos reports (4.137.2) that Histiaios persuaded his
over the Istros (Danube) River, which was assigned to the protection of
fellow commanders that it was in their best interest to support the Per-
the Ionians for the next sixty days. When they had waited for the ap-
sian king,
pointed length of time and the king had still not returned, the Greek
commanders considered abandoning the bridge and returning home. In
)&yovog dog vviv v 6tb AageLov xactog w tJv Iv9avveet
6)tog, iig Augetov 6e 6vva tog xatu9e8eo flg o8te af og
Mirno wv oLog te o8o0ut 9X8etv oS8e &)kkov o,6iva

the context of this debate, Herodotos first introduces Histiaios, the ty-
o6auI4v'3ov)coeo0ac t ya exaor rtlv Tv mo)ltywv 86flox9uteo0at
rant of Miletos. Herodotos reports (4.137.2) that Histiaios persuaded his
ix&)hov i tIvavveTEoOat. fellow commanders that it was in their best interest to support the Per-
[saying that at the present each one of them owed his position as
sian king,
tyrant of his city to Dareios, and if the power of Dareios should be
destroyed, he himself would be unable to rule Miletos and none of
them would be able to rule his own city-for each of the cities
A.eyovto; w; vilv IJ.fV OLa L'1aQ£LOV EXU<Jt'O<; U'Ut'(J)V t''UQUVVEUH
would prefer to be ruled democratically than by a tyranny.]4
JtOALO<;, •il; L'1.aQ£l01.! 6€ 6vvcquo; xatmg£8£L<J11<; OUt£ auto;
Histiaios won over all of the assembled leaders-tyrants like himself-to MLAll<Jl(J)V 0 16; t£ E<JtaOm UQXELV OUtE aUov ou6€va
his point of view, so that when Dareios finally appeared, he was able to
ou6ai-!wv·~ov),~ow8m yag £xaa1:t1v tow no/,Lwv tnwoxgmlowem

recross the Istros to safety. Thus they preserved the king along with their
own tyrannies at home.

!J.aAP"OV 11 t'1J QUVVEU we m.
3. All Herodotean accounts-especially the earlier ones-are open to modern charges
of embellishment, since he had historiographic goals other than a precise recounting of

[saying that at the present each one of them owed his position as
events. The question of accuracy is often unanswerable. I err on the side of trusting Herod- tyrant of his city to Dareios, and if the power of Dareios should be
otos, for, if we start doubting reports about fairly recent times that are both detailed and
destroyed, he himself would be unable to rule Miletos and none of
plausible, we find ourselves on a slippery slope, not knowing when and how to stop. See, for
them would be able to rule his own city-for each of the cities
would prefer to be ruled democratically than by a tyranny.] 4
example, the discussion later in this chapter about the depopulation of Miletos in 494:
when two passages seem to contradict, scholars arbitrarily choose which one to accept,
instead of establishing genuine principles by which to judge them or finding a plausible way
to retain both accounts. Histiaios won over all of the assembled leaders-tyrants like himself-to
4. D. Graf (1985, 81) claims this speech is anachronistic, suggesting more the political
his point of view, so that when Dareios finally appeared, he was able to
atmosphere of Herodotos's own time than the events at the Skythian bridge. Cf. Andrewes
recross the Istros to safety. Thus they preserved the king along with their
own tyrannies at home.

1956, 124.
3. All Herodotean accounts-especially the earlier ones-are open to modern charges

of embellishment, since he had historiographic goals other than a precise recounting of
events. The question of accuracy is often unanswerable. I err on the side of trusting Herod-
otus, for, if we start doubting reports about fairly recent times that are both detailed and
plausible, we find ourselves on a slippery slope, not knowing when an d how to stop. See, for
example, the discussion later in this chapter about the depopulation of Miletos in 494:
when two passages seem to contradict, scholars arbitrarily choose which one to accept,
instead of establishing genuine principles by which to judge them or finding a plausible way
to retain both accounts.
4. D. Graf (1985, 81) claims this speech is anachronistic, suggesting more the political
atmosphere of Herodotus's own time than the events at the Skythian bridge. Cf. Andrewes
1956, 124.
The incident at the bridge demonstrates Herodotos's view of the
relationship between the Persian king and the Ionian tyrants: they could
not hope to maintain control of their cities if the power of the Persians
was broken. Not only did Dareios support them, but he even felt free to
set up individual tyrants against the wishes of their own peoples. When
The incident at the bridge demonstrates Herodotos's view of the

relationship between the Persian king and the Ionian tyrants: they could
Koes of Mytilene, who had suggested that the lonians be left at the
bridge as a rear guard, was asked what reward he desired for his good
advice, he replied that he wanted to be made tyrant of Mytilene (Hdt.

not hope to maintain control of their cities if the power of the Persians
5.11). As a result, the government of Mytilene was arbitrarily replaced.
was broken. Not only did Dareios support them, but he even felt free to
Similarly, Dareios installed Syloson to power at Samos in exchange for
set up individual tyrants against the wishes of their own peoples. When
an earlier favor (Hdt. 3.139-49).
Koes of Mytilene, who had suggested that the Ionians he left at the
bridge as a rear guard, was asked what reward he desired for his good
The reasonable conclusion from Herodotos's evidence is that Ionian
tyrants at the end of the sixth century were more loyal to the Persian king
than to their own cities. Unlike the earlier Greek tyrants who achieved
advice, he replied that he wanted to be made tyrant of Mytilene (Hdt.
power through factional or popular backing, the Ionian tyrants at the end
5.11). As a result, the government of Mytilene was arbitrarily replaced.
of the sixth century were chiefly occupied with pleasing the Persians to Similarly, Dareios installed Syloson to power at Samos in exchange for
maintain their own position. This is not to say that all Greek cities under
an earlier favor (Hdt. 3.139-49).

Persian control received tyrants or that all tyrants in those cities were put
The reasonable conclusion from Herodotos's evidence is that Ionian

in place by the Persians. The older view has been that Persia, as part of a
sweeping governmental and satrapal reform, had a policy of imposing

tyrants at the end of the sixth century were more loyal to the Persian king
tyrants on the Ionian cities and perhaps retaining some previously exist-
than to their own cities. Unlike the earlier Greek tyrants who achieved
ing tyrants.5 New studies have argued for a more moderate position: the power through factional or popular backing, the Ionian tyrants at the end
Persian king supported some tyrants in cities where they already existed
of the sixth century were chiefly occupied with pleasing the Persians to
and set up some others. But some cities also remained free of tyranny
maintain their own position. This is not to say that all Greek cities under
(Ephesos is a conspicuous example), suggesting that the Persian king did
not change the government of subject cities arbitrarily.6 Histiaios's com-

Persian control received tyrants or that all tyrants in those cities were put
ments at the bridge are in harmony with this revised view. He says not
in place by the Persians. The older view has been that Persia, as part of a
that Dareios made them all tyrants but rather that they were able to sweeping governmental and satrapal reform, had a policy of imposing
maintain their tyrannies only with the backing of the king.7 Histiaios's
tyrants on the Ionian cities and perhaps retaining some previously exist-
words imply that the tyrants faced a great deal of hostility in their own
ing tyrants. 5 New studies have argued for a more moderate position: the
cities. It seems that once the tyrants could rely on the support of the king,
Persian king supported some tyrants in cities where they already existed
5. Balcer (1984b, 208) states the extreme view: the tyrants "did not arise internally but
were imposed externally upon the poleis." See also Mazzarino 1947, 244-45; Andrewes
and set up some others. But some cities also remained free of tyranny
1956, 117, 123; Harris 1971, 96-104; Berve 1967, 1:85; Jeffrey 1976, 219; Tozzi 1978, (Ephesos is a conspicuous example), suggesting that the Persian king did
121; Gillis 1979, 10; Emlyn-Jones 1980, 33-34; Boffo 1983, 59-61; Burn 1985, 295;
not change the government of subject cities arbitrarily.6 Histiaios's com-
Georges 2000.
ments at the bridge are in harmony with this revised view. He says not
6. Graf 1985; Austin 1990.
that Dareios made them all tyrants but rather that they were able to
7. Cf. Ure 1922, 268-71. D. Graf (1985, 86) has interpreted the passage poorly when
he refers to Herodotos's thesis that "the tyrants in lonia or elsewhere in Asia were appoin-
maintain their tyrannies only with the backing of the king.7 Histiaios's
tees of the new king."
words imply that the tyrants faced a great deal of hostility in their own
cities. It seems that once the tyrants could rely on the support of the king,
5. Balcer (1984b, 208) states the extreme view: the tyrants "did not arise internally but
were imposed externally upon the poleis." See also Mazzarino 1947, 244-45; Andrewes
1956, 117, 123; Harris 1971, %-104; Berve 1%7, 1:85; Jeffrey 1976, 219; Tozzi 1978,
121; Gillis 1979, 10; Emlyn-Jones 1980, 33-34; Boffo 1983, 59-61; Burn 1985, 295;
Georges 2000.
6. Graf 1985; Austin 1990.
7. Cf. Ure 1922,268-71.0. Graf (1985, 86) has interpreted t he passage poorly when
he refers to Herodotos's thesis that "the tyrants in Ionia or elsewhere in Asia were appoin-
tees of the new king."
they could and did use their power in their home cities beyond what was
tolerable to their people. The dissatisfaction of the Greeks with their
rulers is seen clearly in the outbreak and spread of the great rebellion
known as the Ionian Revolt.
Paradoxically, the architect of the revolt was another tyrant of Miletos,
they could and did use their power in their home cities beyond what was
tolerable to their people. The dissatisfaction of the Greeks with their
Aristagoras, son of Molpagoras. When Histiaios went to Thrace to occupy
Myrkinos, the town given to him for his good advice at the bridge, he chose
his son-in-law and nephew, Aristagoras, to rule Miletos in his stead, giving
rulers is seen clearly in the outbreak and spread of the great rebellion
him the title epitropos ("guardian" or "deputy"), although Herodotos
known as the Ionian Revolt.
usually simply calls him "tyrant" or "king." Aristagoras's position became
Paradoxically, the architect of the revolt was another tyrant of Miletos,
permanent when Histiaios was recalled to the Persian court to serve as an
Aristagoras, son of Molpagoras. When Histiaios went to Thrace to occupy

Myrkinos, the town given to him for his good advice at the bridge, he chose
adviser to the king. According to the story Herodotos tells, he was brought
back not because of his qualities as a counselor but rather because of
suspicions against his loyalty that were harbored by the Persian general
his son-in-law and nephew, Aristagoras, to rule Miletos in his stead, giving
Megabazos.8 In the narrative as it stands, Histiaios did nothing at
him the title epitropos ("guardian" or "deputy" ), although Herodotos
Myrkinos that could be viewed as disloyal, yet Megabazos was greatly usually simply calls him "tyrant" or "king." Aristagoras's position became
alarmed by t6 mote uevov [what he was doing] (Hdt. 5.23.1). Pre-
permanent when Histiaios was recalled to the Persian court to serve as an

sumably Herodotos means the fortification of Myrkinos, the only specific
adviser to the king. According to the story Herodotos tells, he was brought
activity mentioned. Yet this site, on the edge of the Persian domain and in
the midst of untamed Thracian tribes, would require fortification. Mega-

back not because of his qualities as a counselor but rather because of
bazos may have used concerns about the fortification as a ruse to disguise
suspicions against his loyalty that were harbored by the Persian general
his objection to Histiaios's very presence in Thrace. Dareios had made Megabazos. 8 In the narrative as it stands, Histiaios did nothing at
Megabazos the Persian commander in the Hellespont and in Thrace (Hdt.
Myrkinos that could be viewed as disloyal, yet Megabazos was greatly
4.143-44, 5.2) before Myrkinos was given to Histiaios (Hdt. 5.11).
alarmed by 1:0 JtoLEUflEVOV [what he was doing] (Hdt. 5.23.1). Pre-

Megabazos could have seen Histiaios's presence as an encroachment on his
own sphere of command by a Greek tyrant who had an overexaggerated

sumably Herodotos means the fortification of Myrkinos, the only specific
sense of his own self-worth.9
activity mentioned. Yet this site, on the edge of the Persian domain and in
Megabazos arranged for Histiaios's recall to Susa by complaining to the midst of untamed Thracian tribes, would require fortification. Mega-
Dareios that it was folly to entrust the wealth and divergent populations
bazos may have used concerns about the fortification as a ruse to disguise
of Thrace to a clever Greek (&v86a9O ' E vt 8etLV te oxa' oo , Hdt.
his objection to Histiaios's very presence in Thrace. Dareios had made

5.23.2) who might well lead Persian subjects against the king in a civil war
Megabazos the Persian commander in the Hellespont and in Thrace (Hdt.

(oizLx j co)itcp, Hdt. 5.23.3). While emphasizing that Histiaios was a
Greek and therefore not to be trusted, Megabazos also suggested that the
4.143-44, 5.2) before Myrkinos was given to Histiaios (Hdt. 5.11).
neighboring peoples would eagerly take Histiaios as their leader and obey Megabazos could have seen Histiaios's presence as an encroachment on his
his every word (5.23.2). However, Herodotos had just described how the
own sphere of command by a Greek tyrant who had an overexaggerated
8. Hdt. 5.11, 23-24. Heinlein (1909, 341-44) attempts to redate all these events.
sense of his own self-worth.9

9. For the rivalry between Ionian (esp. Milesian) tyrants and Persian nobles, see
Megabazos arranged for Histiaios's recall to Susa by complaining to

Georges 2000, 12-19.
Dareios that it was folly to entrust the wealth and divergent populations
of Thrace to a clever Greek (av6gl, 'EAAYJVL DELv0 'tE xal, oocJ>0, Hdt.
5 .23.2) who might well lead Persian subjects against the king in a civil war
(obt11LlQ rtOAEfllQ, Hdt. 5.23.3). While emphasizing that Histiaios was a
Greek and therefore not to be trusted, Megabazos also suggested that the
neighboring peoples would eagerly take Histiaios as their leader and obey
his every word (5.23.2). However, Herodotos had just described how the
8. Hdt. 5.11, 23-24. Heinlein (1909, 341-44) attempts to redate all these events.
9. For the rivalry between Ionian (esp. Milesian) tyrants and Persian nobles, see
Georges 2000, 12-19.
Thracians would, in his opinion, be the strongest people in the world if
they could be united but that this unity was impossible, so they would
remain forever weak (Hdt. 5.3). Obviously he did not place much stock
in the argument that he put into the mouth of Megabazos. Although
Histiaios was recalled, it is difficult to believe that Dareios seriously ques-
Thracians would, in his opinion, be the strongest people in the world if

they could be united but that this unity was impossible, so they would
tioned his loyalty. On the contrary, Dareios's trust in Histiaios was demon-
strated by the thirteen or more years during which he counseled Dareios
as well as by the fact that when Miletos later revolted, Dareios sent the
remain forever weak (Hdt. 5.3). Obviously he did not place much stock
Milesian to help stop the insurrection in Histiaios's own home city, an
in the argument that he put into the mouth of Megabazos. Although
unthinkably foolish assignment if the king had any doubts about his
Histiaios was recalled, it is difficult to believe that Dareios seriously ques-
allegiance.10
tioned his loyalty. On the contrary, Dareios 's trust in Histiaios was demon-
strated by the thirteen or more years during which he counseled Dareios
Miletos was in the hands of Aristagoras when, in 500 B.C.E., a faction
of rich Naxian exiles arrived in Miletos and approached the ruler on
account of the guest-friendship they held with his kinsman Histiaios.

as well as by the fact that when Miletos later revolted, Dareios sent the
They asked for Aristagoras's help in regaining their city (Hdt. 5.30.1-3),
Milesian to help stop the insurrection in Histiaios's own home city, an
and this request set in motion the chain of events that would lead to unthinkably foolish assignment if the king had any doubts about his
rebellion. In reviewing the petition, Aristagoras saw an opportunity for
allegiance.10
himself, 6 6 e La tevog og, jv bt' c ao xatF-c000o ig F %tv t6)v,
Miletos was in the hands of Aristagoras when, in 500 B.C.E., a faction

&et i~fg N6tov [thinking that if they return to their city with his aid,
he will rule Naxos] (Hdt. 5.30.3). He must have believed that, in ex-
of rich Naxian exiles arrived in Miletos and approached the ruler on
change for bringing Naxos under Persian rule, Dareios would put him in
account of the guest-friendship they held with his kinsman Histiaios.
control there, perhaps by annexing Naxos to Milesian territory. Consis- They asked for Aristagoras's help in regaining their city (Hdt. 5.30.1-3),
tent with this plan, Aristagoras used the guest-friendship as a pretext for
and this request set in motion the chain of events that would lead to
helping the Naxian exiles (oxfiVpv 63e oteitevog tlv etvliv -iv
rebellion. In reviewing the petition, Aristagoras saw an opportunity for

Iot ta[ov, Hdt. 5.30.3) but immediately referred the matter to Persia,
knowing that he had insufficient troops to deal with it himself.

o
himself, bi: EJtLAEsat-tEvoc:; chc:;, ~v bL' mhou xa'Li:Hlmm E£ "t~v ;ro/cLv,
Aristagoras approached Artaphernes, the satrap at Sardis, asking for
aQsEL 'Ill£ Nal;ou [thinking that if they return to their city with his aid,
one hundred ships to use against Naxos. He began by describing the he will rule Naxos] (Hdt. 5.30.3). He must have believed that, in ex-
wealth of Naxos that Persia stood to gain, adding that he and the exiles
change for bringing Naxos under Persian rule, Dareios would put him in
would be responsible for the costs of the expedition. Furthermore, he
control there, perhaps by annexing Naxos to Milesian territory. Consis-

claimed that the rest of the Kyklades would fall to Persia at the same time
tent with this plan, Aristagoras used the guest-friendship as a pretext for
as Naxos and that, from there, Euboia would be an easy step (Hdt. 5.31).
Induced by these arguments, the satrap leaped at the opportunity to please

helping the Naxian exiles (attfJtjJLV bi: JtOLclJf.tEVoc:; "tllV SELVLYJV 'L~V
his king: he immediately agreed to the plan, pending the king's approval, 'IonaLou, Hdt. 5.30.3) but immediately referred the matter to Persia,
and promised to have not one hundred but two hundred ships ready in the
knowing that he had insufficient troops to deal with it himself.
10. Some argue that Histiaios's stay in Susa was a "golden cage," designed to keep him
Aristagoras approached Artaphernes, the satrap at Sardis, asking for

out of trouble. However, as an enemy, he would have been both inconsequential in the
one hundred ships to use against Naxos. He began by describing the

vastness of the Persian Empire and entirely disposable, but as a friend who offered sage
advise, he would have been invaluable.

wealth of Naxos that Persia stood to gain, adding that he and the exiles
would be responsible for the costs of the expedition. Furthermore, he
claimed that the rest of the Kyklades would fall to Persia at the same time
as Naxos and that, from there, Euboia would be an easy step (Hdt. 5.31 ).
Induced by these arguments, the satrap leaped at the opportunity to please
his king: he immediately agreed to the plan, pending the king's approval,
and promised to have not one hundred but two hundred ships ready in the
10. Some argue that Histiaios's stay in Susa was a "golden cage," designed to keep him
out of trouble. However, as an enemy, he would have been both inconsequential in the
vastness of the Persian Empire and entirely disposable, bur as a friend who offered sage
advise, he would have been invalua ble.
spring of 499. These were to oppose the eight thousand soldiers and the
large fleet possessed by Naxos (Hdt. 5.30.4, 5.31.3-32).
In Herodotos's account, the fleet commanders, Aristagoras and Mega-

bates, a high-ranking Persian, hoped to take Naxos by surprise and avoid a
siege. However, the expedition was troubled from the beginning. Aris-
spring of 499. These were to oppose the eight thousand soldiers and the
large fleet possessed by Naxos (Hdt. 5.30.4, 5.31.3-32).
tagoras and Megabates quarreled over the supreme command of the fleet,
and when they arrived at Naxos, they found the islanders prepared for
their assault. After only four months, they ran out of supplies, and Aristag-
In Herodotos's account, the fleet commanders, Aristagoras and Mega-
oras had spent all his money (Hdt. 5.34.3). The expedition failed through
bares, a high-ranking Persian, hoped to take Naxos by surprise and avoid a
lack of resources. Aristagoras panicked. He feared that he would lose his
siege. However, the expedition was troubled from the beginning. Aris-
power at Miletos both because he was unable to pay the debt owed to
tagoras and Megabates quarreled over the supreme command of the fleet,
and when they arrived at Naxos, they found the islanders prepared for
Artaphernes and because he had clashed with a Persian general. Since he
was about to lose Persian backing for his power, he took the drastic step of
revolting from Persia. Thus, according to Herodotos, the Ionian Revolt

their assault. After only four months, they ran out of supplies, and Aristag-
took its start from the disappointed personal ambition of Aristagoras, who
oras had spent all his money (Hdt. 5.34.3). The expedition failed through
was in no way motivated by an ideological opposition to the Persian rule of lack of resources. Aristagoras panicked. He feared that he would lose his
lonia. He was inspired by self-preservation in the face of a threat to his
power at Miletos both because he was unable to pay the debt owed to
power caused by his own failure.
Artaphernes and because he had clashed with a Persian general. Since he

Herodotos maintains that, from his place at the court in Susa, His-
tiaios was a second instigator of the revolt. In addition to mentioning

was about to lose Persian backing for his power, he took the drastic step of
Megabazos's earlier suspicions about Histiaios's loyalty, Herodotos says
revolting from Persia. Thus, according to Herodotos, the Ionian Revolt
that Histiaios sent to Aristagoras a slave whose head was tattooed with a took its start from the disappointed personal ambition of Aristagoras, who
message to revolt. This episode has the ring of a folktale, very similar to
was in no way motivated by an ideological opposition to the Persian rule of
the tales of the message sent from Harpagos to Cyrus inside a hare (Hdt.
Ionia. He was inspired by self-preservation in rhe face of a threat to his

1.23.3-24) and the message sent by Demaratos to Sparta on the wood
underneath the wax of some tablets (Hdt. 7.239). Its authenticity must be
power caused by his own failure.
questioned.11 Apart from this implausible story, at no time in Herod-
Herodotos maintains that, from his place at the court in Susa, His-
otos's narrative did Histiaios and Aristagoras act in concert; they were tiaios was a second instigator of the revolt. In addition to mentioning
not even reported to be at the same place at the same time. We may
Megabazos's earlier suspicions about Histiaios's loyalty, Herodotos says
conclude that Histiaios was loyal to Persia even after his recall from
that Histiaios sent to Aristagoras a slave whose head was tattooed with a
Myrkinos and had no part in the start of the rebellion.12 That role be-
message to revolt. This episode has the ring of a folktale, very similar to
longed entirely to Aristagoras.
Aristagoras knew that to maintain his rule, without Persian backing,

the tales of the message sent from Harpagos to Cyrus inside a hare (Hdt.
he needed to make his rule palatable to the Milesian people. Therefore, he 1.23.3-24) and the message sent by Demaratos to Sparta on the wood
11. Chapman 1972, 559; Heinlein 1909, 346; de Sanctis 1931, 60; Tozzi 1977; Tozzi
underneath the wax of some tablets (Hdt. 7.239).lts authenticity must be
1978, 139-41; Foucault 1967.
questioned. 11 Apart from this implausible story, at no time in Herod-

12. Manville 1977 (rivals); Chapman 1972, 546-63 (loyal); Georges 2000, 28-33
otos's narrative did Histiaios and Aristagoras act in concert; they were
(loyal). Blamire (1959, 142-47) and Evans (1963, 113-18) argue that Histiaios was loyal
only up through his recall from Myrkinos.

not even reported to be at the same place at the same time. We may
conclude that Histiaios was loyal to Persia even after his recall from
Myrkinos and had no part in the start of the rebellion. 12 That role be-
longed entirely to Aristagoras.
Aristagoras knew that to maintain his rule, without Persian backing,
he needed to make his rule palatable to the Milesian people. Therefore, he
11. Chapman 1972, 559; Heinlein 1909, 346; de Sanctis 1931, 60; Tozzi 1977; Tozzi
1978, 139-41; Foucault 1967.
12. Manville 1977 (rivals); Chapman 1972, 546-63 (loyal); Georges 2000, 28-33
(loyal). Blamire (1959, 142-47) and Evans (1963, 113-18) argue that Histiaios was loyal
only up through his recall from Myrkinos.
summoned a meeting with his partisans (5.36.1) to decide how best to
achieve popular support. Herodotos mentions only the geographer Heka-
taios by name, but this group was a political faction, presumably the same
group that Aristagoras later convened before fleeing Miletos permanently
(5.124-26). First, they agreed with his decision to revolt; Hekataios alone
summoned a meeting with his partisans (5.36.1) to decide how best to

achieve popular support. Herodotos mentions only the geographer Heka-
dissented. Next, they sent to seize the commanders of the fleet that had just
returned from Naxos. Finally, reports Herodotos (5.37.2), Aristagoras
declared open rebellion and, turning to the people of Miletos, instituted an

taios by name, but this group was a political faction, presumably the same
apparent change in government.
group that Aristagoras later convened before fleeing Miletos permanently
xam b T ia Ev 6y) ete T A tiv t vv6( koovo ltlr ioels T,
(5.124-26). First, they agreed with his decision to revolt; Hekataios alone
Mt;)tq, 6og &Sv o xo6vsg a; at oL Mirotioo ovaticra -ario.
dissented. Next, they sent to seize the commanders of the fleet that had just
returned from Naxos. Finally, reports Herodotos (5.37.2), Aristagoras
[And first, after putting aside the tyranny at least in word, he set up
isonomia so that the Milesians would be willing to revolt with him.]
The precise meaning of isonomia here is difficult to evaluate. Some schol-

declared open rebellion and, turning to the people of Miletos, instituted an
ars equate it with democracy;13 however, the term itself is probably being
apparent change in government.
used anachronistically and may mean that Aristagoras simply opened the
xat rtgO:rm ~-tEV ),6y0} 1-tfl:EL~ t~v tugavvl,6a taovo~tblv ErtOlff tfj
way to political power to a larger number of his fellow citizens. It may
represent not an actual democracy but rather a slogan designed to win
over popular support. No doubt Aristagoras intended to hold onto the

MtA~to;, w~ av ex6vn~ auto; ot MtA~OlOL auvamataimo.
reins of power despite the change. He only gave up his rule 6ycp, "in
word" or "allegedly."14
[And first, after putting aside the tyranny at least in word, he set up
Aristagoras's declaration of isonomia indicates that he recognized the
unpopularity of tyranny. More than a decade earlier, Histiaios had ar-

isonomia so that the Milesians would be willing to revolt with him.]
gued that if given a chance, the Ionian cities would all democratize.15
Now Aristagoras gave them that opportunity when he used his faction to
The precise meaning of isonomia here is difficult to evaluate. Some schol-

capture the tyrants who led the naval contingents against Naxos (Hdt.
ars equate it with democracy; 13 however, the term itself is probably being
5.37.1). Many commanders were captured. Most were allowed to leave
their cities, but Koes of Mytilene was stoned to death by his own people
used anachronistically and may mean that Aristagoras simply opened the
(Hdt. 5.37.2). By freeing the cities of their tyrants, Aristagoras enabled
way to political power to a larger number of his fellow citizens. It may
them to establish new governments. Thus, the rebellion against Persia represent not an actual democracy but rather a slogan designed to win
could in no way be separated from the revolutions that broke out through-
over popular support. No doubt Aristagoras intended to hold onto the

13. Vlastos 1953, 337; Hansen 1986.
reins of power despite the change. He only gave up his rule A.6y0}, "in
14. Cf. Hdt. 8.68y, 1.59.3.
15. The term isonomia may here represent an anachronism: they were seeking not
word" or "allegedly."14
necessarily a true democracy but rather a widening of power.
Aristagoras's declaration of isonomia indicates that he recognized the
unpopularity of tyranny. More than a decade earlier, Histiaios had ar-
gued that if given a chance, the Ionian cities would all democratize. 15
Now Aristagoras gave them that opportunity when he used his faction to
capture the tyrants who led the naval contingents against Naxos (Hdt.
5.37.1). Many commanders were captured. Most were allowed to leave
their cities, but Koes of Mytilene was stoned to death by his own people
(Hdt. 5.3 7.2). By freeing the cities of their tyrants, Aristagoras enabled
them to establish new governments. Thus, the rebellion against Persia
could in no way be separated from the revolutions that broke out through-
13. Vlastos 1953, 337; Hansen 1986.

14. Cf. Hdt. 8.68y, 1.59.3.

15. The rerm isonomia may here represent an anachronism: they were seeking nor
necessarily a true democracy but rather a widening of power.
out lonia: it was primarily the behavior of the tyrants and only second-
arily the overlordship of Persia itself that the people found offensive.16
Once underway, the Ionian Revolt proved momentous, lasting more

than five years and encompassing most of western Anatolia, including
both Greek and barbarian in the uprising. Although Herodotos nowhere
out Ionia: it was primarily the behavior of the tyrants and only second-
arily the overlordship of Persia itself that the people found offensive.16
records a complete catalog of cities in the Ionian Revolt, he mentions in
the course of his narrative many allies: the Ionian cities of Ephesos
(5.100), Samos (5.112.1), Klazomenai (5.123), Priene, Myous, Teos,

Once underway, the Ionian Revolt proved momentous, lasting more
Chios, Erythrai, and Phokaia (6.8), as well as "the Ionian cities on the
than five years and encompassing most of western Anatolia, including
mainland" (6.31.2); Byzantion (6.33.2), Dardanos, Abydos, Perkote,
both Greek and barbarian in the uprising. Although Herodotos nowhere
Lampsakos, and Paisos on the Hellespont (5.117); Aiolians on Lesbos
records a complete catalog of cities in the Ionian Revolt, he mentions in

(6.8) and at Mytilene in particular (5.37), on Tenedos (6.31.2), at Kyme
the course of his narrative many allies: the Ionian cities of Ephesos
(5.37, 123), and in the Troad (5.122.2); native Gergithes near Troy;
Mylasa and Termera (5.37); Kaunos (5.103.2); Kios in Mysia (5.122.1);

(5.100), Samos (5.112.1), Klazomenai (5.123), Priene, Myous, Teos,
much of Caria (5.103.2); and all of Cyprus except Amathos (5.104.1).
Chios, Erythrai, and Phokaia (6.8), as well as "the Ionian cities on the
At the beginning of the revolt, Aristagoras went on an embassy, seek- mainland" (6.31.2); Byzantion (6.33.2), Dardanos, Abydos, Perkote,
ing allies also from mainland Greece (Hdt. 5.38-97). He stopped first at
Lampsakos, and Paisos on the Hellespont (5.117); Aiolians on Lesbos

Sparta, the most powerful Greek city, which was known for its anti-
(6.8) and at Mytilene in particular (5.37), on Tenedos (6.31.2), at Kyme

tyrannical efforts (Hdt. 5.49.3; Thuc. 1.18). Aristagoras's petition was
rejected there because it involved sending the Lakedaimonian army too

(5.37, 123), and in the Troad (5.122.2); native Gergithes near Troy;
far abroad. He then brought his case to Athens, the second most powerful
Mylasa and Termera (5.37); Kaunos (5.103.2); Kios in Mysia (5.122.1);
city (Hdt. 5.97), where his appeal resulted in the promise of twenty ships. much of Caria (5.103.2); and all of Cyprus except Amathos (5.104.1).
For Herodotos, the importance of the embassy lay in this small success.
At the beginning of the revolt, Aristagoras went on an embassy, seek-
He portrays the Athenian involvement in the Ionian Revolt as the cause
ing allies also from mainland Greece (Hdt. 5.38-97). He stopped first at
of the later Persian invasions of the mainland (Hdt. 5.97.3, 5.105),17
which is the major theme of his Histories: ata t 6 F c v deg &9xi xaxfzv
Sparta, the most powerful Greek city, which was known for its anti-
Fy vovto E o, e xr tx fla(cf3l otot [these ships were the beginning of
tyrannical efforts (Hdt. 5.49.3; Thuc. 1.18). Aristagoras's petition was
evils for both the Greeks and the barbarians] (Hdt. 5.97.3). Finally, rejected there because it involved sending the Lakedaimonian army too
Eretria sent five ships to Miletos in return for the service rendered by
far abroad. He then brought his case to Athens, the second most powerful
Miletos during the Lelantine War centuries earlier (Hdt. 5.99.1).
city (Hdt. 5.97), where his appeal resulted in the promise of twenty ships.
16. Georges 2000. Georges suggests that the lonians wished not to fight Persia but only
For Herodotos, the importance of the embassy lay in this small success.
to rid themselves of the tyrants. Aristagoras drummed up support over in Athens and
Eretria as a way of forcing the Ionian hand and starting the conflict. Berve (1967, 1:118; cf.
He portrays the Athenian involvement in the Ionian Revolt as the cause
104) believes that the tyrants were not unpopular, because they were restrained by Persia of the later Persian invasions of the mainland (Hdt. 5.97.3, 5.105),17
and because the lonians were not politically ambitious. Rather, he argues, the people
which is the major theme of his Histories: a~Tm of: at VEE£ CxQX~ xax&v
revolted to remove Persian limitations on Ionian commerce. Cf. Hegyi 1966, 292-94; Tozzi
£y£vovw 'E})..Y]OL T£ x,al, ~<XQ~UQOLOL [these ships were the beginning of

1978, 116-18, 123-25; Murray 1988, 477-79.
evils for both the Greeks and the barbarians] (Hdt. 5.97.3). Finally,
17. He does this despite the story that Dareios's interest in Greece dated back to the
beginning of his reign (Hdt. 3.137). Cf. Hdt. 6.48-49, 8.22.2. For the Ionian Revolt, see
Eretria sent five ships to Miletos in return for the service rendered by
Murray 1988; Tozzi 1978; Meiggs 1972, 23-41.
Miletos during the Lelantine War centuries earlier (Hdt. 5.99.1).
16. Georges 2000. Georges suggests that the lonians wished not to fight Persia but only
to rid themselves of the tyrants. Aristngoras drummed up support over in Athens and
Eretria as a way of forcing the Ionian hand and starting the conflict. Berve (1967, 1:118; cf.
104) believes that the tyrants were not unpopular, because they were restrained by Persia
and because the lonians were not politically ambitious. Rather, he argues, the people
revolted to remove Persian limitations on Ionian commerce. Cf. Hegyi 1966, 292-94; Tozzi
1978, 116-18, 123-25; Murray 1988,477-79.
17. He does this despite the story that Dareios's interest in Greece dated back to the
beginning of his reign (Hdt. 3.137). Cf. Hdr. 6.48-49, 8.22.2. For the Ionian Revolt, see
Murray 1988; Tozzi 1978; Meiggs 1972, 23- 41.
Herodotos is sparing in his details about the campaigns of the rebel-
lion, and his chronology of events is sketchy at best.18 A surprise attack in
the first year of campaigning resulted in the burning of Sardis and a great
victory for the rebellion. It was followed by a battle on Cyprus, which
was won on the sea by the lonians but on land by the Persians. Mean-
Herodotos is sparing in his details about the campaigns of the rebel-

lion, and his chronology of events is sketchy at best.1 8 A surprise attack in
while, on the mainland, a counteroffensive led by Dareios's three sons-in-
law resulted in the crushing of the Carian resistance and the accompany-
ing Milesian allies. Finally, the Persians decided to move against Miletos,
the first year of campaigning resulted in the burning of Sardis and a great
the home of the revolt, and they prepared for an all-out sea battle against
victory for the rebellion. It was followed by a battle on Cyprus, which
the entire allied fleet off the island of Lade in 494 B.C.E.
was won on the sea by the Ionians but on land by the Persians. Mean-
Whenever a number of states are cooperating against a common en-
while, on the mainland, a counteroffensive led by Dareios's three sons-in-

emy, some measure of organization must be present, and in this instance,
law resulted in the crushing of the Carian resistance and the accompany-
there are several reasons to believe that much of the joint effort of the
rebels was organized through the Panionion. First, Herodotos repeatedly

ing Milesian allies. Finally, the Persians decided to move against Miletos,
refers to the forces arrayed against Persia as "the lonians" (Hdt. 5.100,
the home of the revolt, and they prepared for an all-out sea battle against
101.3, 102.2, and passim), and at the defense of Cyprus, the allies the entire allied fleet off the island of Lade in 494 B.C.E.
reported that they had received their orders not from Aristagoras but
Whenever a number of states are cooperating against a common en-

from To6 xotov6v tcv 'Ivwv [the common council of the lonians] (Hdt.
emy, some measure of organization must be present, and in this instance,

5.109.3).19 Second, when the allies were preparing for the Battle of
Lade, the lonians sent representatives to the meeting of the Panionion at

there are several reasons to believe that much of the joint effort of the
Melie to debate strategy for opposing the Persians (Hdt. 6.7). Third,
rebels was organized through the Panionion. First, Herodotos repeatedly
with the exception of Aiolian Lesbos, the only allies present at Lade refers to the forces arrayed against Persia as "the Ionians" (Hdt. 5.100,
were members of the Ionian League: Miletos, Priene, Myous, Teos,
101.3, 102.2, and passim), and at the defense of Cyprus, the allies
Chios, Erythrai, Phokaia, and Samos (Hdt. 6.8). Finally, the coinage
reported that they had received their orders not from Aristagoras but
issued by the lonians at that time was a well-marked, homogeneous
series of electrum staters, all issued on the Milesian standard and all
from To ;.{OLVOV 'tcJJV 'Iwvwv [the common council of the lonians] (Hdt.
bearing an incuse square divided into four squares on the reverse and
5.109.3).19 Second, when the allies were preparing for the Battle of
marked on the obverse with the symbols of various cities. By reverting Lade, the lonians sent representatives to the meeting of the Panionion at
from silver to electrum and by returning to a Milesian standard, the
Melie to debate strategy for opposing the Persians (Hdt. 6.7). Third,
lonians were proclaiming a kind of independence, returning to the coin-
with the exception of Aiolian Lesbos, the only allies present at Lade
ing methods they had practiced before the coming of Persia.20
were members of the Ionian League: Miletos, Priene, Myous, Teos,

None of these four factors-the nomenclature, the meeting at Melie,
18. How and Wells 1912, ad 5.33; Macan 1895, app. 5; Stein 1894, ad 5.33; Grundy
Chios, Erythrai, Phokaia, and Samos (Hdt. 6.8). Finally, the coinage
1901, 84-141. issued by the Ionians at that time was a well-marked, homogeneous
19. Busolt 1893, 2:1283 n. 3 (uses of the word koinon in Greek politics).
series of electrum staters, all issued on the Milesian standard and all
20. Gardner 1908, 119-22; Gardner 1911; Gardner 1913; Gardner 1918, 92-100;
bearing an incuse square divided into four squares on the reverse and
Caspari 1915, 178-83; Seltman 1933, 86-89; Nenci 1962; Meiggs 1972, 441-42 n. 25;
marked on the obverse with the symbols of various cities. By reverting

Kraay 1976, 20-40; Carradice and Price 1988, 33. Graf (1985, 85 esp. n. 22) minimizes the
association of the coinage with the revolt.

from silver to electrum and by returning to a Milesian standard, the
Ionians were proclaiming a kind of independence, returning to the coin-
ing methods they had practiced before the coming of Persia. 20
None of these four factors-the nomenclature, the meeting at Melie,
18. How and Wells 1912, ad 5.33; Macao 1895, app. 5; Stein 1894, ad 5.33; Grundy
1901,84-141.
19. Husolt 1893, 2:1283 n. 3 (uses of the word koinon in Greek politics).
20. Gardner 1908, 119-22; Gardner 1911; Gardner 1913; Gardner 1918, 92-100;
Caspari 1915, 178-83; Seltman 1933, 86-89; Nenci 1962; Meiggs 1972,441-42 n. 25;
Kraay 1976, 20-40; Carradice and Price 1988,33. Graf (1985, 85 esp. n. 22) minimizes the
association of the coinage with the revolt.
the array of forces at Lade, or the uniform series of staters-makes good
sense except in the context of a military operation that was being decided
by a council made up from the members of the Ionian League. Therefore,

we must conclude that at the very least, from the time of the Cypriot
campaign, which may have occurred a year or more after the siege of
the array of forces at Lade, or the uniform series of staters-makes good

sense except in the context of a military operation that was being decided
Sardis (Hdt. 5.109.3), until the Battle of Lade, the Ionian League acted
for the first and only time in its known history as an organized and
competent military unit.

by a council made up from the members of the Ionian League. Therefore,
The role of Miletos in that league is more tenuously understood. For
we must conclude that at the very least, from the time of the Cypriot
example, on one occasion after a number of allied losses, when Persia
campaign, which may have occurred a year or more after the siege of
invaded Caria, the Carians were aided not by "the lonians" but by
Sardis (Hdt. 5.109.3), until the Battle of Lade, the Ionian League acted
for the first and only time in its known history as an organized and
MtLoilt'O e xam oi toitwav oii iLaxot [the Milesians and their allies]
(Hdt. 5.120). This phrase is reminiscent of the designations for the Pelo-
ponnesian League (AuxeatL6vLooto e xa oi ' rn Laxot, Hdt. 8.142.4; cf.

competent military unit.
7.157.1) and the later Delian League (oi 'AOnvaioi xazc oi 4 LIrnaxot,
The role of Miletos in that league is more tenuously understood. For
Thuc. 3.90.3 and passim), leading to the question of whether Miletos may example, on one occasion after a number of allied losses, when Persia
have played a hegemonial role in the Ionian League. Certainly the promi-
invaded Caria, the Carians were aided not by "the Ionians" but by
MLA.~owl tE xa.t ot toun.ov OUfkll<XXOl [the Milesians and their allies]
nence of Miletos was recognized by the allies, who followed the lead of
Aristagoras in starting the rebellion and accepted his appointees for com-
manders in the initial campaign (Hdt. 5.99), and also by the Persians, who
(Hdt. 5.120). This phrase is reminiscent of the designations for the Pelo-
made Miletos the ultimate object of their attack. But the formal role of
ponnesian League (Aa.x.Ebm~-t6VLOL tE xa.l, ot OU!lfk<XX,Ol, Hdt. 8.142.4; cf.
Miletos is less certain. 7.157.1) and the later Delian League (ot 'A011V<XLOL xa.t ot ~U!l~ta.XOL,
Miletos is not known to have possessed any prerogatives of a league
Thuc. 3.90.3 and passim), leading to the question of whether Miletos may
hegemon.21 Although the common foreign policy of opposition to Persia
have played a hegemonial role in the Ionian League. Certainly the promi-
was instigated by Miletos, one cannot claim that it was dictated by that
city. We know nothing about a Milesian role in summoning, chairing, or

nence of Miletos was recognized by the allies, who followed the lead of
voting in league congresses, only the bare fact that the league met annu-
Aristagoras in starting the rebellion and accepted his appointees for com-
ally to celebrate a religious festival, the Panionia. Miletos did not mo- manders in the initial campaign (Hdt. 5.99), and also by the Persians, who
nopolize military command. Aristagoras appointed the commanders for
made Miletos the ultimate object of their attack. But the formal role of
the initial expedition (Hdt. 5.99.2), but at the Battle of Lade, the allies as
Miletos is less certain.

a whole elected the commander, and he was a Phokaian (Hdt. 6.11-12).
Miletos is not known to have possessed any prerogatives of a league

In this decision, the Milesians had no greater influence over the voting
than had the other lonians. Finally, the Ionian League met to decide
hegemon. 21 Although the common foreign policy of opposition to Persia
general strategy, both when they sent their navy to Cyprus (Hdt. 5.109.3) was instigated by Miletos, one cannot claim that it was dictated by that
and when they decided to face the Persians at Lade (Hdt. 6.7).
city. We know nothing about a Milesian role in summoning, chairing, or
21. Cf. the Peloponnesian League (Ste. Croix 1972, 108-12; Larsen 1932; Larsen 1933;
voting in league congresses, only the bare fact that the league met annu-
Larsen 1934; Hammond 1967, 166-68, 195) and the Delian League (Hammond 1967,
ally to celebrate a religious festival, the Panionia. Miletos did not mo-
256-58; Meiggs 1972; Schuller 1974; Powell 1988, 1-58).
nopolize military command. Aristagoras appointed the commanders for

the initial expedition (Hdt. 5.99.2), but at the Battle of Lade, the allies as
a whole elected the commander, and he was a Phokaian (Hdt. 6.11-12).
In this decision, the Milesians had no greater influence over the voting
than had the other Ionians. Finally, the Ionian League met to decide
general strategy, both when they sent their navy to Cyprus (Hdt. 5.109.3)
and when they decided to face the Persians at Lade (Hdt. 6. 7).
21. Cf. the Peloponnesian League (Ste. Croix 1972, 108-12; Larsen 1932; Larsen 1933;
Larsen 1934; Hammond 1967, 166-68, 195) and the Delian League (Hammond 1967,
256-58; Meiggs 1972; Schuller 1974; Powell1988, 1-58).
Thus, there is no extant tradition of a hegemonial structure in the
Ionian League, and the scanty information that Herodotos offers indi-
cates quite the opposite: the alliance was made up of autonomous states,
all equally empowered. Herodotos's one reference to "the Milesians and
their allies," made during his discussion of the Carian expedition, must
Thus, there is no extant tradition of a hegemonial structure in the

Ionian League, and the scanty information that Herodotos offers indi-
be taken to mean that only the Milesians and a few others went to Caria,
since this campaign occurred at a time when the Ionian forces had dis-
persed after the Cypriot expedition. The specific mention of the Milesians
cates quite the opposite: the alliance was made up of autonomous states,
may serve additionally as a rhetorical device to heighten the effect of the
all equally empowered. Herodotos's one reference to "the Milesians and
slaughter that the Milesians were about to suffer. Herodotos rarely men-
their allies," made during his discussion of the Car ian expedition, must
tions the names of individual cities when narrating the events of the
he taken to mean that only the Milesians and a few others went to Caria,
Ionian Revolt. The Milesians only earn this honor here, in the battle for
since this campaign occurred at a time when the Ionian forces had dis-
Caria, and this because they suffered so badly: mec6vtywv6 83eTv avtwv
mo) vJv iJta ctu Mt)ltioot iLFyrcuv [while all were defeated, the Mile-
persed after the Cypriot expedition. The specific mention of the Milesians
sians were stricken the worst of all] (Hdt. 5.120).
may serve additionally as a rhetorical device to heighten the effect of the
So why was Aristagoras allowed to conduct an embassy to the main- slaughter that the Milesians were about to suffer. Herodotos rarely men-
land and appoint the commanders at the start of the revolt? Perhaps the
tions the names of individual cities when narrating the events of the
authority came to him, just as to the Phokaian commander at Lade,
Ionian Revolt. The Milesians only earn this honor here, in the battle for
through a vote of the league congress. When he sought to unite the Ionian
cities in opposition to Persia, Aristagoras would have turned naturally to

Caria, and this because they suffered so badly: JtWOVTOJV OE TWV JtaVTOJV
an organization that was already in place and that provided a link be-
;ro/../.G)V ~-taALGLa ML"Af]mm E7tAllYTJOav [while all were defeated, the Mile-
tween the Greek cities of southern Asia Minor, regardless of the previous sians were stricken the worst of all] (Hdt. 5.120).
nature of that organization. After all, the league had already demon-
So why was Aristagoras allowed to conduct an embassy to the main-
strated the potential for political action during the Persian conquest,
land and appoint the commanders at the start of the revolt? Perhaps the
when it voted on sending an embassy to Sparta (Hdt. 1.141-52, 170). If
Aristagoras did appeal to the Ionian League to organize the revolt against
authority came to him, just as to the Phokaian commander at Lade,
Persia, it would not be surprising if the league turned over the actual
through a vote of the league congress. When he sought to unite the Ionian
leadership for this venture to Aristagoras. Such an assumption would cities in opposition to Persia, Aristagoras would have turned naturally to
explain the subsequent actions of Aristagoras: how he was so easily able
an organization that was already in place and that provided a link be-
to stir up rebellion in all lonia simultaneously; by what authority he
tween the Greek cities of southern Asia Minor, regardless of the previous
ordered generals to be appointed in all the cities while he himself went as
nature of that organization. After all, the league had already demon-
envoy to Greece; and why he was allowed to appoint other Milesians
(including his own brother) as commanders of the expedition against

strated the potential for political action during the Persian conquest,
Sardis despite his own conspicuous absence.22 (According to Plutarch [de when it voted on sending an embassy to Sparta (Hdt. 1.141-52, 170). If
mal. Her. 24=861b], the siege of Sardis was undertaken to relieve a
Aristagoras did appeal to the Ionian League to organize the revolt against
Persian siege of Miletos: if this is true, Aristagoras may have been leading
Persia, it would not be surprising if the league turned over the actual
the defense of his own city.)
leadership for this venture to Aristagoras. Such an assumption would

22. Murray 1988, 480.
explain the subsequent acrions of Aristagoras: how he was so easily able

to stir up rebellion in all Ionia simultaneously; by what authority he
ordered generals to be appointed in all the cities while he himself went as
envoy to Greece; and why he was allowed to appoint other Milesians
(including his own brother) as commanders of the expedition against
Sardis despite his own conspicuous absence.22 (According to Plutarch [de
mal. Her. 24=861b], the siege of Sardis was undertaken to relieve a
Persian siege of Miletos: if this is true, Aristagoras may have been leading
the defense of his own city.)
22. Murray 1988, 480.

In short, the lonians had no compelling reason to accept the command
of Aristagoras unless he had received that authority officially from their
own representatives in the Ionian League. Moreover, since the league

was commanding the forces at Cyprus before the flight of Aristagoras
from lonia, it would be simpler to envision that the individual who had
In short, the Ionians had no compelling reason to accept the command

of Aristagoras unless he had received that authority officially from their
started the revolt was cooperating with the body directing it than to
assume a tacit transition of power from the individual to the organiza-
tion in the middle of the rebellion. It is very likely that at the inception of
own representatives in the Ionian League. Moreover, since the league
the Ionian Revolt and at the provocation of Aristagoras, the league
was commanding the forces at Cyprus before the flight of Aristagoras
found the impetus to exercise its newfound authority and military capa-
from Ionia, it would be simpler to envision that the individual who had
bility in leading the rebellion. Certainly, despite the prominent role
started the revolt was cooperating with the body directing it than to
played by Aristagoras in sparking the revolt, once the military action
assmne a tacit transition of power from the individual to the organiza-

began, he disappeared entirely from Herodotos's narrative until he fled
to Myrkinos. The date is uncertain; it may have been as early as 497

tion in the middle of the rebellion. It is very likely that at the inception of
B.C.E. or as late as 494.23 The actions at Cyprus and Lade indicate that
the Ionian Revolt and at the provocation of Aristagoras, the league
the Ionian League became the organizing and controlling force behind found the impetus to exercise its newfound authority and military capa-
the Ionian Revolt before the time of the Cypriot campaign and continued
bility in leading the rebellion. Certainly, despite the prominem role

in this role until the rebelling forces were destroyed at Lade.
played by Aristagoras in sparking the revolt, once the military action

Aristagoras proved to be a fainthearted commander, and when the
Carian defeat was coupled with other scattered losses throughout Asia
began, he disappeared entirely from Herodotos's narrative until he fled
Minor, he decided to flee Miletos. The direct cause of his flight is not
to Myrkinos. The date is uncertain; it may have been as early as 497
certain, especially since Hekataios suggested that he instead fortify Leros B.C.E. or as late as 494. 23 The actions at Cyprus and Lade indicate that
and wait there for an opportunity, meita 6e ex tavc1tg 6btchevov
the Ionian League became the organizing and controlling force behind
xateevceo8aLt g ti lv M[trtov [since starting out from there he might
the Ionian Revolt before the time of the Cypriot campaign and continued
return to Miletos] (Hdt. 5.125). The initial inclination is to interpret this
passage to mean that Aristagoras was abandoning Miletos because he

in this role until the rebelling forces were destroyed at Lade.
was fleeing from the Persian army:24 Aristagoras saw the Persians recap-
Aristagoras proved to be a fainthearted commander, and when the
turing cities and realized that he could not defeat the king, so he was Carian defeat was coupled with other scattered losses throughout Asia
relinquishing the struggle to save himself. However, in this context, the
Minor, he decided to flee Miletos. The direct cause of his flight is not
suggestion that he fortify Leros as a base from which to retake Miletos
certain, especially since Hekataios suggested that he instead fortify Leros

makes no sense. It would be unrealistic for Aristagoras to consider that
he and a small group of supporters could maintain a fort on the small

and wait there for an opportunity, bata DE EX taUtll£ OQ[!W[!fVOV
offshore island, much less use it as a base from which to retake Miletos
Xat£AflHJEG8m 2c:; tllV MLAf]tOV [since starting out from there he might
from the Persians. An alternate interpretation is that Aristagoras was in return to Miletos] (Hdt. 5. 125). The initial inclination is to interpret this
23. Murray 1988, 485.
passage to mean that Aristagoras was a bandoning Miletos beca use he
24. How and Wells 1912, ad loc. Georges (2000, 28-33) argues that Aristagoras fled
was fleeing from the Persian army: 24 Aristagoras saw the Persians recap-
when Histiaios showed up acting as the king's agent responsible for bringing the instigators
turing cities and realized that he could not defeat the king, so he was
of the rebellion to justice.
relinquishing the struggle to save himself. However, in this context, the

suggestion that he fortify Leros as a base from which to retake Miletos
makes no sense. It would be unrealistic for Aristagoras to consider that
he and a small group of supporters could maintain a fort on the small
offshore island, much less use it as a base from which to retake Miletos
from the Persians. An alternate interpretation is that Aristagoras was in
23. Murray 1988, 485.

24. How and Wells 1912, ad loc. Georges (2000, 28-33) argues that Aristagoras fled
when Histiaios showed up acting as the king's agent responsible for bringing the instigators
of the rebellion to justice.
fact fleeing from the factional strife of his own people.25 Certainly, he was
the man who started all this trouble for lonia, and one could imagine that
he wished to flee Miletos to avoid Ionian rancor, anticipating that

he would be-or perhaps he already was being-blamed for the defeat.
Yet even then, the purpose of removing to a base on Leros still remains
fact fleeing from the factional strife of his own people. 25 Certainly, he was
the man who started all this trouble for Ionia, and one could imagine that
unclear. If Aristagoras planned to retake Miletos from another faction, it
would have to be done quickly, before the Ionian Revolt was completely
smashed and the city was in the hands of the Persians. But then Aris-
he wished to flee Miletos to avoid Ionian rancor, anticipating that
tagoras would still have to face the larger struggle of the rebellion against
he would be-or perhaps he already was being-blamed for the defeat.
Persia. Neither of these explanations usually offered is plausible: Leros
Yet even then, the purpose of removing to a base on Leros still remains
was contemplated neither as a base from which to fight the Persians nor
unclear. If Aristagoras planned to retake Miletos from another faction, it

would have to be done quickly, before the Ionian Revolt was completely
as a springboard for an assault and recapture of Miletos.
Perhaps the most plausible possibility is that Hekataios planned for
Aristagoras to occupy Leros as a base from which he could betray the city
smashed and the city was in the hands of the Persians. But then Aris-
to the Persians and thus regain their favor.26 Herodotos (6.5.1) makes it
tagoras would still have to face the larger struggle of the rebellion against
clear that Aristagoras had lost his popularity: when Histiaios, the original Persia. Neither of these explanations usually offered is plausible: Leros
tyrant of Miletos, attempted to return to the city after Aristagoras's
was contemplated neither as a base from which to fight the Persians nor
departure, he was abruptly rebuffed.
as a springboard for an assault and recapture of Miletos.

o 6F Mti)oltot & cJ vot u aar x6Ovt8eg xaL 'AQLtotaoQeW ov6a-
[1 g atO&tUot L'Ouv & aXov ivcvvov 68xeJo0ut ig T1v x6v, oLa

Perhaps the most plausible possibility is that Hekataios planned for
toEÂ• 6 kvEo flrg 7ev o& tvo .
Aristagoras to occupy Leros as a base from which he could betray the city
[The Milesians, being glad to have also gotten rid of Aristagoras, to the Persians and thus regain their favor. 26 Herodotos (6.5 .1) makes it
were in no way eager to receive another tyrant into their land once
clear that Aristagoras had lost his popularity: when Histiaios, the original
they had gotten a taste of freedom.]
tyrant of Miletos, attempted to return to the city after Aristagoras's

In any case, Aristagoras wisely realized the futility of fortifying Leros and
instead fled to Myrkinos.27

departure, he was abruptly rebuffed.
The war continued for some time after the escape of Aristagoras and
the rejection of Histiaios, and things continued to go poorly for the Greek ot OE MLA~(JLOL aCJ~LcVOL cotaf.Aax8£vtE; xal, 'AQLCJt<X"{OQE(J) ouoa-
cities. In all, they lost battles in Cyprus, the Hellespont and Propontis,
f.,LW£ rrg68uf.tOL ~aav af.Aov tugavvov Mxca8m £; t11v x WQYJV, o ta

25. Macan 1895, ad loc.; de Sanctis 1931, 70-71. Murray (1988, 485) writes, "This
tc £/..cu8cgl11; ycuaaf.lcVot.
plan of establishing a nearby base makes no sense as a response to danger from Persian
attack but is typical of those exiled for internal political reasons."
26. Suggested by Graham in private conversation.

[The Milesians, being glad to have also gotten rid of Aristagoras,
27. He was successful in obtaining control of Myrkinos but was killed while besieging a were in no way eager to receive another tyrant into their land once
nearby town. Histiaios later fled to the same region after the Battle of Lade: he attempted to
they had gotten a taste of freedom .]
take control of Thasos, without success (Hdt. 6.28).
In any case, Aristagoras wisely realized the futility of fortifying Leros and
instead fled to Myrkinos.U
The war continued for some time after the escape of Aristagoras and
the rejection of Histiaios, and things continued to go poorly for the Greek
cities. In all, they lost battles in Cyprus, the Hellespont and Propontis,
25. Macan 1895, ad Joe.; de Sanctis 1931, 70-71. Murray (1988, 485) writes, "This
plan of establishing a nearby base makes no sense as a response to danger from Persian
attack but is typical of those exiled for internal political reasons."
26. Suggested by Graham in private conversation.
27. He was successful in obtaining control of Myrkinos bur was killed while besieging a
nearby town. Histiaios later fled to the same region after the Battle of Lade: he attempted to
take control of Thasos, without success (Hdt. 6.28).
Caria, and several places in Aiolia and lonia. Finally, in 494 B.C.E., the
Persians set out against Miletos itself (Hdt. 6.6). By disregarding the
other cities and concentrating their forces against Miletos, the Persians
demonstrated that they viewed Miletos as the heart of the rebellion and
that they believed that by taking that city, they would crush the entire
Caria, and several places in Aiolia and Ionia. Finally, in 494 B.C.E., the
Persians set out against Miletos itself (Hdt. 6.6). By disregarding the
revolt at one stroke. At the Panionion, the allies decided to meet the
Persians on the sea, leaving the Milesians to defend their own city against
the land army (Hdt. 6.7). The sea battle was lost due to Samian treachery,
other cities and concentrating their forces against Miletos, the Persians
and much of the Ionian fleet fled in panic (Hdt. 6.13-17).
demonstrated that they viewed Miletos as the heart of the rebellion and
After Lade, the Persians immediately turned against the city of
that they believed that by taking that city, they would crush the entire
Miletos itself. Using saps and machines, the Persians besieged this me-
revolt at one stroke. At the Panionion, the allies decided to meet the
Persians on the sea, leaving the Milesians to defend their own city against
tropolis probably for some months before capturing it in 494 B.C.E. He-
rodotos (6.19.3-20) reports that the Persian treatment was brutal.
[19.3] ... 6me ye &v69eg v o Lteveg xte4vovto vo6 Tzv

the land army (Hdt. 6. 7). The sea battle was lost due to Samian treachery,
HeociWv o6vt cv xog4VrJtv, yvvaxeg 6 bE xLixva v &vboa-
and much of the Ionian fleet fled in panic (Hdt. 6.13-17).
motwv 6oycp y~lvovto, gOdv 6 to6 v AtiA otoioi, 6 vr6og t8 xatL TO After Lade, the Persians immediately turned against the city of
xgrotnLttov, ovCX6evta ventpogato.... [20] vO808ev oL 0y-
Miletos itself. Using saps and machines, the Persians besieged this me-
9fl08vteg t 6v Mtklomywv jyovto Fg loiou. 3oatLeig 86~ o eag
tropolis probably for some months before capturing it in 494 R.C.E. He-
Aaoeog xaxoz6v o8v &)XXo moticug zxatoxtCe tfi 'EovOQi
xaXeo Ivf OaO6acof , ev "Apim 6)ti, mq' {jv T'yglg not 6;g
rodotos (6.19.3-20) reports that the Persian treatment was brutal.
caquqqooov ;g O't6aotuccv iALet. T"g 6l e Mitov xcnO'lg f totL
Ltv oi HgoaLt s xov t t xeqt ilv m6tv xa' to6 8e6tov, t 86

[19.3] ... OtE "{E aVOQEc; [J,EV ot JtAEUVEc; Et<.tELVOVtO uno t&v
UTexQOtZQLa 6oouv KaoctL Hl acreocot L tifcOuit.
IIEQCJEOJV EOVtOJV XO[J,TjtEOJV, yuvai:xEc; oi:: xa\, t£xva EV aVOQa-

JtOOOJV AO"{fJ! £ylvovto, LQOV oi:: to EV ~LOU[J,OLCJL, 6 VTjoc; tE xa\, to
[[19.3] ... Most of the men were killed by the long-haired Persians,
XQ'flCJt~QLOV, CJUA'fl8Evta EVEJtL~LJtQato .... [20] £v8EUtEV ot twy-

and the women and children were made into slaves. The sanctuary
at Didyma-both the temple and the Oracle was plundered and
burned.... [20] Then the survivors of the Milesians were taken to

Q'fl8EVtEc; t&v MtA'flCJlwv t1yovto £c; Loucra. f3aat/,Euc; of: cr<j:>cac;
Susa. But King Dareios did no further evil to them; rather, he settled
~UQEioc; xaxov oubfv &no JtOL~CJac; xawi:xwE EJtL cfj 'Egu8Qll
them on what is called the Red Sea, in the city of Ampe, near which
xaA.Eo~u~vn 8a/,(wcrn, £v "Af-tJtn n6A.t, naQ' ljv TLyQ'flc; nota~toc;

the Tigris River flows as it empties into the sea. Of the Milesian
JtaQUQQEWV cc; 8aA.aacrav E~LEL. tt1c; oi:: MLA'flCJL(J)V XWQTjc; aUtOL

~i::v ot II£gcrm ttxov ta mgl t~v n6A.tv xal to mOLov, ta oi::
land, the Persians themselves took possession of the areas around
the city and the plain, while they gave the heights [of Stephania] to
the Carians from Pedasa to have as their own.]

umogaxgw ECioCJav KaQCJL IItlCiaCJEUCJL £xt~a0m.
Herodotos's account here is introduced by an oracle about the destruc-
tion of the city. He quotes (6.19.2; Fontenrose 1978, Q134):
[[19.3] ... Most of the men were killed by the long-haired Persians,
and the women and children were made into slaves. The sanctuary
at Didyma-both the temple and the Oracle-was plundered and

burned .... [20] Then the survivors of the Milesians were taken to
Susa. But King Dareios did no further evil to them; rather, he settled
them on what is called the Red Sea, in the city of Ampe, near which
the Tigris River flows as it empties into the sea. Of the Milesian
land, the Persians themselves took possession of the areas around
the city and the plain, while they gave the heights [of Stephania] to
the Carians from Pedasa to have as their own.]
Herodotos's account here is introduced by an oracle about the destruc-

tion of the city. He quotes (6.19.2; Fontenrose 1978, Q134):

zca TOTE 6M1, MfL~rt8, zuzv a t1L XUV8 8QyOJV,
mo)XotoV 6 6eimv6v t8 zcx y)a'Ias 6Jzg9 yev ]cnfl,
oalo 8' &)oxo to)OoL t o g vykpovot iiOtUrag,

[And then, Miletos, contriver of evil deeds,
you will be a feast for many and a shining gift,
xat TOTE o~, M[).f]TE, ~taxwv £m[.t~XUVE £gywv,

JtoA./,oiOLV OELJtVOV tE xat &:yA.aa owga ycvi]on,
your wives will wash the feet of many long-haired men,
and my temple at Didyma will be a care to others.]
Thus, it would seem, the prediction of the oracle-which is itself almost

oat()' aA.oxm JtOAAO'i:OL n6ow:; VL\(JOUOL XO~lf]tmc:;,
certainly false28-dictated the details that Herodotos records. Herodo-
VT]O'U o' ~[.lE'tEQOU L'HOU[.tOLc_:; aAAOLOL ~LEt,~OEL.
tos concentrates on the depopulation of the site and the destruction of
the Oracle, while failing to mention the extensive damage done to the
[And then, Miletos, contriver of evil deeds,
city itself. Definitive proof that it was burned and razed is evident
you will be a feast for many and a shining gift,
everywhere in the ruins. The best example is the older Temple of
your wives will wash the feet of many long-haired men,
Athena, which was damaged, but not totally destroyed, by the fire: it
and my temple at Didyma will be a care to others.]

was toppled by the plundering, described by the excavator as malicious
rather than systematic.29
Before Lade, the Persians had threatened to burn the houses and
Thus, it would seem, the prediction of the oracle-which is itself almost
temples of the lonians in revolt, enslave them, castrate their sons, ab-
certainly false28_dictated the details that Herodoros records. Herodo-
duct their daughters, and give their land to others (Hdt. 6.9.4); at
tos concentrates on the depopulation of the site and the destruction of
Miletos, they fulfilled their promises. When the Persians captured the
the Oracle, while failing to mention the extensive damage done to the
city itself. Definitive proof that it was burned and razed is evident
other Ionian towns in the next year, their cruelty was only slightly
abated. They burned the towns, complete with their temples, but they
castrated only the most handsome boys and abducted only the prettiest
everywhere in the ruins. The best example is the older Temple of
girls (Hdt. 6.31). The land was not given away, and the adult inhabitants
Athena, which was damaged, but not totally destroyed, by the fire: it
were left unmolested. This treatment stands in contrast to the fate of
was toppled by the plundering, described by the excavator as malicious
Miletos, starkly emphasized by Herodotos: Mik)rtog 4v vv M ndOayv
rather than systematic.2Y

Before Lade, the Persians had threatened to burn the houses and
p1 mwto [But now Miletos was emptied of Milesians] (Hdt. 6.22.1).
The Ionian Revolt had started through the efforts of one Greek tyrant
to maintain his grasp on power, but the insurrection spread widely due to
temples of the lonians in revolt, enslave them, castrate their sons, ab-
the hatred many cities felt for their Persian-backed tyrants. The deposed
duct their daughters, and give their land to others (Hdt. 6.9.4); at
rulers fled to their Persian master and worked for the reconquest of the Miletos, they fulfilled their promises. When the Persians captured the
28. Fontenrose 1978, 170-71.
other Ionian towns in the next year, their cruelty was only slightly
29. Mallwitz 1968, 120-24. Cf. Milet 1.8.54-58, 72, 121; Weickert et al. 1957, 114;
abated. They burned the towns, complete with their temples, but they
Mellink 1961, 47-48. Hammond (1998; contra Parke 1985a) theorizes that the destruction
of Branchidai was done not by Dareios in 494 but by Xerxes in 479. If this is the case,
castrated only the most handsome boys and abducted only the prettiest
Herodotos passed without warning from the events of 494 to 479 and then back again,
girls (Hdt. 6.31). The land was not given away, and the adult inhabitants
were left unmolested. This treatment stands in contrast to the fate of
which seems very unlikely.
Miletos, starkly emphasized by Herodotos: MLA'fltoc:; [.lEV vvv MLAf]OLWV

i'lQT]!J.WtO [But now Miletos was emptied of Milesians] (Hdt. 6.22.1 ).
The Ionian Revolt had started through the efforts of one Greek tyrant
to maintain his grasp on power, but the insurrection spread widely due to
the hatred many cities felt for their Persian-backed tyrants. The deposed
rulers fled to their Persian master and worked for the reconquest of the
28. Fontenrose 1978, 170-71.

29. Mallwitz 1968, 120-24. Cf. Milet 1.8.54-58, 72, 121; Weickert eta!. 1957, 114;
Mellink 1961, 47-48. Hammond (1998; contra Parke 1985a) theori zes that the destruction
of Branchidai was done not by Dareios in 494 but by Xerxes in 479. If this is the case,
Herodotos passed without warning from the events of 494 to 4 79 and then back again,
which seems very unlikely.
Greek cities, but the efforts of Aiakes of Samos led those islanders to
desert at the critical Battle of Lade (Hdt. 6.9-10, 13). We must under-
stand in this context the action of Mardonios, who was sent by Dareios
to be the military commander in Asia Minor and Thrace. Reaching lonia,
he carried out an amazing feat: -toig yaq o avvovg V tov 'Icbvcv xatau-
Greek cities, but the efforts of Aiakes of Samos led those islanders to
desert at the critical Battle of Lade (Hdt. 6.9-10, 13). We must under-
avouicg 6avtag 6 Mau06vLog 8nl oxQu-iag xautota g t&ag o)tig [For,
deposing all the tyrants of the lonians, Mardonios set up democracies in
the cities] (Hdt. 6.43.3). This one achievement of the Ionian Revolt en-
stand in this context the action of Mardonios, who was sent by Dareios
dured: the people had revolted against their tyrants, and now Persia was
to be the military commander in Asia Minor and Thrace. Reaching Ionia,
remedying this cause for discontent. But the Milesians could not enjoy the
he carried out an amazing feat: 'WU£ yaQ 't'L'QUVVO'U£ -rwv 'Iwvwv xa-ran:-
change, since they did not survive the revolt as a political unit.
auoa; lt<XVTa£ 0 MaQOOVLO£ 01'][!0XQU'tLU£ XU'tLO'ta E£ -ra; :i'tOALU£ [For,

deposing all the tyrants of the Ionians, Mardonios set up democracies in
Refoundation
The Persians invaded Greece twice, in 490 and in 480, and were twice
beaten back. After a Hellenic naval victory at Salamis in 480, the Greek
the cities] (Hdt. 6.43.3). This one achievement of the Ionian Revolt en-
fleet was emboldened to sail east to Delos and thence to Asia. According
dured: the people had revolted against their tyrants, and now Persia was
to Herodotos, on the very day that the Hellenic army wiped out the remedying this cause for discontent. But the Milesians could not enjoy the
Persians at Plataia in 479, the fleet, dominated by the Athenians but
change, since they did not survive the revolt as a political unit.
commanded by a Spartan, landed on Mt. Mykale and engaged the Per-
sians there (Hdt. 9.97ff.). Before this battle, the Persians were worried
Refoundation
about the loyalty of the Ionian Greeks in their midst, so, according to
Herodotos, they disarmed the Samians and ordered certain Milesians
who were present to the rear, ostensibly to guard the mountain passes but
actually to get away from a position in which they could harm the Persian
The Persians invaded Greece twice, in 490 and in 480, and were twice
cause. The battle joined, and eventually the tide swung in favor of the
beaten back. After a Hellenic naval victory at Salamis in 480, the Greek
Greeks. As the Persians fled, their initial design to get the lonians out of
fleet was emboldened to sail east to Delos and thence to Asia. According
the way backfired because the Milesians led them down the wrong paths,
to Herodotos, on the very day that the Hellenic army wiped out the
back into the fighting, and finally set against them openly (Hdt. 9.104).
Persians at Plataia in 479, the fleet, dominated hy the Athenians hut

commanded by a Spartan, landed on Mt. Mykale and engaged the Per-
After the Battle of Mykale, the city of Miletos rejoined the historical
record, appearing regularly in the literature of the fifth century, in the
Athenian tribute lists, and in a flurry of building activity on the city site.
sians there (Hdt. 9.97ff.). Before this battle, the Persians were worried
Miletos returned to relative prosperity so quickly in the fifth century that
about the loyalty of the Ionian Greeks in their midst, so, according to
many scholars assume that the city never really lost all of its population,
Herodotos, they disarmed the Samians and ordered certain Milesians
and they cite the presence of the Milesians in the Persian army at Mykale as
who were present to the rear, ostensibly to guard the mountain passes but
the evidence for their position.30 In other words, one passage in Herodotos,
actually to get away from a position in which they could harm the Persian
30. Berve 1967, 1:105-6; Tozzi 1978, 205. Berve's argument is also based on the
absence of any indication of a gap in the aisymnetes list. Cf. Graham 1992, 69-72; Milet
cause. The battle joined, and eventually the tide swung in favor of the
Greeks. As the Persians fled, their initial design to get the Ionians out of
the way backfired because the Milesians led them down the wrong paths,
back into the fighting, and finally set against them openly (Hdt. 9.104).
After the Battle of Mykale, the city of Miletos rejoined the historical
record, appearing regularly in the literature of the fifth century, in the
Athenian tribute lists, and in a flurry of building activity on the city site.
Miletos returned to relative prosperity so quickly in the fifth century that
many scholars assume that the city never really lost all of its population,
and they cite the presence of the Milesians in the Persian army at Mykale as
the evidence for their position. 30 In other words, one passage in Herodotos,
30. Berve 1967, 1:105-6; Tozzi 1978, 205. Berve's argument is also based on rhe
absence of any indication of a gap in the aisymnetes list. Cf. Graham 1992, 69- 72; Mile!
about the Battle of Mykale, is used to reject another passage, about the
depopulation of Miletos.
It is better to accept the accuracy of both passages. It is impossible to use

archaeological data to prove that a city was not inhabited for such a short
period of time, because the lack of physical evidence can never be conclu-
about the Battle of Mykale, is used to reject another passage, about the
depopulation of Miletos.
sive, but one may at least note a complete absence of any building or sherd
on the city peninsula of Miletos that can be accurately dated to the years
between 494 and 479 B.C.E. At the same time, the physical evidence can
It is better to accept the accuracy of both passages. It is impossible to use
testify to the actual destruction of the site: a layer of ash and debris has
archaeological data to prove that a city was not inhabited for such a short
been found at the appropriate level throughout the city. Moreover, Herod-
period of time, because the lack of physical evidence can never be conclu-
otos dwells at length on the depopulation of the city, describing it in detail
sive, hut one may at least note a complete absence of any building or sherd
on the city peninsula of Miletos that can be accurately dated to the years
and strongly emphasizing it both by comparing it to Sybaris, another
luxurious city famous for its utter destruction, and by including the story
about Phrynichos and his ill-fated play. To argue that Herodotos is simply
between 494 and 4 79 B.C.E. At the same time, the physical evidence can
wrong here or grossly exaggerating about an event from his own lifetime
testify to the actual destruction of the site: a layer of ash and debris has
that would have been familiar to his audience is to cast doubt on the been found at the appropriate level throughout the city. Moreover, Herod-
reliability of his entire work. The story is entirely plausible when seen in
otos dwells at length on the depopulation of the city, describing it in detail

light of the Persian treatment of the other Ionian cities that were held less
and strongly emphasizing it both by comparing it to Sybaris, another

accountable for the revolt: Miletos was made an example. It is also entirely
consistent with a long-standing Near Eastern policy of resettlement: the

luxurious city famous for its utter destruction, and by including the story
king would occasionally cause the population of an entire city to migrate to
about Phrynichos and his ill-fated play. To argue that Herodotos is simply
a distant part of the empire. The purposes for this policy varied but cer- wrong here or grossly exaggerating about an event from his own lifetime
tainly included the desire to resettle a fertile area depopulated by other
that would have been familiar to his audience is to cast doubt on the
events, the need to fortify weak border areas, and the need to break up
reliability of his entire work. The story is entirely plausible when seen in
local power bases and so eliminate potential rivals.31 Miletos was de-
stroyed and its inhabitants resettled to remove potential troublemakers

light of the Persian treatment of the other Ionian cities that were held less
from the region of lonia while at the same time dispensing a lesson to the
accountable for the revolt: Miletos was made an example. It is also entirely
other Persian subjects. consistent with a long-standing Near Eastern policy of resettlement: the
The people returning to the site settled first in the highest and safest
king would occasionally cause the population of an entire city to migrate to
location, the hill of Kalabaktepe, south of the city proper. New buildings
a distant part of the empire. The purposes for this policy varied but cer-
were erected on layers of Persian debris used to terrace two plateaus with
tainly included the desire to resettle a fertile area depopulated by other

considerable care and at great expense, indicating that the people who
1.3.241-42. Another theory, that the inhabitants of Miletos were not restored until at least
events, the need to fortify weak border areas, and the need to break up
the mid-fifth century (Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1914, 81; Mayer 1932, 1633-35), has local power bases and so eliminate potential rivals.31 Miletos was de-
been disproved by archaeological finds.
stroyed and its inhabitants resettled to remove potential troublemakers
31. Ambaglio (1975) concludes that deportations in Herodotos were never done to
from the region of Ionia while at the same time dispensing a lesson to the
exterminate the inhabitants but rather to tear them from their own land, break up political
other Persian subjects.

unity, and eliminate the possibility of rebellion. The deportees were allowed to maintain
relative autonomy, along with their customs and language.

The people returning to the site settled first in the highest and safest
location, the hill of Kalabaktepe, south of the city proper. New buildings
were erected on layers of Persian debris used to terrace two plateaus with
considerable care and at great expense, indicating that the people who
1.3.241-42. Another theory, that the inhabitants of Miletos were not restored until at least
the mid-fifth century (Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1914, 81; Mayer 1932, 1633-35), has
been disproved by archaeological finds.
31. Ambaglio (1975) concludes that deportations in Herodotos were never done to
exterminate the inhabitants but rather to tear them from their own land, break up political
unity, and eliminate the possibility of rebellion. The deportees were allowed to maintain
relative autonomy, along with their customs and language.
did this work probably intended it to be their permanent home. But soon,
presumably after the Battle of Mykale, it became apparent that the city
was safe from invasion and that many more citizens were being gathered
than had been expected, enough to reestablish the city on its former scale.
The one small hill could not house such a city, no matter how thoroughly
did this work probably intended it to be their permanent home. But soon,
presumably after the Battle of Mykale, it became apparent that the city
it was terraced, so the citizens mapped out a new city on the peninsula to
the north. Heavy construction took place in the second quarter of the
fifth century, and at about the midcentury mark, once the initial streets
was safe from invasion and that many more citizens were being gathered
and homes were put in place, the settlement on Kalabaktepe was perma-
than had been expected, enough to reestablish the city on its former scale.
nently abandoned.32
The one small hill could not house such a city, no matter how thoroughly
The restored city was culturally indistinguished from the original, prov-
it was terraced, so the citizens mapped out a new city on the peninsula to
ing that the new settlers had Milesian roots. Thus, the potential sources
the north. Heavy construction took place in the second quarter of the
for the settlers were very few. Some would have come from the Milesian
refugees who escaped the Battle of Lade and the destruction of Miletos
fifth century, and at about the midcentury mark, once the initial streets
(Hdt. 6.22.3). Others may have been Milesians who made their way back
and homes were put in place, the settlement on Kalabaktepe was penna-
from Ampe. (Either of these groups could have supplied the small army nently abandoned. 32
contingent at the Battle of Mykale.) However, while these refugees un-
The restored city was culturally indistinguished from the original, prov-
doubtedly contributed to the refoundation of the city, it is unlikely that
ing that the new settlers had Milesian roots. Thus, the potential sources
their total number was large enough to explain the magnitude of the
restored city.
for the settlers were very few. Some would have come from the Milesian
The likely source for many of the new Milesians must have been the
refugees who escaped the Battle of Lade and the destruction of Miletos
citizens of the many colonies of the Pontos and Propontis, which could (Hdt. 6.22.3 ). Others may have been Milesians who made their way back
have provided any number of settlers with the same ancestry and heritage
from Ampe. (Either of these groups could have supplied the small army
as the original Milesians. Evidence for this source of citizens may be con-
contingent at the Battle of Mykale.) However, while these refugees un-

tained in certain Milesian inscriptions from the fourth century that record
treaties with several colonies. The first, a treaty with Olbia that is dated
doubtedly contributed to the refoundation of the city, it is unlikely that
before 323 and possibly in 330, is discussed thoroughly by Graham.33
their total number was large enough to explain the magnitude of the
te a m6 L-rQ 'O) fltomo)1tg xaLc Mi)rlo[L-] restored city.
otg" ttMtXf]ClmOV Fv 'OX 3ur (L) 6XeL 0'g 'OX-
The likely source for many of the new Milesians must have been the
liomoXoui-r v ve& rv r tOv c-rz it f3w-
citizens of the many colonies of the Pontos and Propontis, which could
[LJJV ZUL 81 TU 189U TU U w',- COLTUCV Ta
have provided any number of settlers with the same ancestry and heritage
66cii ua-ra t x -rexw',x z: 'O).f3lomo ,- 5
-ag tgvott 6 FAXU L aie [oag Mt~Lo C[otg xa-

as the original Milesians. Evidence for this source of citizens may be con-
O6Lca xa' TotEQov louv' av 6e Oriy tained in certain Milesian inscriptions from the fourth century that record
32. Graeve 1986a, 42-43; Kerschner 1995, 218.
treaties with several colonies. The first, a treaty with Olbia that is dated
33. Milet 1.3 #136 = Tod 1946, #195; Graham 1983, chap. 6; Ehrhardt 1983, 233-
before 323 and possibly in 330, is discussed thoroughly by Graham. 33

41. The translation given here is from Graham 1983, 100.
nxbE Jtatgw 'OA.~LOJtOAltm<; xed MLAYJO[t-]

me;' tO[! MLA~<JLOV EV 'OA~LYJ(L) JtOAEL w::; '01.-
~LOJtOAltr]V 8tJELV EJIL tWV <XlltW[! ~CD-
f.tWV xat Et::; ta LEQU ta <XtJta <j>mtCiv ta
ClYJf..I.O<JL<X xata ta <XtJta X<Xl 'OA~LOJtOtcl- 5
tac;' Etvm ClE Y.<XL atEAEiac; MLAllCJLOL::; :.~.a-
8aaaa xat JtQotEgov ~oav· £av bi: 8EAYJL
32. Graeve 1986a, 42-43; Kerschner 1995, 218.
33. Milet 1.3 #136 = Tad 1946, #195; Graham 1983, chap. 6; Ehrhardt 1983, 233-
41. The translation given here is from Graham 1983, 100.
TL[LOVxLt 4tL tT8x(V, TLV, flOv)v 8QT'
Ã—Xi 8xtoyoaxqeLg tex' sXU (L otw0
Fvrekflg, xaOott xat 01 &khot nroXkhaL10

ELoLV" eLVaLt 86~ xa Jtoela7y xa iEOxl-
QV6ous0Ot Lig o g oi;yvag xaL Aa-
TL~W1JXLW[! [!ftfXELV, fJtL ~01JA~V EJtLtCO

xal, (:moyga¢dt; f!EtEXEtw xat £otw
Q 0oOL tagc TLaux oi, zxu0u coi aX
F MLIfJTwi L JzGVTaL COW6F TL cwvfl6-
) xtov 'I(L) " (70t Mt)IJCo[00 v 'OX f3iax, ox& cw 6(L- 15

Evt£/,{lt;, xaOotL xa[ ot aHm noAi:tm 10
x11 fLy {mtw Ftc F mtv0' f t ui; ~r
d.oiv· dvm lSi:: xai. ngor/Sglay xal, dmtT]-
to0 6lOti 6txoLtxac Lcfl9ov" ev6at 6F
gvoow8m dr; tour; aywvar; xai £na-
[&]cekelg adviag MLXhnolong, aty 5000c~o
guo8m tait; tgwxamy, xa8aooa xai.

Ef! MLI.~tcoL £nagwvtm· £avIS£ n o1Jf!~6-
Ev a L) (i) m68L oe imliovti xaL &QxqelA )
Amov ~(L) twL MLATJOLWL £v 'OJ.fJlm, tox€tco lSi-

Ftpexovoty xaL 8txacbucglQv. xaiut tci- 20
ot 6 xaL 'O? 3itooktag e MLX tat ae-

15
S Lg; 8vaL, xUL to a~ xata tov atov
XTJY xal, UJtEXEtw Ef! n€v8' ~f!EQmt; £ni.
TQOgoov 'OPtonoXL'tatg t MtkXIfJt fiund- toil IST]~WtLxoiJ cmwotT]QL01J. ELvm /Sf;
xety xa0ot xaL MthnlOOtg v'OX3urL (t) no et.
[a]tEAELt; navtat; MLAT]OL01Jt;, JtA~V OOOL

[The following are traditional arrangements for the Olbiopolitans
EV UAAT](L) JtOAEL lTOAL"tEVOVtaL xal, agxdw(f!)

and Milesians. That the Milesian in the city of Olbia sacrifice like
an Olbiopolitan on the same altars, and partake [5] in the same

f!E"tEX01JoLy xaL ISLxaotllQiwv. xata tau- 20
public cults under the same conditions as the Olbiopolitans. That
ta CE xai. 'OA~LOJtOALtat; f[,L MLA~tOJL atE-
the Milesian have exemption from taxation as it was formerly. AEit; Etvm, xai. ta UAAa xata tOV autov
That, if he wish to become eligible for office, he is to come before
tQOJtOV 'OI.~LOJtOALtaL<; E[,L MLJ.~tOJL UJt<lQ-

the Council and be entered on the rolls and be liable to [10] taxa-
XELY xa86n xai. MLATJOLOL£ EV '0/,fJiTJ(L) n6A.a.

tion as other citizens are. That they (i.e. the Milesians) have the
right of privileged seats at public gatherings, of being announced at

[The following are traditional arrangements for the Olbiopolitans
athletic contests and of praying at the festival of the triakades, as
and Milesians. That the Milesian in the city of Olbia sacrifice like
they pray at Miletus. And that, if the Milesian have a law suit [15]
arising from a legal contract, the case shall be tried within five days
an Olbiopolitan on the same altars, and partake [5] in the same
at the public court. That all Milesians be exempt from taxation
public cults under the same conditions as the Olbiopolitans. That
except those who in another city exercise citizenship, [20] hold the Milesian have exemption from taxation as it was formerly.
magistracies and take part in the courts. That, on the same terms,
That, if he wish to become eligible for office, he is to come before
the Olbiopolitan be exempt from taxes, and the other arrangements
the Council and be entered on the rolls and be liable to [10] taxa-
apply in the same way to the Olbiopolitan in Miletus as to the
Milesians in the city of Olbia.]

tion as other citizens are. That they (i.e. the Milesians) have the
This inscription establishes equal citizenship, or isopoliteia, between the
right of privileged seats at public gatherings, of being announced at
athletic contests and of praying at the festival of the triakades, as
two cities Miletos and Olbia. Citizens from either city could go to the
they pray at Miletus. And that, if the Milesian have a law suit l15J
arising from a legal contract, the case shall be tried within five days
at the public court. That all Milesians be exempt from taxation
except those who in another city exercise citizenship, [20] hold
magistracies and take part in the courts. That, on the same terms,
the Olbiopolitan be exempt from taxes, and the other arrangements
apply in the same way to the Olbiopolitan in Miletus as to the
Milesians in the city of Olbia.]
This inscription establishes equal citizenship, or isopoliteia, between the

two cities Miletos and Olbia. Citizens from either city could go to the
other and enjoy a privileged status: exemption from taxation, the right to
sacrifice in the public cults, special seats at public gatherings, and the
right to argue lawsuits in the public court that was reserved for citizens.
In addition, any citizen of one city who wanted to obtain full citizenship
in the other-especially eligibility for public office-needed only to de-
other and enjoy a privileged status: exemption from taxation, the right to
sacrifice in the public cults, special seats at public gatherings, and the
clare himself liable to taxation. This relationship was very unusual, for
while it was common for mother cities to reserve the right to send later
settlers to a colony as full citizens, the colonists' right of return was

right to argue lawsuits in the public court that was reserved for citizens.
usually strictly limited.
In addition, any citizen of one city who wanted to obtain full citizenship
Its abrupt beginning establishes that this decree is a restatement of
in the other-especially eligibility for public office-needed only to de-
"traditional arrangements" [ths atQLa]. Generally, scholars feel that
clare himself liable to taxation. This relationship was very unusual, for
this relationship must have been in effect in the past and then lapsed for
while it was common for mother cities to reserve the right to send later
some reason before it was reestablished in this treaty. Graham says: "It
may be assumed that the treaty was necessary because these arrange-
settlers to a colony as full citizens, the colonists' right of return was
ments had been in abeyance. The most obvious reason for this would be
usually strictly limited.
the Persian control of Miletus."34 Since Miletos was in Persian hands Its abrupt beginning establishes that this decree is a restatement of
from ca. 540 to 479 and again from 412 to 334, the earlier treaty must
"traditional arrangements" [1:a6E ;tcX'tQLa]. Generally, scholars feel that

have dated either to the fifth century or to before 540. Graham thinks it
this relationship must have been in effect in the past and then lapsed for
dates most probably to the second half of the fifth century, after Miletos
had returned to prosperity, or to the early sixth century, before the Per-
some reason before it was reestablished in this treaty. Graham says: "It
sian conquest of lonia.
may be assumed that the treaty was necessary because these arrange-
However, another period should be considered as a more likely date ments had been in abeyance. The most obvious reason for this would be
for the original treaty of isopoliteia. Immediately after the Battle of
the Persian control of Miletus."34 Since Miletos was in Persian hands
Mykale, when the city of Miletos was being refounded, it was natural for
from ca. 540 to 4 79 and again from 412 to 334, the earlier treaty must
the returning Milesian refugees to look to the colonies for additional
settlers. A means of persuading the citizens of the colonies-many of

have dated either to the fifth century or to before 540. Graham thinks it
them prosperous cities-to move to the ruins of Miletos needed to be
dates most probably to the second half of the fifth century, after Miletos
found. Perhaps the Milesians opened up the citizenship to people from had returned to prosperity, or to the early sixth century, before the Per-
the colonies who wanted to return to the mother city. Parallels for this
sian conquest of Ionia.
action exist. In the clearest one, Teos was abandoned to the Persians but
However, another period should be considered as a more likely date

for the original treaty of isopoliteia. Immediately after the Battle of
resettled around the second half of the sixth century by settlers from its
colony Abdera. Afterward, the two cities may have been very closely
linked, sharing not just isopoliteia but sympoliteia (one unified govern-
My kale, when the city of Miletos was being refounded, it was natural for
ment for the two).35 Graham gives other examples both of possible the returning Milesian refugees to look to the colonies for additional
mother cities being refounded by colonies (Sybaris, Skidros, Posidonia)
settlers. A means of persuading the citizens of the colonies-many of
and of cities besides Miletos that were destroyed in one account but
them prosperous cities-to move to the ruins of Miletos needed to be

34. Graham 1983, 105.
found. Perhaps the Milesians opened up the citizenship to people from

35. Demand 1990, 39-43; Graham 1992, esp. 53, 69-70.
the colonies who wanted to return to the mother city. Parallels for this
action exist. In the clearest one, Teos was abandoned to the Persians bur
resettled around the second half of the sixth century by settlers from its
colony Abdera. Afterward, the two cities may have been very closely
linked, sharing not just isopoliteia but sympoliteia (one unified govern-
ment for the two).3 5 Graham gives other examples both of possible
mother cities being refounded hy colonies (Syharis, Skidros, Posidonia)
and of cities besides Miletos that were destroyed in one account but
34. Graham 1983, 105.

35. Demand 1.9.90, 39-43; Graham 1992, esp. 53, 69-70.
appear again as functioning polities fairly soon afterward (Eretria, Kama-
rina, Priene). He argues for the colonies as a major source for settlers at
Miletos, but he does not directly connect the treaties of isopoliteia to this
incident.
My interpretation would be weak if Miletos shared isopoliteia with
appear again as functioning polities fairly soon afterward (Eretria, Kama-

rina, Priene). He argues for the colonies as a major source for settlers at
just one colony, because one city, no matter how prosperous, was not
likely to provide the thousands of settlers needed for Classical Miletos.
However, this isopoliteia existed with Kyzikos as well. A decree from

Miletos, but he does not directly connect the treaties of isopoliteia to this
Miletos (Milet 1.3 #137) that is dated to the same time as the treaty with
incident.
Olbia, before 323 B.C.E., is more abrupt but comes to much the same
My interpretation would be weak if Miletos shared isopoliteia with
terms. The inscription breaks off after only sixteen lines, but after a
just one colony, because one city, no matter how prosperous, was not
likely to provide the thousands of settlers needed for Classical Miletos.
sudden beginning consisting only of a listing of the people who are vouch-
ing for the treaty, the surviving body of the text reads:
... ta giv 68L; gA) cL; gi-

However, this isopoliteia existed with Kyzikos as well. A decree from
vat eg rov a&avta Xovov
Miletos (Milet 1.3 #137) that is dated to the same time as the treaty with
xat rTe ma6rtaL etva 6e -tov Olbia, before 323 B.C.E., is more abrupt but comes to much the same
Kvtxov6v ei Mtk)irwt Mt-
terms. The inscription breaks off after only sixteen lines, but after a
)otIov xa 't6v Mit)~ILtov v 15
sudden beginning consisting only of a listing of the people who are vouch-
Kv[Ã—xoL KvtLx]v6v, xaOo[t]
[zx 96mTEov iuv -----]

ing for the treaty, the surviving body of the text reads:
[.. . the cities be friends for all time according to the traditional
arrangements, and the Kyzikene at Miletos [15] be Milesian and the

... "ta<; flEV JtOAEL<; </JlAa<; d-
Milesian at Kyzikos by Kyzikene, just as [it was formerly]36...
vm E<; "tCJV aJtav"ta XQOVOV

xa,;a ,;a Jt<X"LQw· Etvm IS£ ,;(w
Again there is a bald beginning and a reference to traditional arrange-
ments. These are followed by the clear statement of isopoliteia: any citi-
zen of the one city who comes to the other may be a citizen there.
KusLx11vov e11 MLA.~"t(J)L ML-
We must keep in mind that what we know about Milesian isopoliteia
A.~aLov x.at ,;ov MLA ~awv ev 15
depends on the chance survival of later inscriptions. We have two treaties
~vstx.wL KusLx11v6v, xa06,;[L]
that are clearly examples of this relationship. Another inscription contain-
[xa\, JtQO"tEQOV ~aav -----]

ing a treaty with Istros may have included similar provisions, but the text
is too broken for certainty.37 One between Miletos and Kios from ca. 228
[... the cities be friends for all time according to the traditional
B.C.E. (Milet 1.3 #141) also contains some elements of isopoliteia, and
arrangements, and the Kyzikene at Miletos [15] be Milesian and the

the fact that Miletos and Amisos issued the same coinage in the third
36. The restoration is formulaic (cf. line 7 of the treaty with Olbia).
Milesian at Kyzikos by Kyzikene, just as [it was formerly]36 ...
37. Lambrino 1927-32, 398; restored by Robert (1928, 171-72) as a treaty of
isopoliteia. Again there is a bald beginning and a reference to traditional arrange-

ments. These are followed by the clear statement of isopoliteia: any citi-
zen of the one city who comes to the other may be a citizen there.
We must keep in mind that what we know about Milesian isopoliteia
depends on the chance survival of later inscriptions. We have two treaties
that are clearly examples of this relationship. Another inscription contain-
ing a treaty with lstros may have included similar provisions, but the text
is too broken for certaintyY One between Miletos and Kios from ca. 228
B.C.E. (Milet 1.3 #141) also contains some elements of isopoliteia, and
the fact that Miletos and Amisos issued the same coinage in the third
36. The restoration is formulaic (cf. line 7 of the treaty with Olbia).
37. Lambrino 1927-32, 398; restored by Robert (1928, 171-72) as a treaty of
isopoliteia.
century might be a sign of such a relationship there.38 If two or three such
inscriptions survive, many more may have been lost; certainly the original
decrees have not been found. That only Miletos out of all the Greek
mother cities had such a treaty with several colonies is more than just
coincidence. These treaties of isopoliteia may serve as the most important
century might be a sign of such a relationship there. 3 S If two or three such

inscriptions survive, many more may have been lost; certainly the original
witness to the source of the new population of fifth-century Miletos: any
colonist who would return to the mother city would be given full citizen-
ship in exchange for his participation in the rebuilding of Miletos.

decrees have not been found. That only Miletos out of all the Greek
The Orthogonal Plan
mother cities had such a treaty with several colonies is more than just
The city that rose again from the ashes of the Persian destruction was a
coincidence. These treaties of isopoliteia may serve as the most important
splendid achievement, for fifth-century Miletos was the first to exhibit a
witness to the source of the new population of fifth-century Miletos: any

systematic and total application of urban planning.39 The entire city pen-
colonist who would return to the mother city would be given full citizen-
insula, far beyond the limited extent of the original resettlement, was
divided into uniform, right-angled blocks by straight streets that enclosed

ship in exchange for his participation in the rebuilding of Miletos.
but did not radiate from the public markets and buildings. The Archaic
remains had been laid out without a uniform orientation-some portions
The Orthogonal Plan

were orthogonal, but one cannot speak of a plan that encompassed the
entire Archaic city-as were the buildings in the temporary settlement on
Kalabaktepe, but even the earliest shrines built after the destruction of the
city were oriented according to the new street alignment, which guaran-
The city that rose again from the ashes of the Persian destruction was a
tees that the orthogonal city plan did not grow up gradually but was
splendid achievement, for fifth-century Miletos was the first to exhibit a

utilized from the start by the people resettling Miletos. Immediately after
479 B.C.E., before any construction was done except on Kalabaktepe, the
systematic and total application of urban planning.39 The entire city pen-
peninsula north of the Sacred Gate and the later Hellenistic cross wall
insula, far beyond the limited extent of the original resettlement, was
was completely surveyed, and the lines of partition were laid down. divided into uniform, right-angled blocks by straight streets that enclosed
Deviations from the orthogonal grid were scarcely tolerated, and no
but did not radiate from the public markets and buildings. The Archaic
Archaic remains that survived the destruction of the city were reused in
remains had been laid out without a uniform orientation-some portions

conflict with the new system.
were orthogonal, but one cannot speak of a plan that encompassed the
The peninsula was divided into two main districts. The northern
district encompassed both the North Hill and the Theater Hill and ex-
entire Archaic city-as were the buildings in the temporary settlement on
tended through the city's center on the Lion Bay, where open space was left
Kalabaktepe, but even the earliest shrines built after the destruction of the
for the main agora of the city, the North Market, and where the majority
city were oriented according to the new street alignment, which guaran-
38. Ehrhardt 1983, 235, 238.
tees that the orthogonal city plan did not grow up gradually but was
39. Standard works on ancient city planning are Haverfield 1913; Gerkan 1924a;
utilized from the start by the people resettling Miletos. Immediately after
Castagnoli 1971; Martin 1974; Ward-Perkins 1974; Owens 1991.
4 79 n.c.E., before any construction was done except on Kalabaktepe, the

peninsula north of the Sacred Gate and the later Hellenistic cross wall
was completely surveyed, and the lines of partition were laid down.
Deviations from the orthogonal grid were scarcely tolerated, and no
Archaic remains that survived the destruction of the city were reused in
conflict with the new system.
The peninsula was divided into two main districts. The northern
district encompassed both the North Hill and the Theater Hill and ex-
tended through the city's center on the Lion Bay, where open space was left
for the main agora of the city, the North Market, and where the majority
38. Ehrhardt 1983, 235, 238.

39. Standard works on ancient city planning are Haverfield 1913; Gerkan 1924a;
Castagnoli 1971; Martin 1974; Ward-Perkins 1974; Owens 1991.
of public buildings eventually found their homes. The orientation of the
streets there was probably determined by the Archaic remains on the
Theater Hill, in the area west of the Bouleuterion, and by the remains of
the Delphinion, for in these areas many of the Archaic walls corresponded
exactly to the fifth-century constructions: the orientation of the buildings
of public buildings eventually found their homes. The orientation of the

streets there was probably determined by the Archaic remains on the
on the Theater Hill remained the same from Archaic times until the Mid-
dle Ages, and some Archaic walls were reused in the fifth century.40 In the
southern district, which included everything below the later South and
Theater Hill, in the area west of the Bouleuterion, and by the remains of
West Markets, some of the Archaic house walls east of the Temple of
the Delphinion, for in these areas many of the Archaic walls corresponded
Athena also corresponded to the new Classical buildings. One may con-
exactly to the fifth-century constructions: the orientation of the buildings
clude that the area around the temple may have determined the size and
on the Theater Hill remained the same from Archaic times until the Mid-
shape of the blocks, whereas the correspondence of walls decreases further
dle Ages, and some Archaic walls were reused in the fifth century. 40 In the
west of the temple, where Classical remains are rare.41
The street arrangement on the peninsula (which is 2 km. long) has

southern district, which included everything below the later South and
been investigated several times in this century. When Gerkan drew up his
West Markets, some of the Archaic house walls east of the Temple of
original plan of Miletos-which included both the Classical and the Hel- Athena also corresponded to the new Classical buildings. One may con-
lenistic constructions-he recognized the two main districts and saw that
clude that the area around the temple may have determined the size and
the relationship between the two was slightly askew. In the north, the two
shape of the blocks, whereas the correspondence of walls decreases further

hills had approximately the same orientations and small and somewhat
variable city blocks, all about 29 m. wide, but ranging between about 18
west of the temple, where Classical remains are rare. 41
and 33 m. deep. The southern district had a slightly different orientation
The street arrangement on the peninsula (which is 2 km. long) has
and had blocks nearly double in size, about 35 x 44 m. The streets been investigated several times in this century. When Gerkan drew up his
throughout Gerkan's plan were less than 5 m. wide.42 This whole scheme
original plan of Miletos-which included both the Classical and the Hel-
was reevaluated by Hoepfner and Schwandner,43 who widened the
lenistic constructions-he recognized the two main districts and saw that
streets, especially three main avenues, and doubled the size of Gerkan's
blocks in the north. In their plan, the blocks in the north and south have
the relationship between the two was slightly askew. In the north, the two
approximately the same area, although with different dimensions (north
hills had approximately the same orientations and small and somewhat
29.4 x 52.92 m. [5:9]; south 35.33 x 44.1 m. [4:5]). Neither of these variable city blocks, all about 29m. wide, but ranging between about 18
plans is entirely satisfactory, however, and a third, more accurate depic-
and 33 m. deep. The southern district had a slightly different orientation
tion of the city grid is being developed by Berthold Weber on the basis of
and had blocks nearly double in size, about 35 X 44 m. The streets

recent measurements from the site.44
throughout Gerkan's plan were less than 5 m. wide. 42 This whole scheme
The success of the grid can be seen in the allocation of space to public
buildings, for those constructions that were to be larger than a city block
was reevaluated by Hoepfner and Schwandner,4 3 who widened the
40. Kleiner 1961; Mellink 1962, 185-88; Mellink 1984, 454; Pfrommer 1985, 40-46. streets, especially three main avenues, and doubled the size of Gerkan's
41. Milet 1.8.82-83; Kleiner 1960, 40-41; Mellink 1961, 47-48; Mellink 1974, 114.
blocks in the north. ln their plan, the blocks in the north and south have
42. Gerkan reconstructed the presumed city blocks in his plan (Milet 2.3 fig. 1). This is
approximately the same area, although with different dimensions (north

29.4 X 52.92 m. [5:9]; south 35.33 X 44.1 m. [4:5]). Neither of these

the plan that appears everywhere in discussions of Milesian city planning.
43. Hoepfner and Schwander 1994, 17-22.
44. Forthcoming in Weber's Milet volume on the Heroa.

plans is entirely satisfactory, however, and a third, more accurate depic-
tion of the city grid is being developed by Berthold Weber on the basis of
recent measurements from the site. 44
The success of the grid can be seen in the allocation of space to public
buildings, for those constructions that were to be larger than a city block
40. Kleiner 1961; Mellink 1962, 185-88; Mellink 1984, 454; Pfrommer 1985, 40-46.
41. Milet 1.8.82-83; Kleiner 1960, 40-41; Mellink 1961, 47-48; Mellink 1974, 114.
42. Gerkan reconstructed the presumed city blocks in his plan (Milet 2.3 fig. 1). This is
the plan that appears everywhere in discussions of Milesian city p lanning.
43. Hoepfner and Schwander 1994, 17-22.

44. Forthcoming in Weber's Milet volume on the H eroa.
were not allowed to alter or significantly deform the grid. Instead, they
were assigned areas whose dimensions were multiples of a city block to-
gether with the streets between them. The building thought to be the
Prytaneion corresponds perfectly to two of Gerkan's city blocks, while the
North Market occupies six. The Delphinion originally occupied two
were not allowed to alter or significantly deform the grid. Instead, they
were assigned areas whose dimensions were multiples of a city block to-
blocks but was later expanded to four. Despite the grandeur of its construc-
tion, the fifth-century Temple of Athena and its temenos were allotted only
one block in the southern section of the city. Oddly enough, the temple was
gether with the streets between them. The building thought to be the
slightly out of alignment with the prevailing orientation. The excavators
Prytaneion corresponds perfectly to two of Gerkan's city blocks, while the
have generally assumed that this anomaly was probably due to the scarcity
North Market occupies six. The Delphinion originally occupied two
of nearby roads and buildings from which to orient the temple,45 but when
blocks hut was later expanded to four. Despite the grandeur of its construc-
this phenomenon is compared to the asymmetrical arrangement of the
tion, the fifth-century Temple of Athena and its temenos were allotted only
Archaic altars in the Delphinion, it seems possible that the religious signifi-
cance of the precise locations took precedence over the demands for or-
one block in the southern section of the city. Oddly enough, the temple was
thogonal exactitude.
slightly out of alignment with the prevailing orientation. The excavators
It is remarkable that the new inhabitants were able to plan so effec- have generally assumed that this anomaly was probably due to the scarcity
tively for the future of Miletos. A glance at Gerkan's map of the Hellenis-
of nearby roads and buildings from which to orient the temple,45 but when
tic city demonstrates their success in creating uniformity over the whole
this phenomenon is compared to the asymmetrical arrangement o f the

peninsula. When the rebuilding first began, the city occupied only a
fraction of the peninsula. But the orthogonal plan accommodated the

Archaic altars in the Delphinion, it seems possible that the religious signifi-
growth of the city through Hellenistic times, and in the second century
cance of the precise locations took precedence over the demands for or-
B.C.E., it was still following the plan laid out in the fifth century. Miletos thogonal exactitude.
is one of the most successful examples of city planning known to us from
It is remarkable that the new inhabitants were able to plan so effec-
the Greek world.
tively for the future of Miletos. A glance at Gerkan's map of the Hellenis-
We now know that the plan utilized so brilliantly at Miletos probably
had it roots in the regular, but not necessarily orthogonal, city plan that
tic city demonstrates their success in creating uniformity over the whole
developed in various places throughout the Archaic Greek world, espe-
peninsula. When the rebuilding first began, the city occupied only a
cially in the course of the Greek colonization movement of the seventh fraction of the peninsula. But the orthogonal plan accommodated the
and sixth centuries B.C.E.46 In sending out at least one colony a year for
growth of the city through Hellenistic times, and in the second century
B.C.E., it was still following the plan laid out in the fifth century. Miletos
two centuries, the Greeks would have naturally learned the most conve-
nient way to make a settlement: they laid down streets and divided the
is one of the most successful examples of city planning known to us from

45. Milet 1.6.89.
46. Gerkan 1924a, 30-37; cf. Martin 1951, 350. Some scholars attribute the develop-
the Greek world.
ment of the plan to Egypt, where an axial arrangement of temples has been found at Kahun We now know that the plan utilized so brilliantly at Miletos proba bly
(nineteenth century B.C.E.) and Tell-el-Amarna (fourteenth century B.C.E.), or to Asia: see
had it roots in the regular, but not necessarily orthogonal, city plan that
Nissen 1877, 583 (Egypt or Babylon); Haverfield 1913 (Asia); Lavedan and Hugueney
developed in various places throughout the Archaic Greek world, espe-

1966; Castagnoli 1971, 105-6; Owens 1991. But there is no evidence for any large-scale
cially in the course of the Greek colonization movement of the seventh

implementation of the plan in Egypt or the East and equally no reason to think that the
Greeks were not imaginative enough to have thought of it themselves. For a summary of
and sixth centuries R.C.E. 4 6 Tn sending out at least one colony a year for
the scholarship, see Castagnoli 1971, 2-7.
two centuries, the Greeks would have naturally learned the most conve-
nient way to make a settlement: they laid down streets and divided the
45. Milet 1.6.89.

46. Gerkan 1924a, 30- 37; cf. Martin 1951, 350. Some scholars attribute the develop-
ment of the plan to Egypt, w here an axial arrangement of temples has been found at Kahun
(nineteenth century B.C.E. ) and Tell-el-Amarna (fourteenth century B.C.E.), or to Asia: see
N issen 1877, 583 (Egypt or Babylon); Haverfield 1913 (Asia); Lavedan and Hugueney
1966; Castagnoli 1971, 105- 6; Owens 1991. But there is no evidence for any large-scale
implementation of the plan in F.gypt or the Fast and equally no reason to think that the
Greeks were not imaginative enough to have thought of it themselves. For a summary of
the scholarship, see Castagnoli 1971, 2-7.
land for allotment with an eye toward its best use, whether residential,
commercial, religious, or political. Gradually they planned more at the
start to avoid later difficulties, and colonies began to resemble orthogonal

cities to a greater degree.
Examples of partially planned cities can be found in most parts of the
land for allotment with an eye toward its best use, whether residential,
commercial, religious, or political. Gradually they planned more at the
Greek world, but the evidence tends to be slim. In the colonies in the
Propontis and Pontos, where we might hope to see the development of
the Milesian plan, excavations are not very extensive, and certainly no
start to avoid later difficulties, and colonies began to resemble orthogonal
entire city was founded on the principle of regularity: the city most
cities to a greater degree.
thoroughly excavated, Olbia, is disappointing in that it shows no sign of
Examples of partially planned cities can be found in most parts of the
planning.47 On the mainland itself, only Halieis on the Argolid had a
Greek world, but the evidence tends to be slim. In the colonies in the
regular city plan in the fourth century, which seems to have descended
Propontis and Pontos, where we might hope to see the development of

from a similar plan in the sixth and fifth centuries.48 The situation is
slightly better in Asia Minor and the Aegean, with evidence of planning
the Milesian plan, excavations are not very extensive, and certainly no
found at Smyrna (end of eighth century), Emporion on Chios (eighth and
entire city was founded on the principle of regularity: the city most
seventh centuries), and Thasos (mid-sixth century).49 The best place to thoroughly excavated, Olbia, is disappointing in that it shows no sign of
see the development of Greek city planning is in the colonies of Sicily and
planning. 47 On the mainland itself, only Halieis on the Argolid had a

Magna Graecia, where the numerous excavations have demonstrated
regular city plan in the fourth century, which seems to have descended
that many cities displayed such plans at an early date: examples are
Megara Hyblaia (eighth century), Naxos (ca. 700 B.C.E.), the acropolis at
from a similar plan in the sixth and fifth centuries. 4 S The situation is
Selinos (mid-sixth century or fourth century), and a section of Syracuse
slightly better in Asia Minor and the Aegean, with evidence of planning
(mid-sixth century), as well as Agrigentum, Metapontum, Kamarina, found at Smyrna (end of eighth century), Emporion on Chios (eighth and
Himera, Kroton, Poseidonia, and elsewhere in the Classical Era.50 For the
seventh centuries), and Thasos (mid-sixth century).4 9 The best place to
most part, the Archaic cities did not exhibit the signs of a rigid imposition
see the development of Greek city planning is in the colonies of Sicily and
of a preconceived plan; rather, they developed in an orderly fashion, but
only gradually, with the order imposed in part because the inhabitants
Magna Graecia, where the numerous excavations have demonstrated
47. Martin 1974,301-7 (Pontic colonies). Castagnoli (1971, 10) says that Olbia did show
that many cities displayed such plans at an early date: examples are
signs of planning already in the sixth century, but this view is disputed by the excavators. Megara Hyblaia (eighth century), Naxos (ca. 700 B.C.E.), the acropolis at
According to Vinogradov and Kryzickij (1995, 29), "Es soll betont werden, dafN in dieser Zeit
Selinos (mid-sixth century or fourth century), and a section of Syracuse
[6. Jh. v. Chr.], ibrigens wie auch spaiter, Olbia kein einheitliches regulaires rechteckiges
(mid-sixth century), as well as Agrigentum, Metapontum, Kamarina,

Planungssystem hatte" [It should be emphasized that at this time [in the sixth century B.C.E.],
Himera, Kroton, Poseidonia, and elsewhere in the Classical Era. 50 For the
and moreover later as well, Olbia had no uniform, regular, right-angled system of planning].
48. Boyd and Rudolph 1978; Rudolph 1984.

most part, the Archaic cities did not exhibit the signs of a rigid imposition
49. Cook 1958/59 (Smyrna); Cook 1962, 70-72 (Smyrna); Martin 1974, 289-91 of a preconceived plan; rather, they developed in an orderly fashion, but
(Smyrna and Emporion), 331 (Smyrna); Martin 1978 (Thasos).
only gradually, with the order imposed in part because the inhabitants
50. In general: Castagnoli 1971, 10-12, 128-30; Martin 1974, 309-29; Asheri 1975,
47. Martin 1974,301-7 (Pontic colonies). Castagnoli (1971, 10) says that Olbia did show
7-9; Graham 1982a, 103-13; Graham 1982b; Owens 1991, 30-50. Megara Hyblaia:
Vallet 1973 (esp. 85 fig. 2); Vallet, Villard, and Auberson 1976, 1983. Selinos: Martin
signs of planning already in the sixth century, hut this view is disputed hy the excavators.
1975; Martin 1977; Theodorescu 1975; Owens 1991, 44-46 (Owens thinks the plan dates
According to Vinogradov and Kryzickij (1995, 29), "Es soll beront werden, daB in dieser Zeit
to the fourth century). Metapontum: Martin 1972/73, 354-55. Himera: Adriani et al.
[6. Jh. v. Chr.], iibrigens wie auch spiiter, Olbia kein einheitliches reguliires rechteckiges
1970; Belvedere 1976.
Planungssystem hatte" [It should be emphasized that at this time [in the sixth century B.C.E.],
and moreover later as well, Olbia had no uniform, regular, right-angled system of planning] .
48. Boyd and Rudolph 1978; Rudolph 1984.
49. Cook 1958/59 (Smyrna); Cook 1962, 70-72 (Smyrna); Martin 1974, 289-91
(Smyrna and Emporion), 331 (Smyrna); Martin 1978 (Thasos).
50. In general: Castagnoli 1971, 10-12, 128-30; Nlartin 1974, 309-29; Asheri 1975,
7-9; Graham 1982a, 103-13; Graham 1982b; Owens 1991, 30-50. Megara Hyblaia:
Vallet 1973 (esp. SS fig. 2 ); Vallet, Villard, and Auherson 1976, 1983. Selinos: Martin
1975; Martin 1977; Theodorescu 1975; Owens 1991,44-46 (Owens thinks the plan dates
to the fourth century). Metapontum: Martin 1972/73, 354- 55. Himera: Adriani et al.
1970; Belvedere 1976.
mostly abandoned curved houses and built rectilinear structures that
shared a common wall with their neighbor. Only in the fourth century
were both creativity and the conditions of the terrain subordinated to the
demands of orthogonality.51
Most cities could only adopt planning gradually, when specific neigh-
mostly abandoned curved houses and built rectilinear structures that

shared a common wall with their neighbor. Only in the fourth century
borhoods where being annexed for the first time or else rebuilt after a
calamity, but in the case of Miletos, the complete destruction of the
Archaic city allowed for a full-scale imposition of planning on the entire

were both creativity and the conditions of the terrain subordinated to the
city site. The planners adhered completely to the strictest orthogonal grid
demands of orthogonality. 5 1
of parallel and perpendicular streets, regardless of the terrain, resulting in
Most cities could only adopt planning gradually, when specific neigh-
city blocks that were of nearly equal size in each section. The Milesian
borhoods where being annexed for the first time or else rebuilt after a
calamity, but in the case of Miletos, the complete destruction of the
devotion to form, uniting theory and function, became the standard ex-
pression of the orthogonal plan in the fifth and early fourth centuries. It
was born of the availability of an open site, the practical need for land
Archaic city allowed for a full-scale imposition of planning on the entire
division, the social and political considerations inherent in the foundation
city site. The planners adhered completely to the strictest orthogonal grid
of a city, and philosophical speculations on the makeup of the ideal city.52 of parallel and perpendicular streets, regardless of the terrain, resulting in
Hippodamos
city blocks that were of nearly equal size in each section. The Milesian
Miletos was the first completely planned city in the Greek world. In
devotion to form, uniting theory and function, became the standard ex-
subsequent years, this style of orthogonal planning became known as
Hippodamian, after Hippodamos, the Milesian architect who popular-

pression of the orthogonal plan in the fifth and early fourth centuries. It
ized it.53 This identification became so automatic that scholars since the
was born of the availability of an open site, the practical need for land
Renaissance have erroneously associated the invention of the orthogonal division, the social and political considerations inherent in the foundation
city plan with him. But Hippodamos lived in the fifth century and can
of a city, and philosophical speculations on the makeup of the ideal city. 52
hardly have been responsible for a plan that archaeological evidence has
reliably dated back to at least the eighth century B.C.E. The origin of this
scholarly misunderstanding may be traced to several passages from Aris-
totle's Politics. In book 7 (1330b21-31), Aristotle refers to the "Hippo-

Hippodamos
damian method" of laying out streets in an orderly quincunx. Then, in
51. Owens 1991, 30-50.
Miletos was the first completely planned city m the Greek world. In
52. Martin 1974, 331-32.
53. Arist. Pol. 7.1330b21-31. The argument posed here is condensed from Gorman
subsequent years, this style of orthogonal planning became known as
1995. Modern discussions of Hippodamos are Hermann 1841; Erdmann 1884; Castagnoli
Hippodamian, after Hippodamos, the Milesian architect who popular-
1971, 65-72; Fabricius 1913; Gerkan 1924b; McCredie 1971; Wycherley 1973, 17-18; ized it.53 This identification became so automatic that scholars since the
Martin 1974, 15-16, 103-6; Ward-Perkins 1974, 14-17; Burns 1976; Szidat 1980;
Renaissance have erroneously associated the invention of the orthogonal
Falciai 1982; Triebel-Schubert and Muss 1983/84; Owens 1991, 51-73 passim; Kostof
city plan with him. But Hippodamos lived in the fifth century and can
1991, esp. 105.
hardly have been responsible for a plan that archaeological evidence has
reliably dated back to at least the eighth century B.C.E. The origin of this
scholarly misunderstanding may be traced to several passages from Aris-
totle's Politics. In book 7 (1330b21-31), Aristotle refers to the "Hippo-
damian method" of laying out streets in an orderly quincunx. Then, in
51. Owens 1991, 30-50.

52. Martin 1974, 331- 32.
53. Arist. Pol. 7.1330b21-31. The argument posed here is condensed from Gorman
1995. Modern discussions of Hippodamos are Hermann 1841; Erdmann 1884; Castagnoli
1971, 65-72; Fabricius 1913; Gerkan 1924h; McCredie 1971; Wycherley 1971, 17-18;
Martin 1974, 15-16, 103-6; Ward-Perkins 1974, 14-1 7; Burns 1976; Szidat 1980;
Falciai 1982; Triebel-Schubert and Muss 1983/84; Owens 1991, 51- 73 passim; Kostof
1991, esp. 105.
book 2, during a discussion of earlier theoretical models of the ideal state,
the philosopher discusses Hippodamos himself (1267b22-30).
I7r6obaog 6 EvQuv xivtog MtlotoCg, 6g xc tlyV t av 6oweMv

tLaIQeoty LEe xot ov WHeoata& xateteev, yev6oevog xatL eT QL
-6v )kkov fl3ov goitt6t 6ioog 6ta t LotLLav oi~vtg 6Soit 6o8xev
book 2, during a discussion of earlier theoretical models of the ideal state,

the philosopher discusses Hippodamos himself (1267b22-30).
vtotg fiv EQtLeoy6teov "TQLtXv "te m6EL xaL t xo6o tqip oVe8 e ,
'ti 8b e oOictog -tevOog itv &)esVfig 86, ox v tc XyetLtvt ilovov
&) Lxa cJ m oig sO89tvoig xQo6vovg, oytog 8 ~ xaLT eQL inv
6okfv oLV ivaL t pL ovf evog. mJiyrog t v -t l notetvotLvwv 'lnn6C\a~oc; ClE Eugu<j>wvmc; MLA~moc;, oc; xat tllV tcJJV JtOA£WV
EVEXELOrjcY T TE8QL QOo) Lta;g TEV - r tg 0cQLct'fg.
ClLaLg£cnv E~Q£ xal, tov IIELQmCi xatEtE~£v, y~;v6~tevoc; xal, Jt£QL

tOV &nov ~Lov JtEQLTtOtEQO<; ClLCx <j>LAOTL~LLav OVt(J)c; wm:E ClOXElV
[Hippodamos, the son of Euryphon, and a Milesian, who both
£vLmc; ti'Jv JtEQLEQYOTEQOV tQL)(WV tEn), ~ea xat x.6a~rp JtOAutEAEi,

invented the division of cities and cut out the Peiraios, was in the
rest of his life very extraordinary because of his love of reputation,
so that to some people he seemed to live his life very elaborately,

ETL ()£ ECJ8~toc; EUT!oAOU<; ~EV aJ,EELV~c; M, oUX EV tO} )(EL~OJVL ~LOVOV
wearing his hair long and arranged in a costly manner, while his ana x.aL JtEQL touc; 8EQLVOU<; )(QOVOU<;, ),oyLO<; ClE x.al, mgl, t~v
clothes were of cheap material that was nevertheless warm, which
o),T]V <j>umv ctvm ~ou),o~LEVO<;. JtQWtoc; tWV ~~ JtOALtEUO~EV(J)V
he wore both in the winter and in the summer alike. He wanted to
EVE)(ElQYJGE TL ;tEQL no),LtELac; ElnEiv ti'jc; agLatYJ<;.

be knowledgeable about nature in general. First among those who
were not statesmen, he tried to speak about the best state.]
In the phrase 8g xa "V T i v tJTvmyOV 8taLQeoty e60e, translated liter- [Hippodamos, the son of Euryphon, and a Milesian, who both
ally as "who also invented the division of cities," scholars have found the
invented the division of cities and cut out the Peiraios, was in the
evidence that seems to establish that Aristotle considered Hippodamos to
rest of his life very extraordinary because of his love of reputation,

be the inventor of regular city planning. No one disputes the literal trans-
so that to some people he seemed to live his life very elaborately,

lation, but because the precise meaning of the word diairesis, "division,"
is unclear, there is a tendency among scholars to elaborate on it in order

wearing his hair long and arranged in a costly manner, while his
to guide their readers to what they feel to be the correct interpretation.
clothes were of cheap material that was nevertheless warm, which
Often this interpretation necessarily involves city planning, and many
he wore both in the winter and in the summer alike. He wanted to
editions translate this phrase along some variation of "the division of
be knowledgeable about nature in general. First among those who

cities into streets or quarters."54
were not statesmen, he tried to speak about the best state.]

Such an interpretation of Aristotle's passage was understandable be-
fore this century, when archaeology was in its infancy, but no such excuse
exists for the scholarship that has been written in the last thirty years In the phrase oc; x.at t~V TWV JtOJ,E(J)V ClLUlQE<JLV E{;QE, translated liter-
especially, in the time since archaeological evidence has proven that this
ally as "who also invented the division of cities," scholars have found the
evidence that seems to establish that Aristotle considered Hippodamos to
54. Newman 1887; Jowett 1905; McKeon 1941; Aubonnet 1960; Stahr 1839; Fabricius
1913.
be the inventor of regular city planning. No one disputes the literal trans-
lation, bur because the precise meaning of the word diairesis, "division,"
is unclear, there is a tendency among scholars to elaborate on it in order

to guide their readers to what they feel to be the correct interpretation.
Often this interpretation necessarily involves city planning, and many
editions translate this phrase along some variation of "the division of
cities into streets or quarters." 54
Such an interpretation of Aristotle's passage was understandable be-
fore this century, when archaeology was in its infancy, but no such excuse
exists for the scholarship that has been written in the last thirty years
especially, in the time since archaeological evidence has proven that this
54. Newman 1887; Jowett 1905; McKeon 1941; Au bonnet 1960; Stahr 1839; Fabricius
1913.
interpretation must be wrong. Instead of acknowledging that a misunder-
standing has taken place, many scholars still cling to the old interpreta-
tion but in a modified form. For example, one hypothesis is that Aristotle
did not mean that Hippodamos invented city planning per se but rather
that he invented a modification of city planning involving an alternation
interpretation must be wrong. Instead of acknowledging that a misunder-

standing has taken place, many scholars still cling to the old interpreta-
of major and minor streets. Another credits Hippodamos with the intro-
duction of "a specific system of planning which differed in both detail
and overall design from contemporary practice," principally by using the

tion but in a modified form. For example, one hypothesis is that Aristotle
"clear demarcation of these [sc. land-use] areas by wide arterial roads."55
did not mean that Hippodamos invented city planning per se but rather
Such efforts are misdirected. They aim at explaining what seems to be a
that he invented a modification of city planning involving an alternation
mistake on Aristotle's part, when in fact the mistake lies not with Aris-
of major and minor streets. Another credits Hippodamos with the intro-
totle but with his interpreters and translators.
duction of "a specific system of planning which differed in both detail

The context of the Politics makes it quite clear that Aristotle is not
thinking about the actual physical layout of cities and that by diairesis he
and overall design from contemporary practice," principally by using the
means the division of people into classes and of land into types.56 The
"clear demarcation of these [sc. land-use] areas by wide arterial roads. " 55
purpose of book 2 of the Politics is to discuss theoretical and actual Such efforts are misdirected. They aim at explaining what seems to be a
models of the ideal state, beginning with the question of how a state
mistake on Aristotle's part, when in fact the mistake lies not with Aris-
should share or divide its basic goods (2.1260b36-40), the topic that
totle but with his interpreters and translators.

forms the basic framework for the following discussion. Aristotle recog-
nizes two possible states, one in which the citizens share everything and
The context of the Politics makes it quite clear that Aristotle is not
another in which they share only certain things. He discusses first Plato's
thinking about the actual physical layout of cities and that by diairesis he
ideal state, which is an example of Aristotle's first alternative (Pol. means the division of people into classes and of land into types. 56 The
2.1261a5-8), and then two other ideal states, which are variations of the
purpose of book 2 of the Politics is to discuss theoretical and actual
second alternative. The first of these two models was preferred by Phaleas
models of the ideal state, beginning with the question of how a state
of Chalkedon, who was the first to suggest the distribution of equal lots
of land to be held privately, to prevent discord among the citizens (Pol.

should share or divide its basic goods (2.1260h36-40), the topic that
2.1266a38-40). The last model is that pioneered by Hippodamos, in
forms the basic framework for the following discussion. Aristotle recog-
which the people are divided into classes and the land is divided among nizes two possible states, one in which the citizens share everything and
them. Aristotle says (Pol. 2.1267b30-37):
another in which they share only certain things. He discusses first Plato's
zuzcYxouv 6, 6e ilv m6t)iv ic.J ORL tv tv9uQ v9oov, Fig ; rc 6e
ideal state, which is an example of Aristotle's first alternative (Pol.

tpQl 811t ltV11V" xToLEt YaQ Ev bt~v bt Oog s Fxv[0C, ,Ev b
2.1261 a5-8), and then two other ideal states, which are variations of the
55. Owens 1991, 60-61; cf. McCredie 1971 (alternating streets). Owens's discussion of
Hippodamos (51-61) is probably the best work in English to date, but he tends to
second alternative. The first of these two models was preferred by Phaleas
overgeneralize. of Chalkedon, who was the first to suggest the distribution of equal lots
56. A few scholars do employ the philosophical translation without refuting the others,
of land to be held privately, to prevent discord among the citizens (Pol.
but this is by no means the rule. Millon (1803) has offered the following: "est inventeur
2.1266a38-40). The last model is that pioneered by Hippodamos, in

de la division des Etates par ordres de citoyens" [He is the inventor of the division of the
which the people are divided into classes and the land is divided among
state into orders of citizens]. Ward-Perkins (1974, 14, 16) likewise translates, "he invented
the division of cities by classes."

them. Aristotle says (Pol. 2.1267b30-3 7):
xarwxEual;E 6e TTJV Jrot,Lv t0 JrAT]8EL ~LEV ~·uQlav6gov, ds tQla 6E

~EQll 6LTIQll~t£vllv· rnotn yag liv ~ev ~egos rExvltas, liv 6£
55. Owens 1991, 60- 61; cf. McCredie 1971 (alternating streets). Owens's discussion of
Hippodamos (51-61) is probably the best work in English to date, but he tends to
overgeneralize.
56. A few scholars do employ the philosophical translation without refuting the others,
but this is by no means the rule. Millon ( 1803) has offered the following: "est inventeur
de Ia division des Etates par ordres de citoyens" [He is the inventor of the division of the
state into orders of citizens). Ward-Perkins (1974, 14, 16) likewise translates, "he invented
the division of cities by classes."
ywo0yovg, t -iov 86 T6 Ooo)oT oOv xa' thx s6 a )xov. 6L8tiOtL
6'g i;T~fca I4~r Ti1V xc)n1v, P1V EV hoaV Ti1V 6f 6 ocY~uV Ti1V 6'
t6av'6OSeev ev t voga u eva Oto ovot c oog oy6 g 0osoFoig, hleav,

&4' 6)v 6' oi mo oo)ietoOvmeg fitcboovtat, xotvi1v, t- v 86 t-v
yEoOylv i6 Lv.
ycwgyouc;, tQltov of: to ngonol.qwiiv xaL ta on"-a f::xov. oqlQEL

{)' de; tgla ~u':QT) t~v ')(,WQ11V, n1v ~cv tcgav t~v be CJT)~oalav t~v {)'
[And he furnished his city with ten thousand men, divided into three
classes; for he made one class craftsmen, another farmers, and the
third to defend the city and carry arms. And he divided the land into
tblav·oocv ~cv ta vo~tt6~Eva nm~aoum ngoc; toile; Ocouc;, LEQav,
three parts: sacred, public, and private. The sacred land provided
a¢' JJV o' OL JtQOJtOfoc~OVVtEc; ~LW00Vtm, XOLVllV, t~V OE t&v
for the rites that they made for the gods, the commonly held land
yEwgyGJV tolav.
was that from which the warriors took their living, and the private
land was owned by the farmers.57]
The repetition of tLtLO9w is significant. When Hippodamos divided

[And he furnished his city with ten thousand men, divided into three
(b6LUflIvilvv) his people into classes (repeated at Pol. 2.1268a16) and
classes; for he made one class craftsmen, another farmers, and the
divided (8teit1) his land into types, he was in fact making a division of the
third to defend the city and carry arms. And he divided the land into
city (LtOLQeLotv). The immediate context makes it clear that this division, as
three parts: sacred, public, and private. The sacred land provided
for the rites that they made for the gods, the commonly held land
Aristotle describes it, is what Aristotle meant by tiAv tO)v ok6ewv
L8taclcoLv. There need be no implication that the division of land and
people was accompanied by an actual physical division by streets in the

was that from which the warriors took their living, and the private
layout of the ideal city, although such physical division was not excluded.58ss
land was owned by the farmers Y l
To take diairesis to mean "city planning" would seriously damage the
The repetition of OLCXLQEOJ is significant. When Hippodamos divided

organization of Aristotle's essay, since Aristotle introduces his discussion
of the other theoretical communities by linking them to his overall
theme of how property should be shared. To interpret Tiv TOv okoewv

(OLlJQT)~EVT)V) his people into classes (repeated at Pol. 2.1268a16) and
L8taQxLotv as is traditionally done destroys this link: no other phrase in
divided (OLTIQEL) his land into types, he was in fact making a division of the
this passage (Pol. 2.1267b22-30) can be understood to introduce the
city (i'HCXLQEOW). The immediate context makes it clear that this division, as
topic of Hippodamos's theory. In this way, the general structure of book
Aristotle describes it, is what Aristotle meant by n1v tGJV JtOAEWV

Otalgcatv. There need be no implication that the division of land and
2 of the Politics as well as the immediate context of the passage in
question supports the theoretical interpretation of diairesis. Aristotle
says not that Hippodamos invented "the division of cities into streets/
people was accompanied by an actual physical division by streets in the
57. Hippodamos also divided the laws and legal verdicts into three (Arist. Pol.
layout of the ideal city, although such physical division was not excluded. 5 8
2.1267b37-1269a12).
To take diairesis to mean "city planning" would seriously damage the
58. Burns (1976, 416-17) realizes that in the immediate context of the discussion of
organization of Aristotle's essay, since Aristotle introduces his discussion

of the other theoretical communities by linking them to his overall
Hippodamos, diairesis is explained by the subsequent paragraphs, but he fails to identify the
importance of the larger organizational pattern of book 2, which is much more important in
determining the absolute meaning of Aristotle's statement that Hippodamos invented the
theme of how property should be shared. To interpret t~v t&v JtOAEOJV
btalgcmv as is traditionally done destroys this link: no other phrase in
division of cities.
this passage (Pol. 2.1267b22-30) can be understood to introduce the

topic of Hippodamos's theory. In this way, the general structure of book
2 of the Politics as well as the immediate context of the passage in
question supports the theoretical interpretation of diairesis. Aristotle
says not that Hippodamos invented "the division of cities into streets/
57. Hippodamos also divided the laws and legal verdicts into three (Arist. Pol.
2.1267b37-1269a12).
58. Burns (1976, 416-17) realizes that in the immediate context of the discussion of
Hippodamos, diairesis is explained by the subsequent paragraphs, but he fails to identify the
importance of the larger organizational pattern of book 2, which is much more important in
determining the absolute meaning of Aristotle's statement that H ippodamos invented the
division of cities.
quarters" but rather that he was the first to theorize about the divisions
of people and land within a city.59
According to the ancient sources, Hippodamos held three vocations or

avocations.60 He was first a theoretician. Next he was a meteorologist, a
profession that might also be reflected in Aristotle's statement "He
quarters" but rather that he was the first to theorize about the divisions
of people and land within a city. 59
wanted to be knowledgeable about nature in general," for meteorology in
antiquity meant literally "the study of things aloft" but was used in
reference both to astrological phenomena and to earth science in general,

According to the ancient sources, Hippodamos held three vocations or
like earthquakes and storms.61 Finally, Hippodamos's source of renown
avocations. GO He was first a theoretician. Next he was a meteorologist, a
was as a city planner, or what the sources call an architect.62 In this
profession that might also be reflected in Aristotle's statement "He
capacity he is regularly associated with four different cities: Miletos, the
wanted to he knowledgeable about nature in general," for meteorology in

Peiraios, Thourioi, and Rhodes. We have already discussed how Miletos
antiquity meant literally "the study of things aloft" but was used in
was regularly planned in the second quarter of the fifth century. The date
for the work at the Peiraios is uncertain: it may have been conducted by
reference both to astrological phenomena and to earth science in general,
Themistokles ca. 480 B.C.E. but should probably be connected with the
like earthquakes and storms. 61 Finally, Hippodamos's source of renown
innovations of Perikles at about the midcentury mark. Thourioi was was as a city planner, or what the sources call an architect. 62 In this
founded in 444/3 B.C.E. and Rhodes in 408/7 B.C.E. Obviously, if we are
capacity he is regularly associated with four different cities: Miletos, the

to accept that Hippodamos was in charge of planning all four of these
Peiraios, Thourioi, and Rhodes. We have already discussed how Miletos

cities, we run into a chronological obstacle that must be resolved: his
career must have spanned seventy years, an unlikely figure.

was regularly planned in the second quarter of the fifth century. The date
Nearly every extant source says that Hippodamos was a Milesian, but
for the work at the Peiraios is uncertain: it may have been conducted by
not a single one says that he was responsible for the layout of Miletos. Themistokles ca. 480 B.C.E. but should probably be connected with the
However, because he has been held up as the inventor of city planning for
innovations of Perikles at about the midcentury mark. Thourioi was
so long, many scholars believe that he must have planned Miletos, the first
founded in 444/3 B.C.E. and Rhodes in 408/7 B.C.E. Obviously, if we are

known completely orthogonal city. As a consequence, it is assumed that
Hippodamos must have been born before ca. 510, in order for him to have
to accept that Hippodamos was in charge of planning all four of these
been deeply involved in the refoundation of Miletos from the start.63 Ac-
cities, we run into a chronological obstacle that must be resolved: his
cording to this theory, he would be a mature adult at the time of the Battle career must have spanned seventy years, an unlikely figure.
of Mykale, which immediately preceded the resettlement of Miletos. To be
Nearly every extant source says that Hippodamos was a Milesian, but
the driving intellectual force behind the new city plan, he needed to be at
not a single one says that he was responsible for the layout of Miletos.
least thirty years old: the entire plan was conceived before the rebuilding
However, because he has been held up as the inventor of city planning for
commenced, and the Milesians were not likely to entrust their entire future
59. Gorman 1995 traces the erroneous idea to its origin with Piero Vettori in 1576.
so long, many scholars believe that he must have planned Miletos, the first
60. In addition to Aristotle, see Harp. s.v. ITnro66tera (= Ps.-Dem. 49.22); Hesych. s.v. known completely orthogonal city. As a consequence, it is assumed that
'I3ro66 to veeog; Phot. s.vv. ITno6oae ta and I3ro66 ox v eog; Andok. de Myst.
Hippodamos must have been born before ca. 510, in order for him to have
45; Xen. Hell. 2.4.11; Anec. Gr. 1.266.28 Bekker (s.v. Innro66xte i yoQ&); Suda s.v.
been deeply involved in the refoundation of Miletos from the start. 63 Ac-
I3nro6&e4ta.
cording to this theory, he would be a mature adult at the time of the Battle
61. Gilbert 1907.
62. About architects, see Coulton 1977.

of My kale, which immediately preceded the resettlement of Miletos. To be
63. Gerkan 1924a, 42-61; Gerkan 1924b; Martin 1974, 103-6; Szidat 1980.
the driving intellectual force behind the new city plan, he needed to be at
least thirty years old: the entire plan was conceived before the rebuilding
commenced, and the Milesians were not likely to entrust their entire future
59. Gorman 1995 traces the erroneous idea to its origin with Piero Vettori in 1576.
60. In addition to Aristotle, see Harp. s.v. 'lmto<'IUfLELU (= Ps.-Dem. 49.22); Hesych. s.v.
'!Jmobcqwu VEfLEOL£; Phot. s.vv. ' btno<'laftEta and 'lmro<'laftuu VEfLWL£; Andok. de Myst.
45; Xen. Hell. 2.4.11; Anec. G r. 1.266.28 Bekker (s.v. 'lnnol\aftELU &.yoga); Suda s.v.
'Tnnoilaww.
61. Gilbert 1907.

62. About architects, see Coulton 1977.
63. Gerkan 1924a, 42- 61; Gerkan 1924b; Martin 1974, 103- 6; Szidat 1980.
to an unproven youth. In addition, that he seems to have been in charge of
the work at the Peiraios would indicate that he had both experience and
reputation in city planning. However, a necessary corollary of this theory is

that Hippodamos could not possibly have planned Rhodes, because to do
so he would have had to have lived to be more than one hundred.
to an unproven youth. In addition, that he seems to have been in charge of

the work at the Peiraios would indicate that he had both experience and
This theory rests on the assumption that Hippodamos had to be in
charge of planning Miletos. However, once the idea that Hippodamos
actually invented city planning is discarded, there remains no evidence

reputation in city planning. However, a necessary corollary of this theory is
that he planned his home city or even, for that matter, that he was
that Hippodamos could not possibly have planned Rhodes, because to do
involved in its refoundation. The sources merely say that he was a Mile-
so he would have had to have lived to be more than one hundred.
sian. It is plausible that Hippodamos was a young architect who was
This theory rests on the assumption that Hippodamos had to be in

charge of planning Miletos. However, once the idea that Hippodamos
concerned with, but not in charge of, the rebuilding of Miletos at some
time after 479 B.C.E. Building on the peninsula continued for more than a
century before the city expanded to fill the space that had been plotted
actually invented city planning is discarded, there remains no evidence
out for it, so Hippodamos could have been born ca. 490 or even later and
that he planned his home city or even, for that matter, that he was
still have participated in the construction. Since he was already an accom- involved in its refoundation. The sources merely say that he was a Mile-
plished architect by the 450s, when he was hired by Perikles to lay out the
sian. Tt is plausible that Hippodamos was a young architect who was

Peiraios, where better could he have learned his trade than in the rebuild-
concerned with, but not in charge of, the rebuilding of Miletos at some
ing of his own home?
It was at the Peiraios that Hippodamos won real fame, for there an
time after 4 79 B.C.E. Building on the peninsula continued for more than a
agora was named after him. The layout of that port city is not alto-
century before the city expanded to fill the space that had been plotted
gether clear today, because the excavations have been severely curtailed out for it, so Hippodamos could have been born ca. 490 or even later and
by the modern city that occupies the site.64 Individual streets have been
still have participated in the construction. Since he was already an accom-
excavated in small pieces only, not along their entire length. However,
plished architect by the 450s, when he was hired by Perikles to lay out the
the archaeological finds confirm a pattern that is, on the whole, orthogo-
nal, although the street orientation changes many times, particularly in

Peiraios, where better could he have learned his trade than in the rebuild-
response to the topography of the site. The width of the streets also
ing of his own home?
varies, but not enough is known to identify a regular scheme of alternat- lt was at the Peiraios that Hippodamos won real fame, for there an
ing widths. Finally, a series of boundary markers have been discovered
agora was named after him. The layout of that port city is not alto-
at the Peiraios, which seem to have separated districts of the city and to
gether clear today, because the excavations have been severely curtailed
have delineated areas for public or private use.65
by the modern city that occupies the site.64 Individual streets have been
It is difficult to date the layout of the Peiraios, in part because of the
limited access archaeologists possess, but also because the historical situa-
excavated in small pieces only, not along their entire length. However,
tion of the fifth century B.C.E. allows for several possibilities. The- the archaeological finds confirm a pattern that is, on the whole, orthogo-
mistokles was responsible for the selection and fortification of the
nal, although the street orientation changes many times, particularly in
Peiraios as the port of Athens in the wake of Xerxes' invasion of Greece
response to the topography of the site. The width of the streets also
64. Eickstedt 1991, esp. fig. 1; Hoepfner and Schwandner 1994, 22-50, esp. fig. 14.
varies, but not enough is known to identify a regular scheme of alternat-

65. Judeich 1931; Garland 1987; Eickstedt 1991. On the boundary stones, see Hill
1932; McCredie 1971, 96-98; Garland 1987, 225-26; Lewis 1990, esp. 250-51.
ing widths. Finally, a series of boundary markers have been discovered
at the Peiraios, which seem to have separated districts of the city and to
have delineated areas for public or private use. 6 '
It is difficult to date the layout of the Peiraios, in part because of the
limited access archaeologists possess, but also because the historical situa-
tion of the fifth century B.C.E. allows for several possibilities. The-
mistokles was responsible for the selection and fortification of the
Peiraios as the port of Athens in the wake of Xerxes' invasion of Greece
64. Eickstedt 1991, esp. fig. 1; Hoepfner and Schwandner 1994, 22- 50, esp. fig. 14.
65. Judeich 1931; Garland 1987; Eickstedt 1991. On the boundary stones, see Hill
1932; McCredie 1971, 96- 98; Garland 1987, 225-26; Lewis 1990, esp. 250-51.
(Thuc. 1.93), which has caused some scholars to date Hippodamos's
layout of the city to that time.66 However, it is equally likely that
Themistokles was only responsible for the construction of the walls and
the fleet, which were credited to him directly by Thucydides (even then,
because of the haste involved in their preparation, the walls were only
(Thuc. 1.93), which has caused some scholars to date Hippodamos's

layout of the city to that time. 66 However, it is equally likely that
built up to half the desired height [Thuc. 1.93.5]). Instead, the thorough,
time-consuming planning of the Peiraios was probably another of the
undertakings in the building program of Perikles in the middle of the

Themistokles was only responsible for the construction of the walls and
century, which also included the building of the long walls from Athens to
the fleet, which were credited to him directly by Thucydides (even then,
the Peiraios.67 This latter date may be indicated by the style of lettering on
because of the haste involved in their preparation, the walls were only
the boundary markers and dramatically increases the feasibility of Hip-
built up to half the desired height [Thuc. 1.93.5]). Instead, the thorough,
podamos's involvement at Thourioi and, especially, Rhodes.
time-consuming planning of the Peiraios was probably another of the

Thourioi was another fifth-century orthogonal city, originally founded
in 444/3 as a Panhellenic undertaking settled under the guiding hand of

undertakings in the building program of Perikles in the middle of the
Perikles. He designated two Athenians as founders but sent along the Soph-
century, which also included the building of the long walls from Athens to
ist Protagoras of Abdera to establish the laws.68 Presumably Hippodamos the Peiraios. 67 This latter date may be indicated by the style of lettering on
was included to lay out the city, though we possess no statement that explic-
the boundary markers and dramatically increases the feasibility of Hip-

itly connects him to the plan. This assumption is commonly made both be-
podamos's involvement at Thourioi and, especially, Rhodes.

cause it explains Hippodamos's participation in the colony and because it
is consistent with the resulting layout of the city. Although the excavation
Thourioi was another fifth-century orthogonal city, originally founded
of the site has yielded few solid results,69 Diodoros (12.10.7) gives a de-
in 444/3 as a Panhellenic undertaking settled under the guiding hand of
scription of the layout of the city that included a network of major and Perikles. He designated two Athenians as founders but sent along the Soph-
minor streets similar to the one at the Peiraios, although we know too little
ist Protagoras of Abdera to establish the laws. 68 Presumably Hippodamos
to determine whether zoning was employed as well.
was included to lay out the city, though we possess no statement that explic-
Rhodes was the last city to be associated with Hippodamos. Strabo
mentions the connection, saying, 1 8 6 vv 6)itg [Rhodes] toixiOp xat

itly connects him to the plan. This assumption is commonly made both he-
tx He)orovvrotzax oQ ToO VatoV i UXtZTexovog, cg quotv, Vq' oV ZxaL
cause it explains Hippodamos's participation in the colony and because it
6 HeoateLg [the present city was founded during the Peloponnesian War is consistent with the resulting layout of the city. Although the excavation
by the same architect, as they say, who did the Peiraios] (14.2.9). Although
of the site has yielded few solid results, 69 Diodoros (12.10.7) gives a de-
he is not mentioned by name, this passage must refer to Hippodamos.
scription of the layout of the city that included a network of major and
Those scholars who think that Hippodamos planned Miletos choose to
minor streets similar to the one at the Peiraios, although we know too little
disregard this statement, saying that Hippodamos, if still alive, would be a
very old man by the year of Rhodes's foundation, 408/7 B.C.E. Some even
to determine whether zoning was employed as well.
read the phrase 6g (cLv, "as they say," to mean that Strabo himself did Rhodes was the last city to be associated with Hippodamos. Strabo
66. Martin 1974, 104.
mentions the connection, saying,~ OE vuv ;ro/..L<; [Rhodes] htLatll] xata
67. Wycherley 1964; Burns 1976, 427; Owens 1991, 55-56.
ta Il£/,oJtOVVl]GLa;-ca UJtO TOU autou UQXLTExtovo;, o)<; cj>aGLV, ucj>' 0~ XUL

68. D.L. 9.8.10. The historian Herodotos also went along, according to the Suda s.v.
6 IlELQaLEV£ [the present city was founded during the Peloponnesian War
HQo66orog. For an account of the foundation, see D.S. 12.10-11. See also Ehrenberg 1948.
69. Rainey 1964; Foti 1964; Kondis 1958.

by the same architect, as they say, who did the Peiraios] (14.2.9). Although
he is not mentioned by name, this passage must refer to Hippodamos.
Those scholars who think that Hippodamos planned Miletos choose to
disregard this statement, saying that Hippodamos, if still alive, would be a
very old man by the year of Rhodes's foundation, 408/7 B.C.E. Some even
read the phrase o); cj>amv, "as they say," to mean that Strabo himself did
66. Martin 1974, 104.

67. Wycherley 1964; Burns 1976, 427; Owens 1991,55-56.
68. D.L. 9.8.10. The historian Herodotos also went along, according to the Suda s.v.
'Hgobow;. For an account of the foundation, see D.S. 12.10-11. See also Ehrenberg 1948.
69. Rainey 1964; Foti 1964; Kondis 1958.
not believe the story,70 but this interpretation is not corroborated by a
study of Strabo's use of the term elsewhere in his work. Nowhere does he
dispute a fact reported as ; g ac Lv; instead, Strabo uses this phrase to

indicate that he has a source for a particular fact, here probably the local
inhabitants of Rhodes. A great deal of public evidence for the role of
not believe the story,7° but this interpretation is not corroborated by a

study of Strabo's use of the term elsewhere in his work. Nowhere does he
Hippodamos at Rhodes would have been preserved in Strabo's time in the
form of inscriptions recording decrees and honors granted at the time of
the founding of the city.71 If Hippodamos was only a young man at the
dispute a fact reported as w~ ¢aatv; instead, Strabo uses this phrase to
planning of Miletos, he could have been born as late as the 480s and still
indicate that he has a source for a particular fact, here probably the local
have been old enough to plan the Peiraios in the 450s or early 440s. In this
inhabitants of Rhodes. A great deal of public evidence for the role of
scenario, he could have been in his seventies or even eighties at the time of
Hippodamos at Rhodes would have been preserved in Strabo's time in the

form of inscriptions recording decrees and honors granted at the time of
the foundation of Rhodes in 408/7-certainly an advanced age, but not at
all impossible. Thus, Strabo's evidence should be accepted.
Rhodes is the only city credited to Hippodamos in antiquity that has

the founding of the city.71 lf Hippodamos was only a young man at the
been well excavated in modern times. The ruins there have revealed a fine
planning of Miletos, he could have been born as late as the 480s and still
example of an orthogonal city, oriented only two or three degrees off of have been old enough to plan the Peiraios in the 450s or early 440s. In this
the compass.72 The rectangular division of the city by streets, terraces,
scenario, he could have been in his seventies or even eighties at the time of
canals, and support walls was based on the organization of the city into
the foundation of Rhodes in 408/7-certainly an advanced age, but not at

large quadrants, 201 m. on a side (= one stade). These were further
divided into four squares, which were in turn divided into six parts, 50 X
all impossible. Thus, Strabo's evidence should be accepted.
33 m. Among the long north-south streets, every third street was a major
Rhodes is the only city credited to Hippodamos in antiquity that has
thoroughfare, significantly wider than the others (some were as wide as been well excavated in modern times. The ruins there have revealed a fine
16 m., as opposed to 5.15 m. for the smaller streets). The combination of
example of an orthogonal city, oriented only two or three degrees off of
the street plan with the symmetrical terraces produced an impressive
the compass.72 The rectangular division of the city by streets, terraces,

theaterlike effect (D.S. 9.45.3, 20.83.2). Thus, again we see the character-
istic alternation of major and minor streets that was very common in the
canals, and support walls was based on the organization of the city into
next two centuries of Greek town planning.
large quadrants, 201 m. on a side (= one stade). These were further
Hippodamos was an architect, famous for laying out the streets of the divided into four squares, which were in turn divided into six parts, 50 X
Peiraios, Thourioi, and Rhodes by employing an orthogonal plan that
33 m. Among the long north-south streets, every third street was a major
was coming to full fruition in the Greek world after long centuries of
thoroughfare, significantly wider than the others (some were as wide as

development, a system that came to bear his name. Aristotle's reference
16 m., as opposed to 5.15 m. for the smaller streets). The combination of

to this "newer method of building" as the "Hippodamian method" (Poli-
tics 7.1330b21-31) can be understood in the context of the notoriety of

the street plan with the symmetrical terraces produced an impressive
Hippodamos's work, in the Peiraios especially, and the popularity of the theaterlike effect (D.S. 9.45.3, 20.83.2). Thus, again we see the character-
orthogonal plan in the cities of Greece. Hippodamos used a variation of
istic alternation of ma jor and minor streets that was very common in the
the strict orthogonal plan, at least in Thourioi and Rhodes (alternating
next two centuries of Greek town planning.

70. Gerkan 1924a, 48; Gerkan 1924b, 9; Martin 1974, 104.
Hippodamos was an architect, famous for laying out the streets of the
71. Wycherley 1964.
72. Kondis 1958, pl. III; Konstantinopolis 1970, 52-55 and fig. 1; Konstantinopolis
Peiraios, Thourioi, and Rhodes by employing an orthogonal plan that
1989, 198ff.; Hoepfner and Schwandner 1994, 51-67.
was coming to full fruition in the Greek world after long centuries of
development, a system that came to bear his name. Aristotle's reference
to this "newer method of building" as the "Hippodamian method" (Poli-
tics 7.1330b21 - 31) can be understood in the context of the notoriety of
Hippodamos's work, in the Peiraios especially, and the popularity of the
orthogonal plan in the cities of Greece. Hippodamos used a variation of
the strict orthogonal plan, at least in Thourioi and Rhodes (alternating
70. Gerkan 1924a, 48; Gerkan 1924b, 9; Martin 1974, 104.

71. Wycherley 1964.
72. Kondis 1958, pl. III; Konstantinopolis 1970, 52-55 and fig. 1; Konstantinopolis
1989, 198££.; Hoepfner and Schwandner 1994, 51-67.
wider, more important streets with narrower roads or alleys and perhaps
instituting zoning of districts by use), but we should not seek to identify
him with the invention of any given plan. Aristotle never said that Hip-
podamos invented city planning or even one of its variations; he merely
said that Hippodamos was the first man to articulate the theoretical
wider, more important streets with narrower roads or alleys and perhaps
instituting zoning of districts by use), but we should not seek to identify
division of land and people in the ideal state.
When Persian-backed tyrants took over Miletos in the last decades of the
fifth century, that change in government represented the first step toward
him with the invention of any given plan. Aristotle never said that Hip-
the downfall of the city. In overthrowing the tyranny, the Milesians
podamos invented city planning or even one of its variations; he merely
found themselves leading a futile war against a vastly superior opponent,
said that Hippodamos was the first man to articulate the theoretical
and they paid a high price for their leadership: their city was destroyed,
division of land and people in the ideal state.

and the population was killed or displaced. It was nothing less than a
catastrophe for the greatest city in lonia. Yet the Milesians returned and
rebuilt. They not only supplanted the former scale of the city but im-
When Persian-backed tyrants took over Miletos in the last decades of the
proved on its design, creating a city that became a showcase of orthogo-
fifth century, that change in government represented the first step toward
nal planning for the entire Greek world. From this new beginning in the the downfall of the city. In overthrowing the tyranny, the Milesians
second quarter of the fifth century, the planned city went from being an
found themselves leading a futile war against a vastly superior opponent,

isolated innovation to being an example of the best and most popular
and they paid a high price for their leadership: their city was destroyed,
way to lay out a city in Classical and Hellenistic Greece.73
In the fifth century, the planners were mostly interested in form: in

and the population was killed or displaced. It was nothing less than a
414, Aristophanes caricatured a town planner who wanted to build a
catastrophe for the greatest city in Ionia. Yet the Milesians returned and
perfectly round city (Av. 995-1009). As planning gradually evolved and rebuilt. They not only supplanted the former scale of the city but im-
cities experimented with variations of the rigid gridded theme, the result
proved on its design, creating a city that became a showcase of orthogo-
went beyond the regular plan to culminate in a design that impresses with
nal planning for the entire Greek world. From this new beginning in the
its grandeur. The layout of the city of Pergamon under the Attalids is a
preeminent example of this. It occupied a steep hillside mounted by a very

second quarter of the fifth century, the planned city went from being an
narrow main road (5 m. wide) that wound from the main gate at the base
isolated innovation to being an example of the best and most popular
up to the theater on the acropolis, passing through a complex of temples, way to lay out a city in Classical and Hellenistic Greece_73
gymnasia, markets, and various other public buildings on its route. The
In the fifth century, the planners were mostly interested in form: in
effect was sensational: "It combined monumental architecture within a
414, Aristophanes caricatured a town planner who wanted to build a

perfectly round city (Av. 995-1 009). As planning gradually evolved and
monumentally conceived layout, and at the same time fully exploited the
difficulties of the terrain to produce one of the most impressive and
visually spectacular cities of the ancient world."74 Thus, the refoundation

cities experimented with variations of the rigid gridded theme, the result
of the city of Miletos marked a turning point for the science of urban went beyond the regular plan to culminate in a design that impresses with
planning in the Greek world.
its grandeur. The layout of the city of Pergamon under the Attalids is a
73. Owens 1991, 30-93.
preeminent example of this. It occupied a steep hillside mounted by a very

narrow main road (5 m. wide) that wound from the main gate at the base
74. Owens 1991, 88.
up ro the theater on the acropolis, passing through a complex of temples,

gymnasia, markets, and various other public buildings on its route. The
effect was sensational: "It combined monumental architecture within a
monumentally conceived layout, and at the same time fully exploited the
difficulties of the terrain to produce one of the most impressive and
visually spectacular cities of the ancient world. " 74 Thus, the refoundation
of the city of Miletos marked a turning point for the science of urban
planning in the Greek world.
73. Owens 1991, 30-93.

74. Owens 1991, 88.
ï»¿5
Archaeology and Cult
The image of Archaic Miletos that is presented by the literary sources is
that of a highly prosperous and populous city that dominated lonia eco-
nomically and culturally. The physical remains of the city that have been
discovered thus far are entirely consistent with that image: they show a city
that fills the entire peninsula from the Lion Bay down to Kalabaktepe, with
a necropolis further to the south.1 It is partially orthogonal but fundamen-
tally random, reflecting gradual growth over the centuries. Then, in all
5
areas of the city, archaeologists have identified an unmistakable layer of
Archaeology and Cult

ash and destruction conforming to the Persian destruction of Miletos in
494 B.C.E.: virtually nothing was left standing as the Persians exacted their
vengeance for the Ionian Revolt. On top of the burn layer, the Milesians
rebuilt their city with a systematic plan and on a more modest scale than
the Archaic settlement, for it was only in the fourth century and following
that the Milesians reoccupied the entire city peninsula.
The ruins from the Archaic and Classical eras are difficult to excavate
for two main reasons. First, since the Hellenistic and Roman city contin-
The image of Archaic Miletos that is presented by the literary sources is

ued to prosper, the Milesians built many magnificent structures-a
that of a highly prosperous and populous city that dominated Tonia eco-
theater, a stadium, markets, baths, and basilicas-all of which damaged
the underlying strata during their construction and, with their very pres-
nomically and culturally. The physical remains of the city that have been
ence, continue to protect the older ruins from the archaeologist's shovel.
discovered thus far are entirely consistent with that image: they show a city
Second, the groundwater problem at Miletos is considerable. Most that fills the entire peninsula from the Lion Bay down to Kalabaktepe, with
trenches dug below the Hellenistic level require the expediency of pumps,
a necropolis further to the south. 1 It is partially orthogonal but fundamen-
but even they cannot always remove the water faster than it can seep back
tally random, reflecting gradual growth over the centuries. Then, in all
in, so such a procedure often becomes an exercise in frustration. Thus,
the majority of the accessible ruins at Miletos are later than the scope of
areas of the city, archaeologists have identified an unmistakable layer of
this work.
ash and destruction conforming to the Persian destruction of Miletos in
1. Archaic ceramic, sculpture, architectural remains, and other artwork found in vari- 494 B.C.E.: virtually nothing was left standing as the Persians exacted their
ous areas of the city are discussed in Hommell 1967; Graeve 1986b; Dupont 1986; Koenigs
vengeance for the Ionian Revolt. On top of the burn layer, the Milesians
1986; Voigtliander 1986b; Pfrommer 1986; Schwarz 1989.
rebuilt their city with a systematic plan and on a more modest scale than
165
the Archaic settlement, for it was only in the fourth century and following
that the Milesians reoccupied the entire city peninsula.
The ruins from the Archaic and Classical eras are difficult to excavate
for two main reasons. First, since the Hellenistic and Roman city contin-
ued to prosper, the Milesians built many magnificent structures-a
theater, a stadium, markets, baths, and basilicas-all of which damaged

the underlying strata during their construction and, with their very pres-
ence, continue to protect the older ruins from the archaeologist's shovel.
Second, the groundwater problem at Miletos is considerable. Most
trenches dug below the Hellenistic level require the expediency of pumps,
but even they cannot always remove the water faster than it can seep back
in, so such a procedure often becomes an exercise in frustration. Thus,
the majority of the accessible ruins at Miletos are later than the scope of
this work.
1. Archaic ceramic, sculpture, architectural remains, and other artwork found in vari-
ous areas of the city are discussed in Hommell1967; Graeve 1986b; Dupont 1986; Koenigs
1986; Voigtliinder 1986b; Pfrommer 1986; Schwarz 1989.
165
Where archaeologists have persisted either in excavating around or
through later buildings, where there were no later structures, or where
archaeologists could overcome the groundwater problem, archaeological

efforts have been rewarded with evidence about the city before 400 B.C.E.
The Lion Bay and the southern plain offer little more than hints in that
Where archaeologists have persisted either in excavating around or

through later buildings, where there were no later structures, or where
regard. However, on locations with raised elevations (e.g., Kalabaktepe,
the Stadium Hill and the Theater Hill, and some sites outside the city
proper), the Archaic remains are substantial. Within the city, a small area
archaeologists could overcome the groundwater problem, archaeological
near the Temple of Athena has been thoroughly drained to investigate the
efforts have been rewarded with evidence about the city before 400 H.C.E.
Bronze Age layers, and the Archaic remnants were happily revealed at the
The Lion Bay and the southern plain offer little more than hints in that
same time.
regard. However, on locations with raised elevations (e.g., Kalabaktepe,

the Stadium Hill and the Theater Hill, and some sites outside the city
The City Wall
A survey of the city site may begin with the Archaic ring wall.2 I have
already mentioned the seventh-century wall that cut off the peninsula by
proper), the Archaic remains are substantial. Within the city, a small area
land in the face of the Lydian attacks. Late in the sixth century, that
near the Temple of Athena has been thoroughly drained to investigate the
southern wall was expanded into a circuit wall that enclosed the entire Bronze Age layers, and the Archaic remnants were happily revealed at the
city: anomalies found in recent geomagnetic surveys indicate the course
same time.
of the Archaic wall from the hill to the area near the Sacred Gate, and
archaeologists have unearthed indications of the southern end of this
wall. However, when they tried to dig out a trench near the Sacred Gate,
they were defeated by the groundwater problem: once they reached the
The City Wall
Hellenistic layers, the groundwater poured in faster than the pumps could
clear it out, and they found only two sherds of Late Geometric pottery
A survey of the city site may begin with the Archaic ring wall. 2 I have
before they abandoned the effort.3 Elsewhere in the city, small remnants
already mentioned the seventh-century wall that cut off the peninsula by
of the Archaic city wall have been found along the edge of the Theater
Hill and the Lion Harbor and under the Byzantine Church just north of
land in the face of the Lydian attacks. Late in the sixth century, that
the South Market. A larger segment-perhaps a tower base-was built
southern wall was expanded into a circuit wall that enclosed the entire
into the front wall of the theater building and is clearly visible today. city: anomalies found in recent geomagnetic surveys indicate the course
These scanty remains are enough to indicate that by the end of the sixth
of the Archaic wall from the hill to the area near the Sacred Gate, and
century, the peninsula was ringed by a fortification circuit, although the
archaeologists have unearthed indications of the southern end of this

remaining course of the wall must be filled in tentatively. The earliest
wall. However, when they tried to dig out a trench near the Sacred Gate,
2. Milet 1.8.26-38, 116-17; Milet 2.3.9-11, 51-52, 91ff., 118-20 (where it was
thought to be a circuit around Kalabaktepe and an isolated tower on the Theater Hill);
they were defeated by the groundwater problem: once they reached the
Kleiner 1961; Kleiner 1966, 18-21; Kleiner 1968, 23-32; Muller-Wiener 1986a; Stumpel Hellenistic layers, the groundwater poured in faster than the pumps could
1997; Schneider 1997; Cobet 1997.
clear it out, and they found only two sherds of Late Geometric pottery
3. Schneider 1997; Stumpel 1997; Graeve 1997, 111-12; Schroder et al. 1995.
before they abandoned the effort. 3 Elsewhere in the city, small remnants
of the Archaic city wall have been found along the edge of the Theater
Hill and the Lion Harbor and under the Byzantine Church just north of
the South Market. A larger segment-perhaps a tower base-was built
into the front wall of the theater building and is clearly visible today.
These scanty remains are enough to indicate that by the end of the sixth
century, the peninsula was ringed by a fortification circuit, although the
remaining course of the wall must be filled in tentatively. The earliest
2. Milet 1.8.26-38, 116-1 7; Milet 2.3.9-11, 51-52, 91ff., 118-20 (where it was
thought to be a circuit around Kalabaktcpc and an isolated tower on the Theater Hill);
Kleiner 1961; Kleiner 1966, 18- 21; Kleiner 1968, 23- 32; Muller-Wiener 1986a; Stumpe!
1997; Schneider 1997; Cobet 1997.

1. Schneider 1997; Stumpel1997; Graeve 1997, 111-12; Schroder eta!. 1995.
ï»¿Archaeology and Cult 167
stratum of the Sacred Gate is Classical, but it probably had an Archaic
antecedent. The bearing of the wall from Kalabaktepe to the west coast is
unknown: the North Hill may not have been enclosed, since remnants of
Archaeology and Cult 167
a city wall there have been dated to the Archaic Period but probably
actually belong to the fourth-century wall.4 One must conclude that up to
stratum of the Sacred Gate is Classical, but it probably had an Archaic

antecedent. The bearing of the wall from Kalabaktepe to the west coast is
ca. 110 hectares (270 acres) of Archaic Miletos was enclosed by a fortifi-
cation wall.5
This archaeological evidence agrees with the written record. The Lyd-
unknown: the North Hill may not have been enclosed, since remnants of
ians, coming by land in the seventh century, would have encountered only
a city wall there have been dated to the Archaic Period but probably
a partial land wall along the southern limit of the city, at Kalabaktepe,
actually belong to the fourth-century wall. 4 One must conclude that up to
but after the Milesians were subjugated to the Persians in the mid-sixth
ca. 110 hectares (270 acres) of Archaic Miletos was enclosed by a fortifi-
cation wall. 5
century, they extended their wall to include the shores: they must have
felt threatened by sea powers, presumably Samos most of all. Certainly,
when the Persians attacked Miletos in 494, they came up against a com-
This archaeological evidence agrees with the written record. The Lyd-
pletely walled city, since they had to employ a combination of naval
ians, coming by land in the seventh century, would have encountered only
superiority with both sapping and siege engines to win the day. Thus, a partial land wall along the southern limit of the city, at Kalabaktepe,
Miletos was walled at the very end of the Archaic period. After a siege-
but after the Milesians were subjugated to the Persians in the mid-sixth
we do not know how long it lasted-the Persians captured Miletos and
century, they extended their wall to include the shores: they must have
destroyed it. The circuit wall was destroyed along with the rest of the city,
and there is no sign that Milesians rebuilt it when they refounded the city.
felt threatened by sea powers, presumably Samos most of all. Certainly,
Considering the devastation that they had just suffered and the fact
when the Persians attacked Miletos in 494, they came up against a com-
that the Persian problem was far from being solved, this absence must be pletely walled city, since they had to employ a combination of naval
considered odd. Since they did not even stack together a makeshift wall
superiority with both sapping and siege engines to win the day. Thus,
out of the debris of the Archaic city, as the Athenians did after 480, we
Miletos was walled at the very end of the Archaic period. After a siege-
must look for the reason in the changed circumstances of the fifth cen-
tury. Thucydides makes a universal statement that lonia was unwalled in

we do not know how long it lasted-the Persians captured Miletos and
427 B.C.E. (tELXkf)OTOv y Q OcOi]g T ig 'IovfLg, 3.33.2). While not every-
destroyed it. The circuit wall was destroyed along with the rest of the city,
where accurate, this statement reflects the Persian damage done to the and there is no sign that Milesians rebuilt it when they refounded the city.
cities in the reconquest of lonia as well as the systematic dismantling of
Considering the devastation that they had just suffered and the fact
any remaining fortifications, almost certainly as part of Athenian impe-
that the Persian problem was far from being solved, this absence must be
rial policy in the fifth century, imposing sanctions on rebellious and
considered odd. Since they did not even stack together a makeshift wall
potentially rebellious allies in Asia, as at Samos in 440.6 Since the
4. North Wall: Miller-Wiener and Voigtlainder 1980, 37-38 (Archaic). Miller-Wiener

out of the debris of the Archaic city, as the Athenians did after 480, we
and Weber 1985, 17 (Classical); Mellink 1984; Miller-Wiener 1986a, 96 (Archaic). Archae- must look for the reason in the changed circumstances of the fifth cen-
ologists have found a Hellenistic temple on the point of the hill, but there is no indication of
tury. Thucydides makes a universal statement that Ionia was unwalled in
a Classical or Archaic precursor: see Miller-Wiener 1981b.
427 B.c.E. (a·mxim:ou yag ovOYJ£ 't~£ 'I(J)via<;, 3.33.2). While not every-
5. The total area should be reduced if the North Hill is excluded. Compare the area of
where accurate, this statement reflects the Persian damage done to the
Athens, with 225 hectares. See Miller-Wiener 1986a, 98.
6. Thuc. 1.117; Meiggs 1972, 149-50.

cities in the reconquest of Tonia as well as the systematic dismantling of
any remaining fortifications, almost certainly as part of Athenian impe-
rial policy in the fifth century, imposing sanctions on rebellious and
potentially rebellious allies in Asia, as at Samos in 440.6 Since the
4. North Wall: Miiller-Wiener and Voigtliinder 1980, 37- 38 (Archaic). Miiller-Wiener

and Weber 1985, 17 (Classical); Mellink 1984; Miiller-Wiener 1986a, 96 (Archaic). Archae-
ologists have found a Hellenistic temple on the point of the hill, but there is no indication of
a Classical or Archaic precursor: sec Miillcr-Wicncr 1981b.
5. The total area should be reduced if the North Hill is excluded. Compare the area of
Athens, with 225 hectares. See Miiller-Wiener 1986a, 98.

6. Tl1nc. 1.117; Meiggs 1972, 149-SO.
Milesian walls had already been demolished, the policy would have had
the effect of discouraging or even forbidding the construction of a new
wall until the situation had changed so that either the Athenians saw the
wisdom of such a wall or else the Milesians did not feel constrained by
Athenian regulations. Only after the Milesians rebelled against the Athe-
Milesian walls had already been demolished, the policy would have had
the effect of discouraging or even forbidding the construction of a new
nians in 412, departing permanently from the Athenian Empire, were
they able to construct some kind of fortification, and even that was
initially just a hurried, provisional structure.

wall until the situation had changed so that either the Athenians saw the
Cults at Miletos
wisdom of such a wall or else the Milesians did not feel constrained by
Apollo Delphinios was the patron god of Miletos and so played a vital
Athenian regulations. Only after the Milesians rebelled against the Athe-
role in civic affairs. His priests, the Molpoi ("Singers"), provided the
nians in 412, departing permanently from the Athenian Empire, were

they able to construct some kind of fortification, and even that was
eponymous official of the city after about 540 B.C.E., and his emblem, the
lion, served as the symbol and coin type of Miletos. Electrum staters from
as early as ca. 575 B.C.E. feature either a recumbent lion or two lions'
initially just a hurried, provisional structure.
heads back-to-back.7 In addition, Apollo was the patron of the great
Oracle at Didyma, which was controlled by the Milesians.
The sanctuary of Apollo, called the Delphinion, was located in the
Cults at Miletos
heart of the city, at the southeast base of the Lion Harbor and northeast
of the North Market. The oldest remains date to the sixth century, but
there must have been a cult earlier. Indirect evidence indicates an early Apollo Delphinios was the patron god of Miletos and so played a vital
date before colonization, since Apollo Delphinios was worshiped in
role in civic affairs. His priests, the Molpoi ("Singers"), provided the
nearly every Milesian colony and so must have existed in the mother city.
eponymous official of the city after about 540 H.C.E., and his emblem, the
The shrine of Delphinios was not a temple proper but rather a sanctuary
containing an altar of Apollo and a cluster of five smaller, cylinder-

lion, served as the symbol and coin type of Miletos. Electrum staters from
shaped altars (bomoi) for other deities, three of which are inscribed.
as early as ca. 575 B.C.E. feature either a recumbent lion or two lions'
Like that of the rest of the city, the destruction of the Delphinion by the heads back-to-back.? In addition, Apollo was the patron of the great
Persians is indicated by an ash layer. Its importance to civic life is demon-
Oracle at Didyma, which was controlled by the Milesians.
strated by the fact that it was swiftly rebuilt after the reoccupation: it was
The sanctuary of Apollo, called the Delphinion, was located in the

the only certain construction on the Lion Harbor in the first half of the
fifth century, about 29 x 50 m., occupying a pair of city blocks. The first
heart of the city, at the southeast base of the Lion Harbor and northeast
7. Cahn 1950; Ehrhardt 1983, 132; Kraay 1976, 23-26, 37, 258 (coinage); Kraay
of the North Market. The oldest remains date to the sixth century, but
and Hirmer 1966, #588, #591 [PCG 1.7] (staters). A tetradrachm from Classical Miletos
there must have been a cult earlier. Indirect evidence indicates an early
features an obverse with the laureate head of Apollo and a reverse with a lion with
date before colonization, since Apollo Delphinios was worshiped in
its head reverted, looking at a star (Kraay 1976, #934), a type that became a com-
nearly every Milesian colony and so must have existed in the mother city.
The shrine of Delphinios was not a temple proper but rather a sanctuary
mon symbol for Miletos (Myrkholm 1991, #262 = SNG 978; #568 = SNG 988; #571
= SNG 987).
containing an altar of Apollo and a cluster of five smaller, cylinder-

shaped altars (bomoi) for other deities, three of which are inscribed.
Like that of the rest of the city, the destruction of the Delphinion by the
Persians is indicated by an ash layer. Its importance to civic life is demon-
strated by the fact that it was swiftly rebuilt after the reoccupation: it was
the only certain construction on the Lion Harbor in the first half of the
fifth century, about 29 X 50 m., occupying a pair of city blocks. The first
7. Cahn 1950; Ehrhardt 1983, 132; Kraay 1976, 23-26, 37, 258 (coinage); Kraay
and Hirmer 1966, #588, #591 [PCG 1.7] (staters). A tetradrachm from Classical Miletos
features an obverse with the laureate head of Apollo and a reverse with a lion with
its head reverted, looking at a star (Kraay 1976, #934), a type that became a com-
mon symbol for Miletos (M¢rkholm 1991, #262 = SNG 978; #568 = SNG 988; #571
= SNG 987).
layout probably had two walls of porous stone, built of reused Archaic
material on a thin gneiss foundation and lying opposite each other on the
north and south. Benches along the inner sides were converted to stoas by
the mid-fourth century. That building was replaced during Alexander's
lifetime, more than doubled in area (61 x 50 m.) and enclosed by a three-
layout probably had two walls of porous stone, built of reused Archaic
material on a thin gneiss foundation and lying opposite each other on the
sided hall (the fourth side was added later) whose superstructure was
covered by inscriptions of state documents. Despite these additions, the
basic character of the sanctuary remained unchanged: it was an archive, a

north and south. Benches along the inner sides were converted to stoas by
shrine, and the embarkation point for the annual procession down the
the mid-fourth century. That building was replaced during Alexander's
Sacred Way, which started immediately outside the Delphinion, and
lifetime, more than doubled in area (61 X 50 m.) and enclosed by a three-
south to Didyma.8
sided hall (the fourth side was added later) whose superstructure was
covered by inscriptions of state documents. Despite these additions, the
Apollo's epithet caused some confusion in antiquity, since the ancient
Greeks believed that the name Delphinios was derived from the Greek
word meaning "dolphin" (e68) , g) and so that Apollo was a dolphin-

basic character of the sanctuary remained unchanged: it was an archive, a
god.9 This derivation is explicitly stated in one of the earliest works of
shrine, and the embarkation point for the annual procession down the
Greek literature, the Homeric Hymn to Apollo (lines 400-496), perhaps Sacred Way, which started immediately outside the Delphinion, and
as early as the eighth century B.C.E. and certainly antedating the mid-
south to Didyma. s
sixth century. In it, the anonymous poet tells the story of the foundation
Apollo's epithet caused some confusion in antiquity, since the ancient

of the Oracle of Apollo at Delphi by a shipload of Cretans from Knossos
who were led to the site by Apollo in the guise of a dolphin. This story
Greeks believed that the name Delphinios was derived from the Greek
records an extremely early attempt to explain the etymology of both
word meaning "dolphin" (1'nJ,~lt;) and so that Apollo was a dolphin-
Delphi and Delphinios by making Apollo the dolphin-god. god.9 This derivation is explicitly stated in one of the earliest works of
This traditional derivation has been challenged recently and should be
Greek literature, the Homeric Hymn to Apollo (lines 400-496), perhaps
dismissed as a false etymology, parallel to the incorrect derivation in the
as early as the eighth century B.C.E. and certainly antedating the mid-
same poem of Pythia from rtnOLv, "to rot."1o Apollo's connection with
the sea is not justified. Many of Delphinios's cult sites are not on the sea,
sixth century. In it, the anonymous poet tells the story of the foundation
and there is no element in his worship that particularly links the god to
of the Oracle of Apollo at Delphi by a shipload of Cretans from Knossos
water: no early cult statue and nothing in his festivals connect him with a who were led to the site by Apollo in the guise of a dolphin. This story
dolphin, and he has no particular tie to sea journeys or colonial founda-
records an extremely early attempt to explain the etymology of both
tions. Instead, in four of the best-known sites of his worship-Miletos,
Delphi and Delphinios by making Apollo the dolphin-god.

Olbia, Athens, and Crete-the cult of Apollo Delphinios is characterized
This traditional derivation has been challenged recently and should be

by its connection to the state government.
Apollo Delphinios was worshiped in many other locations in the

dismissed as a false etymology, parallel to the incorrect derivation in the
8. Milet 1.3. esp. 408; Milet 1.6.88-89; Aly 1911, 1-5; Gerkan 1924a, 40; Gerkan same poem of Pythia from :rtu8ELV, "to rot."lO Apollo's connection with
1940; Gerkan 1950; Mellink 1974, 114 (ash); Hommel 1975; Mitchell and McNicoll
the sea is not justified. Many of Delphinios's cult sites are not on the sea,
1978/79, 63-64; Koenigs 1986.
and there is no element in his worship that particularly links the god to
9. According to an older theory, he was a Chalkidian god of sea travel. See Wernicke
water: no early cult statue and nothing in his festivals connect him with a
1896, 47.
10. Graf 1979.

dolphin, and he has no particular tie to sea journeys or colonial founda-
tions. Instead, in four of the best-known sites of his worship-Miletos,
Olbia, Athens, and Crete-the cult of Apollo Delphinios is characterized
by its connection to the state government.
Apollo Delphinios was worshiped in many other locations in the
8. Milet 1.3. esp. 408; Milet 1.6.88-89; Aly 1911, 1-5; Gerkan 1924a, 40; Gerkan
1940; Gerkan 1950; Mellink 1974, 114 (ash); Hommel 1975; Mitchell and McNicol!
1978/79, 63-64; Koenigs 1986.
9. According to an older theory, he was a Chalkidian god of sea travel. See Wernicke
1896,47.
10. Graf 1979.
Greek world by a very early date,11 and many times that worship is
closely tied to questions of citizenship. At Athens and on Crete, the
Delphinion is linked with the ephebic oath and ritual that admitted
young adult men (ephebes) into full citizenship status. In Archaic Dreros
on Crete, Apollo Delphinios is mentioned along with the other main civic
Greek world by a very early date, 11 and many times that worship is
closely tied to questions of citizenship. At Athens and on Crete, the
deities in the ephebic oath (Inscr. Cret. I.ix.1C.124ff.). The Cretan poet
Rhianos (fr. 68 Powell) placed under the god's protection a youth mak-
ing a hair offering, another ritual that marked the change from boy to
Delphinion is linked with the ephebic oath and ritual that admitted
man. At Athens, female citizens swore an oath at the Delphinion that the
young adult men (ephebes) into full citizenship status. In Archaic Dreros
son born to them had been begot by a full citizen, thereby assuring that
on Crete, Apollo Delphinios is mentioned along with the other main civic
the child would also be a full citizen (Ps.-Dem. 40.11, 39.2; Isok. Or.
deities in the ephebic oath (Ins cr. Cret. l.ix.1 C.124ff. ). The Cretan poet
12.9). In Hellenistic Miletos, the questionable exercise of citizen rights
Rhianos (fr. 68 Powell) placed under the god's protection a youth mak-
had to be examined before the Molpoi and a state court (Milet 1.3.319
#143.31-37, 331 #146.41-46, etc.). Thus, at Athens, Crete, and

ing a hair offering, another ritual that marked the change from boy to
Miletos, Apollo Delphinios was especially tied to issues of admittance
man. At Athens, female citizens swore an oath at the Delphinion that the
into membership in the state. son born to them had been begot by a full citizen, thereby assuring that
The Delphinion is also consistently identified with state government. At
the child would also be a full citizen (Ps.-Dem. 40.11, 39.2; Tsok. Or.
Knossos, the Delphinion housed proxeny decrees and treaties with other
12.9). In Hellenistic Miletos, the questionable exercise of citizen rights

states. At Dreros, many state laws were inscribed there, and at Hyrtakina,
the guests of honor of the city dined at a common hearth in the Delphinion
had to be examined before the Molpoi and a state court (Milet 1.3.319
(Inscr. Cret. II.xv.2.17). At Miletos, besides providing both protection as
#143.31-37, 331 #146.41-46, etc.). Thus, at Athens, Crete, and
patron of the city and a priest to serve as eponym, Apollo Delphinios Miletos, Apollo Delphinios was especially tied to issues of admittance
safeguarded the state archives: epigraphic finds there include an Archaic
into membership in the state.
sacrifice calendar, lists of the eponymous officials, and hundreds of inscrip-
The Delphinion is also consistently identified with state government. At

tions spanning centuries, including treaties, anagraphai conferring citizen-
ship or proxeny, and other state decrees. In Roman times, the Molpoi took
Knossos, the Delphinion housed proxeny decrees and treaties with other
part in the official state cult of the Roman people and Roma.12 As at
states. At Dreros, many state laws were inscribed there, and at Hyrtakina,
Miletos, Apollo Delphinios was the patron god of Olbia in the Classical era the guests of honor of the city dined at a common hearth in the Delphinion
(although apparently Apollo letros, "Healer," had taken precedence in the
(Inscr. Cret. II.xv.2.17). At Miletos, besides providing both protection as
Archaic time), and the aisymnetes of the Molpoi may also have been the
patron of the city and a priest to serve as eponym, Apollo Delphinios

safeguarded the state archives: epigraphic finds there include an Archaic
eponymous official. A temenos north of the agora was the Delphinion and
served as the state archives.13 We must therefore conclude that it was one of
11. Wernicke (1896, 47-48) lists Aigina, Athens, Chalkis, Chios, Harbor of Oropos,
sacrifice calendar, lists of the eponymous officials, and hundreds of inscrip-
Knossos (as Delphidios), Krisa, Massalia, Megara, Miletos, Olbia, Olus, Sparta, and Thera. tions spanning centuries, including treaties, anagraphai conferring citizen-
F. Graf (1979, 3-4) adds Erythrai, Hermonassa, Aigiale on Amorgos, Nisyros, Dreros, and
ship or proxeny, and other state decrees. In Roman times, the M olpoi took
Larissa. Attestations go back to the seventh century at least in Miletos, Phokaia (because of
part in the official state cult of the Roman people and Roma. 12 As at
Miletos, Apollo Delphinios was the patron god of Olbia in the Classical era
Massalia), Olus, Thera, Aigina, and Dreros.
12. Sokolowski 1955, #49B.26-37.
13. Vinogradov 1981, 20-22; Graf 1974; Graf 1979, 8-9 esp. nn. 69-73; Vinogradov
(although apparently Apollo Tetros, "Healer," had taken precedence in the
and Kryzickij 1995, 109-11.
Archaic time), and the aisymnetes of the Molpoi may also have been the
eponymous official. A temenos north of the agora was the Delphinion and
served as the state archives.B We must therefore conclude that it was one of
11. Wernicke (1896, 47- 48) lists Aigina, Athens, Chalkis, Chios, H arbor of Oropos,
Knossos (as Delphidios), Krisa, Massalia, Megara, Miletos, Olbia, Olus, Sparta, and Thera.
F. Graf (1979, 3-4) adds Erythrai, Hermonassa, Aigiale on Amorgos, Nisyros, Dreros, and
Larissa. Attestations go back to the seventh century at least in Miletos, Phokaia (because of
Massalia), Olus, Thera, Aigina, and Dreros.
12. Sokolowski 1955, #498.26-37.

13. Vinogradov 1981, 20-22; Graf 1974; Graf 1979, 8-9 esp. nn. 69-73 ; Vinogradov
and Kryzickij 1995, 109- 11.
the chief universal obligations of Apollo Delphinios to shelter and protect
official state documents.
Delphinios may have been a pre-Dorian god who had a Minoan or

Mycenaean predecessor on Crete. The meaning of the name Delphinios is
unknown, since it is non-Greek, probably a holdover of earlier worship.
the chief universal obligations of Apollo Delphinios to shelter and protect

official state documents.
The presence in the earliest Greek literature of the false etymology that
links Apollo with dolphins and the sea indicates that the origin of the cult
title had become obscure by a very early date. Moreover, the worship of
Delphinios may have been a pre-Dorian god who had a Minoan or
Delphinios was clearly bound up with the ephebic ritual and with the
Mycenaean predecessor on Crete. The meaning of the name Delphinios is
central institutions of certain states, including-in addition to the ones
unknown, since it is non-Greek, probably a holdover of earlier worship.
already discussed-Thera, Aigina, Chios, and Erythrai. Thus, at Miletos
The presence in the earliest Greek literature of the false etymology that
links Apollo with dolphins and the sea indicates that the origin of the cult
the cult may have belonged to the first Milesian settlers in Submycenaean
or in Early Protogeometric times, perhaps brought from Athens in the
Ionian Migration.
title had become obscure by a very early date. Moreover, the worship of
Judging from the consistency of the colonial evidence, Apollo was
Delphinios was clearly bound up with the ephebic ritual and with the
probably worshiped in Archaic Miletos under many different epithets, central institutions of certain states, including-in addition to the ones
including Lykeios (wolf), Ietros (Healer), and Thargelios (Master of the
already discussed-Thera, Aigina, Chios, and Erythrai. Thus, at Miletos

festival Thargelia). Other names that may also have been old include
the cult may have belonged to the first Milesian settlers in Submycenaean
Thyios (Inspired), which is known only for Miletos and only through
Hesychius (s.v. Oe6og' 'At6)1Wv v Mit)TOp), and Ulios, attributed to

or in Early Protogeometric times, perhaps brought from Athens in the
the Milesians and the Delians by Strabo (14.1.6), who derives it from
Ionian Migration.
ovi)etv, which means "to be healthy," signifying Apollo as healer (cf. Judging from the consistency of the colonial evidence, Apollo was
Suda s.v. o5vtog). Yet another epithet, Hebdomaios (God of the Seventh),
probably worshiped in Archaic Miletos under many different epithets,
is implied both by the festival Hebdomaia mentioned in lines 6 and 21 of
including Lykeios (wolf), Ietros (Healer), and Thargelios (Master of the

the Molpoi Decree and by a curious bone plaque from Olbia.14
Greek sanctuaries were often communal locations for the worship of

festival Thargelia). Other names that may also have been old include
more than one god, and Apollo was especially generous about sharing his
Thyios (Inspired), which is known only for Miletos and only through
space in Miletos. His twin sister, Artemis, had her own Archaic altar in Hesychius (s.v. Eh)i:o£· 'An6/.JcuJV £v MLJ.~tcp), and Ulios, attributed to
the Delphinion there (Milet 1.3.276 #131), probably with the matching
the Milesians and the Delians by Strabo (14.1.6), who derives it from
epithet Delphinia, while at Didyma Artemis was the second most vener-
OUAELV, which means "to be healthy," signifying Apollo as healer (cf.

Suda s.v. OUALo:;). Yet another epithet, Hebdomaios (God of the Seventh ),
ated deity, usually worshiped under the epithet Pythia. She had an Ar-
chaic temenos at Didyma from the seventh century, complete with an
altar, rock basin, and spring, and a dedication from the sixth century
is implied both by the festi val Hebdomaia mentioned in lines 6 and 21 of
found near the northwest corner of the Temple of Apollo reads: "to the Molpoi Decree and by a curious bone plaque from Olbia.14
[Arte]mis [--- and Ap]ollo."15is In addition, Artemis had her own temenoi:
Greek sanctuaries were often communal locations for the worship of
14. See the discussion of oracles later in this chapter. For a full review of the individual
more than one god, and Apollo was especially generous about sharing his
space in Miletos. His tw in sister, Artemis, had her own Archaic altar in
epithets and the colonial evidence for them, see Ehrhardt 1983, 130-47.
15. Rehm 1958, #17: ['Ar] tL6t[----xa A'Adt]600[vt]. The lacuna is surely restored
correctly. Fontenrose (1988, 122) postulates that Pytheia may have filled in the remainder
the Delphinion there (Milet 1.3.276 #131), probably with the matching
epithet Delphinia, while at Didyma Artemis was the second most vener-
ated deity, usually worshiped under the epithet Pythia. She had an Ar-
chaic temenos at Didyma from the seventh century, complete with an
altar, rock basin, and spring, and a dedication from the sixth century
found near the nor thwest corner of the Temple of Apollo reads: "to
[Arte]mis [---and Ap]ollo." 15 In addition, Artemis had her own temenoi:
14. See the discussion of oracles later in this chapter. For a full review of the individual
epithets and the colonial evidence for them, see Ehrhardt 1983, 130-47.
15. Rehm 1958, #1 7: fAQ1E]!u6t[-···xa i 'A;,:]6AAw [vt]. T he lacuna is surely restored
correctly. Fontenrose (1988, 122) postulates that Pytheia may have filled in the remainder
a probable sanctuary stood by the southern cross wall at Miletos; and as
Kithone (Goddess of the Tunic), she had a short-lived fifth-century temple
on the East Terrace of Kalabaktepe that is referred to by Kallimachos in his

Hymn to Artemis (3.225-27). In other evidence, she is portrayed with
Leto in a sixth-century votive statue and with Hekate, KUROTROPHOS
a probable sanctuary stood by the southern cross wall at Miletos; and as

Kithone (Goddess of the Tunic), she had a short-lived fifth-century temple
(?), Leto, and Apollo in a fourth-century dedicatory relief. After the resettle-
ment of the city, her cult was continued: an inscription of regulations dated
to 380/79 concerns benefits to her priestess, and a gold stater from the
on the East Terrace of Kalabaktepe that is referred to by Kallimachos in his
second or first century B.C.E. features her head on the obverse and a stand-
Hymn to Artemis (3.225-27). In other evidence, she is portrayed with
ing lion with its head reverted, looking at a star, on the reverse.16
Leto in a sixth-century votive statue and with Hekate, KUROTROPHOS
The cults of other deities are witnessed in inscriptional evidence stored
(? ), Leto, and Apollo in a fourth-century dedicatory relief. After the resettle-

ment of the city, her cult was continued: an inscription of regulations dated
in the archive of the Delphinion. One of the earliest attested cultic inscrip-
tions that survives is a sacrifice calendar, carved on a block of white
marble, .54 x 2.26 m., discovered built into the foundation on the south
to 380/79 concerns benefits to her priestess, and a gold stater from the
side of the Delphinion, although this was not its original location or use:
second or first century B.C.E. features her head on the obverse and a stand-
it was probably an orthostat from the oldest wall. It was carved in ing lion with its head reverted, looking at a star, on the reverse. 16
boustrophedon, with straight lines carved between the rows and three
The cults of other deities are witnessed in inscriptional evidence stored

vertical dots between each word or phase. Based on the letter shapes, the
in the archive of the Delph inion. One of the earliest attested cultic inscrip-
excavator judges that this stone was inscribed shortly before 500 B.C.E.,
and because the writing breaks off on one edge, the inscription must have
tions that survives is a sacrifice calendar, carved on a block of white
continued onto an adjacent stone or stones, now lost.17
marble, .54 X 2.26 m., discovered built into the foundation on the south
The inscription (Milet 1.3 #31a) reads: side of the Delphinion, although this was not its original location or use:
aQ]o6oQQtLa bot0ta A ....... .IN 6.[o y]v)k[o[---
it was probably an orthostat from the oldest wall. It was carved in
-----] o ovbaci bi46 u [vt]xv.u[ia 6ta o 6 v)6 X)o J -orO t-
boustrophedon, with straight lines carved between the rows and three
Cvot i :':u b6w6bex( l; fg3aYL)eOJ 6 6oL(t Aio[vvcoi--
-....])Xatx6u o& 4itu &) t ;tva 6v yv6v L 6&-

vertical dots between each word or phase. Based on the letter shapes, the
of the lacuna, although there is no attestation for that title before 280 B.C.E. The goddess
excavator judges that this stone was inscribed shortly before 500 B.C.E.,
was also worshiped at Didyma as Lykeia in the third century B.C.E. and possibly as Phos- and because the writing breaks off on one edge, the inscription must have
phoros. Most of the epithets of Artemis that occur in the colonies cannot be securely traced
continued onto an adjacent stone or stones, now lost. 17
to Miletos, although they may well have occurred there as well.
The inscription (Milet 1.3 #3la) reads:

16. Southern sanctuary: Graeve 1973/74; Graeve 1975b; Kleine 1979. Kalabaktepe:
Milet 1.8.16-17; Kerschner 1995, 218-20; Kerschner and Senff 1997 (corrects the dating
to the fifth century). Statue of Leto and Artemis: Hadzisteliou-Price 1971, #VI.14. Fourth- n:Q]ob6Q;ztLa blbo~m ~- ...... ~IN b~[o y]v),~[ol ----
century relief: Hadzisteliou-Price 1971, #V.8. Regulations: Sokolowski 1955, #45. There
-----1 on:ov6al6L<j>cwL<;X [~-t]?~lx~-taca Mo yv/-A.o\, £oce8~-t

also survive fragments of a decree concerning Artemis Skiris from before 228/7 B.C.E.
tvoL ~vA.a :-: ()(J)bcxcmlL t<; ~aOLAe(J)<; blbow.L~w[vvm--

-----]A.a~-tn:aba aA.qma &.A.fma 1VQCW ayv6v ~-tEAL DiiL-
(Sokolowski 1955, #47) and another regulating the cult of Artemis from the end of the first
century B.C.E. (Sokolowski 1955, #51 = Milet 1.7 #202). Stater: Jenkins 1972, #688/689
= PCG 44.11. Didyma: Fontenrose 1988, 122-23; Rehm 1958, #120, #29.15-19.
17. Stones #31b and #31c are probably the continuation, but only small parts of them
of the lacuna, although there is no attestation for that title before 280 B.C.E. The goddess
are readable: two lines on #31b and one or two letters on each of six lines on #31c.
was also worshiped at Didyma as Lykeia in the third century li.C.E. and possibly as Phos-
phoros. i\1ost of the epithets of Artemis that occur in the colonies cannot be securely traced
to Miletos, although they may well have occurred there as well.
16. Southern sanctuary: Graeve 1.973/74; Graeve 1.975b; Kleine 1.97.9. Kalabaktepe:
Milet 1.8.16-1 7; Kerschner 1995, 218-20; Kerschner and Senff 1997 (corrects the dating
to the fifth century). Statue of Leto and Artemis: Hadzisteliou-Price 1971, #VI.14. Fourth-
century relief: Hadzisteliou-Price 1.971, #V.8. Regulations: Sokolowski 1955, #45. There
also survive fragments of a decree concerning Artemis Skiris from before 228/7 B. C .E.
(Sokolowski 1.955, #47) and another regulating the cult of Artemis from the end of the first
century B.C.E. (Sokolowski 1955, #51 = Milet 1.7 #202). Stater: Jenkins 1972, #688/689
= PCG 44.11. Didyma: Fontcnrosc 1988, 122-23; Rchm 1958, #120, #29.15- 19.
17. Stones #31b and #31c are probably the continuation, but only small parts of them
are rea dable: two lines on #31b and one or two letters on each of six lines on #31c.
6a O v o rovb6i0v v g vat oxogo6Qa tig [---- 5 -
-- TLrl t r] L T6F 'HiQflL 'Avhr O g ; )vzi1 Eyzvco )Fvz(JA &v- -
V tf(o0f14vg o'vo TE0 h~ i 6bo-xaAINO1QI [[----

---]L ig ot; Qc ~rlv g TUQW V bv 8tevg QLOEoWV FztrJoL- 10 -
vo ~ Au L a &)a :": A8eJZwL otg QcOrV &oyif[----
oa J.!UAA6v cm:ovo~v J.!EALXJ.!UTa ox6gooa -rfj; [---- 5 ~

-- TQLTf]L rn]L Cicxa "HQ11L 'Av8E11L at<; A.cvx11 i:yxuag A.cm-:oJL &.v- ~
----]trIL iotavo o9tl zrxcooswtat 'AR6) wvog AXtyv-
[[1] An early dinner is given... [including] two cubes (?) .. [2]
drink offerings, soothing things of two kinds, two wreathed cubes

a~E~UJ.!EVf] xou<; Tfj LEQfjL CLCOTUL XUL ~VAWV o[---- ~
(?), [3](and) wooden things. On the twelfth day, he gives to the
---- ~]~LLEXTO E<; TO LEQEW<; Mbo-rm xou<; ~vA.a xaJtL ~O)~LO- ~
house of the king, (and) to Dio[nysos] . [4] . . torches, barley, wheat
v &.J.!¢ogciJ<; o'(vo :·:n:-rgabL EJtL b!;xa MNQ~Pfl [---- ~
groats, holy cheese, honey, a pine-wood torch, [5] wool, a drink
-----]L ol<; agm1v ExTElJ<; nvgwv ExTEU<; xgt8cwv EXTf] o'L- 10 ~

vo ~{J),a flEAL a/,n¢a ·: AEVXWL 0 t<; ag<Jf]V agyfjt[ ---- ~
offering, soothing things, garlands of.. [6] . [On the thir]teenth a
white sheep that has been impregnated by a white ram is given to
Hera of the Blooms [7], a measure is given, and the.., of wood .

-----hilt to-ra~LEVO EOQT~ XllQV<J<JETat 'An6A.~wvo<; L'lE~cptv- ~
[[1] An early dinner is given ... [including] two cubes (?) .. [2].
[8] . of a half of a sixth to the house of the priest is given, a measure,
wood, and on the altar [9] an amphora of wine. On the fourteenth
day, DINOSIOI (?) .. [10] . a male sheep, a sixth [bushel] of wheat,

drink offerings, soothing things of two kinds, two wreathed cubes
a sixth of barley, a sixth of wine, [11] wood, honey, (and) oil. To
(?), [3](and) wooden things. On the twelfth day, he gives to the
Leukos, a male sheep with a shining.. [12] . is set up on the sixth, house of the king, (and) to Dio[nysos] . [4] .. torches, barley, wheat
and a feast of Apollo Delphin[ios] will be announced...]
groats, holy cheese, honey, a pine-wood torch, [5] wool, a drink

The calendar mentions festivals from two consecutive spring months,
offering, soothing things, garlands of .. [6]. [On the thir]teenth a

but the problems in interpreting it are manifold, beginning with the diffi-
culty in simply rendering the words. For example, among the offerings
white sheep that has been impregnated by a white ram is given to
are gulloi (lines 1-2), which Hesychios describes as stone cubes (s.v.
Hera of the Blooms [71, a measure is given, and the ... of wood ..
yv)6g' zxl3og I -re-rQ y)vog X[0og; but also s.v. yv)oL" oto) ot). How- [8] . of a half of a sixth to the house of the priest is given, a measure,
ever, his explanation has not pleased many scholars-the use of stone
wood, and on the altar [9] an amphora of wine. On the fourteenth
cubes in this religious context seems very odd-and so various sugges-
day, DINOSIOI (?) .. [1 0] . a male sheep, a sixth [bushel] of wheat,

tions have been made to explain them, including wicker baskets and
a sixth of barley, a sixth of wine, [11] wood, honey, (and) oil. To

wreaths.18 In addition, the agent in this decree is omitted, although it may
have been the Molpoi or other officials acting on behalf of the city.
Leukos, a male sheep with a shining .. [12] . is set up on the sixth,
Besides Apollo Delphinios, four other deities are mentioned in the course
and a feast of Apollo Delphin[iosj will be announced ... j
of this decree: Dionysios on line 3;19 Di Nosioi (Zeus Notios or Nosios)
18. Milet 1.3.164.

The calendar mentions festivals from two consecutive spring months,
19. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (1914, 99-100) suggests filling the lacuna with the name
but the problems in interpreting it are manifold, beginning with the diffi-
Dioskuroi (A[toox0Qot]otLv), but this emendation is rejected by Ehrhardt (1983, 187 n.
culty in simply rendering the words. For example, among the offerings
1078) and Herrmann (Milet 6.1 #31a).
are gulloi (lines 1-2), which Hesychios describes as stone cubes (s.v.
yvf.,A.o<;· xv~o<; 11 TETgayowo; A.l8o<;; but also s.v. yvHoL· <JTOAflOL). How-
ever, his explanation has not pleased many scholars-the use of stone
cubes in this religious context seems very odd-and so various sugges-
tions have been made to explain them, including wicker baskets and
wreaths. 1 8ln addition, the agent in this decree is omitted, although it may
have been the Molpoi or other officials acting on behalf of the city.
Besides Apollo Delphinios, four other deities are mentioned in the course
of this decree: Dionysios on line 3; l9 Di Nosioi (Zeus Notios or Nosios)
18. Milet 1.3.164.

19. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (1914, 99-100) suggests filling the lacuna with the name
D ioskuroi (i'>[LOox6goL]OLv), bur rhis emendation is reje<.:red by Ehrhardt (1983, 187 n.
1078) and Herrmann (Milet 6.1 #31a) .
on line 9; Hera Antheia ("Flowering") on line 6, a goddess of the spring-
time also known from Argos (Paus. 2.221); and Leukos on line 11.
Dionysos is especially well attested, since archaeologists have un-

earthed a shrine dedicated to him ca. 150 m. southwest of the Delphinion
(40 m. west of the possible Prytaneion). Discovered under the Christian
on line 9; Hera Antheia ("Flowering") on line 6, a goddess of the spring-

time also known from Argos (Paus. 2.221); and Leukos on line 11.
Basilica of St. Michael, this shrine had seven different building phases.
Phase I, from the late (?) sixth century, consisted of the remains of a
simple building, about 5.2 m. wide and at least 5 m. long, with a founda-
Dionysos is especially well attested, since archaeologists have un-
tion made of round, unworked fieldstone, a superstructure of clay bricks,
earthed a shrine dedicated to him ca. 150m. southwest of the Delphinion
and a tiled roof. After a clearly demarcated destruction layer between the
(40 m. west of the possible Prytaneion). Discovered under the Christian
Archaic and Classical building phases, the new shrine (phase II) was built
Basilica of St. Michael, this shrine had seven different building phases.
in the second quarter of the fifth century on the site of the old one. A very
Phase I, from the late (?) sixth century, consisted of the remains of a
small building (its inside walls measured 2.5-2.8 X 2.5 m.), it had four
sides but was not rectangular. The building was probably made of mud-
simple building, about 5.2 m. wide and at least 5 m. long, with a founda-
bricks and had an altar of heaped-up ash inside it. It was destroyed by fire
tion made of round, unworked fieldstone, a superstructure of clay bricks,
late in the fifth century but then immediately rebuilt.20 and a tiled roof. After a clearly demarcated destruction layer between the
Although no particular temple or sanctuary has been found for him,
Archaic and Classical building phases, the new shrine (phase IT) was built
Zeus was unquestionably worshiped throughout Milesian history. Notios,
in the second quarter of the fifth century on the site of the old one. A very
however, is a rare epithet: it is unknown elsewhere in the Greek world but
recurs in another Archaic inscription from Miletos, a one-word dedica-

small building (its inside walls measured 2.5-2.8 X 2.5 m.), it had four
tion, N6ot e (Milet 1.3 #186). The epithet may be derived from vooYog
sides but was not rectangular. The building was probably made of mud-
(disease) and refer to Zeus as healer, or-less likely-from v6toYg (home- bricks and had an altar of heaped-up ash inside it. It was destroyed by fire
coming). Zeus also appears portrayed with Leto in a sixth-century statue
late in the fifth century but then immediately rebuilt. 20
of two seated figures from Didyma, and one of the Archaic altars in the
Although no particular temple or sanctuary has been found for him,

Delphinion is dedicated to Zeus Soter ("Savior"), the protector of cities.
His cult occurs in many of the colonies, including Olbia, where he shared a
Zeus was unquestionably worshiped throughout Milesian history. Notios,
place in the central temenos with Athena, and at Didyma, where Zeus
however, is a rare epithet: it is unknown elsewhere in the Greek world but
Soter was particularly important, possessing a sanctuary in Apollo's recurs in another Archaic inscription from Miletos, a one-word dedica-
temenos and, by Hellenistic times, a festival called the Boegia.21
tion, NoaL£ (Milet 1.3 #186). The epithet may be derived from v6ao<;
20. Archaic: Mellink 1974, 123; Miller-Wiener 1977, 145-37; Miller-Wiener 1977/
(disease) and refer to Zeus as healer, or-less likely-from v6ato<; (home-

78b, 95-96; Miller-Wiener 1988d, 289; Mller-Wiener 1988a, 35; Mitchell and McNicoll
coming). Zeus also appears portrayed with Leto in a sixth-century statue

1978/79, 63-64; Mller-Wiener and Voigtlainder 1980, 29. Destruction: Mellink 1974,
114; Miller-Wiener 1977, 135-37; Mller-Wiener 1977/78b, 95; Miller-Wiener 1988a,

of two seated figures from Didyma, and one of the Archaic altars in the
35-36; Mller-Wiener and Voigtlainder 1980, 29. Classical: Mellink 1974, 123; Miller- Delphinion is dedicated to Zeus Soter ("Savior"), the protector of cities.
Wiener 1977, 135-37; Miller-Wiener 1977/78b, 96; Miller-Wiener 1988d, 289; Miller-
His cult occurs in many of the colonies, including Olbia, where he shared a
Wiener 1988a, 35-36; Real 1977/78; Miller-Wiener and Voigtlainder 1980, 29. The shrine
place in the central temenos with Athena, and at Didyma, where Zeus
was made into a full-fledged temple with a cult image of the god in the third century B.C.E.
Soter was particularly important, possessing a sanctuary in Apollo's

See Miiller-Wiener 1977/78b, 97-99. For an inscription regulating the cult of Dionysos at
Miletos from 276/75 B.C.E., see Sokolowski 1955, #48.

temenos and, by Hellenistic times, a festival called the Boegia. 21
21. With Leto: Naumann and Tuchelt 1963/64, 57-62. Altar: Milet 1.3 #130 (Soter is a
20. Archaic: Mcllink 1974, 123; Muller-Wiener 1977, 145-37; Muller-Wiener 1977/
common epithet, especially at Didyma and Olbia). Treaty of isopoliteia with Herakleia:
78b, 95-96; Muller-Wiener 1988d, 289; Muller-Wiener 1988a, 35; Mitchell and McNicoll
1978/79, 63- 64; Mciller-Wiener and Voigtlander 1980, 29. Destruction: Mellink 1974,
114; Muller-Wiener 1977, 135-37; Muller-Wiener 1977/78b, 95; Muller-Wiener 1988a,
35- 36; Muller-Wiener and Voigtliinder 1980, 29. Classical: Mellink 1974, 123; Muller-
Wiener 1977, 135-37; Muller-Wiener 1977/78b, 96; Muller-Wiener 1988d, 289; Muller-
Wiener 1988a, 35-36; Real1977/78; Muller-Wiener and Voigtlander 1980,29. The shrine
was made into a full-fledged temple with a cult image of the god in the third century B.C.E.
See Muller-Wiener 1977/78b, 97-99. For an inscription regulating the cult of Dionysos at
Miletos from 276/75 B.C.E., see Sokolowski 1955, #48.

21. With Leto: Naumann and Tuchelt 1963/64,57-62. Altar: Milet 1.3 # 130 (Soter is a
common epithet, especially at Didyma and O lbia). Treaty of isopoliteia with Herakleia:
Zeus's usual consort at Miletos is not Hera, whose only appearance at
Miletos and the colonies is in this Sacrifice Calendar (and then with the
rare epithet Antheia). Instead, Hera must have been considered a minor
springtime deity, while Leto took pride of place as a goddess more appro-
priate to Miletos, since she was the mother of Apollo and Artemis. In
Zeus's usual consort at Miletos is not Hera, whose only appearance at

Miletos and the colonies is in this Sacrifice Calendar (and then with the
addition to the Archaic statue of Leto and Zeus, she appears with Artemis
in the aforementioned votive statue from the southeast portion of the
theater, also from the sixth century, as well as the fourth-century dedica-
rare epithet Antheia). Instead, Hera must have been considered a minor
tory relief mentioned already.22
springtime deity, while Leto took pride of place as a goddess more appro-
Leukos, the last god mentioned in the Sacrifice Calendar, is essentially
priate to Miletos, since she was the mother of Apollo and Artemis. In
unknown. The word leukos itself means "white" or "shining," and the
addition to the Archaic statue of Leto and Zeus, she appears with Artemis
only precedent in the Greek world for it as a divine epithet is at Tanagra,
in the aforementioned votive statue from the southeast portion of the

where the people worshiped Leukos Hermes (Sch. Lykoph. 679). The
original editor dismisses this interpretation out of hand, suggesting other

theater, also from the sixth century, as well as the fourth-century dedica-
possibilities: a hero from Crete; a light daimon; a nymph known from
tory relief mentioned already. 22
Delos; or Arge, the mother of Dionysos. However, it is difficult to see Leukos, the last god mentioned in the Sacrifice Calendar, is essentially
how this reference could stand for a female divinity, since in this context,
unknown. The word leukos itself means "white" or "shining," and the
with the masculine ending and a male sacrificial sheep, the deity is cer-
only precedent in the Greek world for it as a divine epithet is at Tanagra,

tainly himself masculine. Instead, a fairly appealing suggestion has been
made that he should be connected with the Panhellenic hero Achilles,

where the people worshiped Leukos Hermes (Sch. Lykoph. 679 ). The
since the most celebrated site for the worship of Achilles was the Island of
original editor dismisses this interpretation out of hand, suggesting other
Leuke, 50 km. southeast of the Istros River delta.23 Perhaps, then, Leukos possibilities: a hero from Crete; a light daimon; a nymph known from
was occasionally used in antiquity as an epithet for Achilles.
Delos; or Arge, the mother of Dionysos. However, it is difficult to see
Certainly Achilles was worshiped at Olbia since at least the sixth
how this reference could stand for a female divinity, since in this context,
century as a chthonic deity and a protector of fertility in nature. Oddly
enough, the cult of Achilles seems to be concentrated along the north

with the masculine ending and a male sacrificial sheep, the deity is cer-
Milet 1.3 #150.21-22; Ehrhardt 1983, 155-58; Hasluck 1910, 225-26; Vinogradov and
tainly himself masculine. Instead, a fairl y appealing suggestion has been
Kryzickij 1995, 112. Boegia: Kallim. 229 Pf.; Fontenrose 1988, 135-44. It is possible that made that he should be connected with the Panhellenic hero Achilles,
Zeus-Ammon was worshiped in the first half of the sixth century on Zeytintepe, but that
since the most celebrated site for the worship of Achilles was the Island of
identification is not secure: see the discussion of Aphrodite later in this chapter.
Leuke, 50 km. southeast of the Istros River delta.2 3 Perhaps, then, Leukos
22. Ehrhardt 1983, 156, 159 esp. n. 721 (Hera), 158-60 (Leto). Since evidence for the
was occasionally used in antiquity as an epithet for Achilles.

worship of Leto has not been found at Olbia, where the excavation is well advanced, but
since it has been found at Istros from the fourth century, the likely conclusion is that Leto
Certainly Achilles was worshiped at Olbia since at least the sixth
was a relatively late addition at Miletos, arriving in the sixth century, and that she reached century as a chthonic deity and a protector of fertility in nature. Oddly
Istros separately.
enough, the cult of Achilles seems to be concentrated along the no rth
23. Milet 1.3.165; Ehrhardt 1983, 180. Achilles: Hedreen 1991; Hommel 1980; Hind
1996. Leuke: Demetrius in Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.228, lines 786-92 = 783-89 Diller; Lykoph.
188-89; Anon. Peripl. Eux. 64 = GGM 1.419; Paus. 3.19.11. One fifth-century inscription
Milet 1.3 #150.21-22; Ehrhardt 1983, 155-58; Hasluck 1910, 225-26; Vinogradov and
from the site reads, FXcixog ~se &v6rxev 'AXtLXfiLt Aevxfj e6bovtLt Ga<e>g Hooitilo
Kryzickij 1995, 112. 1\oegia: Kallim. 229 rf.; Fontenrose 1988, 135-44. It is possible that
[Glaukos, son of Posideios, dedicated me to Achilles, master of Leuke] (Hedreen 1991, 319
Zeus-Ammon was worshiped in the first half of the sixth century on Zeytintepe, but that
identification is not secure: sec the discussion of Aphrodite later in this chapter.
n. 42 = SEG 30 [1980] #869).
22. Ehrhardt 1983, 156, 159 esp. n. 721 (Hera), 158- 60 (Leto) . Since evidence for the
worship of Leto has not been found at O lbia, where the excavation is well advanced, but
since it has been found at lstros from the fourth century, the likely conclusion is that Leto
was a relatively late addition at M iletos, arriving in the sixth century, and that she reached
Istros separately.
23. Milet 1.3.165; Ehrhardt 1983, 180. Achilles: Hedreen 1991; Hommel 1980; Hind
1996. Leuke: Demetrius in Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.228, lines 786- 92 ~ 783-89 Diller; Lykoph.
188-89; Anon. Peripl. F:ux. 64 ~ GGM 1.419; Paus. 3.19.11 . One fi fth-century inscription
from the site reads, fl.etih(O£ J.Le ave811XEV 'Axt/.),ijL Arux jj ~IEOEOVtL nai<c>£ IIocrLOllO
[Glaukos, son of Posideios, dedicated me to Achilles, master of Leuke] (Hedreen 1991, 319
n. 42 ~ SEC 30 [1 980] # 869).
coast of the Pontos, at Olbia, in Megarian Chersonesos, and is perhaps
reflected in the name of the town Achilleion on the Asian shore of the
Kimmerian Bosporos (Str. 7.4.5, 11.2.6.). However, it is unattested on

the southern or western littorals of the Pontos. Perhaps the cult origi-
nated among the Skythians and was transferred from the colonies to the
coast of the Pontos, at Olbia, in Megarian Chersonesos, and is perhaps

reflected in the name of the town Achilleion on the Asian shore of the
mother city, where the only other evidence for him is a reference in
Athenaios (2.43D) to a spring of Achilles at Miletos.24
The Molpoi Decree and the Procession to Didyma

Kimmerian Bosporos (Str. 7.4.5, 11.2.6.). However, it is unattested on
Another important religious inscription found in the Delphinion is a
the southern or western littorals of the Pontos. Perhaps the cult origi-
very long and difficult text called the Molpoi Decree (Milet 1.3 #133),
nated among the Skythians and was transferred from the colonies to the
which has already been discussed in chapter 3 for its political impor-
mother city, where the only other evidence for him is a reference in
tance. Relating to the Festival of Apollo Hebdomaios in the month
Athenaios (2.430) to a spring of Achilles at Miletos. 24

Taureon, the decree gives instructions for two of the most important
events in the annual life of the city: it provides for the beginning of
the new year and the formal inauguration of the new aisymnetes of the
The Molpoi Decree and the Procession to Didyma

Molpoi, and it recounts the sacrifices and procedures that must be
followed during the great annual procession in honor of Apollo that
began at the Delphinion at Miletos and crossed by land to the Temple of
Apollo at Didyma.
Another important religious inscription found in the Delphinion is a
Because of its length, I break the decree into appropriate subheadings
very long and difficult text called the Molpoi Decree (Milet 1.3 #133),
for discussion.25
which has already been discussed in chapter 3 for its political impor-
Prescript (lines 1-6)
tance. Relating to the Festival of Apollo Hebdomaios in the month

CL (I)te to6 AtovvUco iok)J v kaouwivwtog, mgooe;rtuLot
oiuv O iv d6-
Taureon, the decree gives instructions for two of the most important
rwv 'Ayaq tflrg 'AQLtozoQateog, 'Om or1f v Avzog KX)avtog,
events in the annual life of the city: it provides for the beginning of
B'Lv 'Aok)o669o, Bmwo()mwv KorlOi6g 'EQ vtzaxtog, Oowoyv 'Av- the new year and the formal inauguration of the new aisymnetes of the
t)ovtog. 6bo e ok)omotyv to oyt6 avayQ&yupavtag Os6vaLt g
Molpoi, and it recounts the sacrifices and procedures that must be

[5] tO LE6ov xaL XQnfiout Ltotoiov. xa' oi30tw troe a yoa6V v 8Th-
followed during the great annual procession in honor of Apollo that

01.
24. Vinogradov and Kryzickij 1995, 117-18 (Olbia); Hedreen 1991 (Skythian origin);
began at the Delphinion at Miletos and crossed by land to the Temple of
Farnell 1921, 286-87; Hommel 1980; Ehrhardt 1983, 179-80.
Apollo at Didyma.
25. The editio princeps was published by Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (1904), and for the Because of its length, I break the decree into appropriate subheadings
most part Rehm (Milet 1.3 #133) agrees with him. The Greek text offered here is from
for discussion.25
Rehm. Cf. Herrmann in Milet 1.6; Sokolowski 1955, 129-30.
Prescript (lines 1-6)

bti. <PLI-.tiow to L'uovuoLo rwAn:&v atou~w&vto-=;, ngoolotmgm
~oav otvciJ-
Jt(J)V 'Aya[-t~~n]-=; 'AgwtoxgatEO£, 'On/..~8wv Avxo-=; KHavto-=;,
Biwv 'A noHo6wgo, Bwg(lo)wv Kgf]8ElJ£ 'Egwovaxto-=;, 8gcwwv 'Av-
n/..£ovto-=;. EOO~E [lOt,JtOLOLV ta OQ'{LCX ava ygcn jJavta-=; 8Eivm E£
[5] to LEQOV xal, XQ~a8m tovtowLv. xal. outOJL TUDE yga¢8!\vta Et E-
8T].
24. Vinogradov and Kryzickij 1995, 117-18 (Olbia ); Hedreen 1991 (Skythian origin);
Farnell 1921, 286-87; Hommel1980; Ehrhardt 1983, 179-80.
25. The editio princeps was published by Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (1904), and for the
most part Rehm (Milet 1.3 # 133) agrees with him. The Greek text offered here is from
Rehm. Cf. Herrmann in Milet 1.6; Sokolowski 1955, 129- 30.
[[1] When Philteos, the son of Dionysios, was the aisymnetes of the
Molpoi, and from the tribe Oino[2]pes, Agamedes, the son of
Aristokrates, and from the tribe [H] opletes, Lykos, the son of
Klean, [3] and Bion, the son of Apollodoros, and from the tribe
Boreos, Kretheus, the son of Ermonax, and Thrason, the son of
ffll When Philteos, the son of Dionysios, was the aisymnetes of the
Molpoi, and from the tribe Oino[2]pes, Agamedes, the son of
An[4]tileon were the companions [prosetairoi]. It seemed best to the
Molpoi that the rites be engraved and placed in [5] the sanctuary
and be performed in the following way. And thus they were en-
Aristokrates, and from the tribe [H]opletes, Lykos, the son of
graved and placed [6] there.]
Klean, [3] and Bion, the son of Apollodoros, and from the tribe
Inauguration of New Aisymnetes (lines 6-18)
Boreos, Kretheus, the son of Ermonax, and Thrason, the son of
'E(36%oiwioL' tii oybwi curo)eizuita iLex j o r)~&yxvu cr4ocii
An[4]tileon were the companions [prosetairoi].lt seemed hest to the

Molpoi that the rites be engraved and placed in [5] the sanctuary
ukwiviitn; 6 o6e aukwiiv1itn; zcL<0> moocJTao;g
JQOCJULQ etUL, OTUV OiL
Z9f1T98~g m6ve t8;cteocJOoL zca QTULOViJowcJLV TI, 6e evatr1 ((zcd

and be performed in the following way. And thus they were en-
Ti1S; vcpo;Szca i' ; m7Uvm6bo;, fvyicixocix meuvf~o QoL,
graved and placed [6] there.]
[10] tovtwv 7r o~~Xa 6OCL-ta togac o6vfo;.)a ovtui &ivhiv t
U9)x0 uafro iUTWV Am6))of Xvi AEO4vLWL' XUcALZQfl t 98eLQVeacL
Tnauguration of New Aisymnetes (lines 6-18)

'E~Cio~-taiowt· 1:~t oycon arrof.£Lxmca LEQa ~ crrrf.ayzva omloocrt
zcato-
JTQ tiio)~r~zv) zcxa L6J b V xtui, 6 6e LLO V ukw[Lv~f ;g&m
WV &ieIfL ir1i ((zcd zXrnti~u; crv6&tw cvt6; zcL

~wf.Jtwv
T1 tr~ LL))tfTQLa,, zc 6bo-rc a r6 O )LJzv &6% EQIi~ic TOPCYi
CtLCJ'lJ~-tV~l:Y]t;. 6 0£ CtLOU!-tV'lll:'ll£ XCtL < o> JtQOOCl:CtLQOt;
ot8ecLvfl o- JtQOOCtLQEl:CtL, Ol:CtV OL
[15] QOLGYLV Te~rl, cL, ze 68tuL 'Am6))XWVi AeO4v[OxJa
XQlll:~QE; rravcE£ orrweewm xat rrmwviowmv · 1:~ 6E £va1:11 ((xal

&4LL)VtaU L oi c-
&.no
1:~; 6o¢uoc; xaL 1:~; rrqmacoc:;, ~v 'tozomv m:E¢av11¢6gm,
UVfl OQoL 01 t8 V80 x 0 8WxaLO Qc LoiVOV QTiVOCJL tO[L [0XJrWV,
xa o~i~e
ormhvbovtai xatomre F o)~rcz(v) 6o 6e F LWJV akw[v i-clg

[lOJ TOUl:OJV JtQOACt'/XCtVEL l:a LOECt 0 veoc;.)) UQX,OVl:CtL 8UELV l:a
QTUQ8XeL UQTEQ 0
LEQ~Ct
'Ovi-r&61j; xca)LXLVeL a&meo 6''Ovitocb1;.
UQXO aJto l:Ol!l:WV 'AJtoAAWVL ~EA<):>LVLWL. xal XQY]l:~QE£ XLQVECtl:CtL
[At the festival of the Hebdomaia, on the eighth day the aisymnetes
XCtl:O-
JtEQ Efl[lOf.JtCi'J(v) xal JtCtLOJV '(LVEl:CtL, 6 CE ESLO)V atcru~LV~l:Y]£ aJtO
of the Molpoi ... [provides?] both the sacrifices or the viscerals for
the people pouring libations.
1:Ci'JV llflLOE-
wv 8uEL 'IcrtiY]L ((xaL XQl']tf]gac; omvcctw oo'noc; ';{ett
JtCtLOJVLtET(J) ))' tf]L CE';{Ct-
'tl']L U!-tLAAY]'!~QLCt, XUL ()i,Ciotm aJto !!Of,Jt(DV Mo LEQ~LLCt 'tOLOL
Ol:E<j)CtVl']<j)0-
['15] QOLOLV l:ElcY]Ct, xai EQCEl:CtL 'ktoAlcWVL ~EJ,<j)LVLOJV, xat
&.~-ttl,~<.&vcm ot al:E-
<J:>av11¢6gm o'L t E VEOL x a L m EQEOJ xaL olvov rrlvom '!Ofl ~wf.Jt&v ,
xaL XQ11t~Qcc;
orrcv6ov1:m XCtl:OJtEQ Efl~-tOJ.JtCi')(v)' 6 6 £ 2/.;twv CtLCJUflVl']Tl'lc;
JtUQEXEL UJtCQ 6
'Ovm16Y]c; xaL ),ayzavEL aJtEQ 6 '0vLca61']c;.
[At the festival of the Hebdomaia, on the eighth day the aisymnetes
of the Molpoi ... [provides?] both the sacrifices or the viscerals for
the people pouring libations.
[7] The aisymnetes and the prosetairos select [others] [or "the
aisymnetes chooses the prosetairoi"], when [8] all the kraters have
been poured and they have chanted the paean. And on the ninth day
((and from [9] the loins and fifth part, which the stephanephoroi
receive, [10] and the new man possesses things equal to these)), they
[71 The aisymnetes and the prosetairos select fothersl for "the
aisymnetes chooses the prosetairoi"], when [8] all the kraters have
begin to sacrifice the victims [11] from those things [? uoxo] to
Apollo Delphinios. And the kraters are mixed just as [12] is done
among the Molpoi and the paean is sung, and the aisymnetes leav-
been poured and they have chanted the paean. And on the ninth day
ing office [13] sacrifices to Hestia from the halves ((and let him
((and from [9] the loins and fifth part, which the stephanephoroi
himself pour the libation from the kraters and sing the paean) ); on
receive, [10] and the new man possesses things equal to these)), they
the tenth day, [14] there are contests, and two perfect victims are
begin to sacrifice the victims [11] from those things [? a gxo] to

Apollo Delphinios. And the kraters are mixed just as [12] is done
given from the Molpoi to the stephanephoroi [15] and sacrificed to
Apollo Delphinios. And the stephanephoroi compete, [16] both the
new ones and [oi E~ew], and they drink the wine of the Molpoi, and
among the Molpoi and the paean is sung, and the aisymnetes leav-
[17] the libation is poured from the kraters just as [is done] among
ing office [13] sacrifices to Hestia from the halves ((and let him
the Molpoi. The outgoing aisymnetes provides the things like those himself pour the libation from the kraters and sing the paean)); on
of [18] Onitadai and takes for his portion just as the Onitadai do.]
the tenth day, [14] there are contests, and two perfect victims are
Procession to Didyma (lines 18-31)
given from the Mol poi to the stef7hanef7horoi [15] and sacrificed to
6i tuvGar4Vrfr59oL iojciv e
AfLv~u, J 6)o; 6g o & u6 ivflrv -QL{C 189LLa tLaL tovrwv 8-V

Apollo Delphinios. And the stephanephoroi compete, f16l both the
OiV~v, Fv
new ones and [m £Q£W], and they drink the wine of the Molpoi, and
[20] 6e evo9Xpg< F% o)rm(Jz)v t m~h; 6o LTuoyl)jiLLv [17] the libation is poured from the kraters just as [is done] among
189(f L)ov -ih9~8Lov z'L M8_-ruy4L]-
the Molpoi. The outgoing aisymnetes provides the things like those
trvLoicuv 189(f L)ov tFiov, 'EflbovciLoLv 6 6% t -c~LazcL xOV
of [18] Onitadai and takes for his portion just as the Onitadai do.]
Tt L QcOcLOV 6[9-]
2M); 8zhotel;g to -roicit 8oL O cJEOLOV O 6leUgJ tcQLCYTUTUL,
X UYXUVeL 6IA
Procession to Didyma (lines 18-31)
OU,6EV m11ov TWzV &) cv iio),JrJv. ((zci &xoVta oi otav OtE<j:>CXVYJ<j:>OQOL 'lwmv E£
G-re4uVrf4x59oL Tuv98J-
~lCu[.ta, ~ n6f.t.,; CtCoi: £xat6v~YJV tgla L£Q~LLa tE!,Eta· toutwv i:v
8~/-.u, i:v
vo; &iieLv 'Am6)) oWvi AO?4iv~wL auo t(Jv CLTEWV
[20] 6£ EVOQXE£. £; [.tO),n(0) )v i'1 n6f.t.,; CLCO i T a gyYJI,lmmv

aUthcL9aU[VOL, XZUL Qflt I-
[25] of{ca ieooecoagc~)). zcd yv)~oL eoovtaL 6%, zcif~ tat
mcr' 'Ezai-r v i r m9c108v5

LEQ(~t)ov tEJ,ELOV -x.al, Mcmyc[t]-
muv ot miiivo; zLOlc ) & xtaztacurhv68-r8, 6o6 e-ro; e TVLOLOLV tcg(~L)ov tO,nov, 'E~CO[.tCXLOLOLV cc cuo ccf.cLa x.al, xov
AfL v a 'a
•o~l naf.mov o[g-J

Ooag tfO8-utii,-ru 6a beToic cavte8; oxovtca -r v 0607y-r v
t~£ £x.cWTYJ£. touTOLOL to'i:.,; tcgot:mv 6 ~am),ciJ.,; n aglotatm,

/,ayxavct 6£
Qt)~ct8 Lav [UXQL
OUCEV nA~OV tWV ai-Awv [.tOf.J'tO)V. ((x.al, agxovtm OL

otc¢av11¢6gm TaugcoJ-
vo.,; 8UELV 'AnoAAWVL ~EA<j:>LVLOJLana tOJV UQWTEQWV
anag;a[.tEVOL, X.aL X.Qlltll-
[25] gloa.,; t eoocg a ;)). x al, yuf.Ao l, ¢ egovtm Mo, x.al, tLOttm
nag' 'Ex.atYJV tt'Jv ng6o8Ev
nuf.ewv Eotqt~lEVO£ XCXL ax.g~tOJ xamonevbnE, 6 ()' EtEQO£ E£
Mbu~ta b:l,
8uga; tl8ctm' taiha be nm!wavtE£ EQXOV'WL tl]v 6boy tllV
n),atELCXV f.tExQL
axpo, u-r' axpo 8taix 9oyr6' xc't naQtLvOlta t ng TQov nQaQ'
'Exatrj ti m6o08Ev tv-
Fwv,, A ao Avvaqtlt, ieT8v Ein ILEL vt ' m' V xpo nmago vvUtaLa',
tLev aqo' 'EQ ti 'Ev-
[30]xe8)ao, nag IavXklot, xatu- KEuLitflv, hL90 XaQ o
&vQLtL ctv, e88erat 6o tw 1ntv-

&.xgo, em' axgo 6€ OLa Og'U[,lO. xat nmwvLl;,ETCXL ngG:nov nag'
'Excn11 Ti'j ng6cr8cv nu-
&v Eii Jt Q LU XK89uLrfL 69r ooiv, muox Iv)iwo 6 OcL &itui
rvt' 8t8U.
A.£wv, naga i1'UVU[,tH, EhEv EnL fcELWDVL En:' axgo :;taga vvcpma',
[Whenever the stephanephoroi go to [19] Didyma, the city gives as
cfTEv nag' 'Egllil 'Ev-
a hekatomb three perfect victims, one of which is to be female and
[30]xEAaOo, na.ga <I">'UAlWL, ;.{a.lU KEga.LLTI']V, naga Xa.gEw
another [20] uncastrated. And the city gives to the house of the
avOgLamv, £g0£Tm OE TUJL na.v-

8vwL ETH naga KEgaLLTYJL oagTOV, naga u/,l.uJL o€ eva 8vETCXL
Molpoi a perfect victim at the Targelia and a perfect victim at the
Metagei[21]tnia, and on the Hebdomaia two perfect victims, and
an old measure at [22] each festival. The king is present at these

navi' ET£a..
sacrifices, and he receives [23] no more than the other Molpoi.
((And the stephanephoroi begin in Taureon [24] to sacrifice to
Apollo Delphinios offering the first fruits from the left [or "with
[Whenever the stephanephoroi go to [19J Didyma, the city gives as
their left hands"?], and [25] mixing four kraters)). Two stone cubes
a hekatomb three perfect victims, one of which is to be female and
are brought in, one of which is placed before the sanctuary of a nother [20] uncastrated. And the city gives to the house of the
Hekate before the [26] Gates; wreathed; pour it unmixed. The
Molpoi a perfect victim at the Tar gelia and a perfect victim at the
other is placed on [27] the doors to Didyma. And after doing these
Metagei[21]tnia, and on the Hebdomaia two perfect victims, and

things, they follow the flat road as far as [28] the heights and from
the heights through the woods. And the paean is sung, first before
an old measure at [22] each festival. The king is present at these
Hekate before the [29] Gates, then before the sanctuary of Dy-
sacrifices, and he receives r231 no more than the other Molpoi.
namis, then in the meadow on the heights before the nymphs, then ((And the stephanephoroi begin in Taureon [24] to sacrifice to
before the shrine of Hermes with the Loud Voice [? Enkelados],
Apollo Delphinios offering the first fruits from the left [or "with
[30] before the Tribesman [Phylios], opposite the Horned One
their left ha nds"?], and [25] mixing four kraters)). Two stone cubes
[Keraiites], before the statues of Chares. Sacrifices are made in the
are brought in, one of which is placed before the sanctuary of

year of all offerings [31] before the Horned One, an animal that
must be skinned [? 6uat6v], and before the Tribesman, sacrifices

Hekate before the [26] Gates; wreathed; pour it unmixed. The
are burned every year.] other is placed on [27J the doors to Didyma. And after doing these
Duties and Rights of the Onitadai (lines 31-40)
things, they follow the flat road as far as [28] the heights and from
'Ovit
the heights through the woods. And the paean is sung, first before
ri tot Jna6etg L ;xeqo ot L o x6 Aoyv 8iXo; atog xvX)ov
Hekate before the [2 9] Gates, then before the sanctuary of Dy-

bcLibog o tv
namis, then in the meadow on the heights before the nymphs, then
before the shrine of Hermes with the Loud Voice [? Enkelados],
[30J before the Tribesman [Phyliosj, opposite the Horned One

[Keraiites], before the statues of Chares. Sacrifices are made in the
year of all offerings [31] before the Horned One, an animal that
must be skinned [? C\a.gTov], and before the Tribesman, sacrifices
are burned every yea r.]
Duties and Rights of the Onitadai (lines 31-40)

'OvLTa
C\11WL ;tag£~L<:; x.cga[,tO mbllQO xa.Ax.o ~iJ/,wv vbm;os; X.UX.AWV
oa.l.oos; gLnwv
XQz CetLLu OE maaav~ccyztrJQWV 68c114JV TO ; LoLJLV'((Ju9oa
ot8ecavr oo;g
v xvov zcX&)AL aeia )'6mrio6L; cur ,6LyV( Vx JzV -4~cJL;, 2 ~

6o; zg uiL
[35] ifj; mF vm6bo;, fijv G-r(4vr6oL Yc'oxocuLv, -irjcJL; zcA
xgioa £m~hmg£v <)laA.ayxTTJQlwv owwuv w'l-; LEQllLOLmv"((;raga

bLu{98c11;, zcL Iori; X-
<JTE<j:JUV11<J:l0QO-;
L;. (( LmicroJev T a ~aT~acF ju & vo t-m)o vi m)~cxzvtLvu,
tifi 'Ez&-
A.uxvov xal, aAEL<j:la))" o:;,;TT]m-; arrA.ayxvwv, XQEOJV Et)JT]m-;, •11::;
tri 6 F xoJ9~)). yLveta 'Ovi't&6 3iv &r6 o)~rmJzv 6cJ'Ue; QT2Lc~L
6a¢uo::; xal,
exztd; bV oi
[35] •11::; JtE[!rta<'lo::;, ~v a,;c¢av11¢6gm 'Laxomv, lhjJTJm::; xal,
G-re4uVrf46oL h IxOCuLv, 6E9Vcatu m6LVt, 0vaX11c rat QcC air'
OLULQE<JL::;, xaL ~toLQT]::; ),a-

~t::;. (( £mrreaa£v ,;a £A.mga £~ ~f!ECl~tvo nlm6AA.wvt rr),ax6vnva,
hLioO z6Lc(to, (( h',-
WV to AP8QLyLVO[LEVU, oiVOV TOv EV TWL zi rtiQL 7mQLLVLVOV)),
[40] I4Fri;
T11t 'Exa-
[The Onitadai receive [32] a provision of clay, of iron, of bronze,
'tT]L OE xwgl::;) ). ylvE'taL 'Ovt'tUOT]WLV &.rto [!Ohwv oa<)luc::; rraam
of wood, of water, of dishes, of a pine torch, and of wicker [33] to £:-no::; J)v o t
divide anew the meat, of wooden blocks, of fetters for the sacrifi-
(J'tf<j:JUV11¢0QOL 'L<JXO<JLV, OEQ[!U'ta JtUVTU, 8uaA.f][!aTa TQLU art'

cial animals. ((Next to the stephanephoros [34] lamps and oil.) )
t£gf]o £xacr,;o, ( (eu-

wv ,;a JtEQL'{LVOf!EVa, olvov Tov £v TWL XQTJTilQL JtEQL'{LVOf!EVov)),
The roasting of the entrails, the boiling of the meat, of the loins,
and [35] of the fifth part, which the stephanephoroi receive, the
boiling and the cutting up, and the allotment of a portion. [36]
m[,trra::; •11::; ~-
((He cooks flat cakes of half mina to Apollo and to [37] Hekate [40] f!EQ11::;·
separately)). All of the loins go to the Onitadai from the Molpoi
apart from those that the [38] stephanephoroi receive, all of the
[The Onitadai receive [32] a provision of clay, of iron, of bronze,

skins, three burnt offerings from each victim, ((the [39] remaining
parts of the sacrifices, and the wine that is left in the krater) ), a
of wood, of water, of dishes, of a pine torch, and of wicker [33] to
fifth [40] on the day.]
divide anew the meat, of wooden blocks, of fetters for the sacrifi-
Miscellaneous Additions (lines 40-45) cial animals. ((Next to the stephanephoros [34] lamps and oil.))
((6-rL i v oi-rv uvi TOL65CYLV 'Ovi-rbca, cL6e o) o kiiv TI
The roasting of the entrails, the boiling of the meat, of the loins,
XuaomrLvo, Gie-
and [35] of the fifth part, which the stephanephoroi receive, the
boiling and the cutting up, and the allotment of a portion. [36]
cavfl)oo; &m6 o-r zv 'JCYTI)ri(io7v uxev. &rL 6' &v 'OvL-r6L~u1
x~LojciLV, cL68 [o)Jro L-
cii'F)ar )Of PvlxQoiciiv trt't9~)Ui.))

((He cooks flat cakes of half mina to Apollo and to [3 7] Hekate
(((-u rG iNVL &m~hri iioX~r(Jz(v) Q cLVTOV zc )AL XaL; omt)Vyxv separately)). All of the loins go to the Onitadai from the Molpoi
curo Ocv w xc-
apart from those that the [38] stephanephoroi receive, all of the
skins, three burnt offerings from each victim, ((the [39] remaining
parts of the sacrifices, and the wine that is left in the krater) ), a
fifth [40] on the day.]
Miscellaneous Additions (lines 40-45)

((on av TOUt(J)V f!ll JtOLWGLV 'Owr&.oat, EUOE [!OAJtOLGLV EJtL
Xagorrlvo, crt£-
<)lav11¢6go::; arto 'tOJV 'lonfjwJv JtUQEXEV. on o' Civ 'Ovnaom
XQT]Ll~wmv, €ao£ [!Ohoi:-
m <JTE<j:lav11¢6gowtv £m,;nga¢flm.))
((('tWL xf]QUXL a'tEAclll E[![!Of,JtOJ(v) JtUV't(J)V XUL A.asL::; OJtAayxvwv
&.rro 8u&v £xaa-

-thwv zcL OLVO OO i] e;to lx ivti~oitcii -oL Oy''U~t6, 6O6
ovo; a6 o oX'(v) yixetuL.)))
[45] (((tzi tb6ib 6eIxjvov QTUQQXEL 6 O(e)w;, &Q&tov 6E

[((Whatever of these things the Onitadai do not do, it pleases the
Molpoi in the year of Charopinos, [41] the stephanephoros should
o
TEwv x.at o'Lvo ¢ogt1 Ei:; Ta 'lj!ux.l~QLa TEA£OL Toi:o' EWuT6, b'
do from the things of Hestia. And whatever the Onitadai are lack-
olvo~:; ano ~oA.mo(v) ylvEwL)))

ing, it pleases the Molpoi [42] to entrust it to the stephanephoroi.))
[43] (((An exemption from all things from among the Molpoi for
o
[45] (((TWL u.nbwL OE'i:nvov JtaQEXEL t!og(E)w~:;, agwwv C\£
the herald and a portion of the entrails from each of the sacrifices
rDL0U~V~1Y]£.)))
[44] and the transport of the wine in the psykters at his own cost,
and the wine is provided by the Molpoi.))) [45] (((And the priest
provides the feast to the singer, and the aisymnetes provides the
[((Whatever of these things the Onitadai do not do, it pleases the
breakfast.)))]
Molpoi in the year of Charopinos, [41] the stephanephoros should

do from the things of Hestia. And whatever the Onitadai are lack-
Considering its length, this document is remarkably intact, but it is
maddeningly difficult because of the circumstances of its engraving. It is
actually a series of decrees and amendments on the same subject that have
ing, it pleases the Molpoi l42J to entrust it to the stephanephoroi.))
been put together and reengraved over a span of centuries. While the
l43J (((An exemption from all things from among the Molpoi for
stone was carved ca. 100 B.C.E., it is a copy of the decree from 450/49,
the herald and a portion of the entrails from each of the sacrifices
when Philteos was the eponym of Miletos. However, line 40 is an amend-
[44] and the transport of the wine in the psykters at his own cost,
and the wine is provided by the Molpoi.))) [45] (( (And the priest
ment passed in the year Charopinos was the aisymnetes, 479/8. This fact
indicates that the original decree must have been previous even to that.
Some other smaller sections were added between 479/8 and 450/49 and
provides the feast to the singer, and the aisymnetes provides the
also subsequent to the year of Philteos but before the year of the engrav-
breakfast.))) 1
ing. Hence Rehm makes the following proposal for dating the parts of the
decree:26
Pre-479/78 Lines 6-7, 11-22, 25-35

Considering its length, this document is remarkably intact, but it is
479/78 Lines 40-42
maddeningly difficult because of the circumstances of its engraving. lt is

actually a series of decrees and amendments on the same subject that have
Interim 1 Lines 13, 33-34, 38-39
450/49 Lines 1-6; reengraving
26. Milet 1.3.277-79.

been put together and reengraved over a span of centuries. While the
stone was carved ca. 100 R.C.E., it is a copy of the decree from 450/49,
when Philteos was the eponym of Miletos. However, line 40 is an amend-
ment passed in the year Charopinos was the aisymnetes, 47918. This fact
indicates that the original decree must have been previous even to that.
Some other smaller sections were added between 479/8 and 450/49 and
also subsequent to the year of Philteos but before the year of the engrav-
ing. Hence Rehm makes the following proposal for dating the parts of the
decree: 26
Pre-479/78 Lines 6-7,11-22,25-35

479/78 Lines 40- 42
Interim 1 Lines 13, 33-34, 38-39
450/49 Lines 1-6; reengraving
26. Milet 1.3.277-79.

Interim 2 Lines 8-10, 23-25, 36-37, 43-45
Ca. 100 Reengraving of the whole
By the time of the final engraving, parts of the earlier stone must have
been obscure to the engraver, either because of damage to the stone or
because it contained arcane words or phrases that were meaningless by
Interim 2 Lines 8-10,23-25,36-37,43-45

Ca. 100 Reengraving of the whole
the first century. As a result, some sections-particularly lines 6-7, 11,
16, and 24-25-deteriorate into gibberish.
The inscription is divided into four main parts, of which the first is the
prescript, lines 1-6, listing the aisymnetes of the Molpoi and his compan-
By the time of the final engraving, parts of the earlier stone must have
ions. It is a normal feature of every Milesian decree (post-ca. 540) to list
been obscure to the engraver, either because of damage to the stone or
the aisymnetes in the prescript as a way of dating the decree, in this case
because it contained arcane words or phrases that were meaningless by

to 450/49 B.C.E. The list of companions is more curious: they are not
the first century. As a result, some sections-particularly lines 6-7, 11,

necessary for dating, so we must ask why they are here. Probably they are
included because this decree is about the annual change to a new board of
16, and 24-25-deteriorate into gibberish.
companions, although it is possible that they are listed because they are
The inscription is divided into four main parts, of which the first is the
part of the organization deciding this decree. Together the six officials prescript, lines 1-6, listing the aisymnetes of the Molpoi and his compan-
named represent three of the six Archaic Milesian tribes, indicating that
ions. It is a normal feature of every Milesian decree (post-ca. 540) to list

this decree predates the democratic reorganization of the mid-fifth cen-
the aisymnetes in the prescript as a way of dating the decree, in this case
tury (the presence of only three tribes may mean that the six tribes alter-
nated years in office, with three tribes represented among the prosetairoi
to 450/49 n.c.E. The list of companions is more curious: they are not
each year, although the fact that three tribes are listed may be entirely
necessary for dating, so we must ask why they are here. Probably they are
coincidental). Finally, we learn that the decree was to be engraved and included because this decree is about the annual change to a new board of
erected in the Delphinion at Miletos.
companions, although it is possible that they are listed because they are
Lines 6-18 record the inauguration of the new aisymnetes and his
part of the organization deciding this decree. Together the six officials
board of companions. The dates are the eighth, ninth, and tenth days of
the month of Taureon (line 23), which begins with the spring equinox,
named represent three of the six Archaic Milesian tribes, indicating that
during the Festival of Apollo Hebdomaios. On the eighth day, after sacri-
this decree predates the democratic reorganization of the mid-fifth cen-
fices and libations, a selection takes place. Lines 6-7 are difficult to read, tury (the presence of only three tribes may mean that the six tribes alter-
but apparently the aisymnetes has already been designated; by what
nated years in office, with three tribes represented among the prosetairoi
means is unknown. Line 7 may read that the aisymnetes chooses the
each year, although the fact that three tribes are listed may be entirely
prosetairoi or that the aisymnetes and the prosetairoi choose something
coincidental). Finally, we learn that the decree was to be engraved and

or someone else: the grammar is impossible to decipher. Then libations
are poured and the sacred paean is sung. On the following day, there are
erected in the Delphinion at Miletos.
more sacrifices, songs, and libations, this time dedicated specifically to Lines 6-18 record the inauguration of the new aisymnetes and his
Apollo Delphinios. The outgoing aisymnetes makes sacrifices to Hestia,
board of companions. The dates are the eighth, ninth, and tenth days of
the goddess who protects the public hearth. Then he sings a paean and
the month of Taureon (line 23 ), which begins with the spring equinox,
pours a libation. On the tenth day, there are more sacrifices and also
during the Festival of Apollo Hebdomaios. On the eighth day, after sacri-
contests. Here a distinction is made between stephanephoroi, Molpoi,
fices and libations, a selection takes place. Lines 6- 7 are difficult to read,
but apparently the aisymnetes has already been designated; by what
means is unknown. Line 7 may read that the aisymnetes chooses the
prosetairoi or that the aisymnetes and the prosetairoi choose something
or someone else: the grammar is impossible to decipher. Then libations
are poured and the sacred paean is sung. On the following day, there are
more sacrifices, songs, and libations, this time dedicated specifically to
Apollo Delphinios. The outgoing aisymnetes makes sacrifices to Hestia,
the goddess who protects the public hearth. Then he sings a paean and
pours a libation. On the tenth day, there are more sacrifices and also
contests. Here a distinction is made between stephanephoroi, Molpoi,
and Onitadai. Since we know that the aisymnetes is one of the Molpoi
and that he is also called stephanephoros (the aisymnetes lists were inter-
changeably called stephanephoros lists), the category of Molpoi seems to

subsume the stephanephoroi. Also, the outgoing aisymnetes offers sacri-
fices "like those of the Onitadai and takes for his portion just as the
and Onitadai. Since we know that the aisymnetes is one of the Molpoi
and that he is also called stephanephoros (the aisymnetes lists were inter-
Onitadai do" (lines 17-18), implying that he is rejoining their midst. It is
likely that the term stephanephoroi represents those of the Molpoi who
are in office at a given time, while the Onitadai are those of the Molpoi
changeably called stephanephoros lists), the category of Molpoi seems to
who are not.27
subsume the stephanephoroi. Also, the outgoing aisymnetes offers sacri-
The procession to Didyma is recorded in lines 18-31. As is not uncom-
fices "like those of the Onitadai and takes for his portion just as the
mon in Greek religion, Miletos had an annual procession from one sanctu-
Onitadai do" (lines 17-18), implying that he is rejoining their midst. It is

likely that the term stephanephoroi represents those of the Molpoi who
ary to another. At Athens, for example, there was an annual procession to
Eleusis for the Great Mysteries. In the case of Miletos, the procession
began at the Delphinion and marched along the Sacred Way to the
are in office at a given time, while the Onitadai are those of the Molpoi
Temple of Apollo at Didyma. This parade was not part of the Hebdomaia
who are not. 27
proper but followed immediately afterward and was a complicated festi- The procession to Didyma is recorded in lines 18-31. As is not uncom-
val in its own right, and this decree details some of the stops along the
mon in Greek religion, Miletos had an annual procession from one sanctu-
route, at which other lesser deities were worshiped.
ary to another. At Athens, for example, there was an annual procession to

First, provision is made for the city's contribution: this procession is run
by the stephanephoroi of the Molpoi, but it is a public festival representing

Eleusis for the Great M ysteries. In the case of Miletos, the procession
the city as a whole, so it is vital to the continued well-being of Miletos that
began at the Delphinion and marched along the Sacred Way to the
the procession be conducted properly. A comparison is made to the city's Temple of Apollo at Didyma. This parade was not part of the Hebdomaia
contribution at other festivals of Apollo, the Targelia, the Metageitnia, and
proper but followed immediately afterward and was a complicated festi-
the Hebdomaia. At this last festival, the city gives a larger donation: three
val in its own right, and this decree details some of the stops along the
perfect victims, one of which must be female and another of which must be
an uncastrated male. The male victim is presumably intended for Apollo

route, at which other lesser deities were worshiped.
himself, either at the Delphinion or at Didyma, but the female victim must
First, provision is made for the city's contr ibution: this procession is run
be sacrificed to a female goddess-probably Hekate, whose importance by the stephanephoroi of the Molpoi, but it is a public festival representing
we will see, or perhaps Artemis, Apollo's twin sister, who was also wor-
the city as a whole, so it is vital to the continued well-being of Miletos that
shiped at Didyma. The third victim is curiously unspecified. Another stipu-
the procession be conducted properly. A comparison is made to the city's

lation of this subsection is that the king (basileus) is to be present at these
contribution at other festivals of Apollo, the Targelia, the Metageitnia, and

sacrifices. Miletos had long since disposed of its monarchy, so this figure is
not political. While some have tried to associate him with Zeus Basileus,
the Hebdomaia. At this last festival, the city gives a larger donation: three
the context makes it fairly certain that this individual is a human being, perfect victims, one of which must be female and another of which must be
27. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (1904), followed by Rehm in Milet 1.3. Robertson
an uncastrated male. The male victim is presumably intended for Apo llo
(1987) connects the Onitadai with the cult of the Kabeiroi, which he believes is Carian.
himself, either at the Delphinion or at Didyma, but the female victim must
He then concludes that this inscription demonstrates a conscious effort on the part of the
be sacrificed to a female goddess-probably Hekate, whose importance

Milesian people to conciliate and include Carians from Assessos in the life and rituals of
the city.
we will see, or perhaps Artemis, Apollo's twin sister, who was also wor-
shiped at Didyma. The third victim is curiously unspecified. Another stipu-
lation of this subsection is that the king (basileus) is to be present at these
sacrifices. Miletos had long since disposed of its monarchy, so this figure is
not political. While some have tried to associate him with Zeus Basileus,
the context makes it fairly certain that this individual is a human being,
27. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (1904), followed by Rehm in Milet 1.3. Robertson

(1987) connects the Onitadai with the cult of the Kabeiroi, which he believes is Carian.
H e then concludes that this inscription demonstrates a conscious effort on the part of the
Milesian people to conciliate and include Carians from Assessos in the life and rituals of
the city.
probably the city's own chief priest or representative, like the Archon
Basileus in Athens.28 He is a member of the Molpoi or at least is treated as
such for the purposes of this ceremony (lines 22-23).

After the stephanephoroi sacrifice to Apollo Delphinios (lines 23-24),
the actual procession begins. They start their march down the wide Sa-
probably the city's own chief priest or representative, like the Archon
Basileus in Athens. 28 He is a member of the Mol poi or at least is treated as
cred Way, which leads south to the later South Market and then crosses
over to the west and south, eventually reaching the portal in the center of
the southern cross wall, called the Sacred Gate. According to the decree
such for the purposes of this ceremony (lines 22-23 ).
(line 25) they bring with them two gulloi, which are set up, one at the
After the stephanephoroi sacrifice to Apollo Delphinios (lines 23-24 ),
gateway itself and the other at some altar or shrine immediately outside
the actual procession begins. They start their march down the wide Sa-
the city wall that was sacred to Hekate before the Gates ('Exat ftfl
cred Way, which leads south to the later South Market and then crosses
over to the west and south, eventually reaching the portal in the center of
mro0J8v v)tu wv), probably the same deity as Hekate Propylaia, a com-
mon gatekeeper in Greek cities.
This goddess, sometimes seen as an alternative incarnation of Arte-

the southern cross wall, called the Sacred Gate. According to the decree
mis, was worshiped from Archaic through at least Hellenistic times at
(line 25) they bring with them two gulloi, which are set up, one at the
Miletos. At the Delphinion, one of the three inscribed Archaic altars is gateway itself and the other at some altar or shrine immediately outside
dedicated to her by a group of prytaneis (quoted in chap. 3). She also
the city wall that was sacred to Hekate before the Gates ('Exatr] tf]
received two Archaic votive statues with dedications at Didyma. Her
;];QOG8£v Jt:uHmv), probably the same deity as Hekate Propylaia, a com-

worship is attested in the fourth century by a dedicatory relief of a
group of deities, mentioned earlier.29 The Molpoi Decree marks her

mon gatekeeper in Greek cities.
importance in the fifth century: libations are offered to her, and wreaths
This goddess, sometimes seen as an alternative incarnation of Arte-
are somehow involved. A paean is sung. Then the group proceeds up the mis, was worshiped from Archaic through at least Hellenistic times at
valley road to the heights, through some woods and a meadow, and on
Miletos. At the Delphinion, one of the three inscribed Archaic altars is
down to Didyma.
dedicated to her by a group of prytaneis (quoted in chap. 3). She also

Along the route to Didyma, a number of mostly obscure shrines are
visited, and a paean is sung before them: besides Hekate, the inscription
received two Archaic votive statues with dedications at Didyma. Her
mentions Dynamis, nymphs, Hermes Enkelados, Phylios, Keraiites, and
worship is attested in the fourth century by a dedicatory relief of a
Chares. The nymphs could be almost any of the lesser female nature group of deities, mentioned earlier. 29 The Molpoi Decree marks her
deities, while Hermes is well known as one of the twelve Olympians,
importance in the fifth century: libations are offered to her, and wreaths
although the epithet Enkelados is obscure (it may mean something like
are somehow involved. A paean is sung. Then the group proceeds up the
"with a Loud Voice").30 The cult of Dynamis also occurs in a fifth-
valley road to the heights, through some woods and a meadow, and on
century inscription from Teios (Dittenberger 1960, #38.32), but with no
28. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1904.

down to Didyma.
29. Altar: Milet 1.3 #129. Votive statues: Rehm 1958, #10, #16; Tuchelt 1973, 84. Along the route to Didyma, a number of mostly obscure shrines are
Relief: Hadzisteliou-Price 1971, #V.8.
visited, and a paean is sung before them: besides Hekate, the inscription
30. Ehrhardt 1983, 171 esp. n. 857; he next appears in a decree marking provisions for
mentions Dynamis, nymphs, Hermes Enkelados, Phylios, Keraiites, and

the endowment of a school from 200/199 B.C.E., where he is named repeatedly, usually in
Chares. The nymphs could be almost any of the lesser female nature
conjunction with Apollo and the Muses.
deities, while Hermes is well known as one of the twelve Olympians,

although the epithet Enkelados is obscure (it may mean something like
"with a Loud Voice" ). 10 The cult of Dynamis also occurs in a fifth-
century inscription from Teios (Dittenberger 1960, #38.32), but with no
28. Wilamowitz-Mocllcndorff 1904.

29. Altar: Milet 1.3 #129. Votive statues: Rehm 1958, #10, # 16; Tuchelt 1973, 84.
Relief: Hadzisteliou-Price 1971, #V.8.
30. Ehrhardt 1983, 171 esp. n. 8.57; he next appears in a decree marking provisions for
the endowment of a school from 200/199 B.C.E., where he is named repeatedly, usually in
conjunction with Apollo and the Muses.

more information about it. Phylios ("the Tribesman") is probably a local
hero. A collection of large seated statues, known as the Chares Group, has
been found near Didyma and identified by a fourth-century inscription

(Milet 1.2 #8c = IG 13.3): apparently this is a case of a votive offering that
came to have its own heroic cult attached to it.31 Finally, Keraiites ("the
more information about it. Phylios ("the Tribesman" ) is probably a local

hero. A collection of large seated statues, known as the Chares Group, has
Horned One") is explained in a strange reference to Kallimachos: t6mog
Mi)'tov m tol, rv 'Ao)Xowva xeciqu too U998vogi tQyov
aeXyo~Lvov im' c~toi0 f m t x1e, dog Kc)S K LaXog Sv'Ia6Potg [a place

been found near Didyma and identified by a fourth-century inscription
at Miletos named from the fact that there Apollo himself constructed horns
(Milet 1.2 #Sc = IG 13.3 ): apparently this is a case of a votive offering that
taken from a male goat who has been milked as Kallimachos says in the
came to have its own heroic cult attached to it.3 1 Finally, Keraiites ("the
Iambi] (fr. 217 Pf.). At this shrine, constructed out of horns by Apollo
Horned One") is explained in a strange reference to Kallimachos: 'tOJto~

himself, and also before the statue of Phylios, sacrifices are made.
MLA fl,;ou a:;ro wil 'tOV 'A:;rof..Awva x£ga-ra 'tOU &ggcvoc; 'tQCx'/OU
Several other shrines from the Sacred Way do not appear in this proces-
sion but are attested elsewhere in the Milesian record and so should be
a~LtA'/O!J.fVOU l.nt' mhoil ni]~m f'XcL, w~ Kaf..AL~LaXO~ fV 'la~-tfJmc; [a place
noted here. The local hero Neleus is said by Pausanias (7.2.6) to have had
at Miletos named from the fact that there Apollo himself constructed horns
a tomb on the left side of the road to Didyma, not far from the city gates, taken from a male goat who has been milked as Kallimachos says in the
and he would have been worshiped at his tomb as founder. There was a
Tambi] (fr. 217 Pf.). At this shrine, constructed out of horns by Apollo
temple of Branchos, the eponymous founder of the race of Branchidai, at
himself, and also before the statue of Phylios, sacrifices are made.
Didyma.32 An unnamed sanctuary has been recently found on the Sacred
Way midway between Miletos and Didyma. It is thought by its excavator

Several other shrines from the Sacred Way do not appear in this proces-
to belong to an aristocratic Milesian family. Built ca. 530 B.C.E., it was
sion but are attested elsewhere in the Milesian record and so should be
destroyed in the fifth century, probably in the Persian destruction, and noted here. The local hero Neleus is said by Pausanias (7.2.6) to have had
never rebuilt.33
a tomb on the left side of the road to Didyma, not far from the city gates,
The instructions in the Molpoi Decree do not extend to the activities at
and he would have been worshiped at his tomb as founder. There was a
Didyma. Instead, the third section deals with the duties and rights of the
Onitadai (lines 31-40). Much of this section seems to consist of various

temple of Branchos, the eponymous founder of the race of Branchidai, at
additions, clarifying the original parts of the decree and sorting out some
Didyma.3 2 An unnamed sanctuary has been recently found on the Sacred
of the specific duties at the occasion of a sacrifice. The Onitadai receive a Way midway between Miletos and Didyma. lt is thought by its excavator
to belong to an aristocratic Milesian family. Built ca. 530 B.C.E., it was
32. Neleos: Ehrhardt 1983, 182-83. Branchos: Varro in Lactant. 3.479, 8.198; Stat.
destroyed in the fifth century, probably in the Persian destruction, and

never rebuilt.33
Theb. 8.198; Quint. Smyrn. 1.283; Fontenrose 1988, 164-65.
33. Tuchelt (1988; 1989, 209-17; 1991a, 40-50; 1991b, 91-94), thinks that its destruc-
tion should be linked to civil strife at Miletos and the expulsion of certain aristocratic
The instructions in the Molpoi Decree do not extend to the activities at
families (as per theories described in my chap. 6). However, only a small portion of the city Didyma. Instead, the third section deals with the duties and rights of the
of Miletos was immediately rebuilt after its destruction, while the rest grew up gradually. A
Onitadai (lines 31-40). Much of this section seems to consist of various
sanctuary of questionable importance and short duration (less than forty years old), located
additions, clarifying the original parts of the decree and sorting out some
at a distance from the city, may not have been deemed worthy of reconstruction, especially
of the specific duties at the occasion of a sacrifice. The Onitadai receive a

if its founding family was seriously damaged, impoverished, or even wiped out during the
Persian Wars.

32. N eleos: Ehrhardt 1983, 182-83. Branchos: Varro in Lactant. 3.479, 8.198; Stat.
Theb. 8.198; Quint. Smyrn. 1.283; Fontenrose 1988, 164-65.
33. Tuchelt ( 1988; 1989, 209-1 7; 1991 a, 40-50; 1991 b, 91-94), thinks that its destruc-
tion should be linked to civil strife at Miletos and the expulsion of certain aristocratic
families (as per theories described in my chap. 6). However, only a small portion of the city
of Miletos was immediately rebuilt after its destruction, while the rest grew up gradually. A
sanctuary of questionable importance and short duration (less than forty years old), located
at a distance from the city, may not have been deemed worthy of reconstruction, especially
if its founding family was seriously damaged, impoverished, or even wiped out during the
Persian Wars.
number of provisions: clay, iron, bronze, wood, water, dishes, a torch,
wick, wooden blocks, and fetters for the victim. The stephanephoros
provides oil and lamps. The meat is roasted and divided between the
stephanephoroi and the Onitadai, and small flat cakes are baked for
Hekate and Apollo. Finally, the last few lines (40-45) contain miscella-
number of provisions: clay, iron, bronze, wood, water, dishes, a torch,

wick, wooden blocks, and fetters for the victim. The stephanephoros
neous provisions, all later additions to the decree. There is a provision
stipulating that if the Onitadai fail in their responsibilities, the Molpoi
should endeavor to fulfill them. Financial difficulties of the Onitadai are

provides oil and lamps. The meat is roasted and divided between the
also given to the Molpoi and stephanephoroi to solve. Then a portion of
stephanephoroi and the Onitadai, and small flat cakes are baked for
meat and wine is set aside for the herald and for the singer.
Hekate and Apollo. Finally, the last few lines (40-45) contain miscella-
In sum, the Molpoi Decree gives evidence for the beginning of the new
neous provisions, all later additions to the decree. There is a provision

stipulating that if the Onitadai fail in their responsibilities, the Molpoi
year at Miletos, marked by the inauguration of the new board of ste-
phanephoroi at the Festival of Apollo Hebdomaios. It also records the
details of the great annual procession to Didyma, during which special

should endeavor to fulfill them. Financial difficulties of the Onitadai are
emphasis is placed on both Apollo and Hekate. Another goddess who is
also given to the Molpoi and stephanephoroi to solve. Then a portion of
mentioned with some prominence is Hestia, a civic goddess who protects meat and wine is set aside for the herald and for the singer.
the city by guarding the sacred fire at the public hearth. On line 13, in an
In sum, the Mol poi Decree gives evidence for the beginning of the new
Archaic section of the Molpoi Decree, the outgoing aisymnetes makes
year at Miletos, marked by the inauguration of the new board of ste-

sacrifices first to Apollo and then to her; she is mentioned again on line
41 in a context that is not very clear but that seems to imply that the cult
phanephoroi at the Festival of Apollo Hebdomaios. It also records the
of Hestia is supposed to supply materials for the festival if the Onitadai
details of the great annual procession to Didyma, during which special
are unable to do so. The connection made here between Hestia and emphasis is placed on both Apollo and Hekate. Another goddess who is
Apollo Delphinios reinforces the theory that Delphinios is a civic cult. In
mentioned with some prominence is Hestia, a civic goddess who protects
addition, the cult of Hestia at Miletos was probably tied in part to the
the city by guarding the sacred fire at the public hearth. On line 13, in an
custom of obtaining sacred fire from the Prytaneion in the mother city for
use in the colonies.34

Archaic section of the Molpoi Decree, the outgoing aisymnetes makes
Didyma
sacrifices first to Apollo and then to her; she is mentioned again on line
The procession ended at Didyma (modern Yenihisar), without question 41 in a context that is not very clear but that seems to imply that the cult
one of the foremost religious centers in the entire Greek world, famous for
of Hestia is supposed to supply materials for the festival if the Onitadai
an Oracle of Apollo that was second in importance only to that of Delphi.
are unable to do so. The connection made here between Hestia and
The site was within the territory of Miletos, but in the Archaic period the
Apollo Delphinios reinforces the theory that Delphinios is a civic cult. In

Oracle was administered by a family of priests called the Branchidai and so
dominated by them that, before the Classical era, the site was commonly
addition, the cult of Hestia at Miletos was probably tied in part to the
referred to simply as the Branchidai, using the feminine article, while custom of obtaining sacred fire from the Prytaneion in the mother city for
34. Hestia: Ehrhardt 1983, 175-76. Sacred fire: Malkin 1987, 114-34.
use in the colonies. 34
Didyma
The procession ended at Didyma (modern Yenihisar), without question

one of the foremost religious centers in the entire Greek world, famous for
an Oracle of Apollo that was second in importance only to that of Delphi.
The site was within the territory of Miletos, but in the Archaic period the
Oracle was administered by a family of priests called the Branchidai and so
dominated by them that, before the Classical era, the site was commonly
referred to simply as the Branchidai, using the feminine article, while
34. Hestia: Ehrhardt 1983, 175- 76. Sacred fire: Malkin 1987, 114- 34.
references to the priestly family used the masculine.35 The Oracle was
surrounded by a temenos, the border between the sacred and profane
demarcating the area of asylum. Within this perimeter was part of a sacred
grove of laurel trees, Apollo's great temple, and also many lesser sanc-
tuaries or altars, including those of Artemis Pythia and of Zeus Soter
references to the priestly family used the masculine.31 The Oracle was
surrounded by a temenos, the border between the sacred and profane
("Savior"), Angelos ("Messenger"), and Phosporos ("Light-Bringer"). In
time it also came to enclose a small village, statues, public buildings, shops,
baths, porticoes, and stone benches-amenities for the temple attendants

demarcating the area of asylum. Within this perimeter was part of a sacred
and visitors. But these constructions would never be very important;
grove of laurel trees, Apollo's great temple, and also many lesser sanc-
Didyma was not a town but a religious sanctuary.36
tuaries or altars, including those of Artemis Pythia and of Zeus Soter
The myths of the foundation of the cult site and Oracle are many and
("Savior"), Angelos ("Messenger"), and Phosporos ("Light-Bringer"). In

time it also came to enclose a small village, statues, public buildings, shops,
varied, indicating that it occurred so early as to be unknown to the
Greeks. Pausanias (7.2.6) says that the sanctuary and Oracle date to
before the Ionian settlements in Asia Minor, hence to the eleventh century
baths, porticoes, and stone benches-amenities for the temple attendants
or earlier. In his support, both the names Didyma and Branchidai are not
and visitors. But these constructions would never be very important;
apparently Greek, and their strangeness has spawned many of the myths Didyma was not a town but a religious sanctuary.36
as aetiological explanations of the names. For example, in one story
The myths of the foundation of the cult site and Oracle are many and
(Konon FGH 26 F 1.xxxiii), a pregnant woman saw a vision in which the
varied, indicating that it occurred so earl y as to be unknown to the

Sun (Apollo) entered her mouth and exited her womb. Since the god
passed through her throat, she named her child Branchos, which means
Greeks. Pausanias (7.2.6) says that the sanctuary and Oracle date to
"hoarseness" or "sore throat," and he became the founder of the priestly
before the Ionian settlements in Asia Minor, hence to the eleventh century
family. Likewise, the ancients have tried to find something doubled about or earlier. In his support, both the names Didyma and Branchidai are not
the site to explain the name Didyma, "twin," in Greek. While Apollo and
apparently Greek, and their strangeness has spawned many of the myths
Artemis were themselves twins, the sanctuary is predominantly his. There
as aetiological explanations of the names. For example, in one story

are not two temples, two hills, or two of anything else important. Instead,
the name Didyma is almost certainly Carian, with a suffix cognate to

(Konon FGH 26 F l.xxxiii), a pregnant woman saw a vision in which the
those in such place-names as Idyma and Sidyma.37
Sun (Apollo) entered her mouth and exited her womb. Since the god
35. An alternate theory, held chiefly by Tuchelt (1988, 1996) is that Didyma was an passed through her throat, she named her child Branchos, which means
independent political unit in the Archaic era. This is refuted by Ehrhardt 1998.
"hoarseness" or "sore throat," and he became the founder of the priestly
36. Fontenrose 1988, 30-31 (physical layout of the village). Fontenrose and Parke
family. Likewise, the ancients have tried to find something doubled about
the site to explain the name Didyma, "twin," in Greek. While Apollo and
(1985b), as well as the various archaeological reports by Tuchelt (esp. 1973, 1991a, 1996),
are the sources for all of the discussion of Didyma that follows except where I have noted
otherwise. Following normal scholarly usage, Oracle (capitalized) refers to the sacred place,
Artemis were themselves twins, the sanctuary is predominantly his. There
while oracle (lowercase) is used to refer to individual pronouncements. are not two temples, two hills, or two of anything else important. Instead,
There is speculation whether the village buildings were inside the actual temenos or just
the name Didyma is a lmost certainly Carian, with a suffix cognate to
outside it. Strabo (14.1.5) says that they were inside, but Fontenrose (1988, 30-31) dis-
those in such place-names as Idyma and Sidyma.J?

cusses the ambiguity inherent in that statement, based on the exact meaning of sekos
(enclosure).
37. For other accounts of pre-Ionian Didyma, see Paus. 5.13.11; Parthen. 1; D.L. 8.5;
35. An alternate theory, held chiefly by Tuchelt (1988, ·1996) is that Didyma was an
Orph. Arg. 152-53; Quint. Smyrn. 1.283; Stat. Theb. 3.478-79, 8.198-200; Lykoph.
independent political unit in the Archaic era. This is refuted hy Ehrhardt 1998.
36. Fontcnrosc 1988, 30-31 (physical layout of the village). Fontcnrosc and Parke
1378-81; Tzetz. Chil. 13.110-16; Fontenrose 1988, 3-6; Parke 1985b, 2-10. Parke
(1985b), as well as the various archaeological reports by Tuchelt (esp. 1973, 1991a, 1996),
are the sources for all of the discussion of Didyma that follows except where I have noted
otherwise. Following normal scholarly usage, O racle (ca pitalized ) refers to the sacred place,
while oracle (lowercase) is used to refer to individual pronouncements.
There is speculation whether the village buildings were inside the actual temenos or just
outside it. Strabo (14.1.5 ) says rhat they were inside, but Fontenrose (1988, 30-31 ) dis-
cusses the ambiguity inherent in that statement, based on the exact meaning of sekos
(enclosure).
37. For other accounts of pre-Ionian Didyma, see Paus. 5 .13.11; Parrhen. 1; D.L. 8.5;
Orph. Arg. 152-53; Quint. Smyrn. 1.283; Stat. Theb. 3.478- 79, 8.198-200; Lykoph.
1378- 81; Tzetz. Chi/. 13.110- 16; Fontenrose 1988, 3- 6; Parke 1985b, 2- 10. Parke
Modern opinions about the origin of the site are nearly as varied.
Some scholars believe that Pausanias's witness for a pre-Greek sanctuary
must be accepted as true, while others question it as unlikely.38 Unfortu-

nately, there is no real evidence on which a decision can be based. Part of
the scholarly uncertainty can be attributed to the problem that no consen-
Modern opinions about the origin of the site are nearly as varied.
Some scholars believe that Pausanias's witness for a pre-Greek sanctuary
sus has arisen about the time and place of the origin of the cult of Apollo.
While it probably developed among the Dorian Greeks, another wide-
spread theory advocates a source for the god Apollo in Lykia in Asia
must be accepted as true, while others question it as unlikely.38 Unfortu-
Minor, not Greece. If the latter is the case, one may argue that the cult
nately, there is no real evidence on which a decision can be based. Parr of
arrived in lonia long before it made its way over to the mainland.39
the scholarly uncertainty can be attributed to the problem that no consen-
However, if Apollo is Greek, the name must have reached Miletos with
sus has arisen about the time and place of the origin of the cult of Apollo.
the Greeks, but it may have assimilated with a preexisting native cult.
While it probably developed among the Dorian Greeks, another wide-

Thus, regarding the origin of Didyma, we can say only that the sanctuary
was extremely old and its name Carian. Perhaps the Milesians borrowed
spread theory advocates a source for the god Apollo in Lykia in Asia
the place-name and established the cult of Apollo there, perhaps they
Minor, not Greece. If the latter is the case, one may argue that the cult
adopted a previous cult but developed the Oracle, or maybe they adopted arrived in Ionia long before it made its way over to the mainland. 39
both cult and Oracle. We simply do not know.
However, if Apollo is Greek, the name must have reached Miletos with
The antiquity and significance of this sacred place is witnessed by
the Greeks, but it may have assimilated with a preexisting native cult.
anecdotal evidence in Herodotos. From him we learn that the Egyptian
pharaoh Necho dedicated to Branchidai the clothing he wore when he

Thus, regarding the origin of Didyma, we can say only that the sanctuary
defeated Gaza in Syria in 608 (2.159.3). A half century later, Kroisos, the
was extremely old and its name Carian. Perhaps the Milesians borrowed
king of Lydia, both consulted the Oracle and enriched its sanctuary with the place-name and established the cult of Apollo there, perhaps they
gifts as many and as fine as the ones he gave to Delphi (1.46.2, 1.92.2; cf.
adopted a previous cult but developed the Oracle, or maybe they adopted
5.36.3). Also in the middle of the sixth century, the Aiolic city Kyme
both cult and Oracle. We simply do not know.

consulted the Oracle about surrendering the refugee Paktyes to his pur-
suer (1.157.3-1.159.4). If Herodotos's stories are genuine, the Oracle of

The antiquity and significance of this sacred place is witnessed by
Didyma was already famous in the seventh and sixth centuries and was
anecdotal evidence in Herodotos. From him we learn that the Egyptian
consulted by Greeks beyond lonia, Lydians, and even Egyptians. pharaoh Necho dedicated to Branchidai the clothing he wore when he
Any visitor to Didyma today-as in antiquity-is profoundly struck
defeated Gaza in Syria in 608 (2.159.3). A half century later, Kroisos, the
by the enormity of the structure standing there. It is a Hellenistic con-
king of Lydia, both consulted the Oracle and enriched its sanctuary with
gifts as many and as fine as the ones he gave to Delphi (1.46.2, 1.92.2; cf.
struction from the late fourth century, with a foundation measuring 118
X 60 m.,40 making it the third largest temple of its time: only the Heraion
of Samos and the Artemision of Ephesos-one of the Seven Wonders of

5.36.3). Also in the middle of the sixth century, the Aiolic city Kyme
the Ancient World-were larger. On top of the foundation was a dipteral consulted the Oracle about surrendering the refugee Paktyes to his pur-
(1985b, 5 n. 3) lists scholarship suggesting the additional possibility that Didyma is actually
suer (1.157.3-1.159.4 ). If Herodotos's stories are genuine, the Oracle of
Dindyma, the name of several mountains in western Asia Minor.
Didyma was already famous in the seventh and sixth centuries and was
38. Parke 1985b, 2 (true); Fontenrose 1988, 6 (unlikely).
consulted by Greeks beyond Ionia, Lydians, and even Egyptians.

39. Lykia: Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1903a. Dorian: Burkert 1975; 1994, 49-51.
40. Fontenrose 1988, 34-41; Voigtlainder 1986a, 1-29 (with models).

Any visitor to Didyma today-as in antiquity-is profoundly struck
by the enormity of the structure standing there. It is a Hellenistic con-
struction from the late fourth century, with a foundation measuring 118
X 60 m.,4 o making it the third largest temple of its time: only the Heraion
of Samos and the Artemision of Ephesos- one of the Seven Wonders of
the Ancient World-were larger. On top of the foundation was a dipteral
(1985b, 5 n. 3) lists scholarship suggesting the additional possibility that Didyma is actually
Dindyma, the name of several mountains in western Asia JV!inor.
38. Parke 1985b, 2 (true); Fontenrose 1988, 6 (unlikely).
39. Lykia: Wilamowitz-Moellendorff 1903a. Dorian: Burkert 1975; 1994,49-51.

40. Fontenrose 1988, 14-41; Voigtliinder 1986a, 1-29 (with models).
Ionic colonnade with a total of 120 columns, 12 of which filled the
pronaos (foretemple) in three rows of four. Each column was 19.7 m.
high to the capital and ca. 2 m. in diameter. Only three are left standing
today; an earthquake in 1493 knocked down all the others.41 Inside was
the adyton (innermost sanctuary, literally "not to be entered"), an un-
Ionic colonnade with a total of 120 columns, 12 of which filled the

pronaos (foretemple) in three rows of four. Each column was 19.7 m.
roofed area, 54 x 22.33 m., that was cut off from the eyes of the exterior
world by an encircling wall that was designed to extend as much as 28 m.
above the ground level but was never completely finished. At the west end
high to the capital and ca. 2 m. in diameter. Only three are left standing
of the adyton was the naiskos (little temple), which was the shrine proper,
today; an earthquake in 1493 knocked down all the others. 41 Inside was
a small marble building (14.2 x 8.5 m.) with four Ionic columns across
the adyton (innermost sanctuary, literally "not to be entered"), an un-
the front, 7 m. high. This building was the "house" of the god and
roofed area, 54 X 22.33 m ., that was cut off from the eyes of the exterior
world by an encircling wall that was designed to extend as much as 28m.
sheltered an Archaic bronze statue of Apollo. Just outside it to the north-
east was the sacred spring.
Underneath this impressive Hellenistic structure, archaeologists have

above the ground level but was never completely finished. At the west end
found evidence of earlier buildings on the site. In addition to isolated
of the adyton was the naiskos (little temple), which was the shrine proper,
sherds from the eighth century and earlier, there was an eighth- or a small marble building (14.2 X 8.5 m.) with four Ionic columns across
seventh-century wall of sun-dried bricks, nearly one meter thick and
the front, 7 m. high. This building was the "house" of the god and
enclosing an oblong area about 10.2 x 9.3 m. This wall was an outer
sheltered an Archaic bronze statue of Apollo. Just outside it to the north-

enclosure, marking the sacred space and enclosing an altar and the
spring, but not a temple building. The oldest temple proper, a small
east was the sacred spring.
naiskos, was erected in the late seventh century, with an adyton wall
Underneath this impressive Hellenistic structure, archaeologists have
surrounding it on at least three sides and a portico to the south made of found evidence of earlier buildings on the site. In addition to isolated
mud-brick walls with wooden columns.42
sherds from the eighth century and earlier, there was an eighth- or
The largest and most memorable Archaic structure was built a century
seventh-century wall of sun-dried bricks, nearly one meter thick and

later.
About the middle of the sixth century construction was begun

enclosing an oblong area about 10.2 X 9.3 m. This wall was an outer
upon the second temple, a large structure about as long as the
enclosure, marking the sacred space and enclosing an altar and the
Parthenon [in Athens] and somewhat wider. It had a double row of spring, but not a temple building. The oldest temple proper, a small
columns on all sides, a pronaos that contained eight or twelve
naiskos, was erected in the late seventh century, with an adyton wall
columns, and an hypaethral (unroofed) adyton that was more than
surrounding it on at least three sides and a portico to the south made of

twice as large as the whole first temple. In the western part of the
mud-brick walls with wooden columns. 42

adyton was situated a naiskos (whether this was the original or a
new naiskos is uncertain). This structure is known to scholars as

The largest and most memorable Archaic structure was built a century
the archaic temple ...43 later.
42. Parke 1985b, 23-24; Fontenrose 1988, 9.
About the middle of the sixth century construction was begun

upon the second temple, a large structure about as long as the

Parthenon rin Athensl and somewhat wider. It had a double row of
columns on all sides, a pronaos that contained eight or twelve
columns, and an hypaethral (unroofed) adyton that was more than
twice as large as the whole first temple. In the western part of the
adyton was situated a na.iskos (whether this was the original or a
new naiskos is uncertain). This structure is known to scholars as
the archaic temple ... 43

42. Parke 1985b, 23-24; Fontenrose 1988, 9.

The outer dimensions of the sixth-century temple are not precisely
known, but the adyton was 33 x 19 m., running east to west. Various
reconstructions of the upper temple have been proposed, including one

with the same basic design as the Hellenistic temple, but the details are
not self-evident.44 According to Pausanias (5.13.11), the temple had an
The outer dimensions of the sixth-century temple are not precisely

known, but the adyton was 33 X 19 m., running east to west. Various
ashen altar founded by Herakles; to the east of the temple, archaeologists
have found a circular limestone base almost 8 m. across that is usually
taken to be that altar.

reconstructions of the upper temple have been proposed, including one
One of the most remarkable features of the Archaic temple was its cult
with the same basic design as the Hellenistic temple, but the details are
statue. It was cast in bronze by the sculptor Kanachos (Paus. 2.10.5,
not self-evident. 44 According to Pausanias (5.13.11 ), the temple had an
9.10.2; Pliny NH 34.8.75), probably only slightly larger than life-size. It
ashen altar founded by Herakles; to the east of the temple, archaeologists

can be reconstructed on the basis of its representation on coin types and
have found a circular limestone base almost 8 m. across that is usually

reliefs.
Evidently it was one of the latest examples of the original Kouros

taken to be that altar.
type: a nude male figure symmetrically posed facing forwards with
One of the most remarkable features of the Archaic temple was its cult
the left leg advanced. The left arm holding the traditional bow was statue. It was cast in bronze by the sculptor Kanachos (Paus. 2.10.5,
somewhat lowered, the right arm was stretched forward at a right
9.10.2; Pliny NH 34.8.75), probably only slightly larger than life-size. Tt

angle to the body and supported on the palm the figure of a stag.45
can be reconstructed on the basis of its representation on coin types and

We do not know any details about the oracular procedure, or mantic
session, that was employed by the Branchidai in the Archaic period, but
reliefs.
presumably it was similar to the one used later about which we are well
informed.46 After propitiatory sacrifices, the consultant entered the
Evidently it was one of the latest examples of the original Kouros

type: a nude male figure symmetrically posed facing forwards with
pronaos and presented his petition, probably in written form. It is likely
that the consultant never entered the adyton but rather waited above
while the priest and assistants went within. The priest (or the consultant)
the left leg advanced. The left arm holding the traditional bow was
asked the question loudly, so that the priestess, waiting below, could hear
somewhat lowered, the right arm was stretched forward at a right
it, for while the whole procedure was presided over by the priest, the
angle to the body and supported on the palm the figure of a stag. 4 5
god's breath actually fell on the priestess, who had been fasting for
the last three days. She listened to the question while dipping her feet or
the hem of her mantle in the sacred spring. She breathed in vapor that
We do not know any details about the oracular procedure, or mantic
arose from the ground to receive the god and pronounced his oracle. session, that was employed by the Branchidai in the Archaic period, but
Probably the priest or a scribe wrote down her words, which were then
presumably it was similar to the one used later about which we are well
delivered to the consultant.
informed. 46 After propitiatory sacrifices, the consultant entered the

44. Fontenrose 1988, 31-34.
45. Parke 1985b, 26.

pronaos and presented his petition, pro bably in written form. It is likely
46. Porph. Ep. ad Aneb. 14; Iambl. Myst. 3.11; Fontenrose 1988, 78-85.
that the consultant never entered the adyton but rather waited a bove
while the priest and assistants went within. The priest (or the consultant)
asked the question loudly, so that the priestess, waiting below, could hear
it, for while the whole procedure was presided over by the priest, the
god's breath actually fell on the priestess, who had been fasting for
the last three days. She listened to the question while dipping her feet or
the hem of her mantle in the sacred spring. She breathed in vapor that
arose from the ground to receive the god and pronounced his oracle.
Probably the priest or a scribe wrote down her words, which were then
delivered to the consultant.
44. Fontenrose 1988, 31- 34.

45. Parke 1985b, 26.
46. Porph. Ep. ad A neb. 14; lamb!. Myst. 3.11 ; Fonrenrose 1988, 78- 85.
According to the study done by Fontenrose, very few of the oracles can
be taken as genuine, and those were usually simple confirmation of deci-
sions already made, chiefly about religious matters.47 He lists only five
that he believes are probably genuine that come from the Archaic period.
The first three are derived from inscriptions found in Milesian territory.
According to the study done by Fontenrose, very few of the oracles can
be taken as genuine, and those were usually simple confirmation of deci-
The earliest (Milet 1.3 #178 = Fontenrose R1), found in the Delphinion
and dating from the first half of the sixth century, is very vague, reading
simply:
sions already made, chiefly about religious matters. 47 He lists only five
[---&]/oivw0 oi. [ t] [L]a9---/---t T If Q:TiQOT oofL / vvZL 8eLTOV.
that he believes are probably genuine that come from the Archaic period.
xzca [-tzi v 8eL0o th/voL )vJzov xc &]IteLvov iota, tWLz / 6 fi
The first three are derived from inscriptions found in Milesian territory.
et8Lo[tvO[L tovvavt[ov.]
The earliest (Milet 1.3 #178 = Fontenrose Rl ), found in the Delphinion

and dating from the first half of the sixth century, is very vague, reading
[ ... I dissuade.., on the previous night I said. And it will be better
[and preferable for him who obeys, but the contrary] for him who
disobeys.48
simply:
Equally ambiguous is the second, from the same era but found this time
at Didyma (Rehm 1958, #11 = Fontenrose R2). [---(m]lof.LU8EOfl [m· t ]fj[ t]ag ---1---nwc; t~L JtQOtEQllL I vuxtL ELnov.
---co [ci?] / riiCtoL' 06[/g] 6e A ev' ALx/atov motelv / bg
XUL [tOJL ~LEV Jt~L80flEI~OJ~ ~OJLOV ~aL a]f.LELVOV E<Jtm, tQJL I 6E fl·Y]
Jt£L8o~u~vw[ Ltouvavdov .]
[ ... plunderable? And the god said, "It is just to do as your fa-
thers."]
Without knowing the context, we can garner very little from the re-
sponses. However, the third oracle, also from the Delphinion (Milet 1.3
[ ... I dissuade ... on the previous night I said. And it will be better
#132a = Fontenrose R3), dates to fifty years later and is a little clearer [and preferable for him who obeys, but the contrary] for him who
because it gives a specific reference.
disobeys. 4 8
[me] L J0cozX [o ----] -+
[--- 0 Oeb 8T8v yvv-
47. Fontenrose 1978, 1988. There are many pre-Classical oracles that Fontenrose consid-
Equally ambiguous is the second, from the same era but found this time
ers to be doubtful or not genuine, usually recorded much later in a literary text. Among the
at Didyma (Rehm 195S, #11 = Fontenrose R2).
most famous are the Gergithes oracle (Herakl. fr. 50, discussed in chap. 3), Kroisos's test of
the Oracles (Hdt. 1.46.2-48.1), and the Kymaian request about surrendering Pakytes (Hdt.
---00\[ m?] I ~-11l<JtOL. 8?[olc;] OE ~JtEv· L1Lx/mov JtOLELV we;
1.158.1ff.).
JtatEgac;.
48. For this and the next two oracles, I am following Fontenrose's translations, given in
his catalog of responses (1988, 179-244).
[ ... plunderable? And the god said, "It is just to do as your fa-
thers."]
Without knowing the context, we can garner very little from the re-
sponses. However, the third oracle, also from the Delphinion (Milet 1.3
#132a = Fontenrose R3 ), dates to fifty years later and is a little clearer
because it gives a specific reference.
[nEQH twgaxf..E[oc; ----] --4
[--- 0Eoc; bcv· yuv- ~
4 7. Fontenrose 1978, 1988. There are many pre-Classical oracles that Fontenrose consid-
ers to be doubtful or not genuine, usually recorded much later in a literary text. Among the
most famous are the Gergithes oracle (Herak!. fr. 50, discussed in chap. 3), Kroisos's test of
the Oracles (Hdt. 1.46.2-48.1 ), and the Kymaian request about surrendering Pakytes (Hdt.
1.158.1ff.).
48. For this and the next two oracles, I am following Fontenrose's translations, given in
his catalog of responses (1988, 179-244).
[a]ixag;F%; tdoaz[)eo; ---] -~
--1 x vw :[o]i' [[- +
9]Jog: yvva [-..-] -

[----. ] ov : F otv
[y]vvi [---] -
[a]lx.ac; £c; 'tWQax[A£oc; ---1 ~

[---p,azavwv: [oJu [~- ~
[On Herakles' [sanctuary?], the god said, "Women may not en-
ter . . ."]
g]oJmc;: yuvm [-----) ~

This oracle, along with the story of the ashen altar (Paus. 5.13.11), demon-
strates that the Milesians worshiped the Panhellenic hero Herakles.49

[----]qw: l:'mv ~
The other two Archaic oracles that are probably genuine are preserved
[y]uv~ [-------] ~
in literary accounts, so their exact wording is lost. They both pertain to
Milesian colonization, and the second is cultic in nature. It was common

[On Herakles' [sanctuary?), the god said, "Women may not en-
practice in the Greek world for a mother city to consult an Oracle before
ter ... "]

setting out to found a new colony: it was necessary to receive the god's
sanction to guarantee the success of the colony. In the following oracle,
one can envision a setting wherein the Milesians desired to refound the
This oracle, along with the story of the ashen altar (Paus. 5.13.11 ), demon-
lost colony at Kyzikos, ca. 675 B.C.E. They consulted the Oracle and strates that the Milesians worshiped the Panhellenic hero Herakles. 4 9
received a favorable response. Aristides says (Or. 16.237 Jebb = 1.383
The other two Archaic oracles that are probably genuine are preserved
Dind. = Fontenrose R34):
in literary accounts, so their exact wording is lost. They both pertain to

nQ8VUoOupt 86 iva u6r z( xatLJzTv v YnheQ9oPo9otg oLtLt tov nT8QL
Kv zovxn go 6ov xMC Irov a vi a ig ;8~tuLova;g tfi 6 )t, 0g

Milesian colonization, and the second is cultic in nature. It was common
&Oxflyetfl;. -ta gi v ya&o) ,at m6) Lg; 6L-tcv oizicitc6v c ztoev
practice in the Greek world for a mother city to consult an Oracle before
o0g a ctteXev zxaco t6os, ta ik Gg 6z t oO 8e~Oog 6;tog 7yovev setting out to found a new colony: it was necessary to receive the god's
olxto' lg, ()ote t g ovx e 83alpavy Kvttxog kago ot~av"gg t
sanction to guarantee the success of the colony. In the following oracle,
a&xfi; &aLI4vfl Fig toiooltov t8 &al [tov] o LxictV ZLxaL aotiV
one can envision a setting wherein the Milesians desired to refound the
avaUQ ovcYo;
[I think that even anyone of those who live among the Hyperboreans
lost colony at Kyzikos, ca. 675 H. C.E. They consulted the Oracle and
[i.e., someone totally uninformed] has heard about the oracle con-
received a favorable response. Aristides says (Or. 16.237 Jebb = 1.383
cerning Kyzikos and witness of the prosperity of that city, which is
Dind. = Fontenrose R34 ):
advisor to the other cities and founder even of this city. For he
Jt£Jtvo8m 6£ uva li611 x.aL 'tOJV cv 'YJtEQ~ogcmc; ot~wL 'tOY JtEQL

founded the other cities through [human] founders whom he sent out
each time, but of this city he himself was founder openly, so that how
49. Ehrhardt 1983, 180-82.

Kusixou XQllO~LOV xal 'tOY !-LUQ'tUQU 't~c; EUOUL!-LOVLac; 'tfj JtOJ.EL, oc;
'taLc; !-LEV aAA.mc; JtOAEOLV ESllYll't~c; EO'tLV, 'tfi OE JtOAEL 'tUV'tTJ xal
QQX11Yf'tll£· cac; !-LEV yag &.AA.ac; JtOAnc; OLa 'tWV OLXLO'tOJV q)xwcv
ouc; CutEO'tELAEV Exam:ooE, 'tUV'tllc; OE E;{ LOU rufl£oc; auToc; y£yovEv
OLXLO't'hc;, OJOTE m'.Oc; aUX. EUOUL!!WV Kustx.o; QJtO 'tOLUUTllc; TE

QQXll<; agsa!!EVll d e; TOooihov TC U!!U [Tov] o b(.L<JT1lV ;{UL ~lUQTVQU
ava¢£gou cra;
[I think that even anyone of those who live among the Hyperboreans
[i.e., someone totally uninformed] has heard about the oracle con-
cerning Kyzikos and witness of the prosperity of that city, which is
advisor to the other cities and founder even of this city. For he
founded the other cities through rhumanl founders whom he sent out
each time, but of this city he himself was founder openly, so that how
49. Ebrbardt 1983, 180- 82.

can Kyzikos not be happy, begun from such a beginning, and attrib-
uted to one who is at the same time so great a founder and a witness?]
Here Apollo is not just the god who inspired the foundation but the
actual founder (oikist) of Kyzikos and the driving force behind the result-
ing Milesian colonization ("advisor to the other cities").
can Kyzikos not be happy, begun from such a beginning, and attrib-
uted to one who is at the same time so great a founder and a witness?]
Also at Kyzikos, the god directed the citizens (or the colonists) to erect
a sacred stone in the sanctuary of Athena lasonia (Ap. Rhod. Arg. 1.958-
60 = Fontenrose R35).
... .xiaO xELvov ye Oonoon'LtaLg cExaitoLo

Here Apollo is not just the god who inspired the foundation but the
Nl)e'taut t 6eotom8v 'Iaov eg 66oouvTo
actual founder (oikist) ofKyzikos and the driving force behind the result-
LeQov, 80 tg 'lev, 'I oov'tgg v 'A8flv1G-
ing Milesian colonization ("adviso r to the other cities").

... . however that sacred stone the Ionian Neleids later dedicated, as
instructed by the oracles of Hekatos, in the sanctuary of Athena

Also at Kyzikos, the god directed the citizens (or the colonists) to erect
lasonia.]
a sacred stone in the sanctuary of Athena Iasonia (Ap. Rhod. Arg. 1.958-
Although Apollonios wrote in the third century B.C.E., Fontenrose thinks
60 = Fontenrose R35) .
this response is "very likely authentic," perhaps even directing the first
foundation of the cult of Athena lasonia.
Recently a new inscription has been found in the colony Olbia and
. . . . &:rag xciv6v yE Ow:rrgo:rrlcw; 'Exatow
dated ca. 525 B.C.E.50 In separate texts on a bone plaque, we find the NY)Acl6m f.LET6ma8Ev 'Icwvc; t6gvaavw
number seven (EEHTA) and the phrases AHOAAQNI / AIAYM /
tcg6v, rj ee ~tL; ~Ev, 'T11 aovlr]; 8v 'A ef1vr1; .

MIAHIIQI [To Apollo of Didyma the Milesian] and MHTPOA
OABODOPOI / NIKHDOPOI BOPEQ / AIAYM [Bearer of luck
[... however that sacred stone the Ionian Neleids later dedicated, as
instructed by the oracles of Hekatos, in the sanctuary of Athena
from the metropolis (?) / Bearer of victory of the North / Didyma]. The
number seven is often associated with Apollo: the Hebdomaia (Festival
of the Seventh) was a celebration involving sacrifices made to him on

Tasonia.]
the seventh day of every month, and Hebdomagetes (Leader of the
Seventh) was a common epithet for him. The word olbos (luck) is a
Although Apollonios wrote in the third century R. C.F. ., Fontenrose thinks

reference to Olbia, just as Boreas (North) refers to Borysthenes, the
this response is "very likely authentic," perhaps even directing the first
earlier name for Berezan.
Accompanying these phrases is a very odd text, which Burkert takes as

foundation of the cult of Athena Iasonia.
an oracle from Didyma.
Recently a new inscription has been found in the colony Olbia and
50. Ehrhardt 1987, 116-17; Burkert 1994 (I have used his texts and translations);
dated ca. 525 B.C.E. 50 In separate texts on a bone plaque, we find the
Dubois 1996, 146-54; Onyshkevych 1998, 70-152. The editio princeps was done in
number seven (EEIITA) and the phrases AIIOAAQNI I ~I~ YM I

Russian by A. S. Rusjaeva.
MTAHL:JQT [To Apollo of Didyma the Milesian] and MHTPOA

OABO<t>OPOL: I NIKHOPOL: BOPEQ I M~ YM rBearer of luck
from the metropolis (?)I Bearer of victory of the North I Didyma]. The
number seven is often associated with Apollo: the Hebdomaia (Festival

of the Seventh) was a celebration involving sacrifices made to him on
the seventh day of every month, and Hebdomagetes (Leader of the
Seventh) was a common epithet for him. The word olbos (luck) is a
reference to Olbia, just as Boreas (North) refers to Borysthenes, the
earlier name for Berezan.
Accompanying these phrases is a very odd text, which Burkert takes as
an oracle from Didyma.
50. Ehrhardt 1987, 116-1 7; Burkert 1994 (I have used his texts and translations);
Dubois 1996, 146-54; Onyshkevych 1998, 70-152. The edirio princeps was done in
Russian by A. S. Rusjaeva.
Entta-k xog oa6ev g
eEf36o fxovta-kov 6etvog
Entt(a)x6otot-Lto o4org, kt(o)g m6wQefi(t). 8bv'tq(t)

Lfltf(9)o;
EJl:(xLt(o)XL L(oL) - )01g QOVt gog
'Ema-f.uxoc; acr8EYhc;
'Ef3bollhxovta-/,[wv bELvoc;
Ei 9LQvl 'Oj3ti(L) m6ht
Muxzu9oJ L xef(vrjv)
MFtvr] tait ArVo (')

'Em( a)x6mm-tol;o¢6goc;, ¢Dct( o )c; bwgEij( t). bvva1-1( t)
[7-wolf without strength.
Llltfl(g)oc;
77-terrible lion.
'Emaxt( cr)xlf.t( m)-bt::lcLc; ¢g6vt(!oc;
777-bowbearer, friendly with his gift, with the power of a healer.
EL~>1,1VY] '0Af3LYJ(L) JrOfcL

7777-wise dolphin.
Maxagltw £xEl(vtlv)
Peace to the Blessed City [i.e., Olbia].
I pronounce her to be happy.

ME(!VY]~tm AY]to(L)
[7-wolf without strength.

I bear remembrance to Leto.]
All of the characteristics listed are typical of Apollo. The wolf is a re-
minder of the epithet Lykaios, while the lion is a common symbol at

77-terrible lion.
Delos and on Milesian coinage. The mention of him as "bowbearer" is an
777-bowbearer, friendly with his gift, with the power of a healer.
obvious reference to his patronage of archery, just as the mention of Leto
7777-wise dolphin.
refers to his parentage. The reference to him as "healer" points out his
Peace to the Blessed City [i.e., Olbiaj.

support of the medical profession and the worship of him under the
I pronounce her to be happy.

epithet Ietros. The dolphin refers to the false etymology, frequent in
antiquity, for his name Delphinios. Seven is the number most associated
I bear remembrance to Leto.]
with him, as we have already seen, but the numerical progression makes
interpretation of this inscription mysterious and difficult: it is almost

All of the characteristics listed are typical of Apollo. The wolf is a re-
certainly a "rhetorical number" (cf. Polyain. 8.33; Plut. Mor. 245d33).
minder of the epithet Lykaios, while the lion is a common symbol at

Delos and on Milesian coinage. The mention of him as "bowbearer" is an
The two leading suggestions are that the numbers refer to the growing
number of colonists at Olbia or to temporal stages in the development of
the colony.51s However, Burkert's identification of this inscription as an

obvious reference to his patronage of archery, just as the mention of Leto
oracle is problematic, since the text does not fit the pattern established by
refers to his parentage. The reference to him as " healer" points out his
Fontenrose: while it obviously pertains to religious matters, it does not
support of the medical profession and the worship of him under the
contain any instruction or confirmation that can be taken as an answer to
epithet Ietros. The dolphin refers to the false etymology, frequent in

antiquity, for his name D elphinios. Seven is the number most associated
a question. Instead, it has been suggested that the plaque may be either a
membership token or a hymn or prayer to Apollo Hebdomaia, related to
or a precursor of the Orphic cult.52

with him, as we have already seen, but the numerical progression makes
51. Burkert 1994, 55-59.
interpretation of this inscription mysterious and difficult: it is almost
certainly a "rhetorical number" (cf. Polyain. 8.33; Plut. Mo r. 245d33 ).
52. Ehrhardt 1987, 116-17; Dubois 1996, 146-54; Onyshkevych 1998, 70-152.
The two leading suggestions are that the numbers refer to the growing
number of colonists at Olbia or to temporal stages in the development of
the colony. 51 However, Burkert's identification of this inscription as an
oracle is problematic, since the text does not fit the pattern established by
Fontenrose: while it obviously pertains to religious matters, it does not
contain any instruction or confirmation that can be taken as an answer to
a question. Instead, it has been suggested that the plaque may be either a
membership token or a hymn or prayer to Apollo Hebdomaia, related to
or a precursor of the Orphic cult. 52
51. Burkert 1994, 55-59.

52. Ebrbardt 1987, 116- 17; Dubois 1996, 146- 54; Onysbkevycb 1998, 70- 152.
The Oracle fell silent when Miletos was sacked in 494 B.C.E., and
Didyma fell with it: i9ov to6 v Ati~ototo, 6 v6 og Zt xa TO
x Qo 1tLov, ov)kOevtra venu r gato [the sanctuary at Didyma, both

the temple building and the Oracle, was plundered and burned] (Hdt.
6.19.3).53 Evidence of the looting has been discovered in this century at
The Oracle fell silent when Miletos was sacked in 494 n.c.E., and
Didyma fell with it: LQOV bi: to cv L1lbU~OWl, 6 V110c; tc x.al to
the Persian capital of Susa, where archaeologists have found a curious
huge bronze knucklebone (Rehm 1958, #7) .23 X .37 X .21 m. in size
and weighing 98 kg. (nearly 200 pounds). It has a handle on one end and
XQllGt~QLOV, G1JA110Evta cvml~rrgato [the sanctuary at Didyma, both
is inscribed with a dedication to Apollo. Because of the Ionic script, the
the temple building and the Oracle, was plundered and burned] (Hdt.
letterforms, and the proper names used in the dedication, it has been
6.19.3).53 Evidence of the looting has been discovered in this century at
concluded that this knucklebone was one of a pair (the other was con-
the Persian capital of Susa, where archaeologists have found a curious

nected by a chain to the handle) that was dedicated in the first half of the
huge bronze knucklebone (Rehm 1958, #7) .23 X .37 X .21 m. in size
sixth century to Apollo at Didyma and stolen by the army of Dareios.54
As a result of the sack, the sacred spring ceased to flow and the Oracle
and weighing 98 kg. (nearly 200 pounds). It has a handle on one end and
lapsed for the whole of the Classical period. Some cult practices seem to
is inscribed with a dedication to Apollo. Because of the Ionic script, the
have continued, however, since the Molpoi Decree from the mid-fifth letterforms, and the proper names used in the dedication, it has been
century records the continuation of the annual procession from the Del-
concluded that this knucklebone was one of a pair (the other was con-
phinion at Miletos to Didyma. Also, archaeologists have found several
nected by a chain to the handle) that was dedicated in the first half of the
fifth-century altars and a small naiskos at Didyma, indicating that some
worship continued there.55

sixth century to Apollo at Didyma and stolen by the army of Dareios. 54
A full revival had to wait until the coming of Alexander the Great.56
As a result of the sack, the sacred spring ceased to flow and the Oracle
After he took Miletos in 334, the spring began to flow again and the lapsed for the whole of the Classical period. Some cult practices seem to
Oracle was reestablished (Kallis. 124.14j = Str. 17.1.43). The Hellenistic
have continued, however, since the Molpoi Decree from the mid-fifth
building was begun, mainly through the generosity of Seleukos Nikator,
century records the continuation of the annual procession from the Del-
who even recovered the cult statue from the city of Ekbatana, a capital of
Media, ca. 300 B.C.E. (Paus. 1.16.3, 8.46.3). Construction continued for
phinion at Miletos to Didyma. Also, archaeologists have found several
centuries and was never completed, but the Oracle began making pro-
fifth-century altars and a small naiskos at Didyma, indicating that some
nouncements almost immediately. Control over the Oracle should have worship continued there.ss
gone back to the Branchidai, but at the time of the destruction, Dareios
A full revival had to wait until the coming of Alexander the Great. 56
transplanted them east to Sogdiana, where they lived in a town called
After he took Miletos in 334, the spring began to flow again and the
Oracle was reestablished (Kallis. 124.14j = Str. 17.1.43 ). The Hellenistic
after themselves. According to one story that is almost certainly false, the
53. Tuchelt (1988, 1996) and Hammond (1998) dispute the traditional account, that
Didyma was sacked by Dareios, and instead delay the destruction until 479/8, when Xerxes
building was begun, mainly through the generosity of Seleukos Nikator,
was returning from his Hellenic invasion. In this theory, they follow Pausanias (1.16.3, who even recovered the cult statue from the city of Ekbatana, a capital of
8.46.3) and Strabo (14.1.5) but disregard the more immediate source, Herodotos.
Media, ca. 300 B.C. E. (Paus. 1.16.3, 8.46.3). Construction continued for
54. Knucklebones were used as dice, so this dedication may reflect an oracle given by lot,
centuries and was never completed, but the Oracle began making pro-
or perhaps the dedicators won a great deal of money by chance. See Parke 1985b, 30-32;
nouncements almost immediately. Control over the Oracle should have

Kurke 1999, 283-95.

gone back to the Branchidai, but at the time of the destruction, Dareios
56. Giinther 1971.
transplanted them east to Sogdiana, where they lived in a town called
after themselves. According to one story that is almost certainly false, the
53. Tuchelt (1 988, 1996) and Hammond (1998) dispute the traditional account, that
Didyma was sacked by Dareios, and instead delay the destruction until 479/8, when Xerxes
was returning from his Hellenic invasion. In this theory, they follow Pausanias (1.16.3,
8.46.3) and Strabo (14.1.5 ) but disregard the more immediate source, Herodotos.
54. Knucklebones were used as dice, so this dedication may reflect an oracle given by lot,
or perhaps the dedicators won a great deal of money by chance. See Parke 1985b, 30-32;
Kurke 1999,283-95.
56. Gunther 1971.
priests betrayed the temple to the Persians and reaped this resettlement as
a reward. However, it is certain that when he arrived at Sogdiana, Alexan-
der the Great ordered the entire line-man, woman, and child-to be
murdered.57 The Oracle was placed under the direct control of the
Milesian state. The site was hereafter called Didyma, not Branchidai, and
priests betrayed the temple to the Persians and reaped this resettlement as
a reward. However, it is certain that when he arrived at Sogdiana, Alexan-
a prophetes, or presiding priest, was chosen each year, assisted by treasur-
ers and a board of overseers.
Didyma was a tremendously important Panhellenic center. Control

der the Great ordered the entire line-man, woman, and child-to be
over it gave the Milesians considerable honor and prestige, and the vari-
murderedY The Oracle was placed under the direct control of the
ous cults of Apollo at Miletos gained all that much more distinction as a
Milesian state. The site was hereafter called Didyma, not Branchidai, and
result of their connection with Didyma. This was especially true of Del-
a prophetes, or presiding priest, was chosen each year, assisted hy treasur-

phinios, whose special connection was noted through the annual proces-
ers and a board of overseers.

sion from the one sanctuary to the other. Thus the famous oracular shrine
was inextricably linked to the worship of the patron of Miletos on the

Didyma was a tremendously important Panhellenic center. Control
Lion Harbor.
over it gave the Milesians considerable honor and prestige, and the vari-
The City and Kalabaktepe ous cults of Apollo at Miletos gained all that much more distinction as a
The area around the Lion Harbor was erroneously judged by early archae-
result of their connection with Didyma. This was especially true of Del-
ologists to have been unoccupied in the Archaic era. As that notion was
phinios, whose special connection was noted through the annual proces-
disproved by later excavation, a new theory emerged in which it was
occupied, but only as a peripheral attachment to the more important

sion from the one sanctuary to the other. Thus the famous oracular shrine
Theater Harbor. Finally, after a century of excavation, the evidence is
was inextricably linked to the worship of the patron of Miletos on the
clear both that the area around the Lion Harbor was occupied through- Lion Harbor.
out the Archaic period and also that it was a vital city center in the
Classical era-far more important than the area around the Temple of
Athena-and that it may have been so for the Archaic city as well. At that
time, while the Theater Harbor housed only the Temple of Athena and
The City and Kalabaktepe
some commercial and residential buildings, the Lion Harbor was home to
at least two major shrines, a marketplace, houses, and perhaps a govern-
The area around the Lion Harbor was erroneously judged by early archae-
ment building.
ologists to have been unoccupied in the Archaic era. As that notion was
West across the Sacred Way from the Delphinion, the Milesians con-
57. Kallis. 124.14j in Str. 17.1.43, 11.11.4, 14.1.5; Curt. Alex. 7.5.28-35; Plut. Mor.
disproved by later excavation, a new theory emerged in which it was
557b; Suda s.v. BQayXLtOa (B514); Fontenrose 1988, 12-13; Parke 1985b, 34-41; Ham-
occupied, but only as a peripheral attachment to the more important
mond 1998; Ehrhardt 1998. There is much discussion about his motivation, ranging from
Theater Harbor. Finally, after a century of excavation, the evidence is
his desire to make an example out of them to ward off potential disruptions among the
clear both that the area around the Lion Harbor was occupied thro ugh-
out the Archaic period and also that it was a vital city center in the
native peoples to his patronage of some of the other Milesian families who did not want to
yield their position back to the Branchidai.
Classical era-far more important than the area around the Temple of
Athena-and that it may have been so for the Archaic city as well. At that
time, while the Theater Harbor housed only the Temple of Athena and
some commercial and residential buildings, the Lion Harbor was home to
at least two major shrines, a marketplace, houses, and perhaps a govern-
ment building.
West across the Sacred Way from the Delphinion, the Milesians con-
57. Kallis. 124.14j in Str. 17.1.43, 11.11.4, 14.1.5; Curt. Alex. 7.5.28-35; Plut. Mor.
557b; Suda s.v. BQayzil\m (B514); Fontenrose 1988, 12-13; Parke 1985b, 34-41; Ham-
mond 1998; Ehrhardt 1998. There is much discussion about his motivation, ranging from
his desire to make an example out of them to ward off potential disruptions among the
native peoples to his patronage of some of the other Milesian families who did not want to
yield their position back to the Branchidai.
structed the North Marketplace (ca. 5,000 sq. m.), the oldest known
agora in Miletos. Although poorly excavated, there is some indication
that it was used in pre-Classical times. An inscription known as the

Banishment Decree (Milet 1.6 #187) was found in the northwest corner
of the agora. The inscription began on a stele, which has been lost, but
structed the North Marketplace (ca. 5,000 sq. m. ), the oldest known
agora in Miletos. Although poorly excavated, there is some indication
overflows onto the base, which is preserved. Since its prescript is missing,
we cannot date it precisely from the eponymous aisymnetes, but the style
of the letterforms indicates an origin in the first half of the fifth century.
that it was used in pre-Classical times. An inscription known as the
The fact of the overflow shows that what we have preserved is probably
Banishment Decree (Milet 1.6 #187) was found in the northwest corner
not the end of the original decree but a fifth-century addition to an
of the agora. The inscription began on a stele, which has been lost, but
Archaic decree.58 This conclusion is confirmed by the alignment of the
overflows onto the base, which is preserved. Since its prescript is missing,
we cannot date it precisely from the eponymous aisymnetes, but the style
stone in the marketplace: the Classical city was aligned orthogonally, yet
this stone sat askew, which may be taken to indicate both that it predated
the Classical boundaries of the market and that the market itself had a
of the letterforms indicates an origin in the first half of the fifth century.
sixth-century predecessor on the same location.
The fact of the overflow shows that what we have preserved is probably
The buildings around the agora were for the most part later, and we not the end of the original decree but a fifth-century addition to an
can only guess about Archaic antecedents. The marble harbor stoa dates
Archaic decree. 58 This conclusion is confirmed by the alignment of the

to the fourth century, as does the square building of unknown purpose
stone in the marketplace: the Classical city was aligned orthogonally, yet
attached to the south edge of it. A rectangular building on the southwest
corner of the marketplace was built with strong walls of gneiss and
this stone sat askew, which may be taken to indicate both that it predated
porous stone and stood in place by the mid-fourth century, if not the
the Classical boundaries of the market and that the market itself had a
late fifth century. It may have served as the early Prytaneion, a building sixth-century predecessor on the same location.
for meetings and meals of the presidency of the Assembly. This conclu-
The buildings around the agora were for the most part later, and we
sion is based on its symmetrical layout as well as its proximity to the
can only guess about Archaic antecedents. The marble harbor stoa dates
North Marketplace and to the second century B.C.E. Council House, or
Bouleuterion, located slightly south of the marketplace. However, only

to the fourth century, as does the square building of unknown purpose
half of the building has been excavated, and the objects found inside it,
attached to the south edge of it. A rectangular building on the southwest
which would serve as important clues to its function, have not been corner of the marketplace was built with strong walls of gneiss and
published.59
porous stone and stood in place by the mid-fourth century, if not the
Directly south of the possible Prytaneion and west of the Bouleuterion
late fifth century. It may have served as the early Prytaneion, a building
is an area rich in remains, both public and private in nature. The Archaic
for meetings and meals of the presidency of the Assembly. This conclu-
buildings tend to be small rectangular houses, with walls made of small
flat stones. The fifth-century houses that were built on top of the destruc-
sion is based on its symmetrical layout as well as its proximity to the
tion layer often used the same walls, indicating the orderliness of the North Marketplace and to the second century B.C.E. Council House, or
58. A much more extensive discussion of this decree, including arguments about its
Bouleuterion, located slightly south of the marketplace. However, only
length and date, can be found in chap. 6.
half of the building has been excavated, and the objects found inside it,
59. Milet 1.6.87-91. Miller (1978, 231) reserves judgment on the function of this
which would serve as important clues to its function, have not been
building. Perhaps it was constructed as part of the shift to democracy in the mid-fifth
century?
published. 59
Directly south of the possible Prytaneion and west of the Bouleuterion
is an area rich in remains, both public and private in nature. The Archaic
buildings tend to be small rectangular houses, with walls made of small
flat stones. The fifth-century houses that were built on top of the destruc-
tion layer often used the same walls, indicating the orderliness of the
58. A much more extensive discussion of this decree, including arguments about its
length and date, can be found in chap. 6.
59. Milet 1.6.87-91. Miller (1978, 231) reserves judgment on the function of this
building. Perhaps it was constructed as part of the shift ro democracy in the mid-fifth
century?
building arrangement in this region. However, the crowded houses of
the sixth century give way to much more loosely spaced construction in
the fifth, demonstrating a significant depopulation of the district, as we

would expect after the catastrophe of 494. No large religious sanctuaries
have been unearthed to date except the Shrine of Dionysos. Nevertheless,
building arrangement in this region. However, the crowded houses of

the sixth century give way to much more loosely spaced construction in
the cultic significance of the area can be shown by the broken terracotta
statuettes of a goddess (perhaps Demeter?), the head of a bearded god
(Zeus?), and another of a youthful god (Priapos?). This entire area, par-
the fifth, demonstrating a significant depopulation of the district, as we
ticularly near the Shrine of Dionysos, was rich in Attic red-figure pottery
would expect after the catastrophe of 494. No large religious sanctuaries
of the second half of the fifth century, more so than anywhere else in
have been unearthed ro date except the Shrine of Dionysos. Nevertheless,
Miletos.60
the cultic significance of the area can be shown by the broken terracotta
The finds west of the Bouleuterion are not spectacular: there are no
statuettes of a goddess (perhaps Demeter?), the head of a bearded god

major building projects or momentous inscriptions but instead one
shrine, some houses, and sherds. But these remains demonstrate that the
(Zeus?), and another of a youthful god (Priapos?). This entire area, par-
Lion Bay was not only in use during the sixth century, both for residential
ticularly near the Shrine of Dionysos, was rich in Attic red-figure pottery
and for religious purposes, but densely populated.61 It is impossible to of the second half of the fifth century, more so than anywhere else in
guess what archaeologists will find in the future, but it would certainly be
Miletos.60
odd if this area was heavily populated while the port area just to the
The finds west of the Bouleuterion are not spectacular: there are no
north lay underutilized. It seems more likely that Archaic and Classical
ruins closer to the harbor either have been destroyed by later construction
major building projects or momento us inscriptions but instead one
or have not been uncovered because of the challenges of the groundwater
shrine, some houses, and sherds. But these remains demonstrate that the
problem. Lion Bay was not only in use during the sixth century, both for residential
Another residential district has been found to the west on the Theater
and for religious purposes, but densely populated.61 It is impossible to
Hill. The settlement remains from the southern region of the hill were
guess what archaeologists will find in the future, but it would certainly be
washed away by erosion before even the Hellenistic and Roman construc-
tion there, but excavations on the northern area of the plateau have been
odd if this area was heavily populated while the port area just to the
more informative. The older material-isolated Mycenaean and Geomet-
north lay underutilized. It seems more likely that Archaic and Classical
ric sherds-was not found in established layers. However, the excavators ruins closer to the harbor either have been destroyed by later constr uction
discovered postholes that indicate the presence of early Archaic wooden
or have not been uncovered because of the challenges of the groundwater
houses, and sixth-century remains of the fortification wall indicate that
problem.
the hill was part of the area enclosed by the circuit wall. After the destruc-
Another residential district has been found to the west on the Theater
tion, the debris layer was leveled off into a bank of earth 20 cm. thick in
60. Archaic: Weickert et al. 1957, 102; Cook and Blackman 1964/65, 50-51; Kleiner
Hill. The settlement remains from the southern region of the hill were
and Muiler-Wiener 1972, 49-50; Mellink 1980, 511; Voigtlainder 1981, 115-21; Miller- washed away by erosion before even the H ellenistic and Roman construc-
Wiener 1986a, 100-103. Text of the inscription: Wiegand 1901, 909-10. Destruction:
tion there, but excavations on the northern a rea of the plateau have been
Kleiner and Miller-Wiener 1972, 50-55, 71; Voigtlainder 1981, 115-21. Classical: Kleiner
more informative. The older material-isolated M ycenaean and Geomet-

and Muiler-Wiener 1972, 49-52, 71; Mellink 1980, 511; Voigtlainder 1981, 111-15;
ric sherds-was not found in established layers. However, the excavators

Mitchell 1984/85, 86.
61. Kleiner 1960; 1966, 19. Cf. Cook and Blackman 1964/65, 50-51.
discovered postholes that indicate the presence of early Archaic wooden
houses, and sixth-century remains of the fortification wall indicate that
the hill was part of the area enclosed by the circuit wall. After the destruc-
tion, the debris layer was leveled off into a bank of earth 20 em. thick in
60. Archaic: Weickert et al. 1957, 102; Cook and Blackman 1964/65, 50-51; Kleiner
and Muller-Wiener 1972, 49-50; Mellink 1980, 511; Voigtlander 1981, 115-21; Muller-
Wiener 1986a, 100-103. Text of the inscription: Wiegand 1901, 909-10. Destruction:
Kleiner and Muller-Wiener 1972, 50-5 5, 71; Voigtliinder 198 1, 11 5-21. Classical: Kleiner
and Muller-Wiener 1972, 49- 52, 71; Mellink 1980, 511; Voigrlander 1981, 111-15;
Mitchell 1984/85, 86.
61. Kleiner 1960; 1966, 19 . Cf. Cook and Blackman 1964/65, 50- 51.
preparation for the new buildings. Some of the house walls from the sixth
century were arranged in such an orderly fashion that many of them were
reused again in the fifth century, when the city was aligned orthogonally.
The houses there were mostly rectangular, made of small stones (one was
made of larger, coarse stones), and among them were found numerous
preparation for the new buildings. Some of the house walls from the sixth
century were arranged in such an orderly fashion that many of them were
fifth-century red-figure sherds. Because the new housing was built up in
such a dense fashion here, the Theater Hill must have been one of the
principal residential areas of the Classical city.62

reused again in the fifth century, when the city was aligned orthogonally.
Across the Theater Harbor to the south, excavations on the Stadium
The houses there were mostly rectangular, made of small stones (one was
Hill have uncovered a particularly thick Archaic level containing walls
made of larger, coarse stones), and among them were found numerous
and household pottery in at least two layers (pre-600 B.C.E. and 600-
fifth-century red-figure sherds. Because the new housing was built up in

such a dense fashion here, the Theater Hill must have been one of the
500 B.C.E.). The destruction affected this district as well, and, while the
area on the western tip of the Stadium Hill peninsula (on the far western
side of the Temple of Athena) shows almost no signs of reinhabitation in

principal residential areas of the Classical city.62
the fifth century, on the Stadium Hill proper and just to its west there was
Across the Theater Harbor to the south, excavations on the Stadium
a buildup of walls, fountains, and canals. A high concentration of Classi- Hill have uncovered a particularly thick Archaic level containing walls
cal amphoras indicates that it was a mixed residential and commercial
and household pottery in at least two layers (pre-600 R.C.E. and 600-
neighborhood, containing more homes than workshops.63
500 R. C.E.). The destruction affected this district as well, and, while the
In the area of the Temple of Athena, intensive archaeological efforts
have rewarded us with some of the clearest finds from the Archaic and
area on the western tip of the Stadium Hill peninsula (on the far western
Classical city. Like the Mycenaean and Geometric settlements before it,
side of the Temple of Athena) shows almost no signs of reinhabitation in
the Archaic city expanded over the region south and southwest of the the fifth century, on the Stadium Hill proper and just to its west there was
Theater Bay, where the central feature must have been the Temple of
a buildup of walls, fountains, and canals. A high concentration of Classi-
Athena. Worship of this goddess reached back into the Dark Ages, since a
cal amphoras indicates that it was a mixed residential and commercial

Late Geometric or Early Archaic shrine was discovered overlapping the
Bronze Age fortification wall. The shrine consisted of a building 3.27 m.

neighborhood, containing more homes than workshops.63
square with walls only 40 cm. thick, containing an oval of small stones,
In the area o f the Temple of Athena, intensive archaeological efforts
unsymmetrically oriented. This sanctuary is not positively identified as have rewarded us with some of the clearest finds from the Archaic and
belonging to Athena, but considering the later use of the same location, it
Classical city. Like the Mycenaean and Geometric settlements before it,
62. Archaic: esp. Kleiner 1961; see also Kleiner 1960, 41; Kleiner 1966, 19; Mellink
the Archaic city expanded over the region south and southwest of the
1961, 47-48; Mellink 1962, 185-86; Mellink 1989, 123; Cook and Blackman 1964/65,
Theater Bay, where the central feature must have been the Temple of
51; Miller-Wiener and Weber 1985, 17. Destruction: Kleiner 1961, 47; Mellink 1984, 454;
Miller-Wiener and Weber 1985, 31-34. Classical: Kleiner 1961, 46-48; Mellink 1962,
Athena. Worship of this goddess reached back into the Dark Ages, since a
185-86; Mellink 1984, 454; Pfrommer 1985, 40-46. Hellenistic house remains on the Late Geometric or Early Archaic shrine was discovered overlapping the
Theater Hill are rare, and there is no indication of how early that hill was in use as a theater,
Bronze Age fortification wall. The shr ine consisted of a building 3.27 m.
though it certainly was by Hellenistic times, to which era some of the pieces of the skene
square with walls only 40 em. thick, containing an oval of small stones,
date. The Romans constructed the massive stone theater visible there today.
unsymmetrically oriented. This sanctuary is not positively identified as

63. Kleiner 1960, 39-40; Hommel 1959/60, 40-42; Mellink 1961, 47-48; Mellink
1974, 114, 123; Mellink 1976, 279; Schiering 1979, 77-79. Destruction: Kleiner 1960, 40;
belonging to Athena, but considering the later use of the same location, it
Mellink 1974, 114. Reinhabitation: Milet 1.8.82-83; Kleiner 1960, 40-41; Mellink 1961,
62. Archaic: csp. Kleiner 1961; sec also Kleiner 1960, 41; Kleiner 1966, 19; Mcllink
47-48; Mellink 1974, 114.
1961, 47-48; M ellink 1962, 185- 86; M ellink 1989, 123; Cook and Blackman 1964/65,
51; Muller-Wiener and Weber 1985, 17. Destruction: Kleiner 1961, 4 7; M ellink 1984, 454;
Muller-Wiener and Weber 1985, 31-34. Classical: Kleiner 196 1, 46-48; M ellink 1962,
185- 86; Mellink 1984, 454; Pfrommer 1985, 40- 46. Hellenistic house remains on the
Theater Hill are rare, and there is no indication of how early that hill was in use as a theater,
though it certainly was by Hellenistic times, to which era some of the pieces of the skene
date. The Romans constructed the massive stone theater visible there today.
63. Kleiner 1960, 39-40; Hommel 1959/60, 40-42; Mellink 1961, 47-48; Mellink
1974, 114, 123; Mellink 1976, 279; Schiering 1979, 77- 79. Destruction: Kleiner 1960, 40;
Mellink 1974, 114. Reinhabitation: Milet 1.8.82-83; Kleiner 1960, 40-41; M ellink 1961,
47- 48; Mellink 1974, 114.
was probably an early shrine to her, where the inhabitants celebrated her
as a protectress of the walls and city.64
By the second half of the seventh century, Athena was venerated in a

primitive building that has been identified by simple dedicatory inscrip-
tions, such as 'A6flvca fl it [I belong to Athena].65 The building was
was probably an early shrine to her, where the inhabitants celebrated her
as a protectress of the walls and city.64
unearthed under the south end of the terrace of the Classical temple and
is generally regarded as the predecessor of that temple. Facing east, it was
4.82 m. long with a pronaos in antis (columns on the corners of the

By the second half of the seventh century, Athena was venerated in a
doorway). On the north and east it rested on a cleared Mycenaean de-
primitive building that has been identified by simple dedicatory inscrip-
struction layer, while on the south it was grounded on stone; it had no
tions, such as 'A811VCXLT] ELflL [I belong to Athena].65 The building was
real foundation, so the walls had to adjust with varying heights. The
unearthed under the south end of the terrace of the Classical temple and
is generally regarded as the predecessor of that temple. Facing east, it was
earliest roof was flat, supported by a series of columns, while the walls
were probably of porous stone. After the building was damaged by fire
ca. 550 B.C.E., the walls were lined with marble on the inside, and stone
4.82 m. long with a pronaos in antis (columns on the corners of the
paving was laid out to the north and, still later, to the east of the temple.
doorway). On the north and east it rested on a cleared Mycenaean de-
The sanctuary around the temple was fairly small: buildings came to struction layer, while on the south it was grounded on stone; it had no
within 5 m. of it in the north and within less than 8 m. on the east.66
real foundation, so the walls had to adjust with varying heights. The
A wealth of Archaic religious relics have been discovered near the
earliest roof was flat, supported by a series of columns, while the walls
temple. Votive offerings made of bronze, stone, and terracotta have been
unearthed mostly to the south and southeast of the older temple, and the
were probably of porous stone. After the building was damaged by fire
continuous range of sherds from Geometric down to black- and red-
ca. 550 B.C.E., the walls were lined with marble on the inside, and stone
figure vases testifies to a virtually unbroken occupation in this area.67 paving was laid out to the north and, still later, to the east of the temple.
Among the finds were a helmeted terracotta head, probably of Athena,
The sanctuary around the temple was fairly small: buildings came to
discovered near the pronaos and dated to the first half of the sixth cen-
within 5 m. of it in the north and within less than 8 m. on the east. 66

tury, and a series of bronzes, including a disk 28 cm. in circumference
displaying an Asian "Tree of Life" motif. Silver and bronze votive offer-
A wealth of Archaic religious relics have been discovered near the
ings were found in a burned level north of the temple, along with the head
temple. Votive offerings made of bronze, stone, and terracotta have been
of a griffin that had been removed from a cauldron with a tool and unearthed mostly to the south and southeast of the older temple, and the
thrown away as worthless.68
continuous range of sherds from Geometric down to black- and red-
A newer, much larger, marble temple was built on a framework of
figure vases testifies to a virtually unbroken occupation in this area. 67

64. Hommel 1959/60, 38-40; Mallwitz 1959/60a; Mallwitz 1968, 120-23.
Among the finds were a helmeted terracotta head, probably of Athena,

65. Wiegand 1904, 85.
66. The Archaic temple was originally thought to be a provisional temple from the fifth
discovered near the pronaos and dated to the first half of the sixth cen-
century. Provisional: Milet 1.8.70-72; Gerkan 1924a, 38-40; Weickert et al. 1957, 102; tury, and a series of bronzes, including a disk 28 em. in circumference
Weickert 1958. Seventh-century: Mellink 1963, 161-62; Cook and Blackman 1964/65;
displaying an Asian "Tree of Life" motif. Silver and bronze votive offer-
Cook and Blackman 1970/71, 45; Kleiner 1966, 17-18; Kleiner 1968, 38-40; Mallwitz
ings were found in a burned level north of the temple, along with the head
1968, 117-24 (an excellent source).
of a griffin that had been removed from a cauldron with a tool and
67. The fifteen years in the fifth century in which the site may have been unoccupied is
too brief a period to be reflected by a break in the pottery evidence.

thrown away as worthless.68
68. Milet 1.8.77-78, 82; Gerkan 1924a, 38-40; Mellink 1963, 161-62; Kleiner 1966,
A newer, much larger, marble temple was built on a framework of
17-18; Kleiner 1968, 38-40; Mallwitz 1968, 122.
64. Hommel1959/60, 38-40; Mallwitz 1959/60a; Mallwitz 1968, 120-23.

65. Wieganc.l1904, 85.
66. The Archaic temple was originally thought to be a provisional temple from the fifth
century. Provisional: Milet 1.8.70- 72; Gerkan 1924a, 38- 40; Weickert et al. 1957, 102;
Weickert 1958. Seventh-century: Mellink 1963, 161-62; Cook and Blackman 1964/65;
Cook and Blackman 1970/71, 45; Kleiner 1966, 17-18; Kleiner 1968, 38-40; Mallwitz
1968, 117-24 (an excellent source).
67. The fifteen years in the fifth century in which the site may have been unoccupied is
too brief a period to be reflected by a break in the pottery evidence.

68. Milet 1.8.77-78, 82; Gcrkan 1924a, 38-40; Mcllink 1963, 161-62; Kleiner 1966,
17-18; Kleiner 1968, 38-40; Mallwitz 1968, 122.
gneiss support walls on a terrace that was constructed by leveling off the
debris of the earlier temple to a width of 40 m.: there was no digging, so
the older remains beneath it were left intact. The temple had a double
colonnade in front but was otherwise pseudodipteral, meaning that it had
a single row of columns all the way around, but they were spaced far out
gneiss support walls on a terrace that was constructed by leveling off the
debris of the earlier temple to a width of 40 m.: there was no digging, so
from the wall, as if they were forming the outermost of two rows; there
were probably fourteen columns on the long sides and eight on the short.
The cella was about 9.2 x 15.8 m., and the structure measured approxi-
the older remains beneath it were left intact. The temple had a double
mately 30 x 18 m. in all. Oddly enough, instead of having the eastern
colonnade in front but was otherwise pseudodipteral, meaning that it had
exposure normal to Greek temples and characteristic of the Archaic
a single row of columns all the way around, but they were spaced far out
Temple of Athens, the Classical temple was turned at a ninety-degree
from the wall, as if they were forming the outermost of two rows; there
were probably fourteen columns on the long sides and eight on the short.
angle, facing south.69
A recent rethinking of the considerations dating this new marble
Temple of Athena has had important consequences. Originally it was

The cella was about 9.2 X 15.8 m., and the structure measured approxi-
thought that this temple was built in the middle of the fifth century.70 In
mately 30 X 18 m. in all. Oddly enough, instead of having the eastern
1968, Alfred Mallwitz developed a theory whereby the new temple was exposure normal to Greek temples and characteristic of the Archaic
one of the first and most ambitious construction projects undertaken in
Temple of Athens, the Classical temple was turned at a ninety-degree

the second quarter of the fifth century. According to his explanation, the
angle, facing south. 69

prominence of the Temple of Athena-the only fifth-century building
made out of marble-should be taken as a reflection of the alliance with

A recent rethinking of the considerations dating this new marble
Athens that started in 479 B.C.E. and continued for more than fifty
Temple of Athena has had important consequences. Originally it was
years.71 However, W.-D. Niemeier revised this dating in the 1990s when thought that this temple was built in the middle of the fifth centuryJO In
he found that the sherd on which it was based was not actually discov-
1968, Alfred Mallwitz developed a theory whereby the new temple was
ered under the foundation and, stylistically, most closely resembles finds
one of the first and most ambitious construction projects undertaken in

from the late sixth century. According to Niemeier, this temple must have
been constructed in the last quarter of the sixth century, as one in a series
the second quarter of the fifth century. According to his explanation, the
of magnificent buildings undertaken by the tyrants Histiaios and Aris-
prominence of the Temple of Athena-the only fifth-century building
tagoras during an extended program of public works.72 But Neimeier made out of marble-should be taken as a reflection of the alliance with
69. Gerkan (Milet 1.8.52-70) reconstructs the Classical temple as a large peripteral
Athens that started in 4 79 B.C.E. and continued for more than fifty
podium temple (raised up on a large pedestal and having a single row of columns all the way
years.71 However, W.-D. Niemeier revised this dating in the 1990s when
around spaced at a normal distance from the wall), without precedent in fifth-century lonia,
he found that the sherd on which it was based was not actually discov-
but Kleiner (1968, 36-38) and Mallwitz (1968, 122-23; 1975, 67-81) reject that model.
Likewise, Gerkan dates it to the middle of the fifth century, while Mallwitz dates it more
ered under the foundation and, stylistically, most closely resembles finds
precisely to the second quarter of the century. from the late sixth century. According to Niemeier, this temple must have
70. Gerkan in Milet 1.8.52-70. Cf. Mitchell and McNicoll 1978/79, 63-64; Weickert et
been constructed in the last quarter of the sixth century, as one in a series
al. 1957, 116; Hommel 1959/60, 41-42; Mellink 1961, 47-48; Schiering 1968, 156.
of magnificent buildings undertaken by the tyrants Histiaios and Aris-

71. Mallwitz 1968, 120-24; 1975, 82-89.
tagoras during an extended program of public works.72 But Neimeier

72. This program would have included the construction or renovation of the Delphinion,
the Temple of Artemis Kithone on the East Terrace of Kalabaktepe, the Temple of Aphrodite
on Zeytintepe, the Temple of Athena at Mengerevtepe, and the Altar of Poseidon at

69. Gerkan (Milet 1.8.52-70) reconstructs the Classical temple as a large peripteral
Monodendri. See Niemeier 1999; Weber 1999.
podium temple (raised up on a large pedestal and having a single row of columns all the way
around spaced at a normal distance from the wall), without precedent in fifth-century Ionia,
but Kleiner (1968, 36- 38) and Mallwitz (1968, 122- 23; 1975, 67- 81) reject that model.
Likewise, Gerkan dates it to the middle of the fifth century, while Mallwitz dates it more
precisely to the second quarter of the century.
70. Gerkan in Milet 1.8.52-70. Cf. Mitchell and McNicoll1978/79, 63-64; Weickert et
al. 1957, 116; Hommel1959/60, 41-42; Nlellink 1961, 4 7-48; Schiering 1968, 156.
71. Mallwitz 1968, 120-24; 1975, 82-89.
72. This program would have included the construction or renovation of the Delphinion,
the Temple of Artemis Kithone on the East Terrace of Kalabaktepe, the Temple of Aphrodite
on Zeytintepe, the Temple of Athena at Mengercvtcpc, and the Altar of Poseidon at
Monodendri. See Niemeier 1999; Weber 1999.
does not explain sufficiently what happened to the city block after 494.
He implies that it was probably abandoned and that the cult was prob-
ably transferred to another location. However, several factors indicate

that the city block may have been rebuilt. First, the temenos seems to
have served as the model for the southern city blocks, an unlikely sce-
does not explain sufficiently what happened to the city block after 494.
He implies that it was probably abandoned and that the cult was prob-
nario if the sanctuary was abandoned. Second, the block was left intact
until the Hellenistic era, when it was systematically dismantled in favor of
neighboring constructions: the entire terrace north of the temple was

ably transferred to another location. However, several factors indicate
removed for the building of the West Market; a strip of the west terrace 6
that the city block may have been rebuilt. First, the temenos seems to
m. wide was cut off in the third century when a house with a courtyard
have served as the model for the southern city blocks, an unlikely sce-
was built next door; the southern terrace was shortened from an un-
nario if the sanctuary was abandoned. Second, the block was left intact
known extent down to 9 m. in width when the street was widened; and,
until the Hellenistic era, when it was systematically dismantled in favor of

finally, the eastern terrace was shortened by 2.8 m. to widen the alley. If
the temple was moved immediately after 494, why was the block left
neighboring constructions: the entire terrace north of the temple was
intact and unoccupied for several centuries and only then dismantled?
removed for the building of the West Market; a strip of the west terrace 6
It is likely that the two dominant theories should be combined. m. wide was cut off in the third century when a house with a courtyard
Niemeier is probably correct in dating the temple to the last quarter of
was built next door; the southern terrace was shortened from an un-
the sixth century, during the building program of the tyrants. Since the
known extent down to 9 m. in width when the street was widened; and,
plot itself is left intact for several centuries, the temple was probably
rebuilt in the fifth century, on a modest scale perhaps and using the same
finally, the eastern terrace was shortened by 2.8 m. to widen the alley. If
foundation as the Archaic marble temple. It is not so surprising that we
the temple was moved immediately after 494, why was the block left
have no remains from this putative Classical temple, as the remains of intact and unoccupied for several centuries and only then dismantled?
the marble Archaic temple are exceedingly few.73 Finally, either the
It is likely that the two dominant theories should be combined.
shrine was moved to another, as yet unknown location in the city, as
Niemeier is probably correct in dating the temple to the last quarter of

Niemeier suggests, or else Mallwitz is correct in viewing the piecemeal
destruction of the temenos in the Hellenistic era as a reflection of the fall

the sixth century, during the building program of the tyrants. Since the
from favor of the patron goddess of the Athenian League. The buildings
plot itself is left intact for several centuries, the temple was probably
and streets on all sides were expanded at the expense of the sanctuary, rebuilt in the fifth century, on a modest scale perhaps and using the same
and under the Romans, the temple itself was gradually and systemati-
foundation as the Archaic marble temple. It is not so surprising that we
cally dismantled in favor of shops and factories. Today only a few small
have no remains from this putative Classical temple, as the remains of

fragments of the entire superstructure have been found, in wells and
the marble Archaic temple are exceedingly fewJ3 Finally, either the
debris around the site.74
The area around the Temple of Athena was otherwise a commercial

shrine was moved to another, as yet unknown location in the city, as
district. Archaeologists have uncovered numerous painted amphoras, es- Niemeier suggests, or else Mallwitz is correct in viewing the piecemeal
pecially from the Classical era, a blacksmith shop littered with iron slags,
destruction of the temenos in the Hellenistic era as a reflection of the fall
and another building displaying a stone anchor. The other buildings in
from favor of the patron goddess of the Athenian League. The buildings
73. Weber 1999.
and streets on all sides were expanded at the expense of the sanctuary,
74. Weickert 1959/60b, 64; Mallwitz 1968, 123; Mallwitz 1975, 70-71, 82-89; Koe-
nigs 1980, 58; Weber 1999.

and under the Romans, the temple itself was gradually and systemati-
cally dismantled in favor of shops and factories. Today only a few small
fragments of the entire superstructure have been found, in wells and
debris around the site.74
The area around the Temple of Athena was otherwise a commercial
district. Archaeologists have uncovered numerous painted amphoras, es-
pecially from the Classical era, a blacksmith shop littered with iron slags,
and another building displaying a stone anchor. The other buildings in
73. Weber 1999.

74. Wcickcrt 1959/60b, 64; Mallwitz 1968, 123; Mallwitz 1975, 70-71, 82-89; Koe-
nigs 1980, 58; Weber 1999.
the area are principally warehouses and workshops measuring roughly
4-5 x 6-10 m. each, haphazardly scattered on all sides of the older
temple. Since the artifacts indicate that the buildings are related to ship-
ping, this area must have served as a shipyard on the Theater Bay.75
Away from the central districts, excavation in the area just north of the
the area are principally warehouses and workshops measuring roughly

4-5 X 6-10 m. each, haphazardly scattered on all sides of the older
Hellenistic cross wall (near the later Round Church) has revealed a dis-
trict that was inhabited with only short breaks from Geometric-and
even Mycenaean-to Roman times. On top of a debris layer that con-

temple. Since the artifacts indicate that the buildings are related to ship-
tains Late Mycenaean, Protogeometric, and Geometric sherds, the earli-
ping, this area must have served as a shipyard on the Theater Bay.75
est Archaic constructions are limestone and porous-stone oval houses
Away from the central districts, excavation in the area just north of the
from the eighth and early seventh centuries, followed soon after by rectan-
Hellenistic cross wall (near the later Round Church) has revealed a dis-
gular houses oriented from east to west. The houses are dated by pottery
trict that was inhabited with only short breaks from Geometric-and
that is thought to include the earliest local Milesian variety of Rhodian
style, and they may have included a shrine, although there are no dedica-
even Mycenaean-to Roman times. On top of a debris layer that con-
tory inscriptions to confirm this theory. The buildings are all damaged by
tains Late Mycenaean, Protogeometric, and Geometric sherds, the earli-
fire both ca. 700 and ca. 650, perhaps corresponding to attacks by the est Archaic constructions are limestone and porous-stone oval houses
Kimmerians and/or Lydians, and they were destroyed in the Persian sack.
from the eighth and early seventh centuries, followed soon after by rectan-
The Classical settlement seems to have been sparse, which is not unex-
gular houses oriented from east to west. The houses are dated by pottery
pected: since there were fewer inhabitants in the fifth century than the
sixth, it would take some time for the settlement to spread so far.76
that is thought to include the earliest local Milesian variety of Rhodian
Even further to the southwest is "Hat Hill," or Kalabaktepe, sometimes
style, and they may have included a shrine, although there are no dedica-
claimed to be the acropolis of Miletos.77 (Strictly speaking, the city has no tory inscriptions to confirm this theory. The buildings are all damaged by
acropolis, and during the Byzantine era, this problem was solved by the
fire both ca. 700 and ca. 650, perhaps corresponding to attacks by the
construction of the fortress on top of the theater.) Kalabaktepe has two
Kimmerians and/or Lydians, and they were destroyed in the Persian sack.
plateaus, both artificially terraced in antiquity, in part by using the debris
of the Persian destruction. A recent revision of the archaeological evidence

The Classical settlement seems to have been sparse, which is not unex-
from the hill has transformed our interpretation of its role in Milesian
pected: since there were fewer inhabitants in the fifth century than the
history: the buildings on top of the East Terrace (formerly called the sixth, it would take some time for the settlement to spread so far. 76
Temple Terrace) were for many decades misdated to the Archaic period,78
Even further to the southwest is "Hat Hill," or Kalabaktepe, sometimes
but in 1986 Volkmar von Graeve announced that they belonged instead to
claimed to be the acropolis of Miletos.77 (Strictly speaking, the city has no

75. Milet 1.8.78-80; Kleiner 1960; Kleiner 1968; Kleiner 1969/70; Schiering 1959/60;
acropolis, and during the Byzantine era, this problem was solved by the
Miller-Wiener 1986a, 100-103.
76. Archaic: Mellink 1963, 161-62; Cook and Blackman 1964/65, 51; Graeve 1973/74,
construction of the fortress on top of the theater.) Kalabaktepe has two
67; Graeve 1975b, 38-39; Kleine 1979, 137-38; Miller-Wiener 1986a, 98; Heilmeyer plateaus, both artificially terraced in antiquity, in part by using the debris
1986. Destruction: Milet 1.8.39-40; Graeve 1975b, 38. Classical: Milet 1.8.39-45; Graeve
of the Persian destr uction. A recent revision of the archaeological evidence
1975b, 36-37; Kleine 1979, 138. Kleine (1979, 136-37) thinks this whole area might have
from the hill has transformed our interpretation of its role in Milesian
been a cult area functioning together, but there is no proof. Heilmeyer believes it was an
history: the buildings on top of the East Terrace (formerly called the
ordinary settlement and perhaps an industrial section.
77. Milet 1.8; Kleiner 1960, 41; Mellink 1962, 185-86; Cook and Blackman 1964/65,
Temple Terrace) were for many decades misdated to the Archaic period,78
51.
but in 1986 Volkmar von Graeve announced that they belonged instead to
78. Milet 1.8.8-24, 115-19; Kleiner 1968, 40.
75. Milet 1.8.78-80; Kleiner 1960; Kleiner 1968; Kleiner 1969/70; Schiering 1959/60;
Muller-Wiener 1986a, 100- 103.
76. Archaic: Mell ink 1963, 16 1- 62; Cook and Blackman 1964/65, 51; Graeve 1973/74,
67; Graeve 1975b, 38- 39; Kleine 1979, 137- 38; Muller-Wiener 1986a, 98; Heitmeyer
191!6 . Destruction: Milet 1.1!.39-40; Graeve 1975b, 3S. Classical: Milet 1.1!.39-45; Graeve
1975b, 36-37; Kleine 1979, 138. Kleine (1979, 136-37) thinks this whole area might have
been a cult area functioning together, but there is no proof. Heilmeyer believes it was an
ordinary settlement and perhaps an industrial section.
77. Milet 1.8; Kleiner 1960, 41 ; Mellink 1962, 185-86; Cook and Blackman 1964/65,
51.
78. Milet 1.8.8- 24, 115-19; Kleiner 1968, 40.
the fifth century and that they were resting on a debris layer 2-3 m. deep
from the Persian destruction.79 Thus, Kalabaktepe as a whole contains not
only some of the most extensive Geometric and Archaic finds in the city
but also offers heretofore unsuspected clues to the sequence of events that
made up the refoundation of Miletos in the fifth century. Excavation on the
the fifth century and that they were resting on a debris layer 2-3 m. deep
from the Persian destruction. 79 Thus, Kalabaktepe as a whole contains not
hill has been especially active in the last fifteen years, divided into three
discrete areas: along the fortification wall on the south and west slopes, on
the low East Terrace, and on the Summit Terrace.

only some of the most extensive Geometric and Archaic finds in the city
The south slope of the hill was a residential area. Traces of buildings
bur also offers heretofore unsuspected clues to the sequence of events that
without stone walls have been dated to the eighth century, and stone
made up the refoundation of Miletos in the fifth century. Excavation on the
houses went up in the first half of the seventh, when the area was terraced.
hill has been especially active in the last fifteen years, divided into three
discrete areas: along the fortification wall on the south and west slopes, on
The remains are divided into five building phases: four are Geometric and
Archaic, and the last one rests on the debris of the Persian destruction,
implying that the area was continuously occupied with nothing more than
the low East Terrace, and on the Summit Terrace.
short breaks from at least the eighth until the fifth century. However, the
The south slope of the hill was a residential area. Traces of buildings
fifth-century ruins are fairly sparse in this area, and it was abandoned without stone walls have been dated to the eighth century, and stone
entirely sometime late in that century until the time of the Romans.80
houses went up in the first half of the seventh, when the area was terraced.
In the middle of this Archaic period of habitation, a city wall was
The remains are divided into five building phases: four are Geometric and
erected around the south slope, built in two main phases. The early
sections, constructed out of large gneiss blocks with a fill of small blocks,
Archaic, and the last one rests on the debris of the Persian destruction,
flat stones, and earth, simply cut through the houses in its path. Later this
implying that the area was continuously occupied with nothing more than
wall was reinforced and extended with gneiss, white limestone, and short breaks from at least the eighth until the fifth century. However, the
brown porous stone. The date of the renovation is pretty closely set to the
fifth-century ruins are fairly sparse in this area, and it was abandoned
time immediately after 650 B.C.E., since all of the houses from the late
entirely sometime late in that century until the time of the Romans. 80
seventh century were built parallel to the inner face of the wall, mostly
arranged in a linear series of rooms. Two segments of the wall, complete

In the middle of this Archaic period of habitation, a city wall was
with bastions, are extant today. The surviving western segment is quite
erected around the south slope, built in two main phases. The early
small, but the southern is impressive: it is 4 m. thick at its thinnest point, sections, constructed out of large gneiss blocks with a fill of small blocks,
continues for 250 m., and contains three gates. The wall breaks off on the
flat stones, and earth, simply cut through the houses in its path. Later this
southeast end: it probably extended originally to the tower discovered on
wall was reinforced and extended with gneiss, white limestone, and
a small segment of wall 70 m. to the southeast and then continued on
brown porous stone. The date of the renovation is pretty closely set to the
course for the Sacred Gate.81
79. Graeve 1986a, 38-43; Graeve 1987; Graeve 1990; Miller-Wiener 1986a, 100-
time immediately after 650 B.C.E., since all of the houses from the late
104; 1988a, 32-35; Mellink 1987; Mitchell 1989/90, 103; Brinkmann 1990; Graeve and seventh century were built parallel to the inner face of the wall, mostly
Senff 1990; Graeve and Senff 1991; Heinrich and Senff 1992; Kerschner 1995; Senff 1995;
arranged in a linear series of rooms. Two segments of the wall, complete
Senff 1997b; Senff et al. 1997; Kerschner and Senff 1997.
with bastions, are extant today. The surviving western segment is quite
80. Graeve 1987; Graeve and Senff 1990; Graeve and Senff 1991; Heinrich and Senff
small, but the southern is impressive: it is 4 m. thick at its thinnest point,

1992; Senff 1995; Senff 1997b.
81. Milet 1.8.26-37, 2.3.119; Miller-Wiener 1986a, 96-98; Mellink 1991a, 144-45.
continues for 250 m., and contains three gates. The wall breaks off on the
southeast end: it probably extended originally to the tower discovered on
a small segment of wall 70 m. to the southeast and then continued on
course for the Sacred Gate.sl
79. Graeve 1986a, 38- 43; Graeve 1987; Graeve 1990; Muller-Wiener 1986a, 100-
1 04; 1988a, 32-35; Mellink 1987; Mitchell 1989/90, 1 03; Brinkmann 1990; Graeve and
Senff 1990; Graeve and Senff 1991; Heinrich and Senff 1992; Kerschner 1995; Senff 1995;
Senff 1997b; Senff eta!. 1997; Kerschner and Senff 1997.
80. Graeve 1987; Graeve and Senff 1990; Graeve and Senff 199 1; Heinrich and Senff
1992; Senff 1995; Senff 1997b.

81. Milet 1.8.26-.17, 2.:1.119; Muller-Wiener 1981ia, % - 98; Mellink 1991a, 144-45.
Aside from the work done around the piece of fortification wall during
the original excavation at the beginning of this century, there has been no
large-scale excavation on the west slope. But when a field-worker re-

cently found a piece of carved marble, the archaeologists investigated.
They found a small L-shaped cult building with a fireplace, dating from
Aside from the work done around the piece of fortification wall during
the original excavation at the beginning of this century, there has been no
the second half of the seventh century. Evidence of blood and drink
offerings suggest that this area may have been dedicated to a chthonic, or
underworld, deity, although that identification is by no means certain.82

large-scale excavation on the west slope. But when a field-worker re-
On the hillside, the entire southeast portion of the East Terrace has
cently found a piece of carved marble, the archaeologists investigated.
eroded, washing away down the hill. What remains is covered with a
They found a small L-shaped cult building with a fireplace, dating from
tangle of buildings. The Archaic settlement rested on the gently sloping
the second half of the seventh century. Evidence of blood and drink
hillside and was nearly completely destroyed in 494. In the debris layer,
offerings suggest that this area may have been dedicated to a chthonic, or
archaeologists have found sherds indicating occupation as early as the
mid-eighth century, although there are no extant building remains that

underworld, deity, although that identification is by no means certain. 8l
early. The unfinished nature and exceptionally high quality of the local
On the hillside, the entire southeast portion of the East Terrace has
work-the head of a statue of a man from the last quarter of the sixth eroded, washing away down the hill. What remains is covered with a
century, pieces of unfinished kouroi, finished and unfinished dedicatory
tangle of buildings. The Archaic settlement rested on the gently sloping

reliefs, and broken ceramics-have led Muller-Wiener to posit the exis-
hillside and was nearly completely destroyed in 494. In the debris layer,
tence of one or more workshops here.83 In the fifth century, the Persian
debris was spread systematically over a packing of coarse stones to form

archaeologists have found sherds indicating occupation as early as the
a large terrace, and a support wall was erected along the cliff edge on the
mid-eighth century, although there are no extant building remains that
north and east. The houses built on it-all dating to the fifth century- early. The unfinished nature and exceptionally high quality of the local
were nearly all about 4-6 m. long, and most were divided into two
work-the head of a statue of a man from the last quarter of the sixth
rooms. Their arrangement was haphazard, with alleys and water canals
century, pieces of unfinished kouroi, finished and unfinished dedicatory

dividing the buildings from each other.84
On the north edge of the terrace was a fifth-century temple, recently

reliefs, and broken ceramics-have led Miiller-Wiener to posit the exis-
identified as that of Artemis Kithone. It faced south and measured 6.84 X
tence of one or more workshops here.s3 In the fifth century, the Persian
8.48 m. The marble walls of the temple rested on a foundation measuring debris was spread systematically over a packing of coarse stones to form
ca. 10 x 18 m., made of limestone and gneiss blocks, filled with small
a large terrace, and a support wall was erected along the cliff edge on the
limestone chunks and dirt. While nothing survives of the columns or their
north and east. The houses built on it-all dating to the fifth century-
were nearly all about 4-6 m. long, and most were divided into two
bases, numerous remnants of the terracotta roof remain, some decorated
with lions, gorgons, and lotus blossoms. The archaeologists have recon-
structed the temple with a square cella and a pronaos in antis, very much
rooms. Their arrangement was haphazard, with alleys and water canals
like the Classical Temple of Athena, which also faced south.85 dividing the buildings from each other.84
82. Brinkmann 1990; Mellink 1991a, 144-45.
On the north edge of the terrace was a fifth-century temple, recently
83. Miller-Wiener 1988a, 32-33.
identified as that of Artemis Kithone. It faced south and measured 6.84 X

8.48 m. The marble walls of the temple rested on a foundation measuring

84. Milet 1.8.8-15; Graeve 1986a, 41-42; Graeve 1987, 6-9; Miller-Wiener 1988a,
32-33; Mitchell 1989/90, 103; Kerschner 1995, 214-18.
85. Milet 1.8.16-26; Kerschner and Senff 1997.

ca. ·10 X 18 m., made of limestone and gneiss blocks, filled with small
limestone chunks and dirt. While nothing survives of the columns or their
bases, numerous remnants of the terracotta roof remain, some decorated
with lions, gorgons, and lotus blossoms. The archaeologists have recon-
structed the temple with a square cella and a pronaos in antis, very much
like the Classical Temple of Athena, which also faced south. ss
82. Brinkmann 1990; Mellink 1991a, 144-45.

83. Muller-Wiener 1988a, 32- 33.
84. Milet 1.8.8- 15; Graeve 1986a, 41 - 42; Graeve 1987, 6- 9; Muller-Wiener 1988a,
32- 33; Mitchell198 9/90, 103; Kerschner 1995, 214-18.

85. M ilet 1.8.16- 26; Kerschner and Senff 1997.
The results of the excavations on the Summit Terrace concur with
those on the lower terrace. An extensive layer of Persian debris was
spread to form a large terrace, and in that debris were artifacts dating
from the Late Geometric to the Late Archaic periods, indicating that the
summit was occupied from the eighth century to the sixth. Early in the
The results of the excavations on the Summit Terrace concur with

those on the lower terrace. An extensive layer of Persian debris was
twentieth century, excavators reported finding house remains from at
least two periods (Late Geometric and Archaic), but much of those re-
mains have since eroded away. Recent excavators have uncovered an

spread to form a large terrace, and in that debris were artifacts dating
Archaic wall, a round altar, a dedicatory inscription, and marble debris
from the Late Geometric to the Late Archaic periods, indicating that the
including parts of a kouros and lamps, all indicating that the Summit
summit was occupied from the eighth century to the sixth. Early in the
Terrace was the location of an Archaic temenos. However, after the
twentieth century, excavators reported finding house remains from at

destruction of the structure in 494, the fifth-century buildings on that
least two periods (Late Geometric and Archaic), but much of those re-
location were profane: for some reason, the temenos was desanctified.86
Fifth-century remains are rare, perhaps reflecting the damage of erosion,

mains have since eroded away. Recent excavators have uncovered an
and as with the lower terrace, the summit seems to have been abandoned
Archaic wall, a round altar, a dedicatory inscription, and marble debris
at some point in the fifth century.87 including parts of a kouros and lamps, all indicating that the Summit
The Necropolis
Terrace was the location of an Archaic temenos. However, after the

For a long time, one of the mysteries of Miletos was the location of
destruction of the structure in 494, the fifth-century buildings on that

the Archaic necropolis: since Greeks only exceptionally buried someone
within the city walls, and since Miletos was enclosed by water on three
location were profane: for some reason, the temenos was desanctified. 86
sides, the cemetery must lie south of the city. Indeed, that is where the ex-
Fifth-century remains are rare, perhaps reflecting the damage of erosion,
cavators have found the Mycenaean necropolis, on Degirmentepe, and the and as with the lower terrace, the summit seems to have been abandoned
Hellenistic one, on Kazartepe. Thus, it is assumed that all of the Hellenis-
at some point in the fifth century_87
tic, Classical, and Archaic graves should be found south or southwest of a
line drawn from Kalabaktepe to the Sacred Gate, the approximate course
of the city wall.88 Until recently, archaeologists only knew of one Archaic
burial, a great chamber tomb found amid the Hellenistic graves on

The Necropolis
Kazartepe. It is sometimes called the Tyrant's Tomb because of its size and
implied importance; however, because the contents offer no clue as to the
For a long time, one of the mysteries of Miletos was the location of
identity of the deceased, others prefer to call it the Lion Tomb, after the
two identical, life-size statues of lions that marked it. Only the hindquar-
the Archaic necropolis: since Greeks only exceptionally buried someone
ters of one lion remain (Inv. Sk. 1897), but the other lion (Inv. Sk. 1790) is
within the city walls, and since Miletos was enclosed by water on three
86. Perhaps this was the Archaic sanctuary of Artemis Kithone and, after the destruc-
sides, the cemetery must lie south of the city. Indeed, that is where the ex-
tion, her temple was moved down to the lower East Terrace?
cavators have found the Mycenaean necropolis, on Degirmentepe, and the
87. Milet 1.8.7-8; Graeve 1990; Senff et al. 1997.
Hellenistic one, on Kazartepe. Thus, it is assumed that all of the Hellenis-

tic, Classical, and Archaic graves should be found south or southwest of a
88. Kleiner 1968, 125.
line drawn from Kalabaktepe to the Sacred Gate, the approximate course
of the city wall. 88 Until recently, archaeologists only knew of one Archaic
burial, a great chamber tomb found amid the Hellenistic graves on
Kazartepe. It is sometimes called the Tyrant's Tomb because of its size and
implied importance; however, because the contents offer no clue as to the
identity of the deceased, others prefer to call it the Lion Tomb, after the
two identical, life-size statues of lions that marked it. Only the hindquar-
ters of one lion remain (Inv. Sk. 1897), but the other lion (Inv. Sk. 1790) is
86. Perhaps this was the Archaic sanctuary of Artemis Kithone and, after the destruc-
tion, her temple was moved down to the lower East Terrace?
87. Milet 1.8.7-8; Graeve 1990; Senff eta!. 1997.
88. Kleiner 1968, 125.
remarkably well preserved, with only the upper left side of its head broken
off from the eye up and a crack in its left front leg. The plinth on which it
rests measures 1.71 m. long x .66 m. deep x .15 m. high; the lion is
another .54 m. high. Both lions were damaged, probably when they were
thrown down the hillside from a higher situation.89
remarkably well preserved, with only the upper left side of its head broken
off from the eye up and a crack in its left front leg. The plinth on which it
The tomb they guarded was approached by way of a dromos 11 m. long
cut into the ground. It led to an entrance chamber 2.5 m. high x 3 m. long
x 2.25 m. wide, which was filled with rocks. This chamber in turn led to a
rests measures 1.71 m. long X .66 m. deep X .15 m. high; the lion is
tunnel in the hillside, 9.5 m. long and filled with rocks and pottery sherds,
another .54 m. high. Borh lions were damaged, probably when they were
probably thrown in as offerings by relatives during the closing of the
thrown down the hillside from a higher situation.s9
grave. The burial chamber was 4.1 m. long X 3.34 m. wide x 3.36 m.
The tomb they guarded was approached hy way of a dromos 11m. long
high, with a saddle roof. The contents were covered with a layer of black
cut into the ground. It led to an entrance chamber 2.5 m. high X 3 m.long
debris 4 cm. thick. Beneath it, the excavators found the badly decomposed
bones of one adult and a few grave goods: vessels for food (and numerous
X 2.25 m. wide, which was filled with rocks. This chamber in turn led to a
mussel shells), cups and dishes, a large amphora, a wooden box, two large
tunnel in the hillside, 9.5 m. long and filled with rocks and pottery sherds,
silver phialai (shallow dishes), and pottery sherds. Most date to the sev- probably thrown in as offerings by relatives during the closing of the
enth century and first half of the sixth, but the few sherds from the second
grave. The burial chamber was 4.1 m. long X 3.34 m. wide X 3.36 m.
half of the sixth century point to a date for this grave late in that century.
high, with a saddle roof. The contents were covered with a layer of black
Blind luck has both concealed and partially revealed the rest of the
Archaic necropolis. The village of Balat moved in 1955 from its location on
debris 4 em. thick. Beneath it, the excavators found the badly decomposed
the Stadium Hill to its present location, just to the east of Kazartepe. In
bones of one adult and a few grave goods: vessels for food (and numerous
doing so, it obscured the necropolis. Over the course of several decades, mussel shells), cups and dishes, a large amphora, a wooden box, two large
while digging trenches for water pipes, villagers have come across a total of
silver phialai (shallow dishes), and pottery sherds. Most date to the sev-
four Archaic sarcophagi clustered in a small area along one village street.
enth century and first half of the sixth, but the few sherds from the second
None were destroyed or robbed in antiquity, although the first one found
was badly damaged during discovery. They are all monolithic sarcophagi
half of the sixth century point to a date for this grave late in that century.
containing adult males and-characteristic of East Ionian burial practices
Blind luck has both concealed and partially revealed the rest of the
from the second half of the sixth century-remarkably few grave goods Archaic necropolis. The village of Balat moved in 1955 from its location on
(principally a couple of finger rings). The contents are undatable, but the
the Stadium Hill to its present location, just to the east of Kazartepe. In
style of burial and the sherds found in the fill dirt indicate an origin in the
doing so, it obscured the necropolis. Over the course of several decades,
while digging trenches for water pipes, villagers have come across a total of
late sixth century.90
The presence of the village makes it impossible to excavate the neigh-
boring area, but it likely was the primary cemetery for the city. It lay
four Archaic sarcophagi clustered in a small area along one village street.
89. The intact lion is on display at the Pergamon Museum in Berlin. The grave was None were destroyed or robbed in antiquity, although the first one found
unearthed in 1906, but the original excavator, A. von Salis, never published his results.
was badly damaged during discovery. They a re all monolithic sarcophagi
Some comments were made about it in Kleiner 1968 (126-27) and Graeve 1989 (143-44).
containing adult males and-characteristic of East Ionian burial practices

from the second half of the sixth century-remarkably few grave goods
Recently, the results were fully published by Forbeck and Heres (1997), who quote exten-
sively from Salis's daybooks and catalog the finds.
90. Miller-Wiener 1986a, 104; Miller-Wiener 1988c (sarcophagi); Graeve 1989;

(principally a couple of finger rings). The contents are undatable, but the
Mellink 1989, 122-23; Mitchell 1989/90, 103.
style of burial and the sherds found in the fill dirt indicate an origin in the
late sixth century. 90
The presence of the village makes it impossible to excavate the neigh-
boring area, but it likely was the primary cemetery for the city. It lay
89. The intact lion is on display at the Pergamon Museum in Berlin. The grave was
unearthed in 1906, but the original excavator, A. von Salis, never published his results.
Some comments were made about it in Kleiner 1968 (126-27) and Graeve 1989 (143-44).
Recently, the results were fully published by Forbeck and Heres (1997), who quote exten-
sively from Salis's daybooks and catalog the finds.

90. Muller-Wiener 1986a, 104; Muller-Wiener 1988c (sarcophagi); Graeve 1989;
Mellink 1989, 122-23; Mirchell1989/90, 103.
outside the furthest expanse of the city walls, in sandy soil conducive to
burials. Also, the Sacred Way would have passed through this district on
its way to Didyma, transforming the district into a very desirable location
for one's final resting place. Probably the street was lined with monu-
ments, such as the statues of young men and women (kouroi and kourai),
outside the furthest expanse of the city walls, in sandy soil conducive to
burials. Also, the Sacred Way would have passed through this district on
standing or seated, that have been found often in the excavation of the
city and may have been originally erected as graver markers. Other tombs
were marked by stelae, like the late Archaic Anthemion Stele (named for
its way to Didyma, transforming the district into a very desirable location
the floral design on top of the stele) found in Akk6y. Although it is
for one's final resting place. Probably the street was lined with monu-
broken badly and its inscription is unreadable from age, it was almost
ments, such as the statues of young men and women (kouroi and kourai),
certainly a freestanding funereal monument from the Sacred Way, origi-
standing or seated, that have been found often in the excavation of the
nally rising nearly 3 m. high.91 To the casual traveler or to the participants
city and may have been originally erected as graver markers. Other tombs
in the annual procession to the Oracle, the monuments of the necropolis
astride the Sacred Way stood as a reminder of the praise and piety owed
were marked by stelae, like the late Archaic Anthemion Stele (named for
to parents and ancestors, the makers of this extraordinary city.
the floral design on top of the stele) found in Akkoy. Although it is
Sites in the Chore broken badly and its inscription is unreadable from age, it was almost
Beyond the city proper and beyond the necropolis, several other sites in
certainly a freestanding funereal monument from the Sacred Way, origi-

Milesian territory exhibit signs of early prominence, especially as reli-
nally rising nearly 3m. high. 91 To the casual traveler or to the participants
gious sanctuaries. They are witnessed by the ancient literature and con-
firmed by excavation. Didyma has already been discussed in detail, but

in the annual procession to the Oracle, the monuments of the necropolis
several other locations can be distinguished, principally as the locations
astride the Sacred Way stood as a reminder of the praise and piety owed
of major sanctuaries in Milesian territory. to parents and ancestors, the makers of this extraordinary city.
Poseidon was the patron god of the Ionian League, so we would expect
to find him worshiped at Miletos as well. One of his common epithets in
the Hellenic world is Taureos, and judging from the month name
Taureon, he was present at a very early date in Miletos and many of the
Sites in the Chore
colonies of the Pontos. Strabo (14.1.3) confirms this early arrival, saying
that back during the Ionian Migration, Neleos founded an altar on a cape
Beyond the city proper and beyond the necropolis, several other sites in
named for Poseidon. Archaeologists have located an altar dating to the
Milesian territory exhibit signs of early prominence, especially as reli-

first half of the sixth century at Cape Monodendri, at the extreme south-
west corner of the larger Milesian peninsula, 7 km. southwest of Didyma.

gious sanctuaries. They are witnessed by the ancient literature and con-
The altar is made entirely of richly ornamented marble, with a total
firmed by excavation. Didyma has already been discussed in detail, bur
length of 19 m. and a platform measuring 11.5 x 10 m. In addition, in several other locations can be distinguished, principally as the locations
the city, during an excavation at the Hellenistic Heroon by the West
of major sanctuaries in Milesian territory.

91. Kleiner 1968, 127 (statues as markers); Graeve 1989, 143 (stele).
Poseidon was the patron god of the Ionian League, so we would expect
to find him worshiped at Miletos as well. One of his common epithets in
the Hellenic world is Taureos, and judging from the month name
Taureon, he was present at a very early date in Miletos and many of the
colonies of the Pontos. Strabo (14.1.3) confirms this early arrival, saying
that back during the Ionian Migration, Neleos founded an altar on a cape
named for Poseidon. Archaeologists have located an altar dating to the
first half of the sixth century at Cape M onodendri, at the extreme south-
west corner of the larger Milesian peninsula, 7 km. southwest of Didyma.
The altar is made entirely of richly ornamented marble, with a total
length of 19 m. and a platform measuring 11.5 X 10 m. In addition, in
the city, during an excavation at the Hellenistic Heroon by the West
91. Kleiner 1968, 127 (statues as markers); Graeve 1989, 143 (stele).
Market, just north of the Temple of Athena, there was recently found a
stone inscribed with a decree passed by the Milesian democracy late in
the fifth century. Although badly broken, the inscription has been inter-
preted to be alex sacra (cult regulation) concerning the cult of Poseidon
Helikonios and possibly another god. In it Poseidon has a priest and a
Market, just north of the Temple of Athena, there was recently found a
stone inscribed with a decree passed by the Milesian democracy late in
sanctuary but not a temple proper, and certain things are prescribed to be
done in the month of Taureon. Possibly the decree refers to the same
sanctuary mentioned by Pausanias (7.24.5), who says that the Milesians

the fifth century. Although badly broken, the inscription has been inter-
had an altar dedicated to Poseidon Helikonios-the patron of the
preted to be a lex sacra (cult regulation) concerning the cult of Poseidon
Panionion-between Miletos and a spring called Byblis, but this second
Helikonios and possibly another god. In it Poseidon has a priest and a
alter has not been uncovered.92
sanctuary hut not a temple proper, and certa in things are prescribed to he
done in the month of Taureon. Possibly the decree refers to the same
Until very recently, evidence for the worship of Aphrodite at Miletos
was only attested in Hellenistic and Roman inscriptions, where she is
usually named with the epithet Agoraia. Because she was present in
sanctuary mentioned by Pausanias (7.24.5), who says that the Milesians
Istros and Kepoi in Archaic times and in many other colonies in the
had an altar dedicated to Poseidon Helikonios-the patron of the
Classical era, her cult is assumed to have existed in Archaic Miletos as Panionion-between Miletos and a spring called Byblis, but this second
well. Several literary sources from later centuries refer to just such a
alter has not been uncovered.92

cult, especially Theokritos, an Alexandrian poet from the third century
Until very recently, evidence for the worship of Aphrodite at Miletos

B.C.E.93 He says that somewhere in the Milesian territory, on a hillside
between the riverlets Byblis and Hyetis, near the main road, there was a
was only attested in Hellenistic and Roman inscriptions, where she is
temple of Aphrodite Oikeous. In the excavations beginning 1989, a
usually named with the epithet Agoraia. Because she was present in
sanctuary of Aphrodite dating back to the early seventh century was Istros and Kepoi in Archaic times and in many other colonies in the
located and partially excavated on the summit of a hill west of Miletos
Classical era, her cult is assumed to have existed in Archaic Miletos as
and 1 km. northwest of Kalabaktepe. The site on Zeytintepe has yielded
well. Several literary sources from later centuries refer to just such a
numerous votive items-figurines and inscriptions to Aphrodite and
Aphrodite Oikous dating as early as the sixth century-that confirm the

cult, especially Theokritos, an Alexandrian poet from the third century
identification of this sanctuary with the one mentioned by Theokritos.94
B.C.E.93 H e says that somewhere in the Milesian territory, on a hillside
A temple area was discovered on the summit, where a plateau was between the riverlets Byblis and Hyetis, near the main road, there was a
constructed and reconstructed several times in the Archaic and Classical
temple of Aphrodite Oikeous. In the excavations beginning 1989, a
periods by filling in the numerous crevices in the rock with layers of
sanctuary of Aphrodite dating back to the early seventh century was

building debris.95 The oldest debris stratum, located immediately on top
located and partially excavated on the summit of a hill west of Miletos

92. Milet 1.6 (altar); Herrmann 1970 (lex sacra); Ehrhardt 1983, 171-73 (Taureon);
Koenigs 1986 (altar).

and 1 km. northwest of Kalabaktepe. The site on Z eytintepe has yielded
93. Theokritos 7.115, 28.4; see also Sch. ad loc. Cf. Posidipp. in Anth. Pal. 12.131 (Gow numerous votive items-figurines and inscriptions to Aphrodite and
and Page 3082-85); Charito 2.2.7.
Aphrodite Oikous dating as early as the sixth century-that confirm the
94. Ehrhardt 1983, 164-66; Gans 1991; Senff 1992; Senff 1997a; Heinz and Senff 1995.
identification of this sanctuary with the one mentioned by Theokritos. 94

Inscriptions with the dedication to Aphrodite include Mil. Inv. Z 90.33.1 (sixth century),
A temple area was discovered on the summit, where a plateau was

Z 90.45.2 (no date given), Z 91.68.15 (Roman), Z 92.83.14 (Archaic), Z 94.127.17 (Ar-
chaic?). See Herrmann 1995, 282-88.

constructed and reconstructed several times in the Archaic and Classical
95. Gans 1991; Senff 1992; Heinz and Senff 1995; Senff 1997a.
periods by filling in the numerous crevices in the rock with layers of
building debris.95 The oldest debris stratum, located immediately on top
92. Milet 1.6 (altar ); H errmann 1970 (lex sacra}; Ehrhardt 1983, 171-73 (Taureon);
Koenigs 1986 (altar ).
93. Theokritos 7.115, 28.4; see also Sch. ad Joe. Cf. Posidipp. in Anth. Pal. 12.131 (Gow
and Page 3082-85); Charito 2.2.7.
94. Ehrhardt 1983, 164-66; Gans 1991; Senff 1992; Senff 1997a; Heinz and Senff 1995.
lnscriptions with the dedication to Aphrodite include Mil. lnv. Z 90.33.1 (sixth century),
Z 90.45.2 (no date given ), Z 91.68.15 (Roman), Z 92.83.14 (Archaic), Z 94.127.17 (Ar-
chaic?). See Herrmann 1995,282-88.
95. Gans 1991; Senff 1992; Heinz and Senff 1995; Senff 1997a.
of the rock, is a thick gray layer of ash, limestone, wood coals, large
and small bones, animal teeth, and sherds of glass, all dating to the late
seventh century. The nature and frequency of these finds indicate that
sacrifices were offered here and that the sanctuary had become popular
by the late seventh century. A few votive fragments from the beginning of
of the rock, is a thick gray layer of ash, limestone, wood coals, large
and small bones, animal teeth, and sherds of glass, all dating to the late
the seventh century demonstrate an even earlier date for the establish-
ment of the sanctuary. In the mid-sixth century, the plateau was enlarged
by extending the debris layer. On it, the Milesians built an Ionic temple
seventh century. The nature and frequency of these finds indicate that
out of marble, many pieces of which where used as rubble in yet another,
sacrifices were offered here and that the sanctuary had become popular
later layer of the plateau. This temple was decorated with kouroi and
by the late seventh century. A few votive fragments from the beginning of
contained many votive offerings made of metal, clay, and other sub-
the seventh century demonstrate an even earlier date for the establish-
stances. The finds reflect the international character of the sanctuary:
ment of the sanctuary. In the mid-sixth century, the plateau was enlarged
they include Cypriot terracotta; Egyptian faience, seals, amulets, and
stone statuettes (from workshops at Naukratis and Rhodes especially);

by extending the debris layer. On it, the Milesians built an Ionic temple
Asian bone carvings; a probably Thracian dedication; and Greek ware
out of marble, many pieces of which where used as rubble in yet another,
from Attika, Corinth, Chios, and Lakonia. later layer of the plateau. This temple was decorated with kouroi and
The Archaic temple was ruined in the destruction of 494, but in the
contained many votive offerings made of metal, clay, and other sub-
refoundation of the city, the Milesians leveled off the plateau yet again-
stances. The finds reflect the international character of the sanctuary:

an Attic sherd from ca. 500 B.C.E. was found in the debris layer-and
rebuilt. The new temple was apparently much like the old one, a marble
they include Cypriot terracotta; Egyptian faience, seals, amulets, and
structure constructed in the Ionic style. A foundation wall 7 m. long dates
stone statuettes (from workshops at Naukratis and Rhodes especially);
to this period, as do many remnants of a marble building. The bust of a Asian bone carvings; a probably Thracian dedication; and Greek ware
woman from the second quarter of the fifth century is praised for the
from Attika, Corinth, Chios, and Lakonia.
extremely high quality of its workmanship.96
The Archaic temple was ruined in the destruction of 494, but in the
The Temple of Aphrodite was not the only recent find of great im-
port. In the eastern part of Milesian territory, an archaeological field

refoundation of the city, the Milesians leveled off the plateau yet again-
survey of the entire Milesian peninsula that was conducted in the 1990s
an Attic sherd from ca. 500 B.C.E. was found in the debris layer-and
by Hans Lohmann has led to an Archaic discovery on the northeast rebuilt. The new temple was apparently much like the old one, a marble
corner of the large plateau called Stephania, on a hill named Men-
structure constructed in the Ionic style. A foundation wall 7 m. long dates
gerevtepe, 7 km. southeast of Miletos and south of the modern road
to this period, as do many remnants of a marble building. The bust of a

from Soke. There the survey team and later excavators have discovered a
woman from the second quarter of the fifth century is praised for the
town that was settled since the prehistoric period. Sculpture remnants
date from the Protogeometric through the Archaic periods, and rubble in
extremely high quality of its workmanship. 96
the debris layer reveals that the site endured a destruction and subse- The Temple of Aphrodite was not the only recent find of great im-
quent rebuilding in the late seventh century, probably as a result of the
port. In the eastern part of Milesian territory, an archaeological field
Lydian invasions. The town reached its prime in the sixth century B.C.E.
survey of the entire Milesian peninsula that was conducted in the 1990s
and was destroyed and abandoned at the end of that century.
by Hans Lohmann has led to an Archaic discovery on the northeast

96. Gans 1991, 140; H61obl 1999.
corner of the large plateau called Stephania, on a hill named Men-

gerevtepe, 7 km. southeast of Miletos and south of the modern road
from Soke. There the survey team and later excavators have discovered a
town that was settled since the prehistoric period. Sculpture remnants
date from the Protogeometric through the Archaic periods, and rubble in
the debris layer reveals that the site endured a destruction and subse-
quent rebuilding in the late seventh century, probably as a result of the
Lydian invasions. The town reached its prime in the sixth century B.C.E.
and was destroyed and abandoned at the end of that century.
96. Gans 1991, 140; Holbl1999.

Thus far, the two most interesting aspects of this settlement are its
defensive wall and temple. The wall is a structure 2.2 m. thick and 185 m.
long, aligned north-to-south and stretching along the west edge of the
settlement. It contained three towers in all. The temple, made in the Ionic
style, was located on the south edge of the hill, on a leveled terrace made
Thus far, the two most interesting aspects of this settlement are its
defensive wall and temple. The wall is a structure 2.2 m. thick and 185m.
of late Archaic debris. It was not finished when it was destroyed at the
beginning of the fifth century, but a sixth-century boustrophedon inscrip-
tion indicates that the temple belonged to Athena (t]ift 'A6rl[vc'l lt], Mil.
long, aligned north-to-south and stretching along the west edge of the
Inv. S 92.119).97
settlement. It contained three towers in all. The temple, made in the Ionic
Because this site includes a temple to Athena and suffered destruction
style, was located on the south edge of the hill, on a leveled terrace made
ca. 600 and again ca. 500 B.C.E., excavators identify it with Assessos, a
of late Archaic debris. It was not finished when it was destroyed at the
town known from literary sources. According to Herodotos (1.19), when
beginning of the fifth century, but a sixth-century boustrophedon inscrip-

the Lydian king Alyattes attacked Miletos in the last years of the seventh
century, he accidentally burned down a temple of Athena at Assessos, in

tion indicates that the temple belonged to Athena (c]fiL 'A8Y][VaLT]L), Mil.
atonement for which he built for her two temples in place of the one.98
Inv. S 92.119). 97
One corner of one temple has thus far been found, but the excavation has Because this site includes a temple to Athena and suffered destruction
been limited: only six trenches have been sunk into the large hillside, so it
ca. 600 and again ca. 500 R.C.E., excavators identify it with Assessos, a
is still possible that a second temple may be uncovered to confirm our
town known from literary sources. According to Herodotos (1.19), when

literary notice. In any case, if this identification is correct, the two destruc-
tion layers correspond to the burning by Alyattes and the Persian destruc-
the Lydian king Alyattes attacked Miletos in the last years of the seventh
tion. Apparently the site was abandoned after 494 B.C.E., because Classi-
century, he accidentally burned down a temple of Athena at Assessos, in
cal and Hellenistic sherds are very rare there; a Byzantine church was atonement for which he built for her two temples in place of the one.98
later built on the north edge of the plateau.
One corner of one temple has thus far been found, but the excavation has
In summary, a few general conclusions can be drawn from the archaeo-
been limited: only six trenches have been sunk into the large hillside, so it
logical remains of Miletos from ca. 1000 to 400 B.C.E. First, one is struck
by the indications of continuous habitation throughout this period of

is still possible that a second temple may be uncovered to confirm our
time. To be sure, the Submycenaean and Early Geometric city must have
literary notice. In any case, if this identification is correct, the two destruc-
been rather small, but over the centuries it grew to an impressive extent, tion layers correspond to the burning by Alyattes and the Persian destruc-
encompassing the entire peninsula and Kalabaktepe. This conclusion is
tion. Apparently the site was abandoned after 494 B.C.E., because Classi-
reinforced by the population estimates for the city, which run as much as
cal and Hellenistic sherds are very rare there; a Byzantine church was
sixty-four thousand for the sixth-century city, although that number
later built on the north edge of the plateau.

is probably too high. Estimates for the population in the fifth century
vary from fifteen to twenty thousand to as little as seventy-five hundred.99
97. Senff 1995b; Weber 1995; Lohmann 1995; Herrmann 1995, 288-92 (inscription).
In summary, a few general conclusions can be drawn from the archaeo-
98. Cf. Theopomp. Philippika FGH 115 F 123; Steph. Byz. s.v. "Assessos"; Nic. Dam.
logical remains of Miletos from ca. 1000 to 400 B.C.E. First, one is struck
by the indications of continuous habitation throughout this period of
FGH 90 F 52.
99. Sixty-four thousand: Roebuck 1959, 21-23, based on the number of ships launched
at Lade. Fifteen to twenty thousand: Hoepfner and Schwandner 1994, 21. The lowest figure
time. To be sure, the Submycenaean and Early Geometric city must have
been rather small, but over the centuries it grew to an impressive extent,
encompassing the entire peninsula and Kalabaktepe. This conclusion is
reinforced by the population estimates for the city, which run as much as
sixty-four thousand for the sixth-century city, although that number
is probably too high. Estimates for the population in the fifth century
vary from fifteen to twenty thousand to as little as seventy-five hundred. 99
97. Senff 1995b; Weber 1995; Lohmann 1995; Herrmann 1995, 288-92 (inscription).
98. Cf. Theopomp. Philippika FGH 115 F 123; Steph. Ryz. s.v. "Assessos"; Nic. Dam.
FGH90 F 52.
99. Sixty-four thousand: Roebuck 1959,21-23, based on the number of ships launched
at Lade. Fifteen to twenty thousand: Hoepfner and Schwandner 1994, 21. The lowest figure
Since this was a period of recovery, we naturally expect a smaller city, and
the remains indeed show that it covered the peninsula less widely and less
densely as a rule. Miletos was hurt badly by the Persian destruction, but it
rebounded with tenacity and determination.
A second unmistakable conclusion is that the Persians inflicted a total
Since this was a period of recovery, we naturally expect a smaller city, and
the remains indeed show that it covered the peninsula less widely and less
destruction on the city in 494. In every location where the excavators have
dug down to the appropriate levels, they have found a substantial burn
layer between the Archaic and Classical strata. This burn is often con-
densely as a rule. Miletos was hurt badly by the Persian destruction, but it
firmed by a terracing of the Archaic debris to form a level foundation for
rebounded with tenacity and determination.
fifth-century construction. While there is not a single artifact that can be
A second unmistakable conclusion is that the Persians inflicted a total
securely dated to the years between 494 and 479, the terraces on
destruction on the city in 494. In every location where the excavators have
dug down to the appropriate levels, they have found a substantial burn
Kalabaktepe, the newer Temple of Athena, the shrine of Dionysos, some
walls west of the Bouleuterion, and a stele from the North Marketplace all
fall in the second quarter of the century.100 Miletos was indeed destroyed,
layer between the Archaic and Classical strata. This burn is often con-
and it was "emptied of Milesians" (Hdt. 6.22.1).
firmed by a terracing of the Archaic debris to form a level foundation for
Finally, the general argument can be made that most of the Panhellenic fifth-century construction. While there is not a single artifact that can be
gods were worshiped in both Archaic and Classical Miletos. The consis-
securely dated to the years between 494 and 479, the terraces on
tency of the cults and, especially, the rebuilding of Classical sanctuaries
Kalabaktepe, the newer Temple of Athena, the shrine of Dionysos, some

on the sites of their destroyed Archaic predecessors strengthen the overall
picture of Miletos as an Ionian city that was reestablished by the same

walls west of the Bouleuterion, and a stele from the North Marketplace all
society that inhabited it before the destruction by the Persians. Again,
fall in the second quarter of the century. 100 Miletos was indeed destroyed,
these findings are consistent with the societal findings in general: there is and it was "emptied of Milesians" (Hdt. 6.22.1).
no great division between the Archaic and Classical social institutions of
Finally, the general argument can be made that most of the Panhellenic
language, calendar, tribes, and religious cults. The Milesians were a dis-
gods were worshiped in both Archaic and Classical Miletos. The consis-
crete people before the destruction of their city, and this fact does not
change later. To the best of our knowledge, the society of fifth-century

tency of the cults and, especially, the rebuilding of Classical sanctuaries
Miletos represents a conscious perpetuation of the culture of the people
on the sites of their destroyed Archaic predecessors strengthen the overall
who inhabited the city immediately before its destruction. picture of Miletos as an lonian city that was reestablished by the same
Only a fraction of the city of Miletos has been excavated, and even
society that inhabited it before the destruction by the Persians. Again,
less has been dug down to the Archaic levels. Thus, we must conclude
these findings are consistent with the societal findings in general: there is
that we know very little about the physical city in the era of its greatest
no great division between the Archaic and Classical social institutions of

prosperity, when it was the "ornament of lonia" (Hdt. 5.28). Yet every-
thing that we do know confirms the literary accounts. Miletos was a

language, calendar, tribes, and religious cults. The Milesians were a dis-
great commercial center, a trading power, and a mighty metropolis, crete people before the destruction of their city, and this fact does not
is obtained by Pounds (1973, 60; cf. Renfrew 1982, 277) through a crude estimate from the
change later. To the best of our knowledge, the society of fifth-century
tribute assessment of 425/4 B.C.E., which he calculates was probably based on an equation
Miletos represents a conscious perpetuation of the culture of the people

of one talent of tribute for every 750 citizens.
who inhabited the city immediately before its destruction.

100. On stylistic grounds, Graeve (1975a) dates the statue of a seated woman to immedi-
ately after 479 B.C.E.

Only a fraction of the city of Miletos has been excavated, and even
less has been dug down to the Archaic levels. Thus, we must conclude
that we know very little about the physical city in the era of its greatest
prosperity, when it was the "ornament of Ionia" (Hdt. 5.28). Yet every-
thing that we do know confirms the literary accounts. Miletos was a
great commercial center, a trading power, and a mighty metropolis,
is obtained by Pounds (1973, 60; cf. Renfrew 1982, 277) through a crude estimate from the
tribute assessment of 425/4 B.C.E., which he calculates was probably based on an equation
of one talent of tribute for every 7 50 citizens.
100. On stylistic grounds, Graeve (1975a) dates the statue of a seated woman to immedi-
ately after 479 B.C..E.
swollen with inhabitants who shared in its remarkable opulence. From
this height, the city fell into complete disaster, sufficient to wipe it from
the face of the earth. But that was not to be. The Milesians returned and
rebuilt, and characteristically they did so in a manner that demonstrated
their progressive attitude and their confidence in the restoration of their
swollen with inhabitants who shared in its remarkable opulence. From

this height, the city fell into complete disaster, sufficient to wipe it from
previous prosperity.
the face of the earth. But that was not to be. The Milesians returned and
rebuilt, and characteristically they did so in a manner that demonstrated
their progressive attitude and their confidence in the restoration of their
previous prosperity.
ï»¿6
The Fifth Century
In the late summer or autumn of 478, the year after the Battle of Mykale,
the eastern Greeks asked Athens to take them under its protection and
form a new league against Persia. Because the appeal was based on kinship,
just as Miletos's appeal had been in 499, we know that the Ionian Greeks
played a leading role in the formation of this league; certainly after their
defection from Persia in the Battle of Mt. Mykale, both Samos and Miletos
would have been original members. Thus Athens established the Delian
6
League, a permanent alliance that would grow in the next few decades to
The Fifth Century

encompass most of the coastal and island cities of the Aegean. It pursued
campaigns against the Persians, driving them out of Thrace and western
Asia Minor and eventually completely out of the Aegean Sea.1
Prosperity returned to Miletos and the other cities that had been pun-
ished by the Persians, but over the next few decades, it was constrained
by the increasingly imperialistic behavior of Athens, whose hegemonial
role in the Delian League soon became a despotism that has led the
organization to be renamed in modern times "the Athenian Empire."
In the late summer or autumn of 478, the year after the Battle of Mykale,
Originally the league's headquarters and treasury were on the island of
the eastern Greeks asked Athens to take them under its protection and
Delos, but in 454 they were transferred to Athens in a move that stands
as an overt symbol of the changed nature of the league. Allies who

form a new league against Persia. Because the appeal was based on kinship,
disagreed with Athenian policy were harshly subdued: their walls were
just as Miletos's appeal had been in499, we know that the Ionian Greeks
dismantled, their fleets were confiscated, a cash indemnity was leveled played a leading role in the formation of this league; certainly after their
against them, and garrisons and Athenian officials were often left behind
defection from Persia in the Battle of Mt. Mykale, both Samos and Miletos
to ensure future cooperation. The governments of rebellious allies were
would have been original members. Thus Athens established the Delian
often converted summarily into democracies: one character in Thucydi-
des is made to say to the Athenian people, viv t~iv yaq viv 6 8fltOg v
League, a permanent alliance that would grow in the next few decades to
aToutg tc iLg 6)eotiv evovg io T [The people in all the cities are well
encompass most of the coastal and island cities of the Aegean. It pursued
disposed to you] (3.47.2). campaigns against the Persians, driving them out of Thrace and western
1. The best sources for the Delian League are Meiggs 1972 and Rhodes 1992.
Asia Minor and eventually completely out of the Aegean Sea. 1
215
Prosperity returned to Miletos and the other cities that had been pun-
ished by the Persians, but over the next few decades, it was constrained
by the increasingly imperialistic behavior of Athens, whose hegemonial
role in the Delian League soon became a despotism that has led the
organization to be renamed in modern times "the Athenian Empire."
Originally the league's headquarters and treasury were on the island of
Delos, but in 454 they were transferred to Athens in a move that stands
as an overt symbol of the changed nature of the league. Allies who
disagreed with Athenian policy were harshly subdued: their walls were
dismantled, their fleets were confiscated, a cash indemnity was leveled
against them, and garrisons and Athenian officials were often left behind
to ensure future cooperation. The governments of rebellious allies were
often converted summarily into democracies: one character in Thucydi-
des is made to say to the Athenian people, vuv f!EV yag Uf!LV 6 0~[10~ EV
;raam~ tal:~ ;tOAEOLV Eiivou~ F-atl [The people in all the cities are well
disposed to youj (3.47.2).
1. The best sources for the Delian League are Meiggs 1972 and Rhodes 1992.
215
Revolt and Revolution
Miletos was in many ways a typical Athenian ally. It was originally well
pleased with the Athenian presence in the east Aegean, but when freedom
proved to be a sham perpetuated by the Athenians while they built up
their power and empire, ally after ally revolted and was subdued, until
Revolt and Revolution

Miletos took its turn. At the middle of the century, Milesian discontent
with Athenian interference led to a sequence of events that included
internal strife and active revolt from the Delian League. The Athenians
Miletos was in many ways a typical Athenian ally. It was originally well
responded with characteristic severity, eventually imposing financial
pleased with the Athenian presence in the east Aegean, but when freedom
and military penalties, as well as establishing new political institutions
proved to be a sham perpetuated by the Athenians while they built up
modeled after the government of Athens. Thus the government of Miletos
their power and empire, ally after ally revolted and was subdued, until
Miletos took its turn. At the middle of the century, Milesian discontent
was transformed into a democracy.
While the fact of this change in constitution is not in question, the
scholarship that has dealt with working out its detailed circumstances is
with Athenian interference led to a sequence of events that included
most remarkable for the lack of any kind of consensus.2 Several questions
internal strife and active revolt from the Delian League. The Athenians
exercise scholars: Was Miletos governed in the first half of the fifth
responded with characteristic severity, eventually imposing financial
century by oligarchy or by democracy succeeded by oligarchy and then by
and military penalties, as well as establishing new political institutions

modeled after the government of Athens. Thus the government of Miletos
democracy again? In the middle of that century did Miletos revolt once or
twice from the Delian League? And was the democratic government with
which Miletos ended the century set up in 450 or ca. 443 or in the 420s?
was transformed into a democracy.
A careful examination of the evidence leads to the conclusion that the
While the fact of this change in constitution is not in question, the
refounded city enjoyed its traditional, oligarchic government until civil
scholarship that has dealt with working out its detailed circumstances is
strife became so bad as to prompt an initial Athenian intervention in
most remarkable for the lack of any kind of consensus. 2 Several questions
favor of the oligarchy in 450/49. However, when the flames of stasis did
exercise scholars: Was Miletos governed in the first half of the fifth
not cool and led to a revolt from the league, Athens intervened again, this
time sometime before 443, severely restricting the autonomy of the Mile-
century by oligarchy or by democracy succeeded by oligarchy and then by
sian government and forcing that city to abandon its old ways and accept
democracy again? In the middle of that century did Miletos revolt once or
a new democratic government.
twice from the Delian League? And was the democratic government with
The first step in sorting out these events is to establish a termi-
which Miletos ended the century set up in 450 or ca. 443 or in the 420s?
nus ante quem for the establishment of the Milesian democracy. Two
A careful examination of the evidence leads to the conclusion that the

Milesian leges sacrae, taken together, demonstrate that Miletos must
have obtained its democracy before it left the Athenian sphere of influ-
refounded city enjoyed its traditional, oligarchic government until civil
ence in 412 B.C.E. The first law is concerned with a priestess of Arte-
strife became so bad as to prompt an initial Athenian intervention in
2. A brief list of the work of scholars who have tackled one or more of the major favor of the oligarchy in 450/49. However, when the flames of stasis did
aspects of this problem must include Oliver 1935; Mattingly 1961, 1981; Barron 1962;
not cool and led to a revolt from the league, Athens intervened again, this
Fornara 1971; Herrmann 1970; Meiggs 1972; Pi&rart 1974; Gehrke 1980; Cataldi 1981;
time sometime before 443, severely restricting the autonomy of the Mile-
Robertson 1987.
sian government and forcing that city to abandon its old ways and accept
a new democratic government.
The first step in sorting out these events is to establish a termi-
nus ante quem for the establishment of the Milesian democracy. Two
Milesian leges sacrae, taken together, demonstrate that Miletos must
have obtained its democracy before it left the Athenian sphere of influ-
ence in 412 B.C.E. The first law is concerned with a priestess of Arte-
2. A brief list of the work of scholars who have tackled one or more of the major
aspects of this problem must include Oliver 1935; Mattingly 1961, 1981; Barron 1962;
Fornara 1971; Herrmann 1970; Meiggs 1972; Pierart 1974; Gehrke 1980; Cataldi 1981;
Robertson 1987.
ï»¿The Fifth Century 217
mis.3 It was found by the southern cross wall in Miletos and dated by
the eponymous official to 380/79. It begins (lines 1-5):
'ErrL Hao[O]evo0tco, irtvog 'Aoe-

The Fifth Century 217
ttcYLvog, Kexooo g m TvTa-
vevev, tXvv g cHooro
mis. 3 It was found by the southern cross wall in Miletos and dated by
the eponymous official to 380/79. It begins (lines 1-5 ):
8TsohctL, 6o 8v i'i fl3o)fit
xzcar t b toi, eHoaz)vL tog 8r8v
[In the year of Parthenopaios, in the month of Artemision, when the
tribe Kekropis held the prytany and Philinnes, son of Herodotos, 'E:rtL I1aQ[8]Evo:rtaLo, [lTJVO<; 'AQ'tE-
was president. It was decided by the Council and the people, and
!!WLWVO<;, KExQont; £nQvta-
Herakleitos proposed:...]
vEvEv, II>LALVv~; 'HQOOO'tO

rnwtatEL, £C\osEv t~L fJo),~L
This law uses Athenian formulae to announce a decision made by the
Council and the Assembly, and the Athenian tribal name Kekropis is
further proof of a change, as the six old Ionian tribes present in Archaic
xal. tOJL MwrJ)L, 'HQaxf..ELto; Elmv·
Miletos have been abandoned in favor of the twelve tribes we see in the
Hellenistic city, ten of them Athenian in origin.4 Though this inscription

[In the year of Parthenopaios, in the month of Artemision, when the
dates to the first quarter of the fourth century, it provides indirect evi-
tribe Kekropis held the prytany and Philinnes, son of Herodotos,
dence on the form of the Milesian government in the last years of the fifth was president. It was decided by the Council and the people, and
century as well, since the Milesians would not have adopted such changes
Herakleitos proposed: ... ]

after departing from the Delian League in 412. On the contrary, we can
go further and say that the fact that the democracy, complete with its
Athenian-style offices and tribes, survived its break with Athens is indica-
This law uses Athenian formulae to announce a decision made by the
tion that the democracy was strongly fixed in Miletos by 412 and so was
Council and the Assembly, and the Athenian tribal name Kekropis is
most likely set up considerably earlier.
further proof of a change, as the six old Ionian tribes present in Archaic
It is not necessary to rely on such an inference to extend the period of
Miletos have been abandoned in favor of the twelve tribes we see in the
Hellenistic city, ten of them Athenian in origin. 4 Though this inscription
democracy in Miletos back many years before the break with Athens. A
second lex sacra (Herrmann 1970, 166-67) offers direct evidence of
Athenian-style democracy at Miletos already in the 430s. This inscrip-

dates to the first quarter of the fourth century, it provides indirect evi-
tion, concerning the shrine of Poseidon Helikonios and possibly the cult
dence on the form of the Milesian government in the last years of the fifth
of another deity, also contains an Athenian-style prescript reflecting a
century as well, since the Milesians would not have adopted such changes
democratic government. The decree was first published and thoroughly
after departing from the Delian League in 412. On the contrary, we can
go further and say that the fact that the democracy, complete with its
explained by Herrmann, who says that it is so similar to an Athenian
3. Herrmann 1970, 163ff.; Wiegand 1901, 911 (editio princeps); SGDI #5496; Soko-
lowski 1955, #45.

Athenian-style offices and tribes, survived its break with Athens is indica-
4. For the twelve new tribes, see Haussoullier 1897; Ehrhardt 1983, 98 n. 9.
tion that the democracy was strongly fixed in Miletos by 412 and so was
most likely set up considerably earlier.
It is not necessary to rely on such an inference to extend the period of

democracy in Miletos back many years before the break with Athens. A
second lex sacra (Herrmann 1970, 166-67) offers direct evidence of
Athenian-style democracy at Miletos already in the 430s. This inscrip-
tion, concerning the shrine of Poseidon Helikonios and possibly the cult
of another deity, also contains an Athenian-style prescript reflecting a
democratic government. The decree was first published and thoroughly
explained by Herrmann, who says that it is so similar to an Athenian
1. Herrmann 1970, 161ff.; Wiegand 1901, 911 (editio princeps); SGDI #5496; Soko-
lowski 1955, #45.
4. For the twelve new tribes, sec Haussoullicr 1897; Ehrhardt 1983, 98 n. 9.
decree that we would think it was from Athens if we did not know for a
fact that it came from Miletos.5
Although very fragmentary, we can tell that this inscription originally

had a fuller form of the prescript than the previous one, because it in-
cludes the name of the secretary between the prytany and the president
decree that we would think it was from Athens if we did not know for a
fact that it came from Miletos.s
(lines 1-5):
[- 10 -]'[-- 12 --]
[- 9 - E]a,6i. o, Awvt[L; a-]

Although very fragmentary, we can tell that this inscription originally
[mrrvt&]v.vev, T]X)uy[]o;g a9[4-]
had a fuller form of the prescript than the previous one, because it in-
[1x6tev] 8v, Tijt ev[og] ~[maot cit]&t.]
cludes the name of the secretary between the prytany and the president
[--- 5 ---]g 8ITr8V"...
(lines 1-5):
[[.. . E]udemos, when the tribe Leont[is
held the pry]tany, Telag[r]os was the se[cre
tar]y, and Temen[os] was the e[pist]ate[s.

r- 10 -rr-- 12 --1
...] proposed:...] l- 9 - E]Ub~!+o, Actpv~[l,c; £-]
The naming of the eponymous official as Eudemos presents a choice
[ngvta]vEvEv, T~/,ay[g]oc; Eyga[!-!-l
between two likely dates for this decree, 437/6 and 404/3 (respectively,
[!latw]~~. T~~~Ev[oc;] ?[n~ot]a~E[.]

[--- 5 ---]c; dmv· ...
E6obnog 'Agoro6i4o and E&6bog eHye4ovog, Milet 1.3 #122.i.90
and ii.12).6
[[ ... E]udemos, when the tribe Leont[is

Both internal and external evidence favors the earlier date. Herrmann
states that the style and letterforms in this inscription are consistent with
a date in the second half of the fifth century. He notes a remarkable

held the pry]tany, Telag[r]os was the se[cre
similarity between this decree and the Milesian Banishment Decree (Milet
tar]y, and Temen[os] was the e[pist]ate[s .
1.6 #187), which was erected before 443/2 B.C.E. In addition, the later
. . .] proposed: ... ]
date is virtually eliminated by the short-lived oligarchic coup at Miletos
in 404/3 (D.S. 13.104.5-6; Plut. Lys. 8.1-3; Polyain. 1.45.1). Yet an-
other clue that a democratic Miletos could have published this decree as
The naming of the eponymous official as Eudemos presents a choice
early as 437/6 comes from Thucydides, who says (1.115.2-3) that in
between two likely dates for this decree, 43 716 and 404/3 (respectively,
440/39 war broke out between Miletos and Samos over Priene. Athens
EoOTJ!-!Oc; 'Agotoolwo and EoOT]~toc; 'HyE!lovoc;, Milet 1.3 #122.i.90
sided with the Milesians and some revolutionaries from Samos, over-
and ii.12).6
whelmed the Samian oligarchy, and established a democracy there. Thus,
Both internal and external evidence favors the earlier date. Herrmann
the democrats at Athens and the democrats at Samos sided with the
5. Herrmann 1970, 168.

states that the style and letterforms in this inscription are consistent with
6. An additional possibility is 413/2, Â°Hy towv E66pto, if one accepts Eudemos as the
a date in the second half of the fifth century. He notes a remarkable
father of an eponymous official. However, this possibility is rendered unlikely since neither similarity between this decree and the Milesian Banishment Decree (Milet
the secretary nor the president is called by his patronymic.
1.6 #187), which was erected before 443/2 B.C.E. ln addition, the later
date is virtually eliminated by the short-lived oligarchic coup at Miletos

in 404/3 (D.S. 13.104.5-6; Plut. Lys. 8.1-3; Polyain. 1.45.1). Yet an-
other clue that a democratic Miletos could have published this decree as
early as 437/6 comes from Thucydides, who says (1.115.2-3) that in
440/39 war broke out between Miletos and Samos over Priene. Athens
sided with the Milesians and some revolutionaries from Samos, over-
whelmed the Samian oligarchy, and established a democracy there. Thus,
the democrats at Athens and the democrats at Samos sided with the
5 . Herrmann 1970,168.
6. An additional possibility is 413/2, 'Hyt~tOJV Eoi\~~LO, if one accepts Eudemos as the

father of an eponymous official. However, this possibility is rendered unlikely since neither
the secretary nor the president is called by his patronymic.
Milesians against the oligarchs at Samos. While this passage says nothing
specific about the form of the Milesian government, its general circum-
stances are favorable to the assumption that Miletos was democratic in

440/39, so the date 437/6 is the most likely for this inscription.
Since these two democratic leges sacrae indicate that the Athenian
Milesians against the oligarchs at Samos. While this passage says nothing
specific about the form of the Milesian government, its general circum-
form of government had been established in Miletos probably by 437/6
(certainly by 412/11), the next step is to examine the evidence for the
traditional oligarchy to fix with precision the most likely date for the
stances are favorable to the assumption that Miletos was democratic in
transition to democracy. The Molpoi Decree from Miletos (Milet 1.3
440/39, so the date 437/6 is the most likely for this inscription.
#133) offers a clear terminus post quem for that change. In the first four
Since these two democratic leges sacrae indicate that the Athenian
lines (quoted in chap. 5), three of the old oligarchic tribes are mentioned.
form of government had been established in Miletos probably by 437/6

These tribes are clear indication that at the inscribing of this decree in
(certainly by 412/11), the next step is to examine the evidence for the
450/49 (as dated by the aisymnetes lists), the government at Miletos was
an oligarchy. Critics can argue that it is possible that the form of the
traditional oligarchy to fix with precision the most likely date for the
Molpoi Decree might represent the retention-with a conservatism unre-
transition to democracy. The Molpoi Decree from Miletos (Milet 1.3
markable in religious matters-of traditional offices, even under a demo- #133) offers a clear terminus post quem for that change. In the first four
cratic regime. According to this interpretation, the Molpoi Decree would
lines (quoted in chap. 5), three of the old oligarchic tribes are mentioned.
be anachronistic in that it exhibits oligarchic features that, due to some
These tribes are clear indication that at the inscribing of this decree in
sacred importance, outlived the oligarchy itself.7 Such an interpretation
requires the corroboration of other evidence if it is to be preferred to a

450/49 (as dated by the aisymnetes lists), the government at Miletos was
more simple and straightforward reading of the inscription, but this view
an oligarchy. Critics can argue that it is possible that the form of the
entails a troubling scenario. It requires the transformation of the tradi- Mol poi Decree might represent the retention-with a conservatism unre-
tional Milesian oligarchy into a democracy at or soon after the re-
markable in religious matters-of traditional offices, even under a demo-
foundation of Miletos and its entrance into the Delian League, ca. 478.
cratic regime. According to this interpretation, the Molpoi Decree would

This version of events is very difficult to reconcile with the best literary
evidence on the government of Miletos in the first half of the fifth century.
be anachronistic in that it exhibits oligarchic features that, due to some
To be sure, Herodotos says that at the start of the Ionian Revolt in 499,
sacred importance, outlived the oligarchy itself.? Such an interpretation
Anaxagoras, the tyrant at Miletos, laid aside his tyranny and declared requires the corroboration of other evidence if it is to be preferred to a
isonomia, but the resulting democracy-if, indeed, it was one-would
more simple and straightforward reading of the inscription, but this view
not have been able to establish itself as a Milesian tradition in the scant
entails a troubling scenario. It requires the transformation of the tradi-

five years of its existence, which were wholly consumed with fighting the
tional Milesian oligarchy into a democracy at or soon after the re-

Ionian Revolt.
Other support for the anachronistic reading of the Molpoi Decree

foundation of Miletos and its entrance into the Delian League, ca. 478.
might be drawn from another possible occasion for the early establish- This version of events is very difficult to reconcile with the best literary
ment of a democratic tradition at Miletos. The occasion is offered by the
evidence on the government of Miletos in the first half of the fifth century.
general Mardonios at the end of the Ionian Revolt, when, Herodotos tells
To be sure, Herodotos says that at the start of the Ionian Revolt in 499,
us (6.43.3), Mardonios deposed the tyrants and set up democracies in all
Anaxagoras, the tyrant at Miletos, laid aside his tyranny and declared
7. Gehrke 1980, 22-23.
isonomia, but the resulting democracy-if, indeed, it was one-would

not have been able to establish itself as a Milesian tradition in the scant
five years of its existence, which were wholly consumed with fighting the
Ionian Revolt.
Other support for the anachronistic reading of the Molpoi Decree
might be drawn from another possible occasion for the early establish-
ment of a democratic tradition at Miletos. The occasion is offered by the
general Mardonios at the end of the Ionian Revolt, when, Herodotos tells
us (6.43.3 ), Mardonios deposed the tyrants and set up democracies in all
7. Gehrke 1980, 22- 23.

the Ionian cities. To assume that Miletos is included among these cities
begs the very serious question of whether a polity of Miletos existed at
that time. In any case, the only clear inscriptional evidence on the form of
the later Milesian democracy features, as we have seen, Athenian officials
and tribes. This fact cannot be reconciled with a Persian establishment of
the Ionian cities. To assume that Miletos is included among these cities
begs the very serious question of whether a polity of Miletos existed at
democracy without further complicated and uncorroborated argumenta-
tion. Since the leges sacrae clearly testify to the fact that democracy at
Miletos was organized on the Athenian model, it is most reasonable to

that time. In any case, the only clear inscriptional evidence on the form of
assume that it was established under direct Athenian influence. Recogniz-
the later Milesian democracy features, as we have seen, Athenian officials
ing this conclusion, it is still possible to claim that the Molpoi Decree of
and tribes. This fact cannot be reconciled with a Persian establishment of
450/49 was a product of democracy by assuming that the Milesians
democracy without further complicated and uncorroborated argumenta-

tion. Since the leges sacrae clearly testify to the fact that democracy at
adopted this form of government after the Battle of Mykale as a kind of
vote of thanks and esteem to Athens for freeing lonia from the Persians.
But this scenario, unlike the first two, has not a shred of positive evidence
Miletos was organized on the Athenian model, it is most reasonable to
in its favor.
assume that it was established under direct Athenian influence. Recogniz-
None of these theories is compelling in its own right and in view of the ing this conclusion, it is still possible to claim that the Molpoi Decree of
evidence available to support it. In addition, all three possible explanations
450/49 was a product of democracy by assuming that the Milesians

for an anachronistic reading of the Molpoi Decree face a further, fatal
adopted this form of government after the Battle of Mykale as a kind of

difficulty in the lack of direct evidence for the existence of an oligarchy at
Miletos in the middle of the fifth century. In his description of the Constitu-
vote of thanks and esteem to Athens for freeing Ionia from the Persians.
tion of Athens, an anonymous writer called Pseudo-Xenophon, or "the
But this scenario, unlike the first two, has not a shred of positive evidence
Old Oligarch" (because of his bias), probably writing during the early in its favor.
years of the Peloponnesian War,8 tells us of Athenian involvement in
None of these theories is compelling in its own right and in view of the
Milesian affairs (Ps.-Xen. Ath. Pol. 3.11).
evidence available to support it. In addition, all three possible explanations

6mocaxLgL 6' xenelgcv aloe9lPOca -toig; fsl ctovg, ov cWvflve-
yxev avtoLg, &X' Avtog 6k[yov xo6vov 6 6 i og 6o&8vcoev 6 8v

for an anachronistic reading of the Molpoi Decree face a further, fatal
BotatoLg' to0to 3e 1e Mto'tay allovro 1 ongpeiif kt'tovg,
difficulty in the lack of direct evidence for the existence of an oligarchy at
vt6og o) yov Qovov arooYtUavieg 6v ictov xa-xolav'v to0ito Miletos in the middle of the fifth century. In his description of the Constitu-
e~ 6S ae)ovto Auxe8at Lov'ov; &v-r MecscnJlvWv, vtog 6)~yov
tion of Athens, an anonymous writer called Pseudo-Xenophon, or "the
xo6vov Auxez86atLo6vLot zxatato paevot MecscJlv'ovg Fmo)t-
Old Oligarch" (because of his bias), probably writing during the early
ovv 'AOflva[otlg.
years of the Peloponnesian War,s tells us of Athenian involvement in

[Whenever they [the Athenians] tried their hand at siding with the
best men [i.e., the oligarchs], it has not turned out well for them-
Milesian affairs (Ps.-Xen. Ath. Pol. 3.11).
selves. But rather within a short time the people in Boiotia were
8. See Mattingly 1997 for the differing views on the date of composition. Mattingly
onoacow; b' rmxcLQ'I')GUV ULQELG8m 'tOU£ ~EA'tlG'tOU£, ou GUV~VE

yxev au'tOL£, &XA' EV'tO£ 6Hyou zg6vou 6 bft(lO£ rbou/ceuaEv 6 rv
himself narrows the date to 414 B.C.E.
Bowno L£. 'toiho OE O'tE MLtcf]GLWV ELAOV'tO 'tOU£ ~Etc'tLG'tOU£,

EV'tO£ of.Lyou zg6vou i'moa'tav'tc; 'tOV bft~wv ((,a'tEXmjJav· wi!'to
b£ o'tE ELAov'to AaxEOm(lovlou; av'tL Mwa'l')vLwv, EV'to; 6/cLyou
xgovou AaxeOm(lOVLOL xmaa'tQE'\jJU(lEVOL Mwaf]vlou; EJtOAE(l-
ouv 'A8f]VULOL;.
[Whenever they [the Athenians] tried their hand at siding with the
best men [i.e., the oligarchs], it has not turned out well for them-
selves. But rather within a short time the people in Boiotia were
8. See Mattingly 1997 for the differing views on the date of composition. Mattingly
himself narrows the date to 414 B.C.E.
enslaved. And when they sided with the best men of the Milesians,
within a short time this class revolted and slaughtered the people.
And when they sided with the Lakedaimonians against the Mes-
senians, within a short time the Lakedaimonians subdued the
Messenians and made war on the Athenians.]
enslaved. And when they sided with the best men of the Milesians,
within a short time this class revolted and slaughtered the people.
Clearly an oligarchy ruled in Miletos at some time when it was under
Athenian influence, from 479 to 412. To maintain the anachronistic read-
ing of the Molpoi Decree, we must therefore assume two revolutions at

And when they sided with the Lakedaimonians against the Mes-
Miletos in the middle of the fifth century. In the first, the early Milesian
senians, within a short time the Lakedaimonians subdued the
democracy would have been discarded in favor of an oligarchy that was
Messenians and made war on the Athenians.]
backed by the Athenians. Later, when this oligarchy revolted, it would
have been replaced by a democracy, once more under the Athenian aegis.
This scenario, based on very little solid evidence, has become over-
Clearly an oligarchy ruled in Miletos at some time when it was under
complicated. The simpler and better interpretation accepts the Molpoi
Athenian influence, from 4 79 to 412. To maintain the anachronistic read-
Decree as issued by a religious college during the rule of the ancestral ing of the Molpoi Decree, we must therefore assume two revolutions at
government. This evidence implies that the oligarchy held power in
Miletos in the middle of the fifth century. In the first, the early Milesian
Miletos from the refoundation in 479 or shortly thereafter until at least
democracy would have been discarded in favor of an oligarchy that was

450/49, the year of the Molpoi Decree.
The evidence that we have examined so far reveals that the period
backed by the Athenians. Later, when this oligarchy revolted, it would
from 445 to 437/6 is the most likely period for the introduction of
have been replaced by a democracy, once more under the Athenian aegis.
Athenian-style democracy in Miletos. The passage of the Old Oligarch This scenario, based on very little solid evidence, has become over-
already quoted offers clues about the circumstances of that change of
complicated. The simpler and better interpretation accepts the Molpoi
government in terms of the details of Athenian intervention on behalf of
Decree as issued by a religious college during the rule of the ancestral

oligarchy. The Old Oligarch mentions two areas of intervention besides
Miletos: Boiotia and Lakedaimonia. According to the chronology estab-

government. This evidence implies that the oligarchy held power in
lished by Buck,9 the Athenians gained control of Boiotia with the Battle
Miletos from the refoundation in 4 79 or shortly thereafter until at least
of Oinophyta in 458 B.C.E. (Thuc. 1.108.2-3) and maintained it for 450/49, the year of the Mol poi Decree.
about twelve years, until they were defeated by Boiotian exiles at the
The evidence that we have examined so far reveals that the period
Battle of Koroneia in 446 (Thuc. 1.113.2-4). During this period of
from 445 to 437/6 is the most likely period for the introduction of
control, the Athenians supported the pro-Athenian contingent in each
Boiotian state, which was sometimes, but not always, an oligarchic party.
Athenian-style democracy in Miletos. The passage of the Old Oligarch
The second reference made by the Old Oligarch is better known. The
already quoted offers clues about the circumstances of that change of
Messenian revolt occurred in 464 B.C.E. after an earthquake in the
government in terms of the details of Athenian intervention on behalf of
Peloponnesos. Kimon led an Athenian contingent in aid of the Spartans,
oligarchy. The Old Oligarch mentions two areas of intervention besides
but he was dismissed, and having been thus insulted, the Athenians broke
Miletos: Boiotia and Lakedaimonia. According to the chronology estab-

lished by Buck, 9 the Athenians gained control of Boiotia with the Battle
off their alliance with the Spartans and the Hellenic League. Four or ten
9. Buck 1970; 1978, 143-54.
of Oinophyta in 458 B.C.E. (Thuc. 1.108.2-3) and maintained it for

about twelve years, until they were defeated by Boiotian exiles at the
Battle of Koroneia in 446 (Thuc. 1.113.2-4 ). During this period of
control, the Athenians supported the pro-Athenian contingent in each
Boiotian state, which was sometimes, but not always, an oligarchic party.
The second reference made by the Old Oligarch is better known. The
Messenian revolt occurred in 464 B.C.E. after an earthquake in the
Peloponnesos. Kimon led an Athenian contingent in aid of the Spartans,
but he was dismissed, and having been thus insulted, the Athenians broke
off their alliance with the Spartans and the Hellenic League. Four or ten
9. Buck 1970; 1978, 143- 54.

years later,10 the Spartans negotiated an end to the revolt (Thuc. 1.101-
103.1), and what is called the First Peloponnesian War between the Athe-
nian and Peloponnesian forces soon began in earnest (Thuc. 1.105ff.).

In sum, the Athenian interventions in Boiotia and Lakedaimonia both
occurred around the middle of the century, between 464 and 447. Thus, it
years later, 10 the Spartans negotiated an end to the revolt (Thuc. 1.101-
103.1), and what is called the First Peloponnesian War between the Athe-
is likely that the intervention at Miletos also occurred around the middle
of the fifth century. In all three examples, the extent of time between the
Athenian favor and its ugly consequences was described as evtog 6 yoU
nian and Peloponnesian forces soon began in earnest (Thuc. 1.105ff.).
goovov [within a short time]. In Boiotia and Lakedaimonia, the interven-
In sum, the Athenian interventions in Boiotia and Lakedaimonia both
tion lasted twelve years or less. Presumably the interval of time at Miletos
occurred around the middle of the century, between 464 and 44 7. Thus, it
was in the same range as the other two examples, probably twelve or
is likely that the intervention at Miletos also occurred around the middle
of the fifth century. In all three examples, the extent of time between the
fewer years and almost certainly not a great deal longer.11 In addition,
that the Athenians backed existing oligarchies where they found them in
both Boiotia and Lakedaimonia is significant evidence telling against the

Athenian favor and its ugly consequences was described as EvtO£ OP.L"(O'U
view that the Molpoi Decree was the product of a democratic govern-
;wovov [within a short time]. In Boiotia and Lakedaimonia, the interven-
ment. Based on the evidence of these parallel examples, the Athenians tion lasted twelve years or less. Presumably the interval of time at Miletos
probably intruded into Milesian affairs somewhere near the middle of the
was in the same range as the other two examples, probably twelve or
fifth century in support of an existing oligarchy.
fewer years and almost certainly not a great deal longer.ll In addition,
In the long run, Athenian intervention was not able to stabilize the
traditional government and keep it loyal to Athenian imperial designs in

that the Athenians backed existing oligarchies where they found them in
the face of the forces of civil discord. Not only does the Old Oligarch tell
both Boiotia and Lakedaimonia is significant evidence telling against the
10. The manuscript reading is a very difficult problem: see Gomme 1945, 1:302-3 (ad view that the Molpoi Decree was the product of a democratic govern-
1.103.1), 401-11.
ment. Based on the evidence of these parallel examples, the Athenians
11. Pierart (1969, 385-87) uses this reasoning-mistakenly, I believe-to support the
probably intruded into Milesian affairs somewhere near the middle of the
idea that a democracy was established when the city was refounded. His notion is that since
the Molpoi Decree shows an oligarchy in 450/49 and since the time between the re-
fifth century in support of an existing oligarchy.
foundation of the city and this date was much too long (as much as twenty-nine years) to be
In the long run, Athenian intervention was not able to stabilize the
described by the Old Oligarch as "a short time," the refounded city must have been traditional government and keep it loyal to Athenian imperial designs in
governed by a democracy that was later converted into an Athenian-backed oligarchy and
the face of the forces of civil discord. Not only does the Old Oligarch tell
then back into a pro-Athenian democracy. However, Pi&rart is forgetting that in both
Boiotia and Lakedaimonia, the Athenians supported oligarchies that existed long before the
10. The manuscript reading is a very difficult problem: see Gomme 1945, 1:302-3 (ad
Athenian intervention. The Oligarch's words "within a short time" describe not the extent
1.103.1), 401-11.
of the oligarchic government but the extent of the active Athenian support of that govern-
11. Pierart (1969, 385-87) uses this reasoning-mistakenly, I believe-to support the
ment, presumably in the face of political opposition. With respect to Boiotia, Buck (1970,
idea that a democracy was established when the city was refounded. His notion is that since
esp. 222) argues that the oligarchies there were not set up by the Athenians but were
the Molpoi Decree shows an oligarchy in 450/49 and since the time between the re-
preexisting governments utilized by them. In the case of Lakedaimonia, there is no doubt foundation of the city and this date was much too long (as much as twenty-nine years) to be
described by the Old Oligarch as "a short time," the refounded city must have been
that Athens was supporting the traditional oligarchic government of Sparta in maintaining
and preserving the status quo ante bellum. The circumstances of these two other examples
governed by a democracy that was later converted into an Athenian-backed oligarchy and
support the likelihood that the oligarchy existed at Miletos before the active Athenian
then back into a pro-Athenian democracy. However, Pierart is forgetting that in both
intervention mentioned by the Old Oligarch. Moreover, Pierart's theory of an original
Boiotia and Lakedaimonia, the Athenians supported oligarchies that existed long before the
Athenian intervention. The Oligarch's words "within a short time" describe not the extent
democracy leads to unnecessary complications because it requires two discrete revolutions
of the oligarchic government but the extent of the active Athenian support of that govern-
in the Milesian government (one from democracy to oligarchy and another, after the revolt
ment, presumably in the face of political opposition. With respect to Boiotia, Buck (1970,
mentioned by the Old Oligarch, back to democracy).
esp. 222) argues that the oligarchies there were not set up by the Athenians but were
preexisting governments utilized by them. In the case of Lakedaimonia, there is no doubt
that Athens was supporting the traditional oligarchic government of Sparta in maintaining
and preserving the status quo ante bellum. The circumstances of these two other examples
support the likelihood that the oligarchy existed at Miletos before the active Athenian
intervention mentioned by the Old Oligarch. Moreover, Pierart 's theory of an original
democracy leads to unnecessary complications because it requires two discrete revolutions

in the Milesian government (one from democracy to oligarchy and another, after the revolt
mentioned by the Old Oligarch, back to democracy).
us that Miletos suffered from civil stasis during the time of Athenian
intervention, but many scholars find independent evidence for that stasis
in the Athenian tribute lists. These engraved stelae from Athens record
the one-sixtieth of each ally's tribute payment that is given as an offering
to the goddess Athena beginning in 454/3, when the treasury was moved
us that Miletos suffered from civil stasis during the time of Athenian
intervention, but many scholars find independent evidence for that stasis
from Delos to Athens. In the very first year, the entry for Miletos reads
(ATL 1.342 #1, column vi, lines 19-22):
MLXeaoO
in the Athenian tribute lists. These engraved stelae from Athens record
[]xg Aigo: HHH
the one-sixtieth of each ally's tribute payment that is given as an offering
[Mi]X oioi
to the goddess Athena beginning in 454/3, when the treasury was moved
[ Ã— T]eixi6ooe[g: . ..]
from Delos to Athens. In the very first year, the entry for Miletos reads
[The Milesians
(ATL 1.342 #1, column vi, lines 19-22):

from Leros: 300 drachmas
The Milesians
from Teichioussa: . ..]

MLAEGLOL
The Milesians from Leros are paying three talents of tribute,12 while the
[ E]X; AfQo: HHH
amount from the Milesians at Teichioussa is lost. Milesians are com-
[ML]Hmm
pletely missing from the next list but reappear without a tribute amount
[EX. T] ELXLO<J<JE[£: ..• ]

in 452/1 (#3.ii.28) and paying ten talents of tribute in 450/49 (#5.v.18).
From the strange fact that Milesians are listed as paying tribute from
[The Milesians
other places but not from Miletos, the conclusion is usually drawn that
from Leros: 300 drachmas

Miletos was riven by stasis and revolt in 454/3. The argument is that the
government in the city withheld its payment, while loyalists who had fled
The Milesians
to Leros and Teichioussa paid their tribute, and that Athens recovered
from Teichioussa: ... ]
Miletos by the time of its tribute payment in 452/1.13
This interpretation was complicated by the discovery of an additional The Milesians from Leros are paying three talents of tribute, 12 while the
fragment of the first tribute list, published by Meritt in 1972, on which
amount from the Milesians at Teichioussa is lost. Milesians are com-

Miletos does occur.14 Column iii, lines 18-20, now reads:
pletely missing from the next list but reappear without a tribute amount
Neomro[.........]
M LXF[ .......... ]
in 452/1 (#3.ii.28) and paying ten talents of tribute in 450/49 (#5.v.18).
'Ax.[ ......]L: HHH
From the strange fact that Milesians are listed as paying tribute from
12. In Athenian coinage, there are six thousand drachmas in a talent. Since the three other places but not from Miletos, the conclusion is usually drawn that
hundred drachmas recorded here represent one-sixtieth of the total tribute payment, the
Miletos was riven by stasis and revolt in 454/3. The argument is that the
total (60 X 300) is eighteen thousand drachmas, or three talents.
government in the city withheld its payment, while loyalists who had fled
13. Dunham 1915, 132-38; Earp 1954; Meiggs 1972, 562-63.
14. Meritt 1972.

to Leros and Teichioussa paid their tribute, and that Athens recovered
Miletos by the time of its tribute payment in 452/1.13
This interpretation was complicated by the discovery of an additional

fragment of the first tribute list, published by Meritt in 1972, on which
Miletos does occur. 14 Column iii, lines 18-20, now reads:
Nco:no[.........]
MLA.£[ ..........]
'Ax.Q[ ...... ]L: HHH
12. In Athenian coinage, there are six thousand drachmas in a talent. Since the three
hundred drachmas recorded here represent one-sixtieth of the total tribute payment, the
total (60 X 300) is eighteen thousand drachmas, or three talents.

13. Dunham 1915, 132-38; Earp 1954; Meiggs 1972,562-63.
14. Meritt 1972.
[Neopo[... ]
Mile[ ... ]
Akr[...]: 300 drachmas]

The restoration of this fragment that Meritt offers in the editio princeps is
designed to preserve the theory of a divided polity and revolt at Miletos in
!Neopof ... 1
Mile[ ... ]
454/3.
Neomro[ituLat x vv]
MtiX[to v Aevx6t]
Akr[ ... ]: 300 drachmas]
'Ax[ot8e'o]t: HHH
[The Neopo[litai from]

The restoration of this fragment that Meritt offers in the editio princeps is
Mile[tus on Leukos]
designed to preserve the theory of a divided polity and revolt at Miletos in

454/3.
Pro[montor]y: 300 drachmas]
According to Meritt, the Neopolitai on Leukos Promontory would be
another group of Milesian loyalists who had fled from Miletos. But this
reasoning is circular: the theory of the revolt is based on the absence of

Ncono[!,i:Tm EX vv)
Miletos from the first tribute list, while the restoration keeping Miletos MLAE[TO EV AE'UXOL]
off that list is based on the presupposition of a revolt. Meritt's restoration
'AttQ[OTEQLO)L: HHH
is gratuitous. It may also be an impossible restoration of the stone, since
according to another scholar, there were no traces of his long restoration [The Neopo[litai from]
of line 19 evident where they would be expected, on the adjacent frag-
Mile[tus on Leukos]
ment of stone, above the letters on line 20.15 Therefore, the safest way to
Pro[montor]y: 300 drachmas]

understand this fragment is to read it as a straightforward entry register-
ing a payment of tribute by the Milesians.
The three separate listings for the Milesians in 454/3 can be inter-
According to Meritt, the Neopolitai on Leukos Promontory would be
preted in two ways. Perhaps these listings merely reflect a method of another group of Milesian loyalists who had fled from Miletos. But this
accounting resumed in the years after 427 B.C.E. In that year, the Mile-
reasoning is circular: the theory of the revolt is based on the absence of
sians, Leros, and Teichioussa are again listed individually (#28, lines 15-
Miletos from the first tribute list, while the restoration keeping Miletos
17), and between the reassessment of 425 and the payment of 416/5, they
are named separately but join in a single tribute payment.16 However, it is

off that list is based on the presupposition of a revolt. Meritt's restoration
possible that the separate listings may indeed be an indication of civil
is gratuitous. It may also be an impossible restoration of the stone, since
strife among the Milesians. Without further evidence, there can be no according to another scholar, there were no traces of his long restoration
15. This discussion is problematic, because it is based on differing readings of the stone,
of line 19 evident where they would be expected, on the adjacent frag-
and because the adjacent fragment, stone #2 of the Athenian tribute lists, is now lost. See
ment of stone, above the letters on line 20. 15 Therefore, the safest way to
Pi&rart 1974.
16. Pi&rart 1974, 167; IG 13 71.1.121-22; ATL 1 #37, column i, lines 88-90, #39,
understand this fragment is to read it as a straightforward entry register-
column i, lines 36-38.
ing a payment of tribute by the Milesians.
The three separate listings for the Milesians in 454/3 can be inter-
preted in two ways. Perhaps these listings merely reflect a method of

accounting resumed in the years after 427 B.C.E. In that year, the Mile-
sians, Leros, and Teichioussa are again listed individually (#28, lines 15-
17), and between the reassessment of 425 and the payment of 416/5, they
are named separately hut join in a single tribute payment. 16 However, it is
possible that the separate listings may indeed be an indication of civil
strife among the Milesians. Without further evidence, there can be no
15. This discussion is problematic, because it is based on differing readings of the stone,
and because the adjacent fragment, stone #2 of the Athenian tribute lists, is now lost. See
Pierart 1974.
16. Pierart 1974, 167; IG 1' 71.1.121-22; ATL 1 #37, column i, lines 88-90, #39,
column i, lines 36-38.
clear choice between the possibilities and therefore no definitive interpre-
tation. The listings neither prove nor disprove civil unrest and revolt in
454/3, so we must look elsewhere for the events related by the Old
Oligarch.
The recovery of the city after a revolt is partially attested in IG 13 21, a
clear choice between the possibilities and therefore no definitive interpre-

tation. The listings neither prove nor disprove civil unrest and revolt in
decree found in Athens that records regulations for Miletos. A text of this
decree has been reconstructed, but the extremely fragmentary nature of
the inscription makes the interpretation of the material difficult.17 The

454/3, so we must look elsewhere for the events related by the Old
decree begins (lines 1-3):
Oligarch.
[ML])eoi[oLg xcvy]yo[aPaL"1 6oxoetv] ti flo) i zx[L -6i 6 oi'...
The recovery of the city after a revolt is partially attested in JG P 21, a
ca. 6 ... Lg O]UTav[EvE,... ca. 6 ... FyO( cqiti v8 ,..
decree found in Athens that records regulations for Miletos. A text of this
decree has been reconstructed, but the extremely fragmentary nature of
ca. 4.. ]oQ rteo6hLe, [E 0vvog EQ "E8t6e ho X]ovvyya[PF;
Xovv7Y0oaPoav"... ].
[[Agreement for the Mi]lesi[ans.| Resolved] by the Council an[d

the inscription makes the interpretation of the material difficult. 17 The
the people, -8- held the pr]ytan[y, -6?- was secre tary, -4?-]or
decree begins (lines 1-3):
presided, [Euthynos was archon. The s]yngra[pheis drew up the
[ML]f,w~[ OL£ xawy )'yg[ a¢al" I £6oxaev] tEL f3oA.£L xa[t t6L be~Lm· ...
motion... ].]
ca. 6 . . . t~ Eng]utav[ E1JE, . . . ca. 6 . . . E'fQUIJ-ftcnleue, ..

The dating of the decree presents the first major problem. Normally
Attic decrees are dated by the name of the eponymous archon. In this pre-
script, the name of the archon Euthynos is restored in line 3 by the editors
ca. 4 .. Jog Emotate, [Ev8uvo~ ~gxe· taoe hoL x]auvyyga[ ¢£~
of IG 13, based on the occurrence of that name twice in the decree itself, at xauv8yga¢aav· ... ].
lines 61 and 86, but the date of the decree is still disputed because
Euthynos's archon year is not certain. Diodoros names the archons of
450/49, 431/0, and 426/5 Euthydemos (12.3.1, 12.38.1, 12.58.1), but we

[[Agreement for the Millesi[ans.l Resolvedl by the Council an[d
have inscriptional evidence that he was mistaken once: the archon for
the people, -8- held the pr]ytan[y, -6?- was secreltary, -4?-]or
426/5 was actually Euthynos.18 Most scholars, favoring an early date
presided, [Euthynos was archon. The s]yngra[pheis drew up the
based on internal evidence, such as letterforms, have assumed that
motion ... ].]

Diodoros made the same mistake twice, and, thus, the Athenian Regula-
tions for Miletos are customarily dated to 450/49 B.C.E.19 Following this
17. A translation of the decree without many of the restorations proposed in IG can be
The dating of the decree presents the first major problem. Normally
found in Fornara 1983b, 92-94 #92. The most thorough commentaries are Oliver 1935;
Attic decrees are dated by the name of the eponymous archon. In this pre-
Bradeen and McGregor 1973; Cataldi 1981. See also Balcer 1984a.
script, the name of the archon Euthynos is restored in line 3 by the editors
18. IG 13 369.5. See also Philochoros FGH 328 F 128. Concerning the archon of the
of IG 13 , based on the occurrence of that name twice in the decree itself, at

year 431/0, see Develin 1989, ad 431/0.
19. Beginning with Kirchhoff in IG 1 Suppl. (1891) 22a. See also Oliver 1935, 182;
lines 61 and 86, but the date of the decree is still disputed because
Meritt and Wade-Gery 1957, 183; Meritt and Wade-Gery 1963, 100-102; Meiggs 1943,
Euthynos's archon year is not certain. Diodoros names the archons of
450/49,43110, and 426/5 Euthydemos (12.3.1, 12.38.1, 12.58.1), but we
have inscriptional evidence that he was mistaken once: the archon for
426/5 was actually Euthynos. 18 Most scholars, favoring an early date
based on internal evidence, such as letterforms, have assumed that
Diodoros made the same mistake twice, and, thus, the Athenian Regula-
tions for Miletos are customarily dated to 450/49 B.C.E. 19 Following this
17. A translation of the decree without many of the restorations proposed in IG can be
found in Fornara 1983b, 92-94 #92. The most thorough commentaries are Oliver 1935;
Bradeen and McGregor 1973; Cataldi 1981. See also Balcer 1984a.
18. IG 11 369.5. See also Philochoros FGH 328 F 128. Concerning the archon of the
year 431/0, see Develin 1989, ad 43110.

19. Beginning with Kirchhoff in IG 1 Suppl. (1891) 22a. See also Oliver 1935, 182;
Merirr and Wade-Gery 1957, 183; Meritt and Wade-Gery 1963, 100-102; Meiggs 1943,
reasoning, the decree fits nicely into the temporal context we have been
discussing. However, it is not sound reasoning to replace the name of the
archon in the prescript of a decree based on references to that archonship

in unknown contexts in the body of the decree.20 It is possible that the
references are to actions initiated in the same year in which the Athenian
reasoning, the decree fits nicely into the temporal context we have been
discussing. However, it is not sound reasoning to replace the name of the
Regulations for Miletos were passed, but it may be safer to assume only
that the regulations were passed subsequent to the archonship named. On
the basis of this argument, 450/49 will serve as the terminus post quem
archon in the prescript of a decree based on references to that archonship
for the Athenian Regulations for Miletos.
in unknown contexts in the body of the decree.20 It is possible that the
The content of the decree contains a number of provisions for Athe-
references are to actions initiated in the same year in which the Athenian
nian intervention in Miletos. After a very brief mention of rites owed to
Regulations for Miletos were passed, but it may he safer to assume only
that the regulations were passed subsequent to the archonship named. On
the gods ([v]o 6geva tv o[i; geo g], line 4), provision is made for the
appointment of five Athenian archons to act as a permanent board of
political residents at Miletos, as opposed to a temporary board of over-

the basis of this argument, 450/49 will serve as the terminus post quem
seers (episkopoi). Lines 8-23 are badly damaged, but key words and
for the Athenian Regulations for Miletos.
phrases survive: "triremes" or "trierarchs" [to ie -] (10), "troopships" The content of the decree contains a number of provisions for Athe-
[.ov o-rQu-ro[-i]'L[ov]] (10), "to furnish arms" [m)vca Q cL9J~XcOuL] (11),
nian intervention in Miletos. After a very brief mention of rites owed to

"to render service" [ivmJ8etv] (12), "four obols" [[th]Ttaag0 6f3o[)o]g]
the gods ([v]o~u~6~L£Va T.O[i:; 8col:;], line 4), provision is made for the
(13), "soldiers" [o-rQ[a]r6[eYor] (15), and "Athens" ['AO[v]eo[] (20).
This section is sometimes interpreted to be arranging for Milesian mili-

appointment of five Athenian archons to act as a permanent board of
tary aid to Athens,21 based on the restorations of'A0 vace at lines 15, 16,
political residents at Miletos, as opposed to a temporary board of over-
and 19. Many scholars prefer to view these lines in reference to the seers (episkopoi). Lines 8-23 are badly damaged, but key words and
transport and maintenance of the board of archons and a garrison at
phrases survive: "triremes" or "trierarchs" [TQLEQ-] (10), "troopships"
Miletos. Either interpretation is possible, because the context is com-
[~ov awauo[TECi[ov]] (10), "to furnish arms" [onl.a rragExw8m] (11 ),

"to render service" [{•Jt£Q£TEV] (12), "four obols" [(TE]TTaga; o~o[A.o]c:;]
pletely lost.22
The remainder of the decree is preserved in half lines or less. Lines 24-
28 are difficult to interpret at all,23 but lines 28-51 without doubt estab-
(13), "soldiers" [OTQ[a]uo[TEmj (15), and "Athens" l'~~E[v]w[Lj (20).
lish a procedure for two different kinds of trials of Milesians at Athens, This section is som~times interpreted to be arranging for Milesian mili-
25; Meiggs 1963, 24-25; Meiggs 1966, 95 n. 1; Barron 1962; Bradeen and McGregor
tary aid to Athens, 21 based on the restorations off\8Eva~£ at lines 15, 16,
1973, 38. Mattingly (1961, 1981; aided by Lawton 1992; 1995, 19-21) attempts to redate
and 19. Many scholars prefer to view these lines in reference to the
this decree to 426/5, but his arguments are unconvincing. The best responses to him are
transport and maintenance of the board of archons and a garrison at

Meiggs 1963, 24-25; Meritt and Wade-Gery 1963, 100-102; and esp. Bradeen and Mc-
Gregor 1973, 65-70.

Miletos. Either interpretation is possible, because the context is com-
20. Fornara 1971; cf. Cataldi 1981, 177; Robertson 1987, 384-86.
pletely lost.22
21. Oliver 1935, 190-91; Mattingly 1961, 176; Meritt and Wade-Gery 1963, 101.
The remainder of the decree is preserved in half lines or less. Lines 24-
22. Bradeen and McGregor 1973, 40-41; Cataldi 1981, 180-83.
28 are difficult to interpret at all,23 but lines 28-51 without doubt estab-
23. The range of opinion is broad. Oliver (1935) assumes that the clauses limit the anti-
lish a procedure for two different kinds of trials of Milesians at Athens,

Athenian activity by Miletos's representative in the allied assembly. Bradeen and McGregor
25; Meiggs 1963, 24-25; Meiggs 1966, 95 n. 1; Barron 1962; Bradeen and McGregor
(1973) think that they might apply to Milesian supporters of a previous revolt who are now
subject to trial or, more probably, that they look to the future. Cataldi (1981) thinks they
1973,38. Mattingly (1961, 1981 ; aided by Lawton 1992; 1995, 19-21) attempts to redate
probably apply to the arrangements made in the preceding lines.
this decree to 42615, bur his arguments are unconvincing. The best responses to him are
Meiggs 1963, 24-25; M eritt and Wade-Gery 1963, 100-102; and esp. Bradeen and Mc-
Gregor 1973, 65-70.
20. Fornara 1971; cf. Cataldi 1981, 177; Robertson 1987,384-86.
21. Oliver 1935, 190-91; Mattingly 1961, 176; Meritt and Wadc-Gcry 1963, 101.
23. The range of opinion is broad. Oliver (1935) assnmes that the clauses limit the anti-
Athenian activity by Miletos's representative in the allied assembly. Bradeen and McGregor
(1973) think that they might apply to Milesian supporters of a previous revolt who are now
subject to trial or, more probably, that they look to the fururc. Cataldi (1981) thinks they
probably apply to the arrangements made in the preceding lines.
although the subject matter of the proceedings is unclear.24 This section is
followed by the provision for restitution and repayment of lost property
(lines 51-63).25 Here the archonship of Euthynos is first attested (line

61). Lines 64-72 refer to an oath, apparently sworn by the Milesians and
the Athenians, although its content is unknown.26 In the middle of this
although the subject matter of the proceedings is unclear. 24 This section is

followed by the provision for restitution and repayment of lost property
section is mention of the prytaneis of the Milesians (line 65). Lines 74-77
provide penalties for transgressions as well as the referral of certain im-
portant cases to Athens. Lines 77-86 include provisions for a number of

(lines 51-63). 25 Here the archonship of Euthynos is first attested (line
minor points, probably including some of the powers of the five
61). Lines 64-72 refer to an oath, apparently sworn by the Milesians and
archons.27 Line 85 mentions a garrison, while line 86 contains the other
the Athenians, although its content is unknown. 26 In the middle of this
preserved mention of the archonship of Euthynos.
section is mention of the prytaneis of the Milesians (line 65). Lines 74-77
The provisions made by the Athenian Regulations for Miletos-a
provide penalties for transgressions as well as the referral of certain im-

board of five Athenian archons at Miletos, significant Athenian inter-
vention in Milesian legal proceedings, a restoration of property, oaths, a

portant cases to Athens. Lines 77-86 include provisions for a number of
garrison, and perhaps a Milesian military obligation to Athens-are
minor points, probably including some of the powers of the five
typical of the restrictions that the Athenians imposed on the recovery of archons.27 Line 85 mentions a garrison, while line 86 contains the other
a rebellious ally, as demonstrated by a handful of similar decrees that
preserved mention of the archonship of Euthynos.

have been found. When Euboia was recovered in 446/5 after its revolt,
The provisions made by the Athenian Regulations for Miletos-a

the Athenian Regulations for Chalkis (IG 13 40)28 featured mutual oaths
between the Athenians and the Chalkidians, with the Athenians swear-
board of five Athenian archons at Miletos, significant Athenian inter-
ing to treat Chalkis according to the laws and the Chalkidians swearing
vention in Milesian legal proceedings, a restoration of property, oaths, a
loyalty, promising to pay their tribute, and promising to defend the garrison, and perhaps a Milesian military obligation to Athens-are
Athenian people. In addition, the decree discusses hostages, the taxpay-
typical of the restrictions that the Athenians imposed on the recovery of
ing status of non-Athenian resident aliens at Chalkis, and an appeal to
a rebellious ally, as demonstrated by a handful of similar decrees that

24. It is generally agreed that the latter cases involve private or commercial matters. The
former trials may pertain to tribute (Oliver 1935, 191-95; Meiggs 1943, 25), treason
have been found. When Euhoia was recovered in 446/5 after its revolt,
(Bradeen and McGregor 1973, 42-52), or other public crimes (Cataldi 1981, 184-200).
the Athenian Regulations for Chalkis (IG 13 40) 2 8 featured mutual oaths
25. Oliver 1935, 196-98; Bradeen and McGregor 1973, 52-57, 64; Cataldi 1981, 166, between the Athenians and the Chalkidians, with the Athenians swear-
200-209. According to the restorations made by Bradeen and McGregor and by Cataldi, a
ing to treat Chalkis according to the laws and the Chalkidians swearing
group of people previously exiled from Miletos were taxed illegally before they left the city,
loyalty, promising to pay their tribute, and promising to defend the

and their property was illegally confiscated afterward. Certain other Athenian decrees
Athenian people. In addition, the decree discusses hostages, the taxpay-

brought about their return. Now this decree is prohibiting such confiscations in the future
and is providing for the return of the money and property that was taken from them by
ing status of non-Athenian resident aliens at Chalkis, and an appeal to
the other party in the stasis. This restoration of wealth is being carried out "according to the
decrees made when Euthynos was archon." Thus, according to these interpretations, this
decree contains evidence for stasis, both immediately previous to this decree and also
24. lt is generally agreed that the latter cases involve private or commercial matters. The
former trials may pertain to tribute (Oliver 1935, 191-95; Meiggs 1943, 25), treason
previous to the decrees passed in the archonship of Euthynos.
(Bradeen and McGregor 1973, 42-52), or other public crimes (Cataldi 1981, 184-200).
26. Oliver 1935, 189; Bradeen and McGregor 1973, 57-59; Cataldi 1981, 209-10.
25. Oliver 1935, 196-98; Bradeen and McGregor 1973,52-57, 64; Cataldi 1981, 166,
200-209. According to the restorations made by Bradeen and McGregor and by Cataldi, a
28. ATL 1 #D17.70-72= Tod 1946, # 42= Meiggs and Lewis 1988, #52 = Fornara
group of people previously exiled from Miletos were taxed illegally before they left the city,
1983b, #102. See also Balcer 1978.
and their property was illegally confiscated afterward. Certain other Athenian decrees
brought a bout their return. Now this decree is prohibiting such confiscations in the future
and is providing for the return of the money and property that was taken from them by
the other party in the stasis. This restoration of wealth is being carried out "according to the
decrees made when Euthynos was archon." Thus, according to these interpretations, this
decree contains evidence for stasis, both immediately previous to this decree and also
previous to the decrees passed in the archonship of Euthynos.
26. Oliver 1935, 189; Bradeen and McGregor 1973, 57-59; Cataldi 1981,209-10.
27. Bradeen and McGregor 1973, 59-62; Cataldi 19tH, 210-13.
28. ATL 1 #D17.70-72 = Tod 1946, # 42 = Mciggs and Lewis 1988, #52 = Fornara
1983b, #102. See also Balcer 1978.
Athens of court cases involving capital crimes. The contemporary Athe-
nian Regulations for Eretria (ca. 446/5, IG 13 39) also features loyalty
oaths. The Athenian treaty with Kolophon (ca. 447/6, IG 13 37) contains
another oath and a commission of five men, though not specifically
called archons. Finally, the Athenian Regulations for Erythrai (ca. 453/2,
Athens of court cases involving capital crimes. The contemporary Athe-

nian Regulations for Eretria (ca. 446/5, IG P 39) also features loyalty
IG 13 14), which establishes the democratic government in that city,
contains sacrificial obligations, a garrison commander and a garrison,
and loyalty oaths.

oaths. The Athenian treaty with Kolophon (ca. 447/6, IG 13 37) contains
Thus, we have evidence for Athens's recovery of Miletos after a revolt,
another oath and a commission of five men, though not specifically
and it would seem reasonable to associate this decree with the episode
called archons. Finally, the Athenian Regulations for Erythrai (ca. 453/2,
given by the Old Oligarch. Accordingly, most scholars understand this
IG P 14), which establishes the democratic government in that city,

contains sacrificial obligations, a garrison commander and a garrison,
decree as an Athenian operation stabilizing the oligarchy in the face of
civil dissension, an action corresponding to the pro-oligarchic stance de-
picted by the Old Oligarch.29 However, this interpretation is based on the

and loyalty oaths.
supposition that the decree dates to the archonship of Euthynos in 450/
Thus, we have evidence for Athens's recovery of Miletos after a revolt,
49, which we have seen is a questionable assumption. and it would seem reasonable to associate this decree with the episode
One argument is that the Athenians are here dealing with an oligarchy
given by the Old Oligarch. Accordingly, most scholars understand this

because there is no surviving mention of a democratic Council (Boule).30
decree as an Athenian operation stabilizing the oligarchy in the face of

Due to the extremely fragmentary nature of the inscription, this argument
ex silentio is not very strong: the prytaneis could be acting on behalf of the
civil dissension, an action corresponding to the pro-oligarchic stance de-
Council, or in such a fragmentary decree, the word boule could easily
picted by the Old Oligarch.29 However, this interpretation is based on the
have fallen in one of the numerous lacunae. In fact, this inscription only supposition that the decree dates to the archonship of Euthynos in 450/
preserves positive evidence about the prevailing institutions of govern-
49, which we have seen is a questionable assumption.
ment in Miletos at line 65, where mention is made of hoi m9tJLveg hoi
One argument is that the Athenians are here dealing with an oligarchy
MLXeo[ov]. Some scholars incorporate these prytanies into the tradi-
tional interpretation of this inscription by maintaining that this board

because there is no surviving mention of a democratic Council (Boule).30
may have represented some descendant of the Archaic Milesian prytany.31
Due to the extremely fragmentary nature of the inscription, this argument
However, it is likely that the eponymous prytany was stripped of its ex silentio is not very strong: the prytaneis could be acting on behalf of the
power ca. 540 and replaced with an eponymous aisymnetes (see chap. 3).
Council, or in such a fragmentary decree, the word boule could easily
If the office of prytany survived through tyranny and oligarchy, it will
have fallen in one of the numerous lacunae. In fact, this inscription only
have lost much of its significance, whereas here the prytanies are playing
preserves positive evidence about the prevailing institutions of govern-

an important role in the relationship between the Athenians and the
Milesians, as is evidenced by their mention in the middle of the provisions

ment in Miletos at line 65, where mention is made of hm JtQUtavEr; hm
for the swearing of mutual oaths between Athens and Miletos. In con- MLI-r<J[lov]. Some scholars incorporate these prytanies into the tradi-
trast, we have already seen Athenian-style prytanies at Miletos in alex
tional interpretation of this inscription by maintaining that this board
29. Notably Bradeen and McGregor 1973; Meiggs 1972.
may have represented some descendant of the Archaic Milesian prytany. 31

30. Meiggs 1972, 563.
However, it is likely that the eponymous prytany was stripped of its

31. Ehrhardt 1983, 193-203, 248; Meiggs 1943, 27; Cataldi 1981, 178; Robertson
1987, 386-87.
power ca. 540 and replaced with an eponymous aisymnetes (see chap. 3).
If the office of prytany survived through tyranny and oligarchy, it will
have lost much of its significance, whereas here the prytanies are playing
an important role in the relationship between the Athenians and the
Milesians, as is evidenced by their mention in the middle of the provisions
for the swearing of mutual oaths between Athens and Miletos. In con-
trast, we have already seen Athenian-style prytanies at Miletos in a lex
29. Notably Bradeen and McGregor 1973; Meiggs 1972.

30. Meiggs 1972, 563.

31. Ebrbardt 1983, 193- 203, 248; Meiggs 1943, 27; Cataldi 1981, 178; Robertson
1987,386-87.
sacra of the second half of the fifth century, where the prytanies are
definitely an institution of democracy.32 Therefore, it is better to conclude
that the prytanies of IG 13 21 are the democratic officials from the later
leges sacrae and that this inscription thus represents the state of affairs
after the democratic reorganization of the government. We must assume
sacra of the second half of the fifth century, where the prytanies are
definitely an institution of democracy. 32 Therefore, it is better to conclude
that the mentions of the archonship of Euthonos do not fix the date of this
inscription in that year (for on the evidence of the Molpoi Decree, the
oligarchy was in place until at least 450) but rather refer to earlier steps
that the prytanies of IG P 21 are the democratic officials from the later
taken by Athens to deal with Milesian affairs.33 That is to say, there were
leges sacrae and that this inscription thus represents the state of affairs
two episodes of Athenian intervention at Miletos, one in 450 B.C.E.,
after the democratic reorganization of the government. We must assume
which is perhaps, but not necessarily, supported by the Athenian tribute
that the mentions of the archonship of Euthonos do not fix the date of this
lists of 454/3, and another some time shortly after this date. This theory
inscription in that year (for on the evidence of the Molpoi Decree, the
fits exactly with the events described by the Old Oligarch. The first inter-
vention was a pro-oligarchic action taken in the year of the archonship of

oligarchy was in place until at least 450) but rather refer to earlier steps
Euthynos (450/49), as referred to in this decree, while the second was the
taken by Athens to deal with Milesian affairs. 33 That is to say, there were
action actually represented by this decree, the Athenian Regulations for two episodes of Athenian intervention at Miletos, one in 450 B.C.E.,
Miletos. It was the response to the oligarchic revolt and resulted in the
which is perhaps, but not necessarily, supported by the Athenian tribute

establishment of democracy at Miletos.
lists of 454/3, and another some time shortly after this date. This theory
To fix more precisely the date of this second settlement, we must return
to the evidence supplied by the Athenian tribute lists. The total amount of
fits exactly with the events described by the Old Oligarch. The first inter-
the Milesian tribute is preserved for the first time in 450/49, when the
vention was a pro-oligarchic action taken in the year of the archonship of
Milesians are paying ten talents (#5, column v, line 18). In the following Euthynos (450/49), as referred to in this decree, while the second was the
decade, they appear four times in the extant lists. In 447/6 (#8, column i,
action actually represented by this decree, the Athenian Regulations for
line 108) and 442/1 (#13, column 1, line 31), they are listed, but the
Miletos. It was the response to the oligarchic revolt and resulted in the
amount of their payment does not survive. In the year 443/2, their tribute
amount is listed and has been reduced to five talents (#12, column i,
establishment of democracy at Miletos.
line 33), where it remains in 440/39 (#15, column ii, line 11).34 This
To fix more precisely the date of this second settlement, we must return
halving of the tribute payment is a conspicuous indication that the to the evidence supplied by the Athenian tribute lists. The total amount of
Milesians revolted before 443/2 and were forcefully brought back into
the Milesian tribute is preserved for the first time in 450/49, when the
the Delian League: when settling an allied revolt, the Athenians would
Milesians are paying ten talents (#5, column v, line 18). In the following
often confiscate the best land, present it to their own citizen-residents,
decade, they appear four times in the extant lists. In 447/6 (#8, column i,
called cleruchs, and reduce the tribute payment accordingly. Comparable
32. Herrmann 1970.

line 108) and 442/1 (#13, column 1, line 31), they are listed, but the
33. Cataldi 1981, 206-7; cf. Robertson 1987, 384-90. amount of their payment does not survive. In the year 443/2, their tribute
34. The next year in which an amount is preserved for the Milesians is 421/0, when the
amount is listed and has been reduced to five talents (#12, column i,
Milesians, Leros, and Teichioussa are listed under one entry as paying ten talents. But this is
line 33), where it remains in 440/39 (#15, column ii, line 11).34 This
much later than the period with which we are dealing, and it postdates the great reassess-
halving of the tribute payment is a conspicuous indication that the

ment of 425 B.C.E., which significantly raised the financial obligations of many of the allied
cities.
Milesians revolted before 443/2 and were forcefully brought back into
the Delian League: when settling an allied revolt, the Athenians would
often confiscate the best land, present it to their own citizen-residents,
called cleruchs, and reduce the tribute payment accordingly. Comparable
32. Herrmann 1970.

.'B. Cataldi 1981, 206-7; d. Robertson 1987,384-90.
34. The next year in which an amount is preserved for the Milesians is 421/0, when the
Milesians, Leros, and Teichioussa are listed under one entry as paying ten talents. But this is
much later than the period with w hich we are dealing, and it postdates the great reassess-
ment of 425 B.C.E., which significantly raised the financial obligations of many of the allied
cities.
cases from the same decade include Kolophon, the end of whose revolt
brought with it an Athenian colony and a tribute reduction from three
talents, attested in 452/1, to one and a half talents in 446/5, and Chalkis,
which received a tribute reduction from five talents in 448/7 to three
talents in 442/1, after the revolt of Euboia.35
cases from the same decade include Kolophon, the end of whose revolt
brought with it an Athenian colony and a tribute reduction from three
The revolt of Miletos may have occurred any time after the tribute
payment of 450/49, the last sure indication that the Milesians were loyal
allies, and probably after the payment of 447/6.36 Of course, we cannot

talents, attested in 45211, to one and a half talents in 446/5, and Chalkis,
tell with any exactitude how long the Milesians were able to remain
which received a tribute reduction from five talents in 448/7 to three
outside the fold of the Delian League, but it is not unreasonable to think
talents in 442/1, after the revolt of Euboia.35
that Miletos may have been in revolt for several years, especially if Athens
The revolt of Miletos may have occurred any time after the tribute
payment of 450/49, the last sure indication that the Milesians were loyal
was engaged in events closer to home. Once Athenian attention was
turned to Miletos, the revolt could not have survived long. After all, it
took the Athenians only nine months to besiege and force into surrender
allies, and probably after the payment of 447/6.36 Of course, we cannot
Samos, a city with strong walls and a powerful navy.37 The Milesians had
tell with any exactitude how long the Milesians were able to remain
not yet rebuilt their city walls, lost in the Persian destruction of 494, and outside the fold of the Delian League, but it is not unreasonable to think
were in no position to hold out even that long.
that Miletos may have been in revolt for several years, especially if Athens
No discussion of the change in government at Miletos is complete
was engaged in events closer to home. Once Athenian attention was

without consideration of the famous Banishment Decree,38 of which the
beginning is lost.
turned to Miletos, the revolt could not have survived long. After all, it
[........15.......].[.....T]o[. N]vI 9i~to x' zc"A)Xzt[ov]
took the Athenians only nine months to besiege and force into surrender
[xca K]QeoovtrlV [to] <g> Itoa'cvaxtog bevyevTriv e' a T t[OT|L] Samos, a city with strong walls and a powerful navy.Jl The Milesians had
[4cyiv] xaL' arog [xa]' ixy6vog, xac g ;v rva t to twy zat[a]-
not yet rebuilt their city walls, lost in the Persian destruction of 494, and
[xitelve]t, xato v [o.r]arigOag atzi yevco.at u n Taozv
were in no position to hold out even that long.

5 [xynv6a]TovtvI>IvNU[4oupf]to'to; 6' ti tirivog, e' 0'v &v 'O~o| iv
[oi xata]xtievavreg, &oboivait6 o &yiiOovijv 6 ef, avto | [g]

No discussion of the change in government at Miletos is complete
[ ]e..fl[ai']-bg bg xtL~rlvfog [ ]t' dbv o v a460 00ov ;lv 6 e t zai-
without consideration of the famous Banishment Decree,38 of which the
35. Kolophon: IG 13 37= Meiggs and Lewis 1988, #47 = Fornara 1983b, #99. beginning is lost.
Chalkis: IG 13 40 = Meiggs and Lewis 1988, #52 = Fornara 1983b, #103. For these and
other cases of the lowering of tribute, see ATL 3.298-300.
[........ 15 ....... ]o[ ..... t]o[. N]Uf.Hj>aQ~'to x.aL "AhL[f.!OV]

[x.at K]QE(J(j>ovtfJV [to] <s;> LtQatoJVax.tos; <jwiYyEv rr1v £Jt' a\:~ [at IL]
36. However, we cannot assume, as Barron (1962, 1-2) and Earp (1954) have done,
[¢uY1lV] x.at mhos; [tw]L Exyovo:;, x.at o<; av tLVa toutwy x.at[ a]-
that every absence from the ATL must be accounted for by revolt or recalcitrance. In none
t
of the early years is even half of any given list preserved, and only after 443/2 do the lists
contain an administrative organization in which "absent from full panel" indicates a true [x.tdvc ]L, cx.atov ot]atf]Qa:; autii>L ycvco8m a:n:o twv
absence of an ally from that list.
5 [XQllf..lah'wvtwv ~UIJ.[ ¢ag~]to' to:; 9' ~1tWfJVlo:;, £:n:' cbv av fAtlwo ILY
37. According to Thucydides (8.76), Samos was so powerful that it very nearly wrestled
[ot x.ata]x.tclvav~c:;, a:n:o6oilvm to UQ"{UQLOV' 11v CE wh. auto I[:;]

[6¢cE/ccv. ~v CE ~ :n:6/,L[:; £]y~Q<:Xt<~> :;y£vrp:m, x.ata~tEvm

naval control away from Athens.
[m!]to:; to:; bL!J.Tlvi,oc;; [ £]:n:' J)v.av /ca¢8cwmv· f]v o?o fl~ x.ata-
38. Milet 1.6 #187; Tod 1946, #35; Meiggs and Lewis 1988, #43.
35. Kolophon: IG 1' 37 = Meiggs and Lewis 1988, #47 = Fornara 1983b, #99.
Chalkis: JG P 40 = Meiggs and Lewis 1988, #52= Fornara 1983b, #103. For these and
other cases of the lowering of tribute, see ATL 3.298-300.
36, However, we cannot assume, as Barron (1962, 1- 2) and Earp (1954) have done,
that every absence from the ATL must be accounted for by revolt or recalcitrance. In none
of the early years is even half of any given list preserved, and only after 443/2 do the lists
contain an administrative organization in which "absent from fu ll panel" indicates a true
absence of an ally from that list.
37. According to Thucydides (8.76), Samos was so powerful that it very nearly wrestled
naval control away from Athens.
38. Milet 1.6 #187; Tod 1946, #35; Meiggs and Lewis 1988, #43.
[x-r]evoov, 6 88v '[x]acctov ev ixovra ctatiag.
10 t v 6e Qt[L"vtov, "v goOfitL, zxatov o r ti aog 61efX[v]
ztid v " iiv -oivo 8tLt[L Tv oUL moL v z-xo)epLb lio

[[-21- the sons of N]ympharetos, and Alki[mos and K]resphontes,
[the] sons of Stratonax, shall suffer bloodguilt [banishment,] both
[xt]£Lvomv, o<jlfD,fv £[x]<;Xqtov nfyt~xovta otatf]Qac:;.

10 tOV be cm~~VLOV, i'1v ~·~ JtQ0811L, E'XCXtOV otatf]Qac:; o<jlELAE[v]
themselves and their descendants, and whosoever kills any one of
them shall receive one hundred staters from the [5] [assets] of the
family of Nym[phare]tos. The epimenioi in office when a claim is

xal. t~V EOLOOCXV EnL~11VL11V an JtOLEV xatctto t(Jl'l¢LG~a·
made by the slayers shall pay out the money. If (they do) not, they
~vbio~i1, t~vaut~v8wLL~v o<jlfLAEv.
themselves shall be liable to pay (for the reward). If the city should
get hold of (the condemned men), they shall be put to death by the
[[-21- the sons of N]ympharetos, and Alki[mos and K]resphontes,
epimenioi in whose term of office they are seized. If they do not put [the] sons of Stratonax, shall suffer bloodguilt [banishment,] both
them to death, they shall each be liable to pay fifty staters. [10] The
themselves and their descendants, and whosoever kills any one of

(presiding) epimenios, if he does not put (the matter) up for deci-
them shall receive one hundred staters from the [5] [assets] of the
sion, shall owe a fine of one hundred staters. Successive boards of
epimenioi shall always proceed according to this decree. Otherwise,

family of Nym[phare]tos. The epimenioi in office when a claim is
they shall be liable to pay the same penalty.]39
made by the slayers shall pay out the money. If (they do) not, they
This decree was discovered in situ in the northwest corner of the North themselves shall be liable to pay (for the reward). If the city should
Market at Miletos in 1905. It was inscribed on a marble block that served
get hold of (the condemned men), they shall be put to death by the
as the base of a stele that has not been found. Since the decree covers
epimenioi in whose term of office they are seized. If they do not put
three-quarters of this base and lacks its beginning, it must have started on
the missing stele and overflowed onto the base. This base was sent to
them to death, they shall each be liable to pay fifty staters. [10] The
Berlin but is now lost, so confirmation of the reading of the stone must be
(presiding) epimenios, if he does not put (the matter) up for deci-
based on the photograph published in Milet 1.6 and a squeeze of the
sion, shall owe a fine of one hundred staters. Successive boards of
stone.40
epimenioi shall always proceed according to this decree. Otherwise,
Unquestionably the text of this inscription calls for the banishment or
they shall be liable to pay the same penalty.]3 9

execution of a number of people, almost certainly for the crime of treason,
and some scholars have argued that it refers to events that occurred in the
aftermath of a democratic revolution against a defeated oligarchy.41 This

This decree was discovered in situ in the northwest corner of the North
39. The text of the decree is here given from Meiggs and Lewis 1988, #43. The transla-
Market at Miletos in 1905. It was inscribed on a marble block that served
tion is based on Fornara 1983b, #66. Square brackets enclose words that have been
as the base of a stele that has not been found. Since the decree covers
three-quarters of this base and lacks its beginning, it must have started on
restored, while parentheses contain explanatory additions to the text.
40. Herrmann (1970, 170 n. 1) had access to the squeeze.
41. The treason charge was first argued by Glotz (CRAI 1906, 513-16, as summarized
the missing stele and overflowed onto the base. This base was sent to
by Meiggs 1972, 562-65; Barron 1962, 3) and has been universally accepted by later
Berlin but is now lost, so confirmation of the reading of the stone must be
commentators. The theory of a democratic revolution is expounded most fully by Glotz and based on the photograph published in Milet 1.6 and a squeeze of the
by Barron (1962).
stone. 40
Unquestionably the text of this inscription calls for the banishment or
execution of a number of people, almost certainly for the crime of treason,
and some scholars have argued that it refers to events that occurred in the
aftermath of a democratic revolution against a defeated oligarchy. 41 This
39. The text of the decree is here given from Meiggs and Lewis 1988, #43. The transla-
tion is based on Fornara 19lBb, #66. Square brackets enclose words that have been
restored, while parentheses contain explanatory additions to the text.
40. Herrmann (1970, 170 n. 1) had access to the squeeze.
41. The treason charge was first argued by Glotz (CRAI 1906, 513-16, as summarized
by Meiggs 1972, 562-65; Barron 1962, 3) and has been universally accepted by later
commentators. The theory of a democratic revolution is expounded most fully by Glotz and
by Barron (1962).
line of reasoning begins with a complicated prosopographical argument
about the Banishment Decree, in which the names listed are linked to
names associated with Neleus, the legendary founder of Ionia.42 Accord-

ing to this theory, the decree represents a banishment of the Neleid clan,
which must have provided the leaders of oligarchic Miletos. Thus, they
line of reasoning begins with a complicated prosopographical argument

about the Banishment Decree, in which the names listed are linked to
were banished as part of the revolution against oligarchy noted by the Old
Oligarch.43 This prosopographical argument can be refined even further
by identifying as Neleid the names of the prosetairos of 450/49 (Kretheus,

names associated with Neleus, the legendary fmmder of Ionia. 42 Accord-
son of Hermonax, Milet 1.6 #187) and the aisymnetes of 445/4 (Thrason,
ing to this theory, the decree represents a banishment of the Neleid clan,
son of Antileon, Milet 1.3 #122.i.82), who is also the prosetairos of 450/
which must have provided the leaders of oligarchic Miletos. Thus, they
49 B.C.E. Accepting the assumption that this decree represents an action of
were banished as part of the revolution against oligarchy noted hy the Old
the democracy against the Neleids, the date of the decree can then be fixed
Oligarch. 4 3 This prosopographical argument can be refined even further

after 445/4 B.C.E. An important consideration for this whole argument is
the length of the original decree: since the inscription overflows onto the
by identifying as Neleid the names of the prosetairos of 450/49 (Kretheus,
base of the stele, one might conclude that there was only one inscription on
son ofHermonax, Milet 1.6 #187) and the aisymnetes of 445/4 (Thrason,
the entire stele and that it must have contained very many names. In this son of Antileon, Milet 1.3 #122.i.82), who is also the prosetairos of 450/
case, a date after a democratic revolution might be fitting, because it
49 R.C.F.. Accepting the assumption that this decree represents an action of

would be consistent with a thoroughgoing banishment of the oligarchical
the democracy against the Neleids, the date of the decree can then be fixed
faction.44
While it is impossible to know how many names were included in the

after 445/4 n.c.E. An important consideration for this whole argument is
Banishment Decree, the idea that this decree represents a democratic revo-
the length of the original decree: since the inscription overflows onto the
lution is almost certainly wrong for several reasons. First, it would be a base of the stele, one might conclude that there was only one inscription on
careless stonecutter who laid out his inscription so badly that it had to
the entire stele and that it must have contained very many names. In this
overflow for twelve lines onto the base of the stele. It is more reasonable to
case, a date after a democratic revolution might be fitting, because it

conclude that the stele contained an earlier inscription of a similar nature
and that the overflow came as a later and fairly brief addition: had that
would he consistent with a thoroughgoing banishment of the oligarchical
addition been very long, it would have been allocated its own stone.45
faction. 44
Second, the reward of one hundred staters is to be paid to anyone who kills While it is impossible to know how many names were included in the
one of the exiles, but the property of only one family, that of Nympharetos,
Banishment Decree, the idea that this decree represents a democratic revo-
42. Glotz based this theory in part on an allegorical reading of a story in Nicolaus of
lution is almost certainly wrong for several reasons. First, it would be a

Damascus (FGH 90 F 53, quoted in chap. 3) about the monarchy and tyranny in Archaic
careless stonecutter who laid out his inscription so badly that it had to
Miletos.
43. Glotz's dating method is flawed, because he sets this revolution contemporary to the
overflow for twelve lines onto the base of the stele. It is more reasonable to
events in Boiotia and Messenia but then uses the death of Kimon in 449 B.C.E. as a fairly conclude that the stele contained an earlier inscription of a similar nature
rigid terminus ante quem both for the end of the events in Messenia and for the revolt of the
and that the overflow came as a later and fairly brief addition: had that
Milesian oligarchy.
addition been very long, it would have been allocated its own stone. 45
44. Barron 1962. However, as Meiggs and Lewis point out (1988, 106), "The evidence
Second, the reward of one hundred staters is to be paid to anyone who kills
barely justifies the conclusion," and Pierart (1969) argues convincingly against this entire
prosopographical argument. Also, it would be odd to find a Neleid oligarchy ruling the city
one of the exiles, but the property of only one family, that ofNympharetos,
still a full five hundred years after its foundation.
42. Glotz based this theory in part on an allegorical reading of a story in Nicolaus of
45. Glotz 1906a, 519-21; Meiggs 1972, 564-65; Meiggs and Lewis 1988, 106.
Damascus (FCH 90 F 53, quoted in chap. 3) about the monarchy and tyranny in Archaic
Miletos.
43. Glotz's dating method is flawed, because he sets this revolution contemporary to the
events in Boiotia and Messenia but then uses the death of Kimon in 449 B.C.E. as a fairly
rigid terminus ante quem both for the end of the events in Messenia and for the revolt of the
Milesian oligarchy.
44. Barron 1962. However, as Meiggs and Lewis point out (1988, 106), "The evidence
barely justifies the conclusion," and Pierart ( 1969) argues convincingly against this entire
prosopographical argument. Also, it would be odd to find a Neleid oligarchy ruling the city
still a full five hundred years after its foundation.
45. Glotz 1906a, 519- 21; Meiggs 1972, 564- 65; Meiggs and Lewis 1988, 106.
is mentioned as the source of those rewards, implying either that the re-
wards were to be few or that the property was very great.46 Third, it would
be a rare coincidence if, in the long list that is postulated, Nympharetos,

whose estate is to supply the rewards, happens to be one of the only four
names of exiles extant in our decree. Surely a man thus singled out for his
is mentioned as the source of those rewards, implying either that the re-
wards were to be few or that the property was very great. 46 Third, it would
wealth and, one assumes, his prominence must have been a leading man in
the oligarchy, and we would expect his name to have occurred much higher
in such a lengthy list of the condemned.

be a rare coincidence if, in the long list that is postulated, Nympharetos,
The layout of the decree on the stone therefore tells against the claim
whose estate is to supply the rewards, happens ro be one of the only four
that the decree banished a large oligarchic class. Another counter-
names of exiles extant in our decree. Surely a man thus singled out for his
argument can be brought to bear against this theory. The decree charges
wealth and, one assumes, his prominence must have been a leading man in
the oligarchy, and we would expect his name to have occurred much higher
certain officials, the epimenioi, with enforcing its provisions. These offi-
cials were almost certainly magistrates of the traditional government who
made up a monthly board that presided over the oligarchic assembly and
in such a lengthy list of the condemned.
who thus performed a function similar to the democratic prytany.47 Their
The layout of the decree on the stone therefore tells against the claim
function as political officials is corroborated by the political duties as- that the decree banished a large oligarchic class. Another counter-
signed them in this decree: they are responsible for the execution of
argument can be brought to bear against this theory. The decree charges
captured exiles (lines 7-8), the payment of rewards (lines 5-6), and the
certain officials, the epimenioi, with enforcing its provisions. These offi-
introduction of appropriate motions into some citizen body (lines 10-
11). Thus, it is likely that the Banishment Decree represents the action of
cials were almost certainly magistrates of the traditional government who
an oligarchic government and has no connection to any putative demo-
made up a monthly board that presided over the oligarchic assembly and
cratic revolution at Miletos. who thus performed a function similar to the democratic prytany. 47 Their
The position of the stone in the North Market further affirms the idea
function as political officials is corroborated by the political duties as-
that this inscription was not a democratic decree. The stone was discov-
signed them in this decree: they are responsible for the execution of
ered situated below the ground level of the market, which had minimal
construction in the fifth century. In addition, the stone was skewed in

captured exiles (lines 7-8), the payment of rewards (lines 5-6), and the
relationship to the city grid. The misalignment of the stone, its location
introduction of appropriate motions into some citizen body (lines 10-
46. Meiggs and Lewis 1988, 106. 11). Thus, it is likely that the Banishment Decree represents the action of
47. Glotz 1906a, 526-27; Pi&rart 1969, 365, 370-76; Meiggs 1972, 565; Ehrhardt
an oligarchic government and has no connection to any putative demo-
1983, 210-13; Robertson 1987, 379-83.
cratic revolution at Miletos.

The idea that the epimenioi made up a collegial board with a limited term of office is
The position of the stone in the North Market further affirms the idea
derived from Pi&rart's interpretation of this difficult text (and he is followed, for example,
by Fornara in his translation). Pi&rart interprets the word atiip1yvL1v to mean "the college of
that this inscription was not a democratic decree. The stone was discov-
epimenioi," so that line 11 of the Banishment Decree implies that successive colleges are ered situated below the ground level of the market, which had minimal
responsible for carrying out the decree. Cf. Meiggs and Lewis 1988, 107.
construction in the fifth century. In addition, the stone was skewed in
It is, of course, possible to make the argument that the office of epimenios continued at
relationship to the city grid. The misalignment of the stone, its location
Miletos for a short time after the revolution, while the new government was being orga-
nized. In this case, epimenioi would not necessarily be oligarchic officials. However, this
argument assumes its own premise, that this inscription must be the action of democrats
46. Meiggs and Lewis 1988, 106.
against oligarchs. As we have seen, the only other support for this theory is Barron's
47. Glotz 1906a, 526-27; Pierart 1969, 365, 370-76; Meiggs 1972, 565; Ehrhardt
1983, 210-13; Robertson 1987,379-83.
prosopographical argument (Barron 1962), which is itself weak.
The idea that the epimenioi made up a collegial board with a limited term of office is
derived from Pierart's interpretation of this diffic ult text (and he is followed, for example,
by Fornara in his translation). Pierart interprets the word EJUft11VLl]V to mean "the college of
epimenioi," so that line 11 of the Banishment Decree implies that successive colleges are
responsible for carrying out the decree. Cf. Meiggs and Lewis 1988, 107.
It is, of course, possible to make the argument that the office of epimenios continued at
Miletos for a short time after the revolution, while the new government was being orga-
nized. In this case, epimenioi would not necessarily be oligarchic officials. However, this
argument assumes its own premise, that this inscription must be the action of democrats
against oligarchs. As we have seen, the only other support for this theory is Barron's
prosopographical argument (Barron 1962), which is itself weak.
below the Classical ground level, and the possibility that it contained a
previous-that is, Archaic-decree indicate that this stone was erected in
Archaic times in an Archaic agora that existed on the site of the later
North Market.48 It would have recorded a banishment enacted by the
traditional Milesian oligarchy or by the late Archaic tyranny but certainly
below the Classical ground level, and the possibility that it contained a
previous-that is, Archaic-decree indicate that this stone was erected in
not by a democracy. The stone survived the destruction of the city and
was allowed to remain standing by the oligarchic government of the
second quarter of the fifth century, further indication that it was not
Archaic times in an Archaic agora that existed on the site of the later
antioligarchic. Finally, it was reused in the publication of a similar expul-
North Market. 48 It would have recorded a banishment enacted by the
sion decree in the mid-fifth century. Unfortunately, the date of the Banish-
traditional Milesian oligarchy or by the late Archaic tyranny but certainly
ment Decree within the oligarchic period of government cannot be closely
not by a democracy. The stone survived the destruction of the city and
fixed. The physical evidence of the stone itself is inconclusive, because
was allowed to remain standing by the oligarchic government of the

there are very few securely dated inscriptions from this period to which
this decree can be compared. The letterforms do suggest a date early

second quarter of the fifth century, further indication that it was not
in the fifth century, perhaps between 470 and 440, but this is just an
antioligarchic. Finally, it was reused in the publication of a similar expul-
educated guess.49 sion decree in the mid-fifth century. Unfortunately, the date of the Banish-
To summarize, while much of the evidence presented by the Milesian
ment Decree within the oligarchic period of government cannot be closely

Banishment Decree is inconclusive and its date cannot be fixed, certain
fixed. The physical evidence of the stone itself is inconclusive, because

deductions may be made. First, this decree does not represent an action of
a democratic government against an oligarchic opposition but rather is

there are very few securely dated inscriptions from this period to which
likely to be the work of an oligarchic government. Second, the group of
this decree can be compared. The letterfonns do suggest a date early
people being banished for treason is not large, so this decree cannot be in the fifth century, perhaps between 4 70 and 440, but this is just an
used as evidence of a revolt from Athens, nor does it even necessarily
educated guess.49
indicate significant civil stasis, since it may represent an action against
To summarize, while much of the evidence presented by the Milesian

only a few families. Thus, the Banishment Decree offers no sure evidence
about either the civil stasis at Miletos or the revolt from Athens that
Banishment Decree is inconclusive and its date cannot be fixed, certain
occurred in the middle of the fifth century B.C.E.
deductions may be made. First, this decree does not represent an action of
In conclusion, the following chronological sequence of events best a democratic government against an oligarchic opposition but rather is
explains the diverse and fragmented evidence: The government that re-
likely to be the work of an oligarchic government. Second, the group of
built Miletos and governed it in its first decade after the Ionian Revolt
people being banished for treason is not large, so this decree cannot be
was a traditional oligarchy. In the 450s, civil dissension arose so power-
used as evidence of a revolt from Athens, nor does it even necessarily

fully that the Milesians might have been physically divided, paying their
48. Pierart (1969) is wrong when he says that the Archaic city did not encompass the
indicate significant civil stasis, since it may represent an action against
area around the Lion Bay. See chap. 5. only a few families. Thus, the Banishment Decree offers no sure evidence
49. Rehm in Milet 1.6.101-4 (early fifth century); Meiggs and Lewis 1988, 107 (be-
about either the civil stasis at Miletos or the revolt from Athens that
tween 470 and 440). Herrmann (1970, 170) thinks it could date as late as 450, based on the
occurred in the middle of the fifth century B.C.E.

similarity of style and letterforms between this inscription and the lex sacra for Poseidon
In conclusion, the following chronological sequence of events best

Helikonios.
explains the diverse and fragmented evidence: The government that re-
built Miletos and governed it in its first decade after the Ionian Revolt
was a traditional oligarchy. In the 450s, civil dissension arose so power-
fully that the Milesians might have been physically divided, paying their
48. Pii:rart (1969) is wrong when be says that the Archaic city did not encompass the
area around the Lion Bay. See chap. 5.
49. Rebm in Milet 1.6.101-4 (early fifth century); Meiggs and Lewis 1988, 107 (be-
tween 470 and 440). Herrmann (1970, 170) thinks it could date a s late as 4.50, based on the
similarity of style and letterforms between this inscription and the lex sacra for Poseidon
Hclikonios.
tribute both from Miletos and from enclaves at Leros and Teichioussa.50
The situation became volatile enough that the Athenians were compelled
to intervene in 450/49 B.C.E., passing a decree or decrees during the

archonship of Euthynos, which were later referred to in the Athenian
Regulations for Miletos. These early decrees probably restored the prop-
tribute both from Miletos and from enclaves at Leros and Teichioussa. 50
The situation became volatile enough that the Athenians were compelled
erty of the exiles-possibly those Milesians at Leros and Teichioussa-
and established a garrison similar to the one the Athenians left at Samos
after settling the civil strife there (Thuc. 1.115.3). Whatever else they did,
to intervene in 450149 B.C.E., passing a decree or decrees during the
the Athenians favored the oligarchs and left them in power, as the Old
archonship of Euthynos, which were later referred to in the Athenian
Oligarch says. The year 450 is also as likely a date as any for the Banish-
Regulations for Miletos. These early decrees probably restored the prop-
ment Decree, because the circumstances of that year best fit the necessary
erty of the exiles-possibly those Milesians at Leros and Teichioussa-

and established a garrison similar to the one the Athenians left at Samos
conditions; that is, after a period of dissension, a group of people were
exiled by an oligarchical government for the crime of treason. Perhaps a
few families at Miletos had been negotiating for aid from Persia. This
after settling the civil strife there (Thuc. 1.115.3 ). Whatever else they did,
would explain the perception of danger that necessitated the Athenian
the Athenians favored the oligarchs and left them in power, as the Old
intervention, particularly as Athens was in a vulnerable position at this Oligarch says. The year 450 is also as likely a date as any for the Banish-
time. The abysmal failure of the Athenian expedition against Egypt in
ment Decree, because the circumstances of that year best fit the necessary
454 may have encouraged Persia to put increased pressure on lonia to
conditions; that is, after a period of dissension, a group of people were

return to the Persian Empire. Erythrai revolted at about this time, and
Athens, at least in part out of a concern for security, transferred the

exiled by an oligarchical government for the crime of treason. Perhaps a
Delian League's treasury from Delos to Athens. A widespread disaffec-
few families at Miletos had been negotiating for aid from Persia. This
tion in the league forced Athens to spend a few years to consolidate its would explain the perception of danger that necessitated the Athenian
power.51 One result was the establishment of cleruchies on Naxos,
intervention, particularly as Athens was in a vulnerable position at this
Euboia, and Andros. Perhaps fearing an imminent revolt in Miletos,
time. The abysmal failure of the Athenian expedition against Egypt in

Athens stepped in before the fact, to settle the dissension and expel the
Medizers.
454 may have encouraged Persia to put increased pressure on Ionia to
A short time after the Athenian intervention in 450/49 and the Mile-
return to the Persian Empire. Erythrai revolted at about this time, and
sian tribute payment of 447/6, but before the tribute payment of 443/2, Athens, at least in part out of a concern for security, transferred the
the ruling oligarchy attacked the democrats viciously and revolted from
Delian League's treasury from Delos to Athens. A widespread disaffec-
Athens. The most likely time was in or after the unrest of 446, when
tion in the league forced Athens to spend a few years to consolidate its
Athens was busy with events nearer to home and so may not have settled
power. 51 One result was the establishment of cleruchies on Naxos,

50. Tuchelt (1989, 209-17; 1991a, 40-50) has suggested further support for this
theory. He believes that a sanctuary recently discovered on the Sacred Way between Miletos
Euboia, and Andros. Perhaps fearing an imminent revolt in Miletos,
and Didyma belonged to a private, aristocratic family and was destroyed in the fifth century Athens stepped in before the fact, to settle the dissension and expel the
during the course of civil dissension in which certain aristocratic families were expelled
Medizers.
from Miletos. He has no proof for this assertion, so it is better to assume that the sanctuary
A short time after the Athenian intervention in 450/49 and the Mile-
was destroyed during the destruction of both Miletos and Didyma by the Persians in 494
sian tribute payment of 447/6, but before the tribute payment of 443/2,
B.C.E.
51. Meiggs 1972, 123.

the ruling oligarchy attacked the democrats viciously and revolted from
Athens. The most likely time was in or after the unrest of 446, when
Athens was busy with events nearer to home and so may not have settled
50. Tuchelt ( 1989, 209-17; 1.9.91a, 40-SO) has suggested further support for this
theory. He believes that a sanctuary recently discovered on the Sacred Way between Miletos
and Didyma belonged to a private, aristocratic family and was destroyed in the fifth century
during the course of civil dissension in which certain aristocratic families were expelled
from l\1iletos. He bas no proof for this assertion, so it is better to assume that the sanctuary
was destroyed during the destruction of both Miletos and Didyma by the Persians in 494
B.C. E.
51. Mciggs 1972, 123.
things in Asia Minor immediately. In that year, the defeat at Koroneia
forced Athens out of Boiotia, most of Euboia revolted, Megara revolted
and cut off the Athenian garrison there (Thuc. 1.114.1), and the Pelopon-
nesians were on the verge of invading Attika (Thuc. 1.113.3-114.1).
The revolt of Miletos was settled before the halved tribute payment of
things in Asia Minor immediately. In that year, the defeat at Koroneia

forced Athens out of Boiotia, most of Euboia revolted, Megara revolted
443/2: Miletos was forced back into the Delian League and a democracy
was set up. The decree that actually restored Miletos to the Delian
League, containing the text of the loyalty oath and detailing the constitu-
and cut off the Athenian garrison there (Thuc. 1.114.1), and the Pelopon-
tional changes there, is lost, but the Athenian Regulations for Miletos
nesians were on the verge of invading Attika (Thuc. 1.113.3-114.1).
preserve some of the additional conditions and requirements of that
The revolt of Miletos was settled before the halved tribute payment of
settlement.
443/2: Miletos was forced hack into the Delian League and a democracy
was set up. The decree that actually restored Miletos to the Delian
The Peloponnesian War and Beyond
For the next thirty years, we hear of no actual disputes between the
Milesians and the city of Athens, and the few extant mentions of Miletos
League, containing the text of the loyalty oath and detailing the constitu-
indicate that it stood as a loyal ally, backed by its Athenian master. For
tional changes there, is lost, but the Athenian Regulations for Miletos
example, when Samos and Miletos quarreled over the territory of Priene preserve some of the additional conditions and requirements of that
in 440/39 (Thuc. 1.115), Athens sided with Miletos and eventually estab-
settlement.
lished a democracy at Samos as well. When the Peloponnesian War broke
out between Athens and Sparta in 431, the Milesians sent contingents to
aid the Athenians in campaigns in 425 against the Corinthian territory
and Kythera (Thuc. 4.42, 53) and in 413 against Syracuse (Thuc. 7.57).
The Peloponnesian War and Beyond
The stability of this relationship must be due at least in part to the demo-
For the next thirty years, we hear of no actual disputes between the
cratic government at Miletos.
But all of the Milesians were not entirely happy with the situation.
Many things may have contributed to this dissatisfaction, but the only
Milesians and the city of Athens, and the few extant mentions of Miletos
cause we know of is financial:52 Athens doubled the tribute in 425 (IG 13
indicate that it stood as a loyal ally, backed by its Athenian master. For
71) and imposed a 5 percent tax in 413 on all trade goods carried by sea
example, when Samos and Miletos quarreled over the territory of Priene
to or from the harbors of the empire (Thuc. 7.28.4). Affecting both the
in 440/39 (Thuc. 1.115), Athens sided with Miletos and eventually estab-
raw materials being imported and the finished products being exported,
lished a democracy at Samos as well. When the Peloponnesian War broke

this tax would have particularly hurt Milesian trade, in a city whose
resources were already stretched thin by increased tribute payments.

out between Athens and Sparta in 431, the Milesians sent contingents to
Once it was given a viable opportunity, the city was quick to join in the
aid the Athenians in campaigns in 425 against the Corinthian territory
general rebellion by lonia in the beginning of the second half of the and Kythera (Thuc. 4.42, 53) and in 413 against Syracuse (Thuc. 7.57).
Peloponnesian War (sometimes called the Decelean War or Ionian War,
The stability of this relationship must be due at least in part to the demo-
52. Dunham 1915, 110-11.
cratic government at Miletos.

But all of the Milesians were not entirely happy with the situation.
Many things may have contributed to this dissatisfaction, but the only
cause we know of is financial: 52 Athens doubled the tribute in 425 (IG 13
71) and imposed a 5 percent tax in 413 on all trade goods carried by sea
to or from the harbors of the empire (Thuc. 7.28.4 ). Affecting both the
raw materials being imported and the finished products being exported,
this tax would have particularly hurt Milesian trade, in a city whose
resources were already stretched thin by increased tribute payments.
Once it was given a viable opportunity, the city was quick to join in the
general rebellion by Ionia in the beginning of the second half of the
Peloponnesian War (sometimes called the Decelean War or Ionian War,
52. Dunham 1915, 110- 11.

413-404 B.C.E.). At that time, in accordance with the advice of the exiled
Athenian general Alkibiades, Sparta pursued a policy of building up a
navy and depriving the Athenians of the tribute and grain supply from the
allies in the Delian League. In 412, as part of this policy, Alkibiades
approached some friends of his, leading men in Miletos, who started a
413-404 B.C.E.). At that time, in accordance with the advice of the exiled
Athenian general Alkibiades, Sparta pursued a policy of building up a
revolt of the city: when the Athenians sailed up right behind Alkibiades,
the Milesians would not let them into the harbor, and the Athenians were
forced to retreat to Lade (Thuc. 8.17.3). Thus Miletos joined Chios,

navy and depriving the Athenians of the tribute and grain supply from the
Erythrai, Klazomenai, Teos, Methymna, some Lesbian cities, and other
allies in the Delian League. In 412, as parr of this policy, Alkibiades
Greek cities in Asia in revolt from Athens (Thuc. 8.14-25). The impor-
approached some friends of his, leading men in Miletos, who started a
tance of Miletos can be seen in the immediacy of the Athenian attempt to
revolt of the city: when the Athenians sailed up right behind Alkibiades,
the Milesians would not let them into the harbor, and the Athenians were
retake the city, voIAfovteg, F -L ocuyayoLto M[)trov, a6{l &v
oCLot xxaI t ay aoo WflOat [thinking that, if they could win back
Miletos, they would easily regain the others] (Thuc. 8.25.5).

forced to retreat to Lade (Thuc. 8.17.3 ). Thus Miletos joined Chios,
The Athenian response brings up the question of what defenses the
Erythrai, Klazomenai, Teos, Methymna, some Lesbian cities, and other
Milesians enjoyed in 412 B.C.E., for there is no physical sign that the Greek cities in Asia in revolt from Athens (Thuc. 8.14-25). The impor-
Milesians refortified their city when they refounded it in the early fifth
tance of Miletos can be seen in the immediacy of the Athenian attempt to

century. Considering the devastation that they had suffered then and the
retake the city, vo~~!;,ovtc£, cl JtQOcrayayOLvtO M~AlTtoV, Q<;IMW£ av

cr<j>~m x.al. .&na ngocrxwgf]crm rthinking that, if they could win back
fact that the Persian problem was far from being solved, this absence
must be considered odd. They were either too poor to rebuild their fortifi-
cation or did not think there was any need to do so. Poverty is an unlikely
Miletos, they would easily regain the others] (Thuc. 8.25.5).
answer: they could have stacked together a makeshift wall out of the The Athenian response brings up the question of what defenses the
debris of the Archaic city, just as the Athenians did after 480. The
Milesians enjoyed in 412 B.C.E., for there is no physical sign that the
Milesians must have thought it unnecessary.
Milesians refortified their city when they refounded it in the early fifth
Thucydides says that lonia was unwalled in 427 B.C.E. (&tELXrOrov
ya& o{ ;o i;f g'Iovag, 3.33.2). The explanation for this dearth in fortifi-
century. Considering the devastation that they had suffered then and the
cations in general cannot be that they never existed or that they were all
fact that the Persian problem was far from being solved, this absence
destroyed by the Persians in 494/3, although certainly this may have been must be considered odd. They were either too poor to rebuild their fortifi-
true for some cities other than Miletos. Rather, the Ionian city walls must
cation or did not think there was any need to do so. Poverty is an unlikely
have been systematically dismantled as another part of the Athenian
answer: they could have stacked together a makeshift wall out of the
debris of the Archaic city, just as the Athenians did after 480. The
imperial policy, imposing sanctions on rebellious and potentially rebel-
lious allies in Asia, as at Samos in 440.53 Since the Milesian walls had
already been demolished in 494, the policy would have had the effect of
Milesians must have thought it unnecessary.
discouraging or even forbidding the construction of a new wall, until the Thucydides says that Ionia was unwalled in 427 B.C.E. (atHXLcrtov
situation had changed so that either the Athenians saw the wisdom of
yag oil crY]£ til£ 'IwvLa£, 3.33.2). The explanation for this dearth in fortifi-
such a wall or the Milesians did not feel constrained by Athenian regula-
cations in general cannot be that they never existed or that they were all
destroyed by the Persians in 494/3, although certainly this may have been
tions. Only after the Milesians rebelled against the Athenians in 412,
53. Thuc. 1.117; Meiggs 1972, 149-50.
true for some cities other than Miletos. Rather, the Ton ian city walls must
have been systematically dismantled as another part of the Athenian
imperial policy, imposing sanctions on rebellious and potentially rebel-
lious allies in Asia, as at Samos in 440.53 Since the Milesian walls had
already been demolished in 494, the policy would have had the effect of
discouraging or even forbidding the construction of a new wall, until the
situation had changed so that either the Athenians saw the wisdom of
such a wall or the Milesians did not feel constrained by Athenian regula-
tions. Only after the Milesians rebelled against the Athenians in 412,
53. Thuc. 1.117; Meiggs 1972,149- 50.

departing permanently from the Athenian Empire, were they able to
construct some kind of fortification.
Thucydides' narrative of the Athenian attempt to retake the city (8.24-

27) implies that there was some barrier behind which the Milesians could
hide. After blockading the city with twenty ships, the Athenians and their
departing permanently from the Athenian Empire, were they able to

construct some kind of fortification.
allies, including a large continent of Argives, made a landing and attacked
the Milesians with their new Peloponnesian allies. While the Milesians
routed the Argives, the Athenians managed to push back both the Pelopon-
Thucydides' narrative of the Athenian attempt to retake the city (8.24-
nesians and the general mass of the army. When the Milesians saw that
2 7) implies that there was some barrier behind which the Milesians could
their side was defeated, they fell back into their city (vio mQflcol6vtwv g
hide. After blockading the city with twenty ships, the Athenians and their
i v to6) iv, 8.25.4). The Athenians pursued them to the city itself, where
allies, including a large continent of Argives, made a landing and attacked

the Milesians with their new Peloponnesian allies. While the Milesians
they grounded their arms (m96og ctiv ir v T6l)vot TGv Mt)loaC[v xZQ-
toevteg 611 Tot& 6tXm t 'Oevtat, 8.25.4). The Athenians considered putting
up a blockading wall (meQxetx1to1 og) but realized the futility of that exer-
routed the Argives, the Athenians managed to push back both the Pelopon-
cise, because the Spartans were as eager to hold the city-especially be-
nesians and the general mass of the army. When the Milesians saw that
cause it was walled in (&motetXtoieto8uv, 8.26.3)-as the Athenians were their side was defeated, they fell back into their city (vnoxuJQllGUV'tWV £::;
to retake it. The Athenians decided that their position was untenable, so
t~v n6/,tv, 8.25 .4 ). The Athenians pursued them to the city itself, where
rather than risk a battle, zxat o Lev 'A6eva oLt &c' cootag ei g 8 tovtcp
they grounded their arms (ngos; cdm1v tt1v JTOA.LV tOJV MtA!lGLwv xga-
tOUVt€<; ~611 tix on/<.a r.L8t:v-tm, 8.25 .4 ). The Athenians considered putting
TO) 19o6%h &e)e~i Tfi vix &x6 -g Mi)itfiov &vctrjcuv [in this way, on
that very evening, the Athenians went away from Miletos with their vic-
tory unaccomplished] (8.27.6). However, since the battle only lasted one
up a blockading wall (mgtt€tXWf-tO::;) but realized the futility of that exer-
day and the siege was given up literally before it was started, this engage- cise, because the Spartans were as eager to hold the city-especially be-
ment with the Athenians need not imply the existence of a full-scale,
cause it was walled in ((mor.axw8t:i:aav, 8.26.3 )-as the Athenians were
permanent wall. It is likely that the fence was only a stopgap measure,
to retake it. The Athenians decided that their position was untenable, so
raised up hurriedly against the immediate danger.
For the rest of the Peloponnesian War, the Spartans used Miletos both
rather than risk a battle, xal. ot f-lEV 'A8t:vaiot a¢' E(JJtEQa::; dJ8us; tounp
as the chief naval base of their fleet in lonia and as a meeting place
t<i) TQOJt(J~ atEAEi tll vlxn ano ti1::; MtAlltOU UVE(J"tllO'UV lin this way, on
between the Spartan leaders and the representatives of the Persian king that very evening, the Athenians went away from Miletos with their vic-
(Thuc. 8.28-109 passim). The Milesians seemed happy with this arrange-
tory unaccomplished] (8.27.6). However, since the battle only lasted one
ment at first (oL e MtX oi) too rof0wg to ovtoil00 o) ov ifegov [And
day and the siege was given up literally before it was started, this engage-
the Milesians supported the war eagerly] Thuc. 8.36.1). Although they
ment with the Athenians need not imply the existence of a full-scale,
were keen for war against Athens, they were troubled to see Sparta
making an alliance with Persia, which was immediately followed by Per-

permanent wall. It is likely that the fence was only a stopgap measure,
sian encroachment near Miletos. The Milesians acted on their apprehen- raised up hurriedly against the immediate danger.
sion when, taking advantage of a crisis in Spartan leadership, they struck
For the rest of the Peloponnesian War, the Spartans used Miletos both
out against the Persians (Thuc. 8.84.4-5). They fell on the satrap in a fort
as the chief naval base of their fleet in Ionia and as a meeting place
he had made in Milesian territory and threw out the garrison that was in
between the Spartan leaders and the representatives of the Persian king
it. When a Spartan officer complained about this ill-treatment of Sparta's
most important ally (and the source of Spartan funds), he attracted

(Thuc. 8.28-109 passim). The Milesians seemed happy with this arrange-
ment at first (OL tE MtA.~atOL J1Q08U!l(J)::; ta toU JtOAEf-tOU e¢EQOV [And
the Milesians supported the war eagerlyl Thuc. 8.36.1). Although they
were keen for war against Athens, they were troubled to see Sparta
making an alliance with Persia, which was immediately followed by Per-
sian encroachment near Miletos. The Milesians acted on their apprehen-
sion when, taking advantage of a crisis in Spartan leadership, they struck
out against the Persians (Thuc. 8.84.4-5). They fell on the satrap in a fort
he had made in Milesian territory and threw out the garrison that was in
it. When a Spartan officer complained about this ill-treatment of Sparta's

most important ally (and the source of Spartan funds), he attracted
Milesian anger as well, so that when he later died from disease, they
refused to bury him there.
Obviously the Milesians thought that they were falling back into the
clutches of the Persian Empire and in this estimation they were correct. In
the third treaty between the Peloponnesians and the Persians from the
Milesian anger as well, so that when he later died from disease, they
refused to bury him there.
year 412/1, the two parties agreed that xu ov TIv f Lewg, onl tflg
'Ao aS oifL, (3a otXec)S etvaL-"MCI J OL lS xcfiO( lS vtov 3ovXev 'co3
(3pa6X e g mouw f3oXket [the land of the king, as much as in Asia, shall
Obviously the Milesians thought that they were falling back into the
be the king's, and concerning this land that is his own, the king may wish
clutches of the Persian Empire and in this estimation they were correct. In
whatever he wishes] (Thuc. 8.58.2). Instead of guaranteeing their free-
the third treaty between the Peloponnesians and the Persians from the
dom, the Spartans betrayed the Greeks of Asia Minor to the Persian king
year 412/1, the two parties agreed that xwgav 't~V ~aOLAEW!;;, 001'] 1:~1;;
'AaLa~;; E01:L, ~aml-fws; rtvm· 'X.aL ITEQL 1:~1;; xwgas; •11~:; eaU'tOU ~OUAfUEL(l)
as the price of his financial and naval aid in the Peloponnesian War. The
Milesians were not happy about this turn of events, but ultimately they
could do little about it.

~amA.rvs; onw~;; ~ouA.r1:m [the land of the king, as much as in Asia, shall
Thucydides' account of the war breaks off in 411, but it is picked up at
be the king's, and concerning this land that is his own, the king may wish
the same point by Xenophon, who devotes the first two books of his whatever he wishes] (Time. 8.58.2). Instead of guaranteeing their free-
Hellenika to the concluding decade. In those years, the fighting moved
dom, the Spartans betrayed the Greeks of Asia Minor to the Persian king
away from lonia, mostly to the area around the Hellespont and Black
as the price of his financial and naval aid in the Peloponnesian War. The
Sea, but Miletos continued to be the Spartan base of naval operations
(Xen. Hell. 1.5.1, 1.6.2, 1.6.7). The Milesians also contributed infantry
Milesians were not happy about this turn of events, but ultimately they
to the struggle in 409, marching out to relieve an Athenian attack on
could do little about it.
Pygela, a town lying just to the south of Ephesos. The effort was ill Thucydides' account of the war breaks off in 411, but it is picked up at
conceived, however, and the Milesians were nearly all killed by the Athe-
the same point by Xenophon, who devotes the first two books of his
nian peltasts and hoplites (Xen. Hell. 1.2.2-3).
Hellenika to the concluding decade. In those years, the fighting moved

Throughout the war, the Milesian hostility toward the Persians seems
to have continued unabated. In 406, when Cyrus, the brother of the

away from Ionia, mostly to the area around the Hellespont and Black
Persian king and commander over Asia Minor, procrastinated in making
Sea, but Miletos continued to be the Spartan base of naval operations
his payment to the Lakedaimonian troops at Miletos, the Spartan general (Xen. Hell. 1.5.1, 1.6.2, 1.6.7). The Milesians also contributed infantry
Kallikratidas grew angry and ashamed that the Greeks were waiting at
to the struggle in 409, marching out to relieve an Athenian attack on
the doors of the Persian king for the sake of money, but he had to obey his
Pygela, a town lying just to the south of Ephesos. The effort was ill
orders and attack the Athenian forces. Worse yet, he had to convince the
conceived, however, and the Milesians were nearly all killed by the Athe-
Milesians to attack alongside him, despite their lack of pay. To do this, he
played off their hostile feelings toward the Persians, convincing them that
nian peltasts and hoplites (Xen. Hell. 1.2.2-3).
they should show up the Persians by attacking the Athenians without Throughout the war, the Milesian hostility toward the Persians seems
their help and their money (Xen. Hell. 1.6.8, 11).
to have continued unabated. In 406, when Cyrus, the brother of the
F o' v, 0J MtilOto, &vyZava tox g olot &OXovot nmeL80JeoaLi[vag
Persian king and commander over Asia Minor, procrastinated in making

6 Eym &L b moOvvotatovg stvaLt ig -to6v m68oVeov 6ta -6 oizxof-
his payment to the Lakedaimonian troops at Miletos, the Spartan general

viag v 3aol3af otLg XeLo za xaxa ij6 i' ac-rcv nemov6Evat.. .
Kallikratidas grew angry and ashamed that the Greeks were waiting at
the doors of the Persian king for the sake of money, but he had to obey his
orders and attack the Athenian forces. Worse yet, he had to convince the
Milesians to attack alongside him, despite their lack of pay. To do this, he
played off their hostile feelings toward the Persians, convincing them that
they should show up the Persians by attacking the Athenians without
their help and their money (Xen. Hell. 1.6.8, 11 ).
E!-!OL !-LEV, r1 MLA~mm, b.vay'X-11 LOLl;; ohm agx.oum ndecaem· uwis;

Of liyw a~LW JtQ08U!l01:CtL01!s dvm d; 'tOV JtOAE!lOV tna TO ot'X.OU-

Vta; EV ~ag~agms; JtAELO'ta 'X.a'X.a ~OT] u:t' atJLWV JtEJtOV8EVaL ....
&)'t cyiv TOi; goi 8o JI-48 tv tot; lu (afl6oLoL tixcd UV8V toil
exe4vov; Oauith 8Lv &vaq480u oil; xO~ovc; TLVWQE icJOUL.
[0 Milesians, I have to obey those who are in charge at home, and I

think it only right that you be the most eager in this war, since,
dwelling among the barbarians, you have already suffered most
bX>..a oilv Toic; 8EOic;

OELS(J)~UoV Toic; ~aQ~cXQOLc; OTL x.at avfu LOU
rx.Eivouc; eau~a~nv OUVcX!-!E8a wile; rx8Qoilc; 'tL~(J)QEL08m.
numerous evils at their hands. ... But with the help of the gods, let
us demonstrate to the barbarians that, even without looking on
them with awe, we are able to take vengeance on our enemies.]
As a result, private citizens came to the aid of the army, funding Kalli-
[0 Milesians, I have to obey those who are in charge at home, and I
kratides' successful assault on Methymna.
think it only right that you be the most eager in this war, since,
We know of one last episode of the Peloponnesian War involving the
dwelling among the barbarians, you have already suffered most

numerous evils at their hands .... But with the help of the gods, let
Milesians, a brutal oligarchic coup at Miletos in 405 B.C.E. remembered
by Diodoros (13.104.5-6):
[5] xaO' fl%6i1 yovoV F-V iI~MLi~y iLv C 6)LYU9XLL; 698YoVvo1

us demonstrate to the barbarians that, even without looking on
xauevca iv M1'61 pov, oGV ~9ca6Lvtcv wc-o L; Auxe6uLIov~wv.
them with awe, we are able to take vengeance on our enemies.]
xa TO eiV J~T ov Aiovvc 6owv 6vtwv eV tag Lo bdui; toil; ii6L-
ctu vtLrQ'ttovtcL; ~WV]9QTraYaLV xc T8QL tecYcYcLQaxoVtU 6ovtu;
As a result, private citizens came to the aid of the army, funding Kalli-
&J~c cv, uetax b, tij; &yoQ5L; 11OogtQLaxocYLoVg CTL-
kratides' successful assault on Methymna.

)~avte; toil; 8rmoct6tov; &vpD~ov. [6] oi 6e xco1~ctato1 t6zv
Toxt ol 6i iov oovovtvi , 6vt8; ovx F'6Lttov; XLWV, )o(3JflOv-

We know of one last episode of the Peloponnesian War involving the
te; TI~V Qr8Qkc~tcLV vyov m; g LoV4(3cL~oV toy
Milesians, a brutal oligarchic coup at Miletos in 405 B.C.E. remembered
cYctQarr~vovto; 6e )L~)ovw voJ ioiv; &- 6q4vo;, xcd a iYtlt by Diodoros (13.104.5-6):
X~vcioUV exaici tbwoflcJ~qlvo;, xatc xLcJv eig B)~ai6u,
)9ou9Lov TLi -rig;Av&&a;.
[5] x.a8' ov o~ XQOVov rv TTI MtAllT4J uv£:; oA.LyaQXLac; ogcy6~cvm

xaTEAUOav TOV oT]~ov, OU~;tQat;avT(J)V auwic; Aax.EOaL~OVL(J)V.
[[5] At the same time in Miletos, certain men who were yearning for
an oligarchy dissolved the democracy with the aid of the Lakedai-
monians. First of all, when the Dionysia was being celebrated, they
xat To ~Ev rrgonov D.LOvuolmv ovTmv ev Taic; ob-:lmc; wile; ~aA.L
snatched up about forty of the leaders of the opposition while they oTa avTL;tQcXTTOVTac; cruv~gnaoav xat JtEQL TEOoagax.OVTa OVTac;
were in their own homes and cut their throats. Afterwards, when the
an£o¢asav, ~ETa 6£, TYjc; ayog&.c; JtAY]80UOY]c;, TQLax.oolouc; EJtL-
agora was full, choosing out the three hundred wealthiest men, they
A.£savTEc; wile; EUJtOQ(J)TUTOUc; aVELAOV. [6] ot CJE XUQLEOTaTOL TWV

Ta wii 6f]~LOu ¢govouvnnv, ovTEc; oux EJ-.aTwuc; XLJ,l(J)v, ¢o~r]8Ev
killed them too. [6] Then the most accomplished men of those who
favored the democracy, being not less than one thousand in number,
fearing the current state of affairs, fled to the satrap Pharnabazos.

TEc; TllV mgloTamv E<j:Juyov ngoc; agva~a~ov Tov
And that man, receiving them courteously and, giving to each of OUTQcXJtllV·O~TO<; OC <j:JL).o<j:Jgovmc; aUToilc; od;a!lEVoc;, XaL OTaTT]Qa
them a gold stater, settled them at Blauda, a fortress of Lydia.]
XQUOOUV EXUOTqJ f>mQllOU~EVO:;, Y.at"tPX.LOEV £L:; Bf.auf'Ja,
<PQOUQLOV TL TTjc; Au6lac;.
[[5] At the same time in Miletos, certain men who were yearning for
an oligarchy dissolved the democracy with the aid of the Lakedai-
monians. First of all, when the Dionysia was being celebrated, they
snatched up about forty of the leaders of the opposition while they
were in their own homes and cut their throats. Afterwards, when the
agora was full, choosing out the three hundred wealthiest men, they
killed them too. [6] Then the most accomplished men of those who
favored the democracy, being not less than one thousand in number,
fearing the current state of affairs, fled to the satrap Pharnabazos.
And that man, receiving them courteously and, giving to each of

them a gold stater, settled them at Blauda, a fortress of Lydia.]
Two other sources back this account (Plut. Lys. 8; Polyain. 1.45.1), but
they both put the blame for the events squarely on the shoulders of the
Spartan general, Lysander. At any rate, we hear nothing more about this
coup, so it could not have lasted very long: there is no reflection of it in
the inscriptional evidence from Miletos.
Two other sources back this account (Plut. Lys. 8; Polyain. 1.45.1), but
they both put the blame for the events squarely on the shoulders of the
When the Peloponnesian War ended in 404 B.C.E., all of the worst
fears of the Milesians came true. Sparta abandoned lonia to the Persians,
and after a hiatus of nearly a century, Miletos was forced to settle unwill-
Spartan general, Lysander. At any rate, we hear nothing more about this
ingly back into the status of a Persian subject. When Cyrus decided to
coup, so it could not have lasted very long: there is no reflection of it in
rebel against his brother, the king, in 401, Miletos alone of the Ionian
the inscriptional evidence from Miletos.
Greeks did not go over to his side, only because Tissaphernes stepped in
When the Peloponnesian War ended in 404 B.C:.E., all of the worst
fears of the Milesians came true. Sparta abandoned Ionia to the Persians,
quickly and executed or banished anyone sympathetic to the rebel cause.
Cyrus responded in turn by besieging the city by land and sea (Xen.
Anab. 1.1.6). His attack, though short-lived, was almost certainly against
and after a hiatus of nearly a century, Miletos was forced to settle unwill-
a city with a full circuit wall. The archaeological remains of the Classical
ingly back into the status of a Persian subject. When Cyrus decided to
wall date to the end of the fifth century or beginning of the fourth. rebel against his brother, the king, in 401, Miletos alone of the Ionian
Perhaps it was constructed immediately after 412, when the Milesians
Greeks did not go over to his side, only because Tissaphernes stepped in
were free from Athenian imperial restrictions and while the Peloponne-
quickly and executed or bani shed anyone sympathetic to the rebel cause.
sian War was still raging, so that this important naval headquarters for
the joint Spartan-Persian fleet could be properly defended.54 In any case,

Cyrus responded in turn by besieging the city by land and sea (Xen.
Cyrus soon gave up the siege and withdrew to Sardis to prepare for his
Anab. 1.1.6). His attack, though short-lived, was almost certainly against
famous march up-country (Xen. Anab. 1.2.2), and Miletos continued a city with a full circuit wall. The archaeological remains of the Classical
under the control of the legitimate Persian king.
wall date to the end of the fifth century or beginning of the fourth.
Although its continued economic prosperity can still be seen today in the
Perhaps it was constructed immediately after 412, when the Milesians

visible ruins of the city, most of which date to the Hellenistic and Roman
centuries, Miletos, the "ornament of lonia" (Hdt. 5.28), the city that had
were free from Athenian imperial restrictions and while the Peloponne-
once been the intellectual and economic center of the Hellenic world,
sian War was still raging, so that this important naval headquarters for
would never again be free.55 Instead, the Milesians were treated as pawns the joint Spartan-Persian fleet could be properly defended. 54 In any case,
in the larger political game going on around them. A contingent of
Cyrus soon gave up the siege and withdrew to Sardis to prepare for his
Milesians was still attending the satrap, Tissaphernes, at the time of his
famous march up-country (Xen. Anab. 1.2.2), and Miletos continued

death in 395 (Polyain. 8.16), and Persian control over Asia Minor was
under the control of the legitimate Persian king.

formally accepted by the Greeks in the Peace of Antalkidas, also called
the King's Peace, in 386 B.C.E. (Xen. Hell. 5.1.31). Several Carian rulers
made inroads against the city during the fourth century,56 but with the Although its continued economic prosperity can still be seen today in the
54. The finds are best summarized in Miiller-Wiener 1986a and Cobet 1997.
visible ruins of the city, most of which date to the Hellenistic and Roman
55. Miletos after 400: Kleiner 1970; PECS 578-82; Foss 1977, 477-79; Dunham 1915,
centuries, Miletos, the "ornament of Ionia" (Hdt. 5.28), the city that had
118-20.
56. Polyain. 6.8; Dunham 1915, 118-20.

once been the intellectual and economic center of the Hellenic world,
would never again be free. 55 Instead, the Milesians were treated as pawns
in the larger political game going on around them. A contingent of
Milesians was still attending the satrap, Tissaphernes, at the time of his
death in 395 (Polyain. 8.16), and Persian control over Asia Minor was
formally accepted by the Greeks in the Peace of Antalkidas, also called
the King's Peace, in 386 B.C.E. (Xen. Hell. 5.1.31 ). Several Carian rulers
made inroads against the city during the fourth century, 56 but with the
54. The finds are best summarized in Mi.iller-Wiener 1986a and Cobet 1997.
55. Miletos after 400: Kleiner 1970; PECS 578-82; Foss 1977, 477-79; Dunham 1915,
118-20.
56. Polyain. 6.8; Dunham 1915, 118- 20.
arrival of Alexander the Great in 334, Miletos was again guarded by a
Persian garrison and was the first city to present Alexander resistance
(Arr. Anab. 1.18ff.). The Milesians themselves offered Alexander posses-

sion of the city in common with the Persians, but he refused and began a
vigorous siege that led quickly to the fall of the city.57 For the time being,
arrival of Alexander the Great in 334, Miletos was again guarded by a

Persian garrison and was the first city to present Alexander resistance
it was back in Greek hands, but Alexander's premature death left Miletos
as a point of dispute between the families of the generals who succeeded
him. In the Hellenistic era, the Seleukids and Attalids competed for con-
(Arr. Anab. 1.18ff.). The Milesians themselves offered Alexander posses-
trol of the city, and they were responsible for the construction of many
sion of the city in common with the Persians, but he refused and began a
buildings at the site, including the Council House, a large gymnasium,
vigorous siege that led quickly to the fall of the city.57 For the time being,
and probably the stadium.
it was hack in Greek hands, hut Alexander's premature death left Miletos
as a point of dispute between the families of the generals who succeeded
In 133, King Attalos of Pergamon died and left his entire kingdom-
western Anatolia, including lonia-to the people of Rome. It was set up
as the province of Asia. In this new Roman era, Miletos was esteemed
him. ln the Hellenistic era, the Seleukids and Attalids competed for con-
much less than in earlier years, in part because its usefulness was diminish-
trol of the city, and they were responsible for the construction of many
ing as its harbors were rapidly filling with silt from the Maiandros River, buildings at the site, including the Council House, a large gymnasium,
thus requiring frequent and costly dredging projects to keep them func-
and probably the stadium.

tioning. Nevertheless, Miletos experienced a building boom, especially
In 133, King Attalos of Pergamon died and left his entire kingdom-
under Trajan and his wife, Faustina, who completed an improvement
project for the processional road to Didyma and constructed the Baths of
western Anatolia, including Ionia-to the people of Rome. It was set up
Faustina and the Nymphaeum. Miletos was home to the largest agora
as the province of Asia. In this new Roman era, Miletos was esteemed
known from the entire Greek World, the South Market (33,000 sq. m.) much less than in earlier years, in part because its usefulness was diminish-
with its towering Market Gate that has been reerected in modern times in
ing as its harbors were rapidly filling with silt from the Maiandros River,
the Pergamon Museum in Berlin. In addition, the city boasted a large
thus requiring frequent and costly dredging projects to keep them func-
Roman theater, which was 140 m. across and seated some fifteen thou-
sand spectators in three tiers of seats. In the seventh century, this theater
tioning. Nevertheless, Miletos experienced a building boom, especially
was converted into a fortress by the Byzantine powers that succeeded
under Trajan and his wife, Faustina, who completed an improvement
Rome. By then the fortification wall surrounded an area only one-quarter project for the processional road to Didyma and constructed the Baths of
the size of the ancient city. Both it and the fortress were destroyed in an
Faustina and the Nymphaeum. Miletos was home to the largest agora
earthquake in the tenth or eleventh century C.E. They were rebuilt, but
known from the entire Greek World, the South Market (33,000 sq. m .)
subsequently most of the city fell into ruin, except the fortress, which was
with its towering Market Gate that has been reerected in modern times in
maintained for many centuries by the Ottoman Turks, and which gave
the site its modern name, Balat.

the Pergamon Museum in Berlin. In addition, the city boasted a large
57. Sometime in the fourth century, a wall was built across the plain, separating Roman theater, which was 140 m. across and seated some fifteen thou-
Kalabaktepe from the city proper. This would have been the wall Alexander assaulted. See
sand spectators in three tiers of seats. In the seventh century, this theater
Milet 1.6.83-84, 1.8.109-11, 2.3.120-24; Mellink 1984, 454.
was converted into a fortress by the Byzantine powers that succeeded

Rome. By then the fortification wall surrounded an area only one-quarter

the size of the ancient city. Both it and the fortress were destroyed in an
earthquake in the tenth or eleventh century C.E. They were rebuilt, but
subsequently most of the city fell into ruin, except the fortress, which was
maintained for many centuries by the Ottoman Turks, and which gave
the site its modern name, Balat.
57. Sometime in the fourth century, a wall was built across the plain, separating
Kalabaktepe from the city proper. This would have been the wall Alexander assaulted. See
Milet 1.6.83- 84, 1.8.109- 11, 2.3.120- 24; Mellink 1984,454.
ï»¿Appendix: The Milesian Colonies
Section 1. West of the Propontis
Abydos, one of the earliest colonies in this vicinity, was situated on the best
natural harbor in the Troad and at the narrowest part of the strait (6 km.
north of modern Canakkale). The site has been located but not excavated.
The city was home to a pre-Milesian settlement already mentioned in
Homer's Catalogue of Ships (Il. 2.836). It may have been a Phoenician
colony originally, since it housed a cult of Aphrodite Porne, the great
Eastern fertility goddess (Ath. 13.572-73).1 Strabo (13.1.22) says that
Abydos was founded by the Milesians with the permission of Gyges, king
of the Lydians. This statement implies, first, a literary foundation date con-
Appendix: The Milesian Colonies
current with Gyges' reign (ca. 680-652); second, that the Lydians con-
trolled the Troad in the first half of the seventh century; and, third, that the
Milesians enjoyed some sort of special relationship with them. This associa-
tion may explain the Milesian control of the south shore of the Propontis:
while Lampsakos was founded at the northeast corner of the Hellespont by
the Phokaians in 654, no other non-Milesian colonies were placed on the Section 1. West of the Propontis
south coast until Athens settled Sigeion, ca. 600.2
Abydos, one of the earliest colonies in this vicinity, was situated on the best
Abydos occupied a prime location on the Hellespont. It exploited the
nearby forests and gold mines for trade,3 and it may also have found a
profitable livelihood in controlling the sea traffic between the Aegean and
natural harbor in the Troad and at the narrowest part of the strait (6 km.
Much of the archaeological scholarship on the Milesian colonies is written in
north of modern Canakkale). The site has been located but not excavated.
Russian, Turkish, Romanian, or another eastern European language. In most
The city was home to a pre-Milesian settlement already mentioned in
instances, I cite sources in a Western language that give much more complete
Homer's Catalogue of Ships (Il. 2.836). It may have been a Phoenician

bibliographical references in their notes.
colony originally, since it housed a cult of Aphrodite Porne, the great

1. Abydos: Thuc. 8.61; Str. 13.1.22, 14.1.6; Eust. GGM 2.315, para. 513; Ath.
12.524; Steph. Byz. s.v.; Polyb. 16.29; Ehrhardt 1983, 32; Rohlig 1933, 13; Leaf 1923,
Eastern fertility goddess (Ath. 13.572-73). 1 Strabo (13.1.22) says that
116-19; Bilabel 1920, 51; Busolt 1893, 1.271 (Phoenician origin).
Abydos was founded by the Milesians with the permission of Gyges, king
2. Ehrhardt 1983, 31-48; Graham 1982a, 121.
of the Lydians. This statement implies, first, a literary foundation date con-
3. Rohlig 1933, 14-15.
current with Gyges' reign (ca. 680-652); second, that the Lydians con-
243
trolled the Troad in the first half of the seventh century; and, third, that the
Milesians enjoyed some sort of special relationship with them. This associa-
tion may explain the Milesian control of the south shore of the Propontis:
while Lampsakos was founded at the northeast corner of the Hellespont by
the Phokaians in 654, no other non-Milesian colonies were placed on the
south coast until Athens settled Sigeion, ca. 600. 2
Abydos occupied a prime location on the Hellespont. It exploited the

nearby forests and gold mines for trade,3 and it may also have found a
profitable livelihood in controlling the sea traffic between the Aegean and
Much of the archaeological scholarship on the Milesian colonies is written in

Russian, Turkish, Romanian, or another eastern European language. In most
instances, I cite sources in a Western language that give much more complete
bibliographical references in their notes.
1. Abydos: Thuc. 8.61; Str. 13.1.22, 14.1.6; Eust. GGM 2.315, para. 513; Ath.
12.524; Steph. Ryz. s.v.; Polyb. 16.29; Ehrhardt 1 983, 32; Rohlig 1933, 13; Leaf 1923,
116-19; Bilabel1920, 51; Busolr 1893, 1.271 (Phoenician origin).

2. Ehrhardt 1983, 31-48; Graham 1982a, 121.
3. Rohlig 1933, 14- 15.
243
ï»¿244 Appendix
the Propontis and demanding tariffs for the right of passage, although no
direct evidence of this remains. It was also the ideal place for the channel-
ing of land transportation across to the Lesbian cities Sestos and Madytos,
244 Appendix
located on the European side of the Hellespont: precisely here Xerxes
constructed his famous pontoon bridge to transfer his army across into
the Propontis and demanding tariffs for the right of passage, although no
direct evidence of this remains. It was also the ideal place for the channel-
Europe for the invasion of Greece in 480 B.C.E. (Hdt. 7.34).
Kardia was a joint foundation by the Milesians and the Klazomenians
dating to ca. 600 B.C.E. It was located on the Thracian Chersonese (mod-
ing of land transportation across to the Lesbian cities Sestos and Madytos,
ern Gallipoli), in the northern corner of the inner part of the Bay of
located on the European side of the Hellespont: precisely here Xerxes
Melas, facing west. In the mid-sixth century, the Athenians took over
constructed his famous pontoon bridge to transfer his army across into
this city when the Elder Miltiades seized the area. The situation of this
Europe for the invasion of Greece in 480 B.C. E. (Hdt. 7.34 ).

city and Limnai (following) on a mountainous peninsula meant that
Kardia was a joint foundation by the Milesians and the Klazomenians

agricultural opportunities were limited, but their Thraceward exposure
indicates that they may have been involved with commercial enterprises
with the natives there.4

dating to ca. 600 B.C.E. It was located on the Thracian Chersonese (mod-
Limnai was also on the Thracian Chersonese, probably on the west coast
ern Gallipoli), in the northern corner of the inner part of the Bay of
but possibly near Sestos on the eastern side. It was founded by Milesians
Melas, facing west. In the mid-sixth century, the Athenians took over
alone at an unknown date, and very little else is known about it.5
this city when the Elder Miltiades seized the area. The situation of this
city and Limnai (following) on a mountainous peninsula meant that
Arisbe, along with Skepsis (following), was located on the Troad and was
among the Milesian colonies listed by Anaximenes of Lampsakos (Str.
14.1.6). We know little about the city, about a dozen kilometers northeast
agricultural opportunities were limited, but their Thraceward exposure
of Abydos, except that it was attributed to the Milesians and was later a
indicates that they may have been involved with commercial enterprises
member of the Delian League.6
with the natives there. 4
Skepsis was on the Skamander River in the Troad, about 70 km. inland. It
was traditionally a pre-Greek settlement led by some Trojan princes, who
Limnai was also on the Thracian Chersonese, probably on the west coast
but possibly near Sestos on the eastern side. It was founded by Milesians
were later joined by Milesians (Str. 13.1.52). It was certainly Milesian at
some time: the personal name Milesios occurs there. No date is given for its
4. Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.223, lines 698-99 (in connection with another city on the west
alone at an unknown date, and very little else is known about it.S
coast); Str. 7.51 (joint foundation), 53; Ehrhardt 1983, 33; Bilabel 1920, 53.
5. Str. 14.1.6; Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.223, line 705; Steph. Byz. s.v. (near Sestos); ATL
Arisbe, along with Skepsis (following), was located on the Troad and was
1.468; Ehrhardt 1983, 33; Bilabel 1920, 53.
among the Milesian colonies listed by Anaximenes of Lampsakos (Str.
6. Ehrhardt 1983, 35; Leaf 1923, 108-11; Bilabel 1920, 51; IG i3 269.ii.2 [443/2],
14.1.6). We know little about the city, about a dozen kilometers northeast
270.ii.24 [442/1] (Delian League). Stephanos Byzantios confuses this city with one by the
same name on Lesbos and wrongly attributes it to the Mytilenaians. The tradition of
of Abydos, except that it was attributed to the Milesians and was later a
Milesian domination of colonization in the northeast is demonstrated when Strabo (13.1.9)
member of the Delian League.6
assumes that Lampsakos is Milesian; we know that it was Phokaian: see Charon FHG 1 F
Skepsis was on the Skamander River in the Troad, about 70 km. inland. It
6; Plut. Mul. vir. 18. Stephanos Byzantios gives both mother cities.
was traditionally a pre-Greek settlement led by some Trojan princes, who

were later joined by Milesians (Str. 13.1.52). It was certainly Milesian at
some time: the personal name Milesios occurs there. No date is given for its
4. Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.223, lines 698-99 (in connection with another city on the west
coast); Str. 7.51 (joint foundation), 53; Ehrhardt 1983, 33; Bilabel1920, 53.
5. Str. 14.1.6; Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.223, line 705; Steph. Byz. s.v. (near Sestos); ATL
1.468; Ehrhardt 1983, 33; Bilabel1920, 53.
6. Ehrhardt 1983, 35; Leaf 1923, 108-11; Bilabel 1920, 51; IG i3 269.ii.2 [443/2],
270.ii.24 [442/1] (Delian League). Stephanos Byzantios confuses this city with one by the
same name on I.esbos and wrongly attributes it to the Mytilenaians. The tradition of
Milesian domination of colonization in the northeast is demonstrated when Strabo (13.1.9)

assumes that Lampsakos is Milesian; we know that it was Phokaian: see Charon FHG 1 F
6; Plut. Mul. vir. 18. Stephanos Byzantios gives both mother cities.
ï»¿Appendix 245
foundation, and estimates range from the seventh century to the fifth. Its
location so far inland is very unusual for a Milesian settlement, but that
location may be explained in part by its proximity to the forests of Mt. Ida.7
Appendix 245
Section 2. The South Shore of the Propontis
Paisos and Kolonai, the first colonies along the south coast of the
foundation, and estimates range from the seventh century to the fifth. Its
location so far inland is very unusual for a Milesian settlement, but that
Propontis, were located at the inlet of the Hellespont. Strabo says
(13.1.19) that both were Milesian, but there is some dispute about them,
because he wrongly attributes Lampsakos to Miletos in the same section.

location may be explained in part by its proximity to the forests of Mt. Ida.?
Perhaps we should consider Lampsakos to be a joint colony of Miletos
and Phokaia (as was Amisos a century later), or perhaps Strabo is con-
fused. The matter may be settled when the cities are excavated, but until
Section 2. The South Shore of the Propontis

then we may accept these two cities provisionally as Milesian and leave
Paisos and Kolonai, the first colonies along the south coast of the
Lampsakos Phokaian. Paisos was never of much significance, since it was
severely curtailed by the size of the coastal plain on which it sat. The site
of Kolonai is not known for certain.8

Propontis, were located at the inlet of the Hellespont. Strabo says
Parion (modern Kemer) poses another problem for scholars. Strabo calls
(13.1.19) that both were Milesian, but there is some dispute about them,
the very early settlement, dated to 709 B.C.E. (Euseb. 91b Helm), a joint
because he wrongly attributes Lampsakos to Miletos in the same section.
colonization effort of Erythrai, Paros, and Miletos (Str. 10.5.7, 13.1.14),
Perhaps we should consider Lampsakos to be a joint colony of Miletos

and Phokaia (as was Amisos a century later), or perhaps Strabo is con-
but elsewhere it is attributed solely to Erythrai (Paus. 9.27). There is a
strong argument for the Erythraian role based on the titles of the magis-
trates (the exetasiai) and perhaps from the evidence of some personal
fused. The matter may be settled when the cities are excavated, but until
names, but the Parian role cannot be overlooked, because Paros must be
then we may accept these two cities provisionally as Milesian and leave
the origin of the colony's name. Thus two of Strabo's three mother cities Lampsakos Phokaian. Paisos was never of much significance, since it was
are confirmed. Why not accept the third as well? Some reject the Milesian
severely curtailed by the size of the coastal plain on which it sat. The site
role for lack of evidence, despite the fact that the city in question is not
of Kolonai is not known for certain. 8

well excavated, or because of outside considerations having to do with
the alliances of the Lelantine War. Neither of these causes is sufficient,
and the early date might favor a joint foundation: it was a gamble send-
Parion (modern Kerner) poses another problem for scholars. Strabo calls
ing out a colony to an area not yet thoroughly colonized, and success
the very early settlement, dated to 709 n.c.E. (Euseb. 91 b Helm), a joint
7. Ehrhardt 1983, 29; Bilabel 1920, 51-53. Perkote, lying between Arisbe and
colonization effort of Erythrai, Paros, and Miletos (Str. 10.5.7, 13.1.14),
Lampsakos, may have also been a Milesian foundation, but the question remains open until
but elsewhere it is attributed solely to Erythrai (Paus. 9.27). There is a

strong argument for the Erythraian role based on the titles of the magis-
more evidence is obtained (Leaf 1923, 111-14). Zeleia is denied by both Bilabel (1920, 47-
49) and Ehrhardt (1983, 38).
8. Graham 1982a, 161; Leaf 1923, 98-102; Bilabel 1920, 50-51. Ehrhardt (1983,
trates (the exetasiai) and perhaps from the evidence of some personal
35-36) and Dunham (1915, 57) discount Kolonai, reasoning that its position off the
names, but the Parian role cannot be overlooked, because Paros must be
immediate coastline makes it an unlikely candidate for a Milesian city.
the origin of the colony's name. Thus two of Strabo's three mother cities
are confirmed. Why not accept the third as well? Some reject the Milesian
role for lack of evidence, despite the fact that the city in question is not
well excavated, or because of outside considerations having to do with
the alliances of the Lelantine War. Neither of these causes is sufficient,
and the early date might favor a joint foundation: it was a gamble send-
ing out a colony to an area not yet thoroughly colonized, and success
7. Ebrbardt 1983, 29; Bilabel 1920, 51-53. Perkote, lying between Arisbe and
Lampsakos, may bave also been a Milesian foundation, but the question remains open unril
more evidence is obtained (Leaf 1923, 111-14 ). Zeleia is denied by both Bila bel (1920, 4 7-
49) and Ehrhardt (1983, 38).
8. Graham 1982a, 161; Leaf 1923, 98-102; Bilabel 1920, 50-51. Ehrhardt (1983,
35-36) and Dunham (1915, 57) discount Kolonai, reasoning that its position off the
immediate coastline makes it an unlikely candidate for a Milesian city.
ï»¿246 Appendix
would be more likely if three cities pooled their resources. Finally, in view
of Parion's location in the midst of other Milesian colonies, the Milesian
role in the foundation of Parion should be accepted.9

246 Appendix
Kyzikos was the earliest and most important of the colonies of the south-
ern Propontis. It was located on the narrow neck of a much bigger
would be more likely if three cities pooled their resources. Finally, in view
of Parion's location in the midst of other Milesian colonies, the Milesian
peninsula (now called Kapidagi) that was an island in very early antiq-
uity: it had harbors on both east and west and a swamp to the south.
Today the Archaic section is underwater. Although the city is not men-
role in the foundation of Parion should be accepted.9
tioned in the Epic Cycle, there is a tradition of pre-Greek settlement, for
in the Argonautika of Apollonios of Rhodes (1.956-1153), Kyzikos was

Kyzikos was the earliest and most important of the colonies of the south-
the name of the pre-Greek eponymous king who ruled over the Doliones.
ern Proponris. It was located on the narrow neck of a much bigger
Later the Milesians came with their double settlement in 756 and 679
peninsula (now called Kapidagi) that was an island in very early antiq-
(Euseb. 88b, 93b Helm) and established one of their most prosperous
uity: it had harbors on both east and west and a swamp to the south.
colonies. The Kyzikians obtained grain, meat, wine, metals, and timber
Today the Archaic section is underwater. Although the city is not men-
from the mainland and produced unguents and salt fish themselves. The
Kyzikene electrum stater, featuring the tuna fish, was made from the sixth
tioned in the Epic Cycle, there is a tradition of pre-Greek settlement, for
century onward; trade was so successful that the stater quickly became
in the Argonautika of Apollonios of Rhodes (1.956-1153), Kyzikos was
the standard for international exchange in Thrace, lonia, the Black Sea, the name of the pre-Greek eponymous king who ruled over the Doliones.
the Greek mainland, Magna Graecia, and Sicily.10
Later the Milesians came with their double settlement in 756 and 679
Artake, located on the southwest corner of the peninsula above Kyzikos,
(Euseb. 88b, 93b Helm) and established one of their most prosperous
is mentioned as a Milesian colony in the list of Anaximenes of Lamp-
sakos, but no trace of the ancient city remains.11

colonies. The Kyzikians obtained grain, meat, wine, metals, and timber
Prokonnesos was situated on the southwest side of the Island of Marmara
from the mainland and produced unguents and salt fish themselves. The
(modern Marmara Adasi), northwest of Kyzikos. It produced good vine- Kyzikene electrum stater, featuring the tuna fish, was made from the sixth
yards, but its real wealth came in the quarries of white marble for which
century onward; trade was so successful that the stater quickly became
it was famous for centuries: this stone was used in the construction of
the standard for international exchange in Thrace, Tonia, the Black Sea,
the city of Kyzikos, the palace of Mausolos in Halikarnassos, and the
Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. Prokonnesos was absorbed by Kyzikos

the Greek mainland, Magna Graecia, and Sicily. 10
in 362 B.C.E.12
9. Bilabel (1920, 49) and Ehrhardt (1983, 36-37) both argue against accepting Parion.
Artake, located on the southwest corner of the peninsula above Kyzikos,
Leaf (1923, 80-86) makes no judgment.
is mentioned as a Milesian colony in the list of Anaximenes of Lamp-
10. Str. 14.1.6; Sch. Ap. Rhod. 1.1076; Vell. Pat. 2.7.7.; Pliny NH 5.142; Ehrhardt sakos, but no trace of the ancient city remains. 11
1983, 40-42; Rohlig 1933, 13-14; Bilabel 1920, 46-47; Hasluck 1910; PECS 473-74.
11. Str. 14.1.6 (cf. Steph. Byz. s.v.); Hasluck 1910, 16-23.
Prokonnesos was situated on the southwest side of the Island of Marmara
12. Str. 13.1.12, 16 (marble); Vitr. 2.8 (marble); Sch. Ap. Rhod. 2.279; Paus. 8.46
(modern Marmara Adasi), northwest of Kyzikos. It produced good vine-

(absorbed by Kyzikos); Ehrhardt 1983, 38-40; Leaf 1923, 89-91; Bilabel 1920, 47; Has-
yards, but its real wealth came in the quarries of white marble for which
luck 1910, 30-35.
it was famous for centuries: this stone was used in the construction of
the city of Kyzikos, the palace of Mausolos in Halikarnassos, and the
Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. Prokonnesos was absorbed by Kyzikos
in 362 B.C.E.12
9. Rilabel ( 1920, 49) and Ehrhardt ( 1983, 36-37) both argue against accepting Pari on.
Leaf (1923, 80-86) makes no judgment.
10. Str. 14.1.6; Sch. Ap. Rhod. 1.1076; Vel!. Pat. 2.7.7 .; Pliny NH 5.142; Ehrhardt
1983, 40-42; Riihlig 1933, 13-14; Bilabel1920, 46-47; Hasluck 1910; PECS 473- 74.
11. Str. 14.1.6 (cf. Steph. Byz. s.v.); Hasluck 1910, 16-23.
12. Str. 13.1.12, 16 (marble); Vitr. 2.8 (marble); Sch. Ap. Rhod. 2.279; Paus. 8.46
(absorbed by Kyzikos); Ehrhardt 1983, 38-40; Leaf 1923, 89-91; Bilabel1920, 47; Has-
luck 1910, 30-35.

ï»¿Appendix 247
Priapos was on the mainland west of Kyzikos, near the modern Biga
River. It occupied a sharp triangular promontory (modern Kale Burnu,
or "Castle Cape"), which provided a good anchorage. Strabo groups

Appendix 247
Prokonnesos and Priapos with Abydos (13.1.12), implying that they
were colonized at about the same time early in the seventh century;
Priapos was on the mainland west of Kyzikos, near the modern Biga
River. It occupied a sharp triangular promontory (modern Kale Burnu,
alternatively, Priapos may have been a secondary colony founded by
Kyzikos.13
Miletopolis, sometimes called Miletoteichos ("Milesian Fort"), is judged

or "Castle Cape"), which provided a good anchorage. Strabo groups
a Milesian city from its name. The oldest mention of it occurs in the
Prokonnesos and Priapos with Abydos (13.1.12), implying that they
Athenian tribute list for 410 B.C.E., and although the ruins have been
were colonized at about the same time early in the seventh century;
located about 30 km. inland, near where the Koca River empties into
alternatively, Priapos may have been a secondary colony founded by

Kyzikos. 13
Lake Uluabat (at modern Melde), little else is known about it, including
the date of its initial foundation.14
Apollonia on the Rhyndakos has very little known about it except that it
was Milesian and located on the northeast corner of the same lake as
Miletopolis, sometimes called Miletoteichos ("Milesian Fort"), is judged
Miletopolis. The best evidence is late, a second-century B.C.E. inscription
a Milesian city from its name. The oldest mention of it occurs in the
Athenian tribute list for 410 B.C.E., and although the ruins have been
from Miletos on the occasion of the resumption of relations between
colony and mother city (Milet 1.3 #185). The settlement was probably
founded much earlier, in the late seventh or early sixth century.15

located about 30 km. inland, near where the Koca River empties into
Kios was founded in 622 B.C.E. and is firmly attributed to the Milesians,
Lake Uluabat (at modern Melde), little else is known about it, including
both in a decree from the mother city dated ca. 228 B.C.E. (Milet 1.3
the date of its initial foundation. 14
#141) and by Aristotle (fr. 514 Rose = Sch. Ap. Rhod. 1.1177), who says
that Kios was founded first by the Mysians from Chios, then by the
Carians, and finally by the Milesians. The ruins have been located in a
Apollonia on the Rhyndakos has very little known about it except that it
bay in the eastern Propontis (near modern Gemlik), and similarities in
was Milesian and located on the northeast corner of the same lake as
calendar, cults, state officials, and personal names make the connection
Miletopolis. The best evidence is late, a second-century B.C.E. inscription
with Miletos unmistakable.16
from Miletos on the occasion of the resumption of relations between

colony and mother city (Milet 1.3 #185). The settlement was probably
13. Str. 13.1.12; Ehrhardt 1983, 37-38; Leaf 1923, 73-76; Bilabel 1920, 49.
14. ATL 1.343; 2.81, 86. At IG 13 100.5, the name Miletoteichos is preferred by the
editors. According to Ehrhardt (1983, 42-44), the earliest dated items in the excavation are
founded much earlier, in the late seventh or early sixth century. 15
coins from the fourth century, and although the city was Milesian, about 410 it received
Athenian colonists as well. See also Bilabel 1920, 46; Hasluck 1910, 74-77.
Kios was founded in 622 B.C. E. and is firmly attributed to the Milesians,
15. Ehrhardt 1983, 44-47; Bilabel 1920, 45-46.
16. Pliny NH 5.144; Hier. (date); Ps.-Skyl. GGM 1.63, para. 93; Mela 1.100; Ehrhardt
both in a decree from the mother city dated ca. 228 B.C.E. (Milet 1.3
1983, 47-48 (archaeology); Bilabel 1920, 43-45.
#141) and by Aristotle (fr. 514 Rose= Sch. Ap. Rhod. 1.1177), who says
that Kios was founded first by the M ysians from Chios, then by the
Carians, and finally by the Milesians. The ruins have been located in a
bay in the eastern Propontis (near modern Gemlik), and similarities in
calendar, cults, state officials, and personal names make the connection
with Miletos unmistakable.16
13. Str. 13.1.12; Ehrhardt 1983, 37-38; Leaf 1923, 73- 76; Bilabel 1920, 4.9.
14. ATL 1.34 3; 2.81, 86. At IG 1l 100.5, the name Miletoteichos is preferred by the
editors. According to Ehrhardt (1983, 42-44), the earliest dated items in the excavation arc
coins from the fourth century, and although the city was l\1ilesian, about 410 it received
Athenian colonists as well. See also Bilabell920, 46; Hasluck 1910, 74-77.
15 . Ehrhardt 1983, 44-47; Bilahel1920, 45-46.
16. Pliny NH 5.144; Hier. (date); Ps.-Skyl. GGM 1.63, para . 93; Mela 1.100; Ehrhardt
1983, 47-48 (archaeology); Bila bcl 1920, 43-45.

ï»¿248 Appendix
Section 3. The South Shore of the Pontos
Sinope was the first and most famous city in the lower Pontos, acting as
an anchor for a number of neighboring, secondary colonies on the south

248 Appendix
littoral (Str. 12.3.11). It was located about halfway along the coast, on a
small peninsula that formed natural harbors on either side of it (modern
Section 3. The South Shore of the Pontos

Sinop). It also benefited from its situation at the narrowest point of
crossing between the south shore and the Tauric Chersonese (the Cri-
Sinope was the first and most famous city in the lower Pontos, acting as
mea), enabling the Sinopeans to trade with the cities of the north, export-
an anchor for a number of neighboring, secondary colonies on the south

ing wine in particular. Besides drying fish, they traded with the people of
the Anatolian interior for wood, the pigmentation miltos (known to the
littoral (Str. 12.3.11 ). It was located about halfway along the coast, on a
Greek world as Sinopean red ocher), and ample supplies of iron, all trade
small peninsula that formed natural harbors on either side of it (modern
goods highly valued in the mother city.17 Sinop). It also benefited from its situation at the narrowest point of
Milesian roots are amply evidenced in literature and inscriptional evi-
crossing between the south shore and the Tauric Chersonese (the Cri-
dence of cults, personal names, and magistrates, as well as frequent men-
mea), enabling the Sinopeans to trade with the cities of the north, export-
tions of the mother city. According to legend, Sinope was founded first
before 756 by a Milesian named Habron or Habrondas and quickly sent

ing wine in particular. Besides drying fish, they traded with the people of
out a daughter colony, Trapezous (modern Trabzon), founded in 756
the Anatolian interior for wood, the pigmentation miltos (known to the
(Euseb. 1.80e Schoene [Armen.]). But Sinope, and presumably Trapezous Greek world as Sinopean red ocher), and ample supplies of iron, all trade
as well, only survived a brief time before being wiped out by the
goods highly valued in the mother cityY

Kimmerians (Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.236, lines 948-49 = 993-94 Diller,
Milesian roots are amply evidenced in literature and inscriptional evi-

quoted in chap. 2). Herodotos says, axvovtt 6Ce oi KLgLueLtoL qe)5yovteg
Tg tilv 'Aor v roig Yx 0ag xai 1-1iv Xego6voov xZtLoxvr8g, v tfl rvi v
dence of cults, personal names, and magistrates, as well as frequent men-
LtvfQTr 6) t; eE) x orzt at [The Kimmerians appeared in Asia fleeing
tions of the mother city. According to legend, Sinope was founded first
from the Skythians and settled the peninsula on which now the Greek city before 756 by a Milesian named Habron or Habrondas and quickly sent
Sinope stands] (4.12.2). While the Kimmerians destroyed Sinope in the
out a daughter colony, Trapezous (modern Trabzon), founded in 756
eighth century, the Milesian exiles Kretines and Koes refounded the city
(Euseb. 1.80e Schoene [Armen.J). But Sinope, and presumably Trapezous

after the Kimmerian threat was gone, in 631 B.C.E. (Ps.-Skym. GGM
1.236, lines 949-52 = 994-97 Diller). The earliest pottery sherds date to
as well, only survived a brief time before being wiped out by the
the late seventh century.18
Kimmerians (Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.236, lines 948-49 = 993-94 Diller,
Trapezous, Kerasos, Kotyora, Kytoros, Armene, and Pterion were prob-
quoted in chap. 2). Herodotos says, <j:Ja[vovtm b£ ot KL~~EQLOL <j:JEvyovtE<:;
ably all founded as secondary colonies from Kyzikos.19
E<:; t~v 'AoLtlv too<; 2:xv8a<:; xal tr]v XEQo6vqoov xt[oavtt<:;, EV tfj vilv
17. Fish: Str. 3.11. Wood: Theoph. Hist. Plant. 4.5.5; Str. 12.3.12; Pliny NH 16.197.
LLVWJtl] ;tOAL<:; 'EAf-a<:; o'Lxl]taL [The Kirnmerians appeared in Asia fleeing

Miltos: Str. 12.2.10. Iron: Aesch. Prom. Vinct. 714; Xen. Anab. 5.5.1. See also Rohlig
1933, 15.
from the Skythians and settled the peninsula on which now the Greek city
18. Ivantchik 1998; Graham 1994; Hind 1983/84, 95-96 (archaeology); Ehrhardt
Sinope stands] (4.12.2). While the Kimmerians destroyed Sinope in the
1983, 57 (Milesian roots). Boardman (1980, 254-55) says that the earliest remains are
eighth century, the Milesian exiles Kretines and Koes refounded the city
Corinthian pottery from a little after 600.

after the Kimmerian threat was gone, in 631 B.C.E. (Ps.-Skym. GGM
19. Ehrhardt 1983, 55-58; Bilabel 1920, 30-40. Trapezous: Steph. Byz. s.v. Kytoros:
1.236, lines 949-52 = 994-97 Diller). The earliest pottery sherds date to
the late seventh century. I S
Str. 12.3.10; Arr. Peripl. Eux. 23= GGM 1.390-91, para. 23. Armene: Str. 12.3.10.
Pterion: Steph. Byz. s.v. (site unknown).
Trapezous, Kerasos, Kotyora, Kytoros, Armene, and Pterion were prob-

ably all founded as secondary colonies from Kyzikos. 19
17. Fish: Str. 3.11. Wood: Theoph. Hist. Plant. 4.5.5; Str. 12.3.12; Pliny NH 16.197.
Miltos: Str. 12.2.10. Iron: Aesch. Prom. Vinet. 714; Xen. Anab. 5.5.1. See also Rohlig
1933, 15.
18. Ivantchik 1998; Graham 1994; Hind 1983/84, 95-96 (archaeology); Ehrhardt
1983, 57 (Milesian roots). Boardman (1980, 254-55) says that the earliest remains are
Corinthian pottery from a little after 600.

19. Ehrhardt 1983, 55-58; Bilabcl 1920, 30-40. Trapczous: Stcph. Byz. s.v. Kytoros:
Str. 12.3.10; Arr. Peripl. Eux . 23 = GGM 1.390-91, para. 23. Armene: Str. 12.3.10.
Pterion: Steph. Byz. s.v. (site unknown) .
ï»¿Appendix 249
Amisos (modern Samsun) was located on a headland between Sinope and
its colonies and was founded fairly late, ca. 564. This city presents a
number of problems because the literary references to it are confusing.

Appendix 249
Strabo (12.3.14) quotes Theopompos (FGH 115 F 389) as saying that it
was a Milesian foundation, but Pseudo-Skymnos (GGM 1.235, lines 917-
Amisos (modern Samsun) was located on a headland between Sinope and

its colonies and was founded fairly late, ca. 564. This city presents a
20 = 956-59 Diller) attributes it to Phokaia with some other city: there is a
lacuna in the text. Perhaps the Milesians should be restored in the gap and
this city was a joint foundation, although a number of arguments can be

number of problems because the literary references to it are confusing.
made for settlement by Miletos alone. The archaeological remains above
Strabo (12.3.14) quotes Theopompos (FGH 115 F 389) as saying that it
the surface are clearly Ionian and date to at least the middle of the sixth
was a Milesian foundation, but Pseudo-Skymnos (GGM 1.235, lines 917-
century B.C.E., but no excavation has been conducted.20
20 = 956-59 Diller) attributes it to Phokaia with some other city: there is a

lacuna in the text. Perhaps the Milesians should be restored in the gap and
Tieion (later called Tios) was founded farther to the west, about a third of
the way along the southern shore of the Pontos (near modern Bartin), but
little is known about it other than its Milesian ancestry.21

this city was a joint foundation, although a number of arguments can be
Section 4. The East Shore of the Pontos
made for settlement by Miletos alone. The archaeological remains above
Phasis was located on the east shore, but we know neither its date nor its the surface are clearly Ionian and date to at least the middle of the sixth
precise location. The oikist was said to be named Themistagoras, who
century R.C.E., but no excavation has been conducted.20

may possibly be identified with the aisymnetes of 536/5 (or 521/0), but as
with the other settlements in this region, the circumstances of settlement
are ill understood because, as one scholar says, ". . . the Greek cities have
Tieion (later called Tios) was founded farther to the west, about a third of
been virtually ignored, so far, by those engaged in archaeological re- the way along the southern shore of the Pontos (near modern Bartin), hut
search."22 Very little is known and current conclusions are tentative.
little is known about it other than its Milesian ancestry. 21
The basis of the economy in this area, known in antiquity as Kolchis,
was agriculture, but the colonies were located near metal mines, and
the gold dust panned from the rivers spawned the story of the Golden
Fleece (Str. 11.2.19). As far back as the end of the second millennium or Section 4. The East Shore of the Pontos
20. Graham 1987, 126; Ehrhardt 1983, 58-60; Bilabel 1920, 29; PECS 49. Among the
Phasis was located on the east shore, but we know neither its date nor its
arguments used by Ehrhardt for a Milesian solo foundation are the fact that Apollo was the
chief god of the colony, an argument from coinage, and the contention that, if it was indeed
Phokaian, when the Phokaians abandoned their own city in 544 as the Persians approached,
precise location. The oikist was said to be named Themistagoras, who
why did they go west to Alalia on Corsica instead of coming to this colony? I think this last
may possibly be identified with the aisymnetes of 536/5 (or 52110), but as
argument is probably not strong: the Persians would have controlled Amisos as well as
with the other settlements in this region, the circumstances of settlement
lonia, so flight to the colony would not have escaped the king.
are ill understood because, as one scholar says, " . .. the Greek cities have
21. Mela 1.104; Arr. Peripl. Eux. 19= GGM 1.384-85, para. 19; Theoph. in Ath.
been virtually ignored, so far, by those engaged in archaeological re-

8.331c; Steph. Byz. s.v. Taog; Ehrhardt 1983, 52; Bilabel 1920, 42.
22. Tsetskhladze 1994, 121; Mela 1.108 (Themistagoras); Steph. Byz. s.v.; Str. 11.11.17;
search. " 22 Very little is known and current conclusions are tentative.
The basis of the economy in this area, known in antiquity as Kolchis,
Pliny NH 6.13; Lordkipanidze 1985; Ehrhardt 1983, 85-86; Bilabel 1920, 28.
was agriculture, but the colonies were located near metal mines, and
the gold dust panned from the rivers spawned the story of the Golden
Fleece (Str. 11.2.19). As far back as the end of the second millennium or
20. Graham 1987, 126; Ehrhardt 1983, 58- 60; Bilabel1920, 29; PECS 49. Among the
arguments used by Eh rhardt for a Milesian solo foundation are the fact that Apollo was the
chief god of the colony, an argument from coinage, and the contention that, if it was indeed
l'hokaian, when the l'hokaians abandoned their own city in 544 as the Persians approached,
why did they go west to Alalia on Corsica instead of coming to this colony? I think this last
argument is probably not strong: the Persians would have controlled Amisos as well as
Ionia, so flight to the colony would not have escaped the king.
21. Mela 1.104; Arr. Peripl. Eux. 19 = GGM 1.384-85, para. 19; Theoph. in Ath.
8.331c; Stcph. Byz. s.v. Tlo;; Ehrhardt 1983, 52; Bilabcl1920, 42.
22. Tsetskhladze 1994, 121; Mela 1.108 (Themistagoras); Sreph. Byz. s.v.; Str. 11.11.17;
Pliny NH 6.13; Lordkipanidze 1985; Ehrhardt 1983, 85-86; Bilabel1920, 28.
ï»¿250 Appendix
the beginning of the first, the native peoples were producing bronze tools,
weapons, jewelry, and statuettes; in later centuries, they included bronze-
work, pottery, gold, and silver. In addition, as Strabo reports (11.2.17),

250 Appendix
the region was generally rich in other resources.
&yu~i1 6' ciTix i1ex uca CI moCQ ; mL J3I'v TO'lU'iXhTO;(mTLz9QL
the beginning of the first, the native peoples were producing bronze tools,
weapons, jewelry, and statuettes; in later centuries, they included bronze-
yxito m)'ov) xa tot'Lg go va mrriylV ax&ot" vo)k"v 8re 9 yaiQrv
Let c4 xaLotatog xataxo te t, ? vov 'Le otLe mo)i' cxa 6xvvctyLV
xaL xz ov xaL TTruV. i1 6& )Lovuyla xaL t8O9&?tru' xac yX9 8;

work, pottery, gold, and silver. In addition, as Strabo reports (11.2.1 7),
-oig on t6mov;g mx6ottov, ...
the region was generally rich in other resources.
[The land [of Kolchis] is fortunate, especially in its produce, except
for its honey (which is mostly bitter), and in all the materials needed
a:ya8r] 6' EO'tLV l] XOJQCt ~CtL ~CtQJto'i:; n),~v l:O'U 1-J.EALW; (mtGQ~t,EL
yag TO Jtf.EOV) xaL wi:<; JtQO<; VCt'lJJtl']'(LCtV naaL· VJtOAJ.~V l:E yag VJ.Y]V
to build ships. For it produces a great deal of lumber and carries it
by river. Also, it makes a lot of linen, as well as hemp, wax, and
pitch. The linen-work is particularly famous, for they used to ex-

q:rucL x.ai noca~-to t:c:; x.max.o~J.L~EL, ALvov 1:c nmci: noJ..u xat x.avva~Lv
port linen to the outside world,.. ]
~ai X.Y]QOV xaL n~nav. 11 bio ),LvougyLa x.ai cE8QVAY]ca· xat yag de:;
Dioskourias, renamed Sebastopolis by the Romans, was also in Kolchis,
l:OU<; E~(J) l:OJtOUt:; EJtE~OIJ.L~OV, ...
north of the presumed location for Phasis. The Greek remains date to the
mid-sixth century B.C.E.23
[The land [of Kolchis1is fortunate, especially in its produce, except

Gyenos should also be sought in this region (Ps.-Skyl. GGM 1.61-62,
para. 81), but its precise location is not known. Other Hellenic settle-
for its honey (which is mostly bitter), and in all the materials needed
ments whose names and foundation dates are yet unknown have been
to build ships. For it produces a great deal of lumber and carries it
discovered at Pichvnari and Tsikhisdziri.24 by river. Also, it makes a lot of linen, as well as hemp, wax, and
Section 5. The West Shore of the Pontos
pitch. The linen-work is particularly famous, for they used to ex-

Istros (Histria) was the earliest settlement in this region. It was founded
port linen to the outside world, ... 1

in 657 B.C.E. (Eus. 95b Helm), at the time when the Kimmerians entered
23. Pliny NH 6.5; Ps.-Skyl. GGM 1.61-62, para. 81; Arr. Peripl. Eux. 14= GGM
1.378, para. 14; Tsetskhladze 1994, 121-22; Hind 1992/93, 110; Lordkipanidze 1985;
Dioskourias, renamed Sebastopolis by the Romans, was also in Kolchis,
Bilabel 1920, 28; PECS 277. north of the presumed location for Phasis. The Greek remains date to the
24. Tsetskhladze 1994, 122; Kacharava 1983/84; Kacharava 1990/91. Kacharava's
mid-sixth century B.C.E.23
articles are frustrating because they fail to distinguish clearly between Hellenic and non-
Hellenic settlements. Kacharava (1990/91, 79-80) thinks that Gyenos is to be found at
modern Ochamchire, where Attic black-figure ware, Ionian banded ware, and Chian am-
Gyenos should also be sought in this region (Ps.-Skyl. GGM 1.61-62,
phoras have been uncovered.
para. 81), but its precise location is not known. Other Hellenic settle-
ments whose names and foundation dates are yet unknown have been
discovered at Pichvnari and Tsikhisdziri.24
Section 5. The West Shore of the Pontos
Istros (Histria) was the earliest settlement in this region. It was founded
in 657 B.C.E. (Eus. 95b Helm), at the time when the Kimmerians entered
23. Pliny NH 6.5; Ps.·Skyl. GGM 1.61- 62, para. 81; Arr. Peripl. Eux. 14 = GGM
1.378, para. 14; Tsetskhladze 1994, 121-22; Hind 1992/93, 110; Lordkipanidze 1985;
Bilabel 1920, 28; PECS 277.
24. Tsetskhladze 1994, 122; Kacharava 1983/84; Kacharava 1990/91. Kacharava's
articles are frustrating because they fail to distinguish clearly between Hellenic and non-
Hellenic settlements. Kacharava (1990/91, 79-80) thinks that Gyenos is to be found ar

modern Ochamchire, where Attic black-figure ware, Ionian banded ware, and Chiao am-
phoras have been uncovered.
ï»¿Appendix 251
Asia.25 This city features one of the most extensive excavation projects of
the Black Sea region: the foundations of a temple of Zeus Polieus and a
number of graves date from the sixth century, and there is Middle Wild
Appendix 251
Goat pottery from ca. 630. Located south of the Danube River delta, near
the city of Constanta, Romania, Istros featured Milesian cults and tribal
Asia. 25 This city features one of the most extensive excavation projects of
the Black Sea region: the foundations of a temple of Zeus Polieus and a
organization.26
Tomis was located just south of Istros. Pottery sherds have been found
from the early sixth century, but the excavation is extremely limited by
number of graves date from the sixth century, and there is Middle Wild
the modern city on the site.27
Goat pottery from ca. 630. Located south of the Danube River delta, near
Odessos (modern Varna, Bulgaria) was founded during the reign of
the city of Constanta, Romania, Istros featured Milesian cults and tribal
Astyages, king of Media (Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.226, lines 748-50), and is
organization. 26
dated to the first half of the sixth century, a conclusion confirmed by the
physical evidence.28
Apollonia Pontika is in modern Bulgaria, across the bay from Burgas, at

Tomis was located just south of lstros. Pottery sherds have been found
modern Pojani. Various sources say that the Milesians founded it fifty from the early sixth century, but the excavation is extremely limited by
years before the time of Cyrus (d. 530) and that the founder was the
the modern city on the site.27
philosopher Anaximander, leading to the conclusion that it was founded
in the first half of the sixth century. However, pottery from the site dates
back even further, to the last half of the seventh century, indicating that
Odessos (modern Varna, Bulgaria) was founded during the reign of
the literary tradition must be mistaken.29
Astyages, king of Media (Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.226, lines 748-50), and is
Anchiale was a daughter colony of Apollonia (Str. 7.6.1), sent out prob-
dated to the first half of the sixth century, a conclusion confirmed by the
ably in the fifth or fourth century. It was the site of a later war between
physical evidence. 28
25. Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.227, lines 767-72= 766-70 Diller. Sherds discovered at the site
date as early as the mid-eighth century (Graham 1990, 53), but they may be explained by
hypothesizing contamination with sherds from Al Mina in the Museum of Classical Archae-
Apollonia Pontika is in modern Bulgaria, across the bay from Burgas, at
ology at Cambridge: see Boardman 1991, accepted by Graham 1994, 5. modern Pojani. Various sources say that the Milesians founded it fifty
26. Hdt. 2.33; Str. 7.6.1; Tsetskhladze 1994, 117; Hind 1983/84, 76-77; Ehrhardt
years before the time of Cyrus (d. 530) and that the founder was the
1983, 71; Bilabel 1920, 19; PECS 419.
philosopher Anaximander, leading to the conclusion that it was founded

27. Ps.-Skym. (GGM 1.227, lines 765-66= 764-65 Diller) says it is Milesian and
founded fifty years before Cyrus; cf. Ovid Trist. 1.20.41, 3.9.3-4. Strabo (7.6.1) and Pliny
in the first half of the sixth century. However, pottery from the site dates
(NH 4.44) do not mention the mother city. See also Hind 1983/84, 75-76; Ehrhardt 1983,
back even further, to the last half of the seventh century, indicating that
67-70; Bilabel 1920, 19; PECS 928. the literary tradition must be mistaken. 29
28. Hind 1983/84, 74; Ehrhardt 1983, 64; Bilabel 1920, 15-19.
Anchiale was a daughter colony of Apollonia (Str. 7.6.1), sent out prob-
29. Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.225, lines 730-33 (Cyrus); Ael. VH 3.17.23 (Anaximandros);
Pliny NH 4.45 (Antheia); Str. 7.6.1. (Apollo); Ehrhardt 1983, 61-64; Bilabel 1920, 13-15.
Stephanos of Byzantium (s.v.'AroXXhvc a) adds that the Rhodians contributed to the colony
ably in the fifth or fourth century. It was the site of a later war between
of Apollonia, but this is generally discounted.
25. Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.227, lines 767-72 = 766-70 Diller. Sherds discovered at the site
date as early as the mid-eighth century (Graham 1990, 53), but t hey may be explained by
hypothesizing contamination with sherds from AI Mina in the Museum of Classical Archae-
ology at Cambridge: sec Boardman 1991, accepted by Graham 1994, 5.
26. Hdt. 2.33; Str. 7.6.1; Tsetskhladze 1994, 117; Hind 1983/84, 76-77; Ehrhardt
1983, 71; Bilabel1920, 19; PECS 419.
27. Ps.-Skym. (GGM 1.227, lines 765-66 = 764-65 Diller) says it is Milesian and
founded fifty years before Cyrus; cf. Ovid Trist. 1.20.41, 3.9.3- 4. Strabo (7.6.1) and Pliny
(NH 4.44) do not mention the mother city. See also Hind 1983/84, 75-76; Ehrhardt 1983,
67-70; Bilabel1920, 19; PECS 928.
28. Hind 1983/84, 74; Ehrhardt 1983, 64; Bilabel1920, 15 -19.
29. Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.225, lines 730-33 (Cyrus); Ael. VH 3.17.23 (Anaximandros);
Pliny NH 4.45 (Antheia); Str. 7.6.1. (Apollo); Ehrhardt 1983, 61 - 64; Bilabel1920, 13-15.
Stephanos of Byzantium (s.v. 'AnoA.),oovLa) adds that the Rhodians contributed to the colony
of Apollonia, but this is generally discounted.
ï»¿252 Appendix
Apollonia and Mesembria, indicating that it was located just north of
Apollonia.30
Section 6. The North Shore of the Pontos

252 Appendix
Berezan/Borysthenes and Olbia were located in the northwest corner
where the rivers Dnestr, Bug, and Dnepr empty into the Black Sea (in
Apollonia and Mesembria, indicating that it was located just north of

Apollonia. 30
Ukraine). Berezan was founded in 647 B.C.E. (Euseb. 95b). The Greek
name for it is unknown, although it might have been called Borysthenes
after the name of the river (modern Dnepr) near which it was located.
Berezan was a small island or perhaps a peninsula, now 2 km. from the
coast. It did not possess a large harbor, but it was easily defensible: in
Section 6. The North Shore of the Pontos

short, it was positioned very typically for the earliest Greek settlement in
a new area. The excavation there has yielded the remains of Greek earth
huts, graves, and a rich and diverse collection of pottery, beginning in the Berezan/Borysthenes and Olbia were located in the northwest corner
second half of the seventh century B.C.E. and growing rapidly both in
where the rivers Dnestr, Bug, and Dnepr empty into the Black Sea (in
quantity and quality after that time-ample indication that the city grew
Ukraine). Berezan was founded in 647 B.C.E. (Euseb. 95b). The Greek
to a high level of prosperity in the sixth and fifth centuries.31
There is some confusion between Berezan and Olbia, situated on the

name for it is unknown, although it might have been called Borysthenes
mainland to the northwest, at the mouth of the Bug: Pseudo.-Skymnos
after the name of the river (modern Dnepr) near which it was located.
(GGM 1.229, lines 804-9 = 809-14 Diller) says that they were only one Berezan was a small island or perhaps a peninsula, now 2 km. from the
city, and by the late Archaic period, inscriptional evidence suggests that
coast. It did not possess a large harbor, but it was easily defensible: in
Berezan belonged to Olbia.32 Since the Greeks were likely to start their
short, it was positioned very typically for the earliest Greek settlement in
settlement on an island or peninsula and then move to an unwalled city
on the mainland, it is a natural conclusion that the original colonists

a new area. The excavation there has yielded the remains of Greek earth
settled at Berezan and then established Olbia shortly afterward. How-
huts, graves, and a rich and diverse collection of pottery, beginning in the
ever, the finds at both sites are of equal antiquity, although those from second half of the seventh century B.C.E. and growing rapidly both in
Olbia are far richer. While Berezan, Olbia, and other small locations in
quantity and quality after that time-ample indication that the city grew
the vicinity may have been of separate foundation, it is also possible that
to a high level of prosperity in the sixth and fifth centuries.31

they were actually all part of one single state called Olbia.33
There is some confusion between Berezan and Olbia, situated on the

30. Ehrhardt 1983, 62-64; Bilabel 1920, 15.
31. Vinogradov and Kryzickij 1995, 127; Hind 1997; Hind 1992/93, 92-94; Hind
mainland to the northwest, at the mouth of the Bug: Pseudo.-Skymnos
1983/84, 78-82; PECS 150. A small Greek hydria from the site dates to ca. 800-760
(GGM 1.229, lines 804-9 = 809-14 Diller) says that they were only one
B.C.E.: see Graham 1990, 53.
city, and by the late Archaic period, inscriptional evidence suggests that
32. Ehrhardt 1983, 74. Cf. Solovev 1998.
Berezan belonged to Olbia.32 Since the Greeks were likely to start their
33. Hdt. 4.18.1; Str. 7.3.17; Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.229, lines 804-12 = 809-16 Diller;
settlement on an island or peninsula and then move to an unwalled city

Mela 2.1.6; Hdt. 4.78.3; Steph. Byz. s.v. Boguovevlg; Hind 1997; Hind 1992/93, 92-96;
Vinogradov 1997, 133-45; Jacobson 1995, 41-45; Tsetskhladze 1994, 117-19; Graham
on the mainland, it is a natural conclusion that the original colonists
settled at Berezan and then established Olbia shortly afterward. How-
1994, 6; Ehrhardt 1983, 74-79; Bilabel 1920, 23-26. Vinogradov and Kryzickij 1995 is a
ever, the finds at both sites are of equal antiquity, although those from
Olbia are far richer. While Berezan, Olbia, and other small locations in
the vicinity may have been of separate foundation, it is also possible that
they were actually all part of one single state called Olbia.33
30. Ehrhardt 1983, 62-64; Bilabel1920, 15.

31. Vinogradov and Kry;oickij 1995, 127; Hind 1997; Hind 1992/93, 92-94; Hind
1983/84, 78-82; PECS 150. A small Greek hydria from the site dates to ca. 800- 760
B.C.E. : see Graham 1990, 53.
32. Ehrhardt 1983, 74. Cf. Solovev 1998.
33. Hdt. 4.18.1; Str. 7.3.17; Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.229, lines 804-12 = 809-16 Diller;
Mela 2.1.6; Hdt. 4.78.3; Steph. Byz. s.v. Boguo88v11£; Hind 1997; Hind 1992/93, 92- 96;
Vinogradov 1997, 133-45; Jacobson 1995, 41-45; Tsetskhlad7.e 1994, 117-19; Graha m
1994, 6; Ehrhardt 1983, 74-79; Bilabel 1920,23-26. Vinogradov and Kryzickij 1995 is a
ï»¿Appendix 253
This polity constitutes what is probably the best-excavated Greek city
on the Pontos, and the remains demonstrate a strong Milesian character
that confirms the literary accounts of a Milesian foundation. The city was
Appendix 253
very prosperous, thanks to the resources of the location, enumerated by
Herodotos (4.53.1-3).
This polity constitutes what is probably the best-excavated Greek city

on the Pontos, and the remains demonstrate a strong Milesian character
T catog 8 6 BoovcYOvflg Tota L[og g crtr ytoTrog t8 rLF,
'TLorQov toT i xtL to)taoZxeotatog xaZta yvOatg taLg 1l ote8 g
oitt toOvov t Tv Exv6txcv motcqtipv & & ox zX Tv &)0oC v

that confirms the literary accounts of a Milesian foundation. The city was
&dwavtwv, XA]lv Ne8kov to0 ALyvtlorov" to op yxQ o x oid ts
very prosperous, thanks to the resources of the location, enumerated by
oit ovtf3akelv &kkov ota o6v' [2] tzv e koitWv BoovcOevflg
Herodotos (4.53.1-3).
eo-r' o)Xvaxciatog, g voag te8 xa)iot;ag xc 8sxo t6e-
ot6LTaug zxfilvect J ta xt x ;0g t8 ftQLc ovg 8tzaxQt6ov zxatL
1:8-tagw; b e BoguaOevrJc:; rro"ta[t6; o;

£au [tEyw•o; "tc [tE"ta
'1a•gov w{nwv xai noA.uagx£a1:aw; xa1:a yvr.O[ta<; •ix; ~[tE"tEQa;
mXe[ tovg, mveOu-t te8 jto6g oti, erst t8 xa0Oa6og uaga
0o)9o0 ot, c6og t8 oTca'atocv qcitoog ylvexat, mo'r t8, -rfi of
orte e-r 11 X )(fl, fluv-r&ri.[3] &) to -rL TO') c~to LctL cvto
O'ULL [tOUVOV l:OJV LKU8LXWV JtOLU[tOJV &.nix xai l:WV aUwv
ac6ioatoi o myiyvvv-tar & keot. x~l&t ra 8 t eyakoa &vaxavO8, - r
cmav1:wv, nA.t1v NE[}.ou mil Atyumiou· mimp yixg oux ola "tE
&vtuaxatovg xau)ovct, axo8x-e t ar g atOtvcYvov, & aX t8 eoWAC
£an au[t~aA.ci:v &nov no•a~.t6v· [21 1:wv be ),mmiJv BoQua8£vYJ;
[The fourth river is the Borysthenes [Dnepr], which is the biggest
£a1:i no),uaQx£awwc:;, o;
vo~.tac:; "tE xanima; xat ruxo~.ttb£
a"ta"ta<; X"t~VWL JtUQEXETaL txeuc:; TE agiaT01!<; bLUXQLbov x a t
after the Istros [Danube] and supplies the most resources in my
n/,clmouc:;, nivw8m "tE ~CwT6c:; 8a-n, QEEL "t£ xa8agoc:; nagix

judgment, not only of the rivers of Skythia, but also of all other
•n
rivers except the Nile in Egypt (for no other river can be compared
to that one). [2] But of the others, the Borysthenes supplies the most
8oA.EQoi:m, an6Qo; "tE naQ'auTov &Qwm; yivE"tm, noiYJ n, ou
resources, since it furnishes the most beautiful pastures and the aJt£LQE"taL ll XOJQYJ, ~a8U"tU"tYJ. [3] a/cEC, l:E fJtL "tO} a"tOf.taLL a1hou
most well-tended flocks and far and away the best and most abun-
mh6~ta"tOL JtllYVUV'taL UJtlcE"tOL. XllTEU 1:£ ~tEyaA.a avaxav8a, "ta

dant fish, and it has the sweetest drinking water and flows clear
UVWY.UlOUC, XUAEOUO'l, JtUQfxE'taL £; WQLXEVatv, aJ../,a TE nona

Ow11aam a~La.
alongside muddy rivers. The crops from it are the best, and also,
where the land is not sown, the grass is very thick. [3] A limitless
supply of salt is formed of its own accord at the mouth of the river.
And it produces great huge spineless fish for preserving, which are
lThe fourth river is the Borysthenes lDneprj, which is the biggest
called antakaioi, and many other amazing things.] after the Istros [Danube] and supplies the most resources in my
good source, especially for economic matters (72-97). Hind (1992/93, 92-94) claims that
judgment, not only of the rivers of Skythia, but also of all other
Berezan is nearly completely excavated though not completely published.
rivers except the Nile in Egypt (for no other river can be compared
Solovev (1998) argues that Olbia was a later, discrete settlement. Certainly, if they were
not one before, by the third quarter of the sixth century B.C.E., Berezan and Olbia under-
to that one). [2] But of the others, the Borysthenes supplies the most
went a synoikism, installing one polity for the two cities. The problem with this theory is
resources, since it furnishes the most bea utiful pastures and the
that it requires us to explain away as originating at Berezan the pottery from the last third of
most well-tended flocks and far and away the best and most abun-
the seventh century that has been found at Olbia: see Tsetskhladze 1994, 119; Hind 1992/
dant fish, and it has the sweetest drinking water and flows clear
93, 95.
alongside muddy rivers. The crops from it are the best, and also,
where the land is not sown, the grass is very thick. [3] A limitless
supply of salt is formed of its own accord at the mouth of the river.
And it produces great huge spineless fish for preserving, which are
called antakaioi, and many other amazing things.]
good source, especially for economic matters (72-97). Hind (1992/93, 92-94) claims that
Berezan is nearly completely excavated though not completely published.
Solovev (1998) argues that Olbia was a later, discrete settlement. Certainly, if they were
not one before, by the third quarter of the sixth century B. C.E., Berezan and Olbia under-
went a synoikism, installing one polity for the two cities. The problem with this theory is
that it requires us to explain away as originating at Berezan the pottery from the last third of
the seventh century that has been found at O lbia: see Tsetskhladze 1994 , 11 9; Hind 1992/
93, 95.
ï»¿254 Appendix
Agriculture was already well established in the sixth century, since the
remains of farms demonstrate that the chore by then extended far along
the shore on ground that favored grain production over viticulture. Pas-
254 Appendix
tures farther inland fed sheep and goats first of all but later cattle and
oxen as well. In addition, the forest-steppe furnished deer, wild pigs, wild
Agriculture was already well established in the sixth century, since the
remains of farms demonstrate that the chore by then extended far along
donkeys, antelope, bear, rabbits, fox, wolves, and wildcats for hunting,
while the water was rich in catfish, carp, pike, perch, other fish, and, of
course, salt.
the shore on ground that favored grain production over viticulture. Pas-
While agriculture and hunting provided for the day-to-day existence of
tures farther inland fed sheep and goats first of all but later cattle and
the colonists, trade was an economic mainstay from the start. The citizens
oxen as well. In addition, the forest-steppe furnished deer, wild pigs, wild
of Olbia acted as intermediaries between the Skythians in the interior and
donkeys, antelope, bear, rabbits, fox, wolves, and wildcats for hunting,
while the water was rich in catfish, carp, pike, perch, other fish, and, of
the Greeks in lonia and elsewhere. In the second half of the seventh
century, the Skythians were importing Greek wine and pottery: the
Skythians had a general shortage of clay, which made the containers

course, salt.
important in their own right. It is also likely that the Skythians imported
While agriculture and hunting provided for the day-to-day existence of
the wool and woodwork for which Miletos was famous. In exchange, the the colonists, trade was an economic mainstay from the start. The citizens
Skythians sent back through Olbia to Miletos grain and other agricul-
of Olbia acted as intermediaries between the Skythians in the interior and

tural goods, livestock and its by-products, fish, wood, furs, slaves, and
the Greeks in Tonia and elsewhere. In the second half of the seventh
perhaps metals. By the first half of the sixth century, trade was extended
even further. Amphoras containing wine were imported not only from
century, the Skythians were importing Greek wine and pottery: the
Miletos but from Samos, Chios, Lesbos, and other places, especially in
Skythians had a general shortage of clay, which made the containers
lonia but also Rhodes and Athens. Imports included decorated ivory important in their own right. It is also likely that the Skythians imported
from Africa, precious and nonprecious worked metal (weapons, house-
the wool and woodwork for which Miletos was famous. In exchange, the
hold items, toiletries, mirrors, jewelry, etc.), and large pieces of statuary,
Skythians sent back through Olbia to Miletos grain and other agricul-
such as marble kouroi. In addition, the local industries at Olbia and
Berezan were producing glassware and metal goods-weapons and jew-

tural goods, livestock and its by-products, fish, wood, furs, slaves, and
elry of bronze and iron-for sale to the Skythians. Thus, Olbia was a
perhaps metals. By the first half of the sixth century, trade was extended
prosperous city throughout the Archaic and early Classical period. even further. Amphoras containing wine were imported not only from
Tyras is much less known. It was located at the mouth of the river whose
Miletos but from Samos, Chios, Lesbos, and other places, especially in
name it bore (modern Dnestr), though both the city and river were once
Ionia but also Rhodes and Athens. Imports included decorated ivory
called Ophioussa. No literary foundation date is given, but the earliest
from Africa, precious and nonprecious worked metal (weapons, house-

archaeological remains are Ionian pottery sherds dating to the sixth cen-
tury. It was doubtless settled to facilitate trade with the tribes inland up
hold items, toiletries, mirrors, jewelry, etc.), and large pieces of statuary,
the Dnestr River, after Berezan and Olbia had proven the economic such as marble kouroi. In addition, the local industries at Olbia and
potential of the region.34
Berezan were producing glassware and metal goods-weapons and jew-
34. Hdt. 4.51; Pliny NH 4.82; Steph. Byz. s.v.; Ps.-Skyl. GGM 1.57-58, para. 68; Str.
elry of bronze and iron-for sale to the Skythians. Thus, Olbia was a
7.3.16; Ps.-Skymn. GGM 1.229, lines 802-3= 799-800 Diller; Ehrhardt 1983, 72;
prosperous city throughout the Archaic and early Classical period.
Tyras is much less known. It was located at the mouth of the river whose
name it bore (modern Dnestr), though both the city and river were once
called Ophioussa. No literary foundation date is given, but the earliest
archaeological remains are Ionian pottery sherds dating to the sixth cen-
tury. It was doubtless settled to facilitate trade with the tribes inland up
the Dnestr River, after Berezan and Olbia had proven the economic
potential of the region. 34
34. Hdt. 4.51; Pliny NH 4.82; Steph. Byz. s.v.; Ps.-Skyl. CCM 1.57- 58, para. 68; Str.
7.3.16; Ps.-Skymn. GGM 1.229, lines 802-3 = 799-800 Diller; Ehrhardt 1983, 72;
ï»¿Appendix 255
Tanais and Pantikapaion (following) are called the two greatest emporia
for barbarian goods (Str. 7.4.5). Tanais was situated not on the Cherso-
nese proper but on the mainland, where the river Tanais (Don) empties
Appendix 255
into Lake Maiotis (the modern Sea of Azov). Its precise location has not
been agreed on. It may be identified as the ruins found near modern
Tanais and Pantikapaion (following) are called the two greatest emporia
for barbarian goods (Str. 7.4.5). Tanais was situated not on the Cherso-
Elizavetovsk, where the earliest Greek archaeological remains date to ca.
625-600, or it may have been located at modern Taganrog, just to the
southwest of Elizavetovsk, at a site that is now underwater but where

nese proper but on the mainland, where the river Tanais (Don) empties
Greek pottery from the seabed and shore can be dated to the last third of
into Lake Maiotis (the modern Sea of Azov). Its precise location has not
the seventh century. In either case, the economy of Tanais was based in
been agreed on. It may be identified as the ruins found near modern
part on trade in fish (Pliny NH 32.146, 149) and hides (Str. 11.2.3),
Elizavetovsk, where the earliest Greek archaeological remains date to ca.

bartered from the native Skythians.35
625-600, or it may have been located at modern Taganrog, just to the

Pantikapaion is indisputably of Milesian origin, settled by the late seventh
or early sixth centuries. Remains include semipit shelters, coins, and the
southwest of Elizavetovsk, at a site that is now underwater but where
sixth-century Temple of Artemis, as well as inscriptional evidence from the
Greek pottery from the seabed and shore can be dated to the last third of
fourth century and beyond that ties the city to Miletos.36 The city was the seventh century. In either case, the economy of Tanais was based in
located on the mouth of Lake Maiotis, on a strait called the Kimmerian
part on trade in fish (Pliny NH 32.146, 149) and hides (Str. 11.2.3 ),
Bosporos, at the location of the modern Ukrainian city Kerch. The inter-
bartered from the native Skythians.35

section of these waterways made an ideal location for an emporion. In
addition, Pantikapaion was on the east end of a very fertile plain that
stretched along to Theodosia, about 95 km. to the southwest. As noted by

Pantikapaion is indisputably of Milesian origin, settled by the late seventh
Strabo (7.4.6), except for the strip of mountains along 120 km. of the
or early sixth centuries. Remains include semipit shelters, coins, and the
lower half of the southeast coast (west of Theodosia), the entire Cher-
sixth-century Temple of Artemis, as well as inscriptional evidence from the

fourth century and beyond that ties the city to Miletos.'6 The city was
sonese is enormously fertile.
Bilabel 1920, 19-23. According to Graham (1982a, 162) the archaeological remains date
to ca. 600-500, but Ehrhardt says that while the excavators claim to have artifacts from the
located on the mouth of Lake Maiotis, on a strait called the Kimmerian
seventh and sixth centuries, these remain unpublished; the earliest datable item is a coin
Bosporos, at the location of the modern Ukrainian city Kerch. The inter-
from the fourth century. PECS (943) agrees with the sixth-century date.
section of these waterways made an ideal location for an emporion. In
35. Tsetskhladze 1997, 42; Tsetskhladze 1994, 119; Graham 1982a, 130. No literary
addition, Pantikapaion was on the east end of a very fertile plain that
stretched along to Theodosia, about 95 km. to the southwest. As noted by
evidence connects Tanais to Miletos, and neither Bilabel nor Ehrhardt mention it, but
Graham (1982a, 162) says that it may be Milesian, and Danoff (1962, 1138) says that it is
Milesian. Hind holds the view that Tanais was located at Taganrog as a secondary founda-
Strabo (7.4.6), except for the strip of mountains along 120 km. of the
tion from the fourth century, along with Gorgippia and Kimmeris (1994, 484), and that the
lower half of the southeast coast (west of Theodosia), the entire Cher-
earlier city at Elizavetovsk was Skythian, implying that the Greek goods came through trade
sonese is enormously fertile.
(1992/93, 104). The city at Elizavetovsk was founded or refounded in the third century
(Hind in PECS 877) by the Greeks who held the Kimmerian Bosporos (Str. 11.2.3). Further
Bilabel 1920, 19-23. According to Graham (1982a, 162) the archaeological remains date
to ca. 600-500, but Ehrhardt says that while the excavators claim to have artifacts from the
excavation may clear up this dispute.
36. Str. 7.4.4; Pliny NH 4.87; Ammian. 22.8.26; Steph. Byz. s.v.; Tsetskhladze 1997,
seventh and sixth centuries, these remain unpublished; the earliest datable item is a coin
44-49; Tsetskhladze 1994, 119; Jacobson 1995, 45-48; Hind 1994, 484; Hind 1992/93,
from the fourth century. PECS (943) agrees with the sixth-century date.
102-3; Ehrhardt 1983, 80; Bilabel 1920, 26-27; PECS 672-73.
35. Tsetskhladze 1997, 42; Tsetskhladze 1994, 119; Graham 1982a, 130. No literary
evidence connects Tanais to Miletos, and neither Bilabel nor Ehrhardt mention it, but
Graham (1982a, 162) says that it may be Milesian, and Danoff (1962, 1138) says that it is
Milesian. Hind holds the view that Tanais was located at Taganrog as a secondary fou nda-
tion from the fourth century, along with Gorgippia and Kimmeris (1 994, 4 84), and that the
earlier city at Elizavetovsk was Skythian, implying that the Greek goods came through trade
(1992/93, 104). The city at Elizavetovsk was founded or refounded in the third century
(Hind in PF:CS 877) by the Greeks who held the Kimmerian Bosporos (Str. 11.2.3). Further
excavation may clear up this dispute.
36. Str. 7.4.4; Pliny NH 4.87; Ammian. 22.8.26; Steph. Byz. s.v.; Tsetskhladze 1997,
44- 49; Tsetskhladze 1994, 119; Jacobson 1995, 45- 48; Hind 1994, 484; Hind 1992/93,
102-3; Ehrhardt 1983, 80; Bilabel 1920, 26-27; PECS 672-73.
ï»¿256 Appendix
Oeo6oo u;g, irj y e ) qr m86t&x; zuic d {yeb ; t ciri maoi, cr'L 6 z
co6ob s x V ing 9t axovt6axovv yov mo616oc0it, 6 a to0vi tvxovog
6O9Vtxo0 otoxL v .1.... x&v to;g TQ06O8Ev xQ6voLtg vt 8e8v ]V ta

256 Appendix
cYtotoo[tLQ -aU totg E)0flGL, zxu0a6uxr z xig )tv ; c a iax gcar.
[Of the Chersonese, except for the mountainous land along the sea
ri1c; o£ XEQQOv~crou, nl.11v cf\c; OQELvf]c; cf\c; £nl, '1l 8aAaL1'11 ~fxQL
8cooocrlac;, ll YE aA.t.11 JtEOLac; xal, diycoJc; EGLL Jtacra, crl't(J} Of xai
up to Theodosia, the land is entirely flat and fertile, and it is very
prosperous in grain especially, giving off at least thirtyfold increase if
it is plowed by a digging tool.... In still earlier times [before

a¢6oga dnux11c; 'tQtaxovcaxouv youv (moolbwm, oLix mu cux6vcoc;
Mithradates], the Greeks used to import their grain from here, just as
OgUXLOU GXL~o~u'oVll ... . xav mi:c; JtQOG8EV XQOVOLc; Ev'tEU8EV ~v 'tCx
they imported their supply of salt fish from the lake [Lake Maiotis].]
m'toJto~JtEi:a Toi:c; ''EH11m, xa8aJtEQ !ix Tfjc; A.l~v11c; at 'taQLXELm.
Besides receiving trade goods from the interior and from the other
[Of the Chersonese, except for the mountainous land along the sea
Greeks, Pantikapaion could produce for home consumption and for ex-
portation abroad grain in abundance, salt from the Sea of Azov, and
fish.37 The proof of the success of this location can be found in the
up to Theodosia, the land is entirely flat and fertile, and it is very
number of Greek cities that soon covered both shores of the Kimmerian
prosperous in grain especially, giving off at least thirtyfold increase if
Bosporos, some of which may have been founded by Pantikapaion, "the it is plowed by a digging tool. ... In still earlier times [before
capital city of the [Kimmerian] Bosporos" (Str. 7.4.4).
Mithradates], the Greeks used to import their grain from here, just as
Theodosia (modern Feodosiya, Ukraine) was a Milesian colony whose
they imported their supply of salt fish from the lake [Lake Ma ioti s].]
archaeological remains date from ca. 580-560 B.C.E. Strabo (7.6) says it
was a fishing city.38
Kepoi was definitely Milesian, dating from ca. 580-560 B.C.E. It was
Besides receiving trade goods from the interior and from the other
situated on the Asian mainland.39 Greeks, Pantikapaion could produce for home consumption and for ex-
37. One grave found at Pantikapaion has been advanced in arguments about the pres-
portation abroad grain in abundance, salt from the Sea of Azov, and
ence of native peoples in Greek colonies. Tychon the Taurian is clearly identified by an
fishY The proof of the success of this location can be found in the
inscribed stele in a cemetery dating to the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E., and thus, some
would argue, there must have been a non-Greek population living in the city (the idea that
number of Greek cities that soon covered hoth shores of the Kimmerian
he was a slave has been correctly dismissed because a slave would not have been buried with
Bosporos, some of which may have been founded by Pantikapaion, "the
such honor). Graham postulates that he may have been a distinguished visitor to the city, capital city of the [Kimmerian] Bosporos" (Str. 7.4.4).
perhaps one who shared a guest-friendship with a Greek family (an interesting explanation
for his Greek name). For a summary of the arguments (published in Russian), see Graham
Theodosia (modern Feodosiya, Ukraine) was a Milesian colony whose

archaeological remains date from ca. 580-560 R.C.F.. Strabo (7.6) says it
1994, 7-8.
38. Str. 7.4.4.; Ammian. 22.8.26; Arr. (Peripl. Eux. 30 = GGM 1. 394, para. 30); Dem.
Lept. 33; Tsetskhladze 1997, 50-51; Tsetskhladze 1994, 119; Hind 1992/93, 100; Graham
was a fishing city.38
1987, 128; Ehrhardt 1983, 82; Bilabel 1920, 26-27.
39. Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.234, line 899= 898 Diller; Pliny NH 6.18; Tsetskhladze 1997,
Kepoi was definitely Milesian, dating from ca. 580-560 B.C.E. 1t was
57; Tsetskhladze 1994, 120; Hind 1992/93, 106-7; Hind 1983/84, 89; Graham 1987, 128;
situated on the Asian mainland.39

Ehrhardt 1983, 81-82; Bilabel 1920, 27-28.
37. One grave found at Pantikapaion has been advanced in arguments about the pres-
ence of native peoples in Greek colonies. Tychon the Taurian is clearly identified by an
inscribed stele in a cemetery dating to the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E., and thus, some
would argue, there must have been a non-Greek population living in the city (the idea that
he was a slave has been correctly dismissed because a slave would not have been buried with
such honor) . Graham postulates that he may have been a distinguished visitor to the city,
perhaps one who shared a guest-friendship with a Greek family (an interesting explanation
for his Greek name). For a summary of the arguments (published in Russian), see Graham
1994, 7-8.
38. Str. 7.4.4.; Ammian. 22.8.26; Arr. (Peripl. Eux. 30 ~ GGM 1. 394, para. 30); Dem.
Lept. 33; Tsetskhladze 1997, 50-51; Tsetskhladze 1994, 119; Hind 1992/93, 1 00; Graham
1987, 128; Ehrhardt 1983, 82; Bilabel1920, 26-27.
39. Ps.-Skym. GGM 1.234, line 899 ~ 898 Diller; Pliny NH 6.18; Tsetskhladze 1997,
57; Tsetskhladze 1994, 120; Hind 1992/93, 106-7; Hind 1983/84, 89; Graham 1987, 128;
Ehrhardt 1983, 81-82; Rilabel1920, 27- 28.
ï»¿Appendix 257
Nymphaion, east of Theodosia, was probably Milesian and possibly a
secondary colony founded by Pantikapaion. It was a city with a good
harbor (Str. 7.4.4), and its earliest remains are Attic black-figure pottery
Appendix 257
from the middle or early sixth century.40
Tyritake and Myrmekion on the Chersonese and Hermonassa on the main-
Nymphaion, east of Theodosia, was probably Milesian and possibly a

secondary colony founded by Pantikapaion. It was a city with a good
land to the east were all probably either Milesian colonies or secondary
settlements out of Pantikapaion. They all have remains dating to the early
or middle sixth century B.C.E. Tyritake has been located near modern
harbor (Str. 7.4.4 ), and its earliest remains are Attic black-figure pottery
Yakovenkovo, on the south end of the Kimmerian Bosporos. Myrmekion
from the middle or early sixth century. 40
was just north of Pantikapaion. Hermonassa was south of Kepoi. A site
near it, called the Tuzlian Cemetery, has also revealed Greek pottery from
Tyritake and Myrmekion on the Chersonese and Hermonassa on the main-

ca. 580-560. The cities of the Kimmerian Bosporos were so closely tied
together that in 480 all of them joined together under one government, a
land to the east were all probably either Milesian colonies or secondary
polity called the Bosporos, whose capital was Pantikapaion.41
settlements out of Pantikapaion. They all have remains dating to the early
The Milesian Colonies or middle sixth century B.C.E. Tyritake has been located near modern
Date
Yakovenkovo, on the south end of the Kimmerian Bosporos. Myrmekion
Pre-756 (first)
was just north of Pantikapaion. Hermonassa was south of Kepoi. A site

756
756 (first)
near it, called the Tuzlian Cemetery, has also revealed Greek pottery from
709
ca. 580-560. The cities of the Kimmerian Bosporos were so closely tied
Ca. 690
together that in 480 all of them joined together under one government, a
Ca. 690
polity called the Bosporos, whose capital was Pantikapaion. 41
679 (second)
Ca. 668-652
657
647
The Milcsian Colonies
Ca. 633-600
631 (second)
Date Name Location Comments

627
Pre-7.56 (first) Sinope South Pontos Double foundation

Name
756 Trapezous South Pontos From Sinope

Sinope
756 (first) Kyzikos South Propontis Double foundation

Trapezous
709 Pari on South Propontis With Erythrai and

Kyzikos
Paras
Parion
Ca. 690 Prokonnesos South Propontis

Ca. 690 Artake South Propontis No ruins
Prokonnesos
679 (second) Kyzikos South Propontis Double foundation

Artake
Ca. 668-652 Abydos Hellespont

Kyzikos
657 Istros West Pontos

Abydos
647 Olbia/Berezan North Pontos

Istros
Tanais Northeast Pontos Site uncertain

Olbia/Berezan
Ca. 633-600
Tanais
631 (second) Sinope South Pontos Double foundation

627
Sinope
Kios South Propontis

Kios
Location
40. Tsetskhladze 1994, 119 (ca. 580- 570); Hind 1992/93, 100 (mid- sixth century).
South Pontos
41. Nymphaion, Myrmekion, and Tyritake are all listed by Graham (1982a, 161-62)
South Pontos
but are not mentioned by Bilabel (1920) or Ehrhardt (1983). Hermonassa is mentioned as a
South Propontis
possible colony by both Graham and Ehrhardt (1983, 83), but not by llilabeL See Hind
South Propontis
1994, 484 (Hermonassa, sympolity); Hind 1992/93, 100-103 (summary); Hind 1983/84,
South Propontis
89-90 (Hermonassa); Tserskhladze 1997,49-50 (Nymphaion), 55-57 (Hermonassa), 60-
South Propontis
61 (Myrmekion and Tyritake as dependent cities); Tsetskhladze 1994, 119-20 (Tuzlian
South Propontis cemetery).
Hellespont
West Pontos
North Pontos
Northeast Pontos
South Pontos
South Propontis
Comments
Double foundation
From Sinope
Double foundation
With Erythrai and
Paros
No ruins
Double foundation
Site uncertain
Double foundation
40. Tsetskhladze 1994, 119 (ca. 580-570); Hind 1992/93, 100 (mid-sixth century).
41. Nymphaion, Myrmekion, and Tyritake are all listed by Graham (1982a, 161-62)
ï»¿258 Appendix
Date
Ca. 610
Ca. 600
258 Appendix
Ca. 600
Ca. 600
Date Name Location Comments

Ca. 600-575
Ca. 610 Apollonia West Pontos

Ca. 600-575
Pontika
Ca. 600-575
Ca. 600 Pantikapaion Tauric Chersonese

Ca. 600-575
Ca. 600 Kardia Thracian Chersonese With Klazomenai

Ca. 600-575
Ca. 600 Apollonia South Propontis

Ca. 600-550
Rhyndakos
Ca. 600-500
Ca. 600-575 Tomis West Pontos

Ca. 580-560
Ca. 600-575 Odessos West Pontos

Ca. 580-560
Ca. 600-575 Hermonessa Northeast Pontos From Pantikapaion?

Ca. 564
Ca. 600-575 Myrmekion T auric Chersonese From Pantikapaion?

Ca. 550
Ca. 600-575 Tyritake Tauric Chersonese From Pantikapaion ?

Ca. 600-550 Nymphaion Tauric Chersonese From Pantikapaion?
Ca. 512
Ca. 600-500 Tyras North Pontos

Ca. 500-400
Ca. 580-560 Theodosia Tauric Chersonese

No date
Ca.580-560 Kepoi Northeast Pontos

No date
Ca.564 Amisos South Pontos With Phokaia?

No date
No date
Ca.550 Dioskurias East Pontos

Ca. 512 Myrkinos Makedonia
No date
No date
Ca.500-400 Anchialc East Pontos From Apollonia

No date
Pontika
No date
No date Arisbc Hellespont

No date
No date Armene South Pontos From Sinope

No date
No date Gyenos East Pontos Site uncertain

No date
N o date Kerasos South Pontos From Sinope

No date
No date Kolonai South Propontis Site uncertain

No date
No date Kotyora South Pontos From Sinope

Name
N o date Kytoros South Pontos From Sinope

Apollonia
No date Limnai Thracian Chersonese Site uncertain

Pontika
Pantikapaion
N o date Miletopolis South Propontis
Kardia
N o date Paisos South Propontis
No date Phasis East Pontos Site uncertain
Apollonia
Rhyndakos
No date Priapos South Propontis
Tomis
No date Pterion South Pontos From Sinope;
Odessos
site uncertain
Hermonessa
N o date Skepsis Troad
Myrmekion
No date Ticion South Pontos
Tyritake
Nymphaion
Tyras
Theodosia
Kepoi
Amisos
Dioskurias
Myrkinos
Anchiale
Arisbe
Armene
Gyenos
Kerasos
Kolonai
Kotyora
Kytoros
Limnai
Miletopolis
Paisos
Phasis
Priapos
Pterion
Skepsis
Tieion
Location
West Pontos
Tauric Chersonese
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11z
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0 40 80 120 160 Km
Map. 1. The Greek mainland

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Map 2. Asia Minor

Map 3. The territory around Miletos
Sanctuary
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Q Lpsa
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Map 3. The territory around Miletos

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OC
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- I
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- 100-150
- 150-250
- 250-350
• Ancient cities
• Hills
Map 4. The Milesian chore

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S Stadium
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pe
Geographic Features
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0 0.5 miles
0 500 1000m
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Map 5. The city of Miletos

""'~ Geographic Features

Archqic and Classical Buildings
Later Building (added for reference)
City wan
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.1(\0 IOOOm
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Map 5. The city of Miletos

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0 20 40 Miles
0 20 40 60 80 Km
Map 6. The Propontic colonies

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~
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o 60 120 180 240 Km
Map 7. The Pontic colonies

ï»¿Index Locorum
Aelian, Varia Historia
3.17.23: 251in. 29
3.43: 106
8.5: 17n. 8, 32, 34n, 41
Aeschylus
Prometheus Vinctus 714: 60n. 32,
248n. 17
Agathemeros, G GM 2.471, 1.1: 84
Ammianos, 22.8.26: 255n. 36, 256n.
38
Index Locormn
Anaximenes of Lampsakos, FGH 72 F
26: 49
Andokides, de Mysteriis 45: 159n. 60
Anecdota Graeca 1.266.28 Bekker (s.v.
Hippodameia agora), 159n. 60
Anonomous, Periplus Euxini 64= Aelian, Varia Historia Aristotle

G GM 1.419: 175n. 23 3.17.23: 251n. 29 Athenaion Politeia 5: 34
Anthologia Palatina 12.131= Gow 3.43: 106 de Caelo
and Page 3082-8 5: 209n. 93
8.5: 17n. 8, 32, 34n, 41 2.294a2S-31: 77n. 77
Apollodoros
Aeschylus 2.294b1: SOn. S4
2.167-8 0: 9n
Prometheus Vinctus 714: 60n. 32, 2.295b10-296a3: 79
3.1.2.1: 19
248n. 17 fragments (Rose)
Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautika
Agathemeros, GGM 2.471, 1.1: 84 98: 51n. 14
1.956-1153: 246
Ammianos, 22.8.26: 255n. 36, 256n. 514: 247
1.958-60: 193
38 524: 97
Aristophanes
Anaximenes of Lampsakos, FGH 72 F 557: 13
Ayes 995-1009: 163
26:49 Historia Animalium
Equites 361: 48n. 3
Andokides, de Mysteriis 45: 159n. 60 5.15.3: 48n. 3
Plutus 1002: 2
Anecdota Graeca 1.266.28 Bekker (s.v. 8.13.2: 60n. 32
Ranae 543: 48n. 3
Hippodameia agora), 159n. 60 Metaphysica
Archilochos, fr. 22 Diehi, 91
Anonomous, Periplus Euxini 64 = 1.9S3b6-24 : 76-77
Aristides, Orationes 16.237 Jebb=
GGM 1.419: 175n. 23 1.984a5-10: SOn. 84

1.3 83 Dindorf, 192-93
Anthologia Palatina 12.131 = Gow Meteorologica 2.365b6-20: SOn.

Aristotle
and Page 3082-85: 209n. 93 84

Athenaion Politeia 5: 34
Apollodoros Poetica 9.1451a36-b11: 8

de Caelo
2.167-80: 9n Politica
2.294a28-31: 77n. 77
3.1.2.1: 19 1.1259a9-1S: 48n. 3, 76

2.294b1: 80n. 84
Apollonius of Rhodes, Argonautika 2.1260b30-37: 157-58

2.295b10-296a3: 79
1.956-1153: 246 2.1260b36-40: 157

fragments (Rose)
1.958-60: 193 2.1261b3S-40: 157

98: Sin. 14
Arisrophanes 2.1267b22-30: 158

514: 247
Aves 995-1009: 163 2.1267b37-1269a12: 158n. 57

524: 97
Equites 361: 4Sn. 3 2.1268a16: 158

557: 13
Plutus 1002: 2 3.1279a22- 1280a6: 90n. 6

Historia Animalium
Ranae 54.): 48n. 3 3.1284a31-h4: 9S

5.15.3: 48n. 3
Archilochos, fr. 22 Diehl, 91 3.1285a31-b4: 98

8.13.2: 60n. 32
Aristides, Orationes 16.237 Jebb = 3.1305a15-19: 101

Metaphysica
1.383 Dindorf, 192-93 7.1330b21-31: 155, 162

1.983b6-24: 76-77
Aristokritos of Miletos FGH 493 F 3: Arrian

1.984a5-10: 80n. 84
19n. 12 Anabasis 1.18ff.: 242

Meteorologica 2.365b6-20: 80n.
84
Poetica 9.1451a36-bll: 8 287

Politica
1.1259a9-18: 48n. 3, 76
2.1260b30-37: 157-58
2.1260b36-40: 157
2.1261b38-40: 157
2.1267b22-30: 158
2.1267b37-1269a12: 158n. 57
2.1268a16: 158
3.1279a22-1280a6: 90n. 6
3.1284a31-b4: 95
3.1285a31-b4: 98
3.1305a15-19: 101
7.1330b21-31: 155,1162
Aristokritos of Miletos FGH 493 F 3: Arrian
19n. 12 Anabasis 1.18ff.: 242
287
ï»¿288 Index Locorum
Arrian (continued)
Periplus maris Euxini
1 = GGM 1.370, para. 1: 64n.

288 Index Locorum
46
14 = GGM 1.378, para. 14:
Arrian (continued) Bacchylides fr. 20B14-16 Snell, 58

250n. 23
Periplus maris Euxini

19 = GGM 1.384-85, para. 19:
1 = GGM 1.370, para. 1: 64n.

Carmina Popularia 35: 48n. 3
249n. 21
46
Charito 2.2.7: 209n. 93
23- GGM 1.390-91, para. 23:
14 = GGM 1.378, para. 14:

Charon, FHG 1 F 6: 244n. 6
248n. 19
250n.23
Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis
30- GGM 1.394, para. 30:
19 = CCM 1.384-85, para. 19:

1.16 St.: 74
256n. 38
249n.21
1.51 St.: 74
Athenaios
23 = GGM 1.390-91, para. 23:

Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum
1.28: 48n. 3
248n. 19
2878: 63n.42
2.43D: 176
30 = GGM 1.394, para. 30:

3664.29,61: 39
6.259a: 117
256n. 38
3665.13,26, 32,47: 39
6.259b-c: 116-17
Athenaios
3723: 93n. 12
1.28: 48n. 3
632b: 73n. 68
Curtius Rufus, 7.5.28-35: 196n

2.43D: 176
7.311a: 48n. 3
Cyrillus, Patrologia 76.841d: 73n.

6.259a: 117
7.320a: 48n. 3
68
6.259b-c: 116-17
8.331c: 249n. 21
632b:73n.68
11.486e: 48n. 3
7.311a: 48n. 3 Demetrius, Elocutione 12: 83

12.519b: 48n. 3, 53
7.320a: 48n. 3 Demosthenes, Against Leptines 33:

12.520a-522a: 105n
lU31c: 249n. 21 256n. 38

12.521d-f: 105n, 106
12.522f-523b: 105n
11.486c: 48n. 3 Dio Chrysostom, 2.5: 73n. 68

12.523e-f: 2, 13
12.519b: 48n. 3, 53 Diodoros Sikulos

12.523f-524b: 102-3
12.520a-522a: 105n 1.67: 55

12.525c: 105n
12.521d-f: 105n, 106 4.57-58: 9n

12.525f-526a: 105n
12.522f-523b: 105n 7.11: 56n

12.526c: 105n
12.523e-f: 2, 13 9.45.3: 162

12.540d: 48n. 3, 130
12.523f-524b: 102-3 10.25.4: 83n. 92

13.572-73: 243
12.525c: 105n 12.3.1: 225

Athenian Tribute Lists
#1, col. iii, lines 18-20: 223-24

12.525f-526a: 105n 12.10.7: 161
#1, col. vi, lines 19-22: 223
12.526c: 1 05n 12.10- 11: 161n. 68
12.540d: 48n. 3, 130 12.38.1: 225
#3, col. ii, lines 15-17: 224, 229
#3, col. ii, line 28: 223

13.572-73: 243 12.58.1: 225
#5, col. v, line 18: 223, 229
Athenian Tribute Lists 13.104.5-6:218,240
#8, col. i, line 108: 229
#1, col. iii, lines 18-20: 223-24 14.30..1: 64n. 46
#12, col. i, line 33: 229
#1, col. vi, lines 19-22: 223 15.49.1: 125n. 66
#13, col. i, line 31: 229
#3, col. ii, lines 15-17: 224, 229 19.62.5: 113
#15, col. ii, line 11: 229
#3, col. ii, line 28: 223 19.75.1: 113
#37, col. i, lines 88-90: 224
#5, col. v, line 18: 223, 229 20.83.2: 162
#39, col. i, lines 36-38: 224
#8, col. i, line 108: 229 fr. 7.11: 50
#D17.70-72: 227
#12, col. i, line 33: 229 Diogenes Laertes
Bacchylides fr. 20B14-16 Snell, 58
#13, col. i, line 31: 229 1.23:75n. 74, 76n
Carmina Popularia 35: 48n. 3
#15, col. ii, line 11: 229 1.44: 35n. 49
Charito 2.2.7: 209n. 93

#37, col. i, lines 88-90: 224 2.3: 80
Charon, FHG 1 F 6: 244n. 6
#39, col. i, lines 36-38: 224 8.5: 44n. 72, 187n. 37
Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis
#D17.70-72: 227 9.8.10: 161n. 68
1.16 St.: 74
1.51 St.: 74
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum
2878: 63n. 42
3664.29, 61: 39
3665.13, 26, 32, 47: 39
3723: 93n. 12
Curtius Rufus, 7.5.28-35: 196n
Cyrillus, Patrologia 76.841d: 73n.
68
Demetrius, Elocutione 12: 83
Demosthenes, Against Leptines 33:
256n. 38
Dio Chrysostom, 2.5: 73n. 68
Diodoros Sikulos
1.67: 55
4.57-58: 9n
7.11: 56n
ï»¿Index Locorum 289
Dionysios of Byzantium, Anaplus
Bospori pp. 22-23 Giingerich (2d
ed.), 66n. 49
Index Locorum 289
Dionysios of Halikarnassos, de
Dinarcho 11.661: 49n. 8
Dionysios of Byzantium, Anaplus 1.19: 211

Douris, FGH 76 F 64: 32
Bospori pp. 22-23 Gi.ingerich (2d 1.19-22: 45

Ephoros, FGH 70
cd.), 66n. 49 1.22.4: 123

F 127: 3, 19n. 13, 34n
Dionysios of Halikarnassos, de 1.23.3-24: 135

F 183: 13
Dinarcho 11.661: 49n. 8 1.26.3: 125

Eusebius
Douris, fGH 76 F 64: 32 1.27.1: 123

1.80e Schoene: 64, 248
1.28: 123
88b Helm: 56n, 64, 246
Ephoros, FGH 70 1.46.2: 188

91b Helm: 245
F 127: 3, 19n. 13, 34n 1.46.2-48.1: 19ln. 47

93b Helm: 64, 246
F 183: 13 1.59.3: 136n. 14

95b Helm: 64n. 47, 252
Eusebius 1.65.2-66.1: 119-20

96b Helm: 64
1.80e Schoene: 64, 248 1.74:76

88b Helm: 56n, 64, 246 1.75: 75
Eustathius
91 b Helm: 245 1.76.3: 124

Commentary on Dionysius
93b Helm: 64, 246 1.77.4: 124n. 64

Periegeta 687: 64n. 46
95b Helm: 64n. 47,252 1.92.2: 188

GGM 2.361-62, para. 823: 20
96b Helm: 64 1.94.1:48

Ezekiel 27:13: 54
Eustathius 1.95.2: 112n. 45

Fornara 1983b
Commentary on Dionysius 1.103-6:68

#66: 93n. 10, 231
Periegeta 687: 64n. 46 1.141-52: 126, 140

#92: 225
#99: 230
GGM 2.361-62, para. 823: 20 1.142-48: 125

#102: 227
Ezekiel 27:13: 54 1.146.1: 33

#103:230
1.146.2: 32, 42
Hadzisteliou-Price 1971
Fornara 1983b 1.147.2: 32-33

#V.8: 172n. 16, 184n. 29
#66:93n. 10,231 1.148.1: 124-25

#VI.14: 172n. 16
#92: 225 1.154: 55

Harpokration s.v. "Hippodameia,"
#99:230 1.157.3-159.4: 188

159n. 60
#102: 227 1.158.1ff.: 19ln. 47

Herodotos
#103:230 1.161-69: 126

1.5.3-4: 7, 119
1.6.2-3: 123
1.163.2: 112n. 45
1.14-22: 66-67, 125
Hadzisteliou-Price 1971 1.169.2: 126
#V.8: 172n. 16, 184n. 29 1.170: 75, 140
1.14.4: 122
1.15: 69, 122

#VI.14: 172n. 16 1.170.1: 126
1.16: 69
Harpokration s.v. "Hippodameia," 1.170.2: 127
1.16-22: 122
1S9n.60 1.171.2: 17n. 7
1.17: 50
Herodoros 1.171.5: 16
1.17.3: 122
1.5.3-4: 7, 119 1.173: 19n. 13
1.18.3: 52n. 17, 125
1.6.2-3: 123 1.175:46
1.19: 211
1.14-22: 66-67, 125 2.33: 251n. 26
1.19-22: 45
1.14.4: 122 2.53.4: 6
1.22.4: 123
1.15: 69, 122 2.105: 60n. 32
1.23.3-24: 135
1.16: 69 2.142.2: 112
1.26.3: 125
1.16-22: 122 2.152: 55
1.27.1: 123
1.17: 50 2.159.3: 188
1.28: 123
1.17.3: 122 2.163: 55
1.46.2: 188
1.18.3: 52n. 17,125 2.178.1-3: 56-57
1.46.2-48.1: 191n. 47
1.59.3: 136n. 14
1.65.2-66.1: 119-20
1.74: 76
1.75: 75
1.76.3: 124
1.77.4: 124n. 64
1.92.2: 188
1.94.1: 48
1.95.2: 112n. 45
1.103-6: 68
1.141-52: 126, 140
1.142-48: 125
1.146.1: 33
1.146.2: 32, 42
1.147.2: 32-33
1.148.1: 124-25
1.154: 55
Herodotos (continued)
3.39: 130
3.39.4: 51
290 Index Locorum
3.67.3: 127
3.90-97: 128n
Hcrodotos (continued) 5.37.2: 136

3.137: 137n. 17
3.39: 130 5.38-97: 137

3.139-49: 132
3.39.4: 51 5.44: 130

3.149: 126n. 70
3.67.3: 127 5.49.3: 35, 137

4.1: 68
3.90-97: l28n 5.49-50: 84

4.12.2: 248
3.137: 137n. 17 5.50: 35

4.17-35: 69
3.139-49: 132 5.65.3: 32

4.18.1: 252n. 33
3.149: 126n. 70 5.97.1-2: 34-35

4.28: 52
4.1: 68 5.97.2: 35
4.36.2: 84
4.12.2:248 5.97.3: 137

4.42.1: 84
4 .17-35:69 5.99: 139

4.51: 254n
4.18.1: 252n. 33 5.99.1: 51n. 14, B7

4.53: 60n. 32
4.28: 52 5.100: 137, 138

4.36.2: 84 5.101.3: 138
4.53.1-3: 253
4.42.1: 84 5.102.2: 138

4.59-80: 69n. 56
4.51: 254n 5.103.2: 137

4.74: 60n. 32
4.53: 60n. 32 5.104.1: 137

4.78.3: 252n. 33
4.53.1-3:253 5.105: 137

4.83ff: 131
4.59-80: 69n. 56 5.109.3: 138, 139

4.137.2: 131
4.74: 60n. 32
4.137-42: 115
5.112.1: 137
4.78.3: 252n. 33 5.117: 137
4.143-44: 133
4.158.1: 112n. 45
4.83ff: 131 5.120: 139, 140

5.2: 133
4.137.2: 131 5.121: 46

5.3: 134
4.137-42: 115 5.122: 106n. 35

5.11: 132, 133
4.143-44: 133 5.122.1: 137

5.11-12: 71
4.158.1: 112n. 45 5.122.2: 137

5.23-24: 71
5.2: 133 5.123: 137

5.23.1-3: 133
5.3: 134 5.124: 82

5.25.1: 128
5.11: 132, 133 5.124-26: 136

5.28: 1, 13, 118, 212, 241
5.28-29: 110-11
5.11-12: 71 5.125: 49, 50, 141
5.30.1-3: 134
5.23-24: 71 5.126:71
5.23.1-3: 133 6.6: 143
5.30.4: 135
5.31: 134
5.25.1: 128 6.7: 138, 139, 143
5.31.3-32: 135
5.28: 1, 13, 118,212,241 6.8: 137, 138
5.34.3: 135
5.28-29: 110-11 6.9-10: 145
5.36: 82
5.30.1-3: 134 6.11-12: 139
5.36.1: 136
5.30.4: 135 6.13: 145
5.36.3: 188
5.31: 134 6.13-17:143
5.37: 137
5.31.3-32: 135 6.18-22.1 : 114
5.37.1: 136
5.34. 3: 135 6.19.2: 143-44
5.37.2: 136
5.36: 82 6.19.3: 195
5.38-97: 137
5.36.1: 136 6.19.3-20: 143
5.44: 130
5.36.3: 188 6.20:45
5.49.3: 35, 137

5.37: 137 6.21.1: 53
5.49-50: 84
5.37.1: 136 6.21.1-2: 36
5.50: 35
5.65.3: 32
5.97.1-2: 34-35
5.97.2: 35
5.97.3: 137
5.99: 139
5.99.1: 51n. 14, 137
5.100: 137, 138
5.101.3: 138
5.102.2: 138
5.103.2: 137
5.104.1: 137
5.105: 137
5.109.3: 138, 139
5.112.1: 137
5.117: 137
5.120: 139, 140
5.121: 46
5.122: 106n. 35
6.22.1: 212
6.22.2: 144, 147
6.31: 144
Index Locorum 291
6.31.2: 137
6.33.2: 137
6.22.1: 212 11.303: 97n. 19

6.34: 130
6.22.2: 144, 147 24.347-48: 97n. 19

6.43: 127
6.31: 144 Odyssey

6.43.3: 145, 219
6.31.2: 137 8.258-60: 97

6.48-49: 137n. 17
6.33.2: 137 Homeric Hymn to Apollo 400-496:

6.51: 142
6.34: 130 169

6.58: 142n. 27
6.43: 127
7.34: 244
6.43.3: 145, 219 Iamblichos, de Mysteriis 3.11: 190n. 46

7.43: 106n. 35
6.48-49: 137n. 17 Inscriptiones Creticae

7.61-95: 128n
6.51: 142 I.ix.1C.124ff.: 170

7.146:66
6.58: 142n. 27 II.xv.2.17: 170

7.157.1: 139
7.14:244 Inscriptiones Graecae

7.239:135
7.43: 106n. 35 13 3: 185

7.61-95: 128n 13 14: 228
8.22.2: 137n. 17
7.146: 66 13 21: 95,225,229

8.68y: 136n. 14
7.157.1: 139 I3 37: 228, 230

8.142.4: 139
7.239: 135 13 39:228

8.144.2: 35n. 50
8.22.2: 137n. 17 1340:227,230

9.64.2: 118
8.68y: 136n. 14 p 71:236

9.97ff.: 145
9.104:145
8.142.4: 139 p 71.1.121-22: 224

13 100.5: 247n. 14
Hekataios, FGH 1 F 1: 83
lU44.2: 35n. 50
Hellanikos of Lesbos, FGH 4 F 125:32
9.64.2: 118 1 1 259.6: 17n. 8

Herakleides of Pontos (Voss)
9.97ff.: 145 13 261.5: 17n. 8

fr. 41:102-3
9.104: 145 13 269.ii.2: 244n. 6

fr. 50: 191n. 47
Hekataios, FGH 1 F 1: 83 13 270.ii.24: 244n. 6

Herodoros of Heraklea, FGH 31 F
Hellanikos ofLesbos, FGH 4 F 125:32 13 369.5: 225n. 18

45: 19n. 12
Herakleides of Pontos (Voss) 13 421.202, 206: 48n. 3

Hesiod, Opera et Dies 105-22: Sn
Hesychius.
fr. 41: 102-3 P 422.295: 48n. 3
fr. 50: 191n. 47 12(9) 909: 109
s.v. "Hippodamou nemesis," 159n.
60
Herodoros of Heraklea, FGH 31 F 12(9) 923: 109
s.v. "Hieropoioi," 92n
45:19n.12 fnscriptiones Graecae fn editae
Hesiod, Opera et Dies 105-22: 5n (L. Ross) 2.68ff.: 49n. 7
s.v. "Tbhyios," 171
Hippolytos Refutatio omnium

Hesychius. Inschriften von 0/bia
haeresium
s.v. "Hippodamou nemesis," 159n. #26: 97n.20
1.6.1-2: 78n
60 #30: 97n. 20
1.7.6: 81
s.v. "Hieropoioi," 92n #55-58: 97n. 20
Homer
s.v. "Thyios," 171 #167: 97n. 20
Iliad
Hippolytos Refutatio omnium Inschriften von Priene
2.836:243
haeresium #35: 125n. 66
2.867-75: 15
1.6.1-2: 78n #37: 125n. 66
11.303: 97n. 19
1. 7.6: 81 #37.56-57: 46n. 77
24.347-48: 97n. 19
Homer #361-63:46n. 77
Odyssey
Iliad Isokrates, Orationes
8.258-60: 97
2.836:243 2.43: 73
Homeric Hymn to Apollo 400-496:
2.867-75: 15 12.9: 170
169
Iamblichos, de Mysteriis 3.11: 190n. 46
Inscriptiones Creticae
I.ix.1C.124ff.: 170
II.xv.2.17:170
Inscriptiones Graecae
13 3:185
13 14:228
1321:95, 225, 229
13 37:228, 230
13 39:228
1340:227, 230
13 71:236
13 71.1.121-22: 224
13 100.5: 247n. 14
13 259.6: 17n. 8
13 261.5: 17n. 8
13269.ii.2: 244n. 6
13 270.ii.24: 244n. 6
Kallimachos
Hymn to Artemis
225: 34n
292 Index Locorum
225-27:172
Iambos
Kallimachos Z 90.33.1: 209n. 94

fr. 191 Pfeiffer, 76n
Hymn to Artemis Z 90.45.2: 209n. 94

fr. 217 Pfeiffer, 185
225: 34n Z 91.68.15: 209n. 94

Kallisthenes, 124.14j: 195, 196n
225-27: 172 Z 92.83.14: 209n. 94

Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983
[ambos Z 94.124.17: 209n. 94

#81:75
fr. 191 Pfeiffer, 76n Milet 1.2 #8c: 185

#85: 76-77
fr. 217 Pfeiffer, 185 Milet 1.3

#101a: 75
Kallisthenes, 124.14j: 195, 196n #31a: 172-73

#138: 80
Kirk, Raven, and Schofield 1983 #31b: 172n. 17

#156:81
#81: 75 #31c: 172n. 17

Konon, FGH 26
#85: 76-77 #122.i.78 : 94

F 1.xxxiii: 187
#lOla: 75 #122.i.82: 232

#138: 80 #122.i.90: 218
F 44:90
F 44.1-2: 51n. 12
#156: 81 #122.ii.11: 114n. 51

Konon, FG H 26 #122.ii.12: 218
Kritias, 1.5-6: 48n. 3
F l.xxxiii: 187 #122.ii.22: 114n. 51

Lactantius
F 44: 90 #122.ii.81: 113

1.6:107
F 44.1-2: 51n. 12 #122.ii.10 1: 113

3.479: 185n. 32
Kritias, 1.5-6: 48n. 3 #122-29: 94

8.198: 185n. 32
#129:99-100, 184n.29
Le Bas and Waddington
#1140.1-3: 93n. 12
Lacrantius #130: 174n. 21

#1141.1-3: 93n. 12
1.6: 107 #131: 171

#1143.9-10: 93n. 12
3.479: 185n. 32 #132a: 191-92

Lykophron
8.198: 185n. 32 #133:94, 176-81,219

188-89: 175n.23
Le Bas and Waddington #133.1-5: 39

1378-81: 44n. 72, 187n. 37
#1140.1-3: 93n. 12 #136: 147- 48

Marmor Parium, FGH 239 F 27: 34n
# '1141.1-3: 93n. 12 #137: 150

Meiggs and Lewis 1988
#1143.9-10: 93n. 12 #141: 150,247

#43: 230-31
Lykophron #143.31- 37: 170

#47:230
#52:227, 230
188-89: 175n.23 #143.32: 96n. 16
Mela
1378- 81:44n. 72, 187n.37 # 146.41 : 96n. 16
#146.41-46: 170
1.100: 247n. 16
1.104: 249n. 21
Marmor Parium, FGH 239 F 27: 34n #149:45
1.108: 249n. 22
Meiggs and Lewis 1988 #150.21-22: 174n. 21
2.1.6: 252n. 33
#43:230-31 #150.65: 96n. 16
Milet Inventar
#47: 230 #178: 191
451:39
#52:227,230 #185: 247
1623:39n.59
Mela #186: 174
S 92.119: 211
1.100: 247n. 16 M ilet 1.6 # 187: 93, 197, 218, 230-
Z 90.33.1: 209n. 94
1.104: 249n. 21 31,232
Z 90.45.2: 209n. 94
1.108: 249n. 22 Milet 1.7
Z 91.68.15: 209n. 94
2.1.6: 252n. 33 #202: 172n. 16
Z 92.83.14: 209n. 94
Miler Inventar #233-36: 63n.42
Z 94.124.17: 209n. 94
451: 39 #239:63n.42
Milet 1.2 #8c: 185
1623:39n.59 #240:63n.42
Milet 1.3
s 92.119: 211 Milet 2.3 #129: 216-17
#31a: 172-73
#31b: 172n. 17
#31c: 172n. 17
#122.i.78: 94
#122.i.82:232
#122.i.90: 218
#122.ii.11: 114n. 51
#122.ii.12:218
#122.ii.22: 114n. 51
#122.ii.81:113
#122.ii.101:113
#122-29:94
#129: 99-100, 184n. 29
#130: 174n. 21
#131:171
#132a: 191-92
#133:94, 176-81,219
#133.1-5: 39
Milet 6.1 #31a: 173n. 19
Mimnermos, fr. 12 Diehl, 34n
Nicolaus of Damascus, FGH 90

Index Locorum 293
F 52: 45, 90, 211n. 98
F 53: 91, 232n. 42
Milet6.1 #31a: 173n.19 Phlcgon, FGH 257 F 2: 107

Orphika Argonautika 152-53: 44n.
Mimnermos, fr. 12 Diehl, 34n Photios

72, 187n. 37
s.v. "Hippudameia," 159n. 60

Ovid, Tristia
Nicolaus of Damascus, FGH 90 s.v. "Hippodamou nemesis," 159n.

1.20.41: 251n. 27
F 52: 45, 90, 211n. 98 60

3.9.3-4: 251n. 27
F 53: 91, 232n. 42 Phylarchos, fGH 81 F 45: 106

Parthenios
Plato
1: 44n. 72, 187n. 37
Orphika Argonautika 152-53: 44n. Protagoras 343a: 75

9: 52n. 17
72, 187n.37 Theatetos 174a: 75

14: 90n. 5
Ovid, Tristia Pliny, Natura/is Historia

Pausanias
1.20.41: 251n. 27 4.44: 251n. 27

1.16.3: 195
3.9.3-4: 251n. 27 4.45: 251n. 29

4.87: 255n. 36
1.35.6: 15
Parrhenios 5.112:64n.43
2.10.5: 190
1:44~72, 187n.37 5.142: 246n. 10

2.221: 174
9:52n. 17 5.144: 247n. 16

3.19.11: 175n. 23
14: 90n.5 6.5: 60n. 32, 250n. 23

5.13.11: 44n. 72, 187n. 37, 190,
Pausanias 6.13: 249n. 22

192
1.16.3: 195 6.18: 256n. 38

7.1.1-9: 32
16.197: 60n. 32, 248n. 17

7.2.1: 32
1.35.6: 15
7.2.1-4: 33
2.10.5: 190 32.146: 255

7.2.1-6: 32
2.221: 174 32.149: 255

7.2.5: 14-15, 18
3.19.11: 175n. 23 34.8.75: 190

7.2.6: 42, 44n. 72, 185, 187
5.13.11: 44n. 72, 187n. 37,190, Plutarch

192
7.2.11: 44
Agesilaus
7.24.5: 209
7.1.1-9: 32 24.1: 118

8.46: 246n. 12
7.2.1: 32 24.2: 118n

8.46.3: 195
7.2.1-4: 33 Comparatio Pelopidatis et Marcelli

9.10.2: 190
7.2.1-6: 32 1.6: 118n

9.27: 245
9.27.1: 52
7.2.5: 14-15, 18 de Genio Socratis
10.12: 107
7.2.6: 42, 44n. 72, 185, 187 1 09 .576b: 118n
7.2.11:44 109.586b: 118n
10.25.5: 73
Pherekydes
7.24.5:209 de Malignate Herodoti 24 = 861b:
fr. 155.19ff. Kassel and Austin, 74
8.46: 246n. 12 140
FGH 3 F 155:17
8.46.3: 195 Lysander
FGH 3 T 3: 49n. 8
9.10.2: 190 8:241
Philochoros, FGH 328 F 128: 225n.
9.27: 245 8: 1-3, 218
18
9.27.1: 52 Moralia
Phlegon, FGH 257 F 2: 107
10.12: 107 244c-245a: 52n. 17
Photios
10.25.5: 73 245d33: 194
s.v. "Hippodameia," 159n. 60
Pherekydes 557b: 196n
s.v. "Hippodamou nemesis," 159n.
fr. 155.19££. Kassel and Austin, 74 760e-761b: 51n. 14
60
FGH 3 F 155: 17 de Mulierum virtutibus 18: 244n. 6
Phylarchos, FGH 81 F 45: 106

FGH 3 T 3: 49n. 8 Pelopidas
Plato
Philochoros, FGH 328 F 128: 225n. 5.2: 118
Protagoras 343a: 75
18 6: 118n
Theatetos 174a: 75
Pliny, Naturalis Historia
4.44: 251n. 27
4.45: 251n. 29
4.87: 255n. 36
5.112: 64n. 43
5.142: 246n. 10
5.144: 247n. 16
6.5: 60n. 32, 250n. 23
6.13: 249n. 22
6.18: 256n. 38
16.197: 60n. 32, 248n. 17
32.146: 255
32.149: 255
34.8.75: 190
Plutarch
Agesilaus
24.1: 118
Plutarch
Pelopidas (continued)
6.1: 118
294 Index Locorum
6.2: 118
9: 118n
Plutarch GGM 1.229, lines 804-12 = 809-

9.2: 118
Pelopidas (continued) 16 Diller, 252n. 33

Quaestiones Graecae
6.1: 118 GGM 1.229, lines 804-9 = 809-

30: 52n. 18
6.2: 118 14 Diller, 252

32.298c-d: 108
9: 118n CCM 1.236, lines 941-52 = 986-

Pollux, 9.83: 48
9.2: 118 97 Diller, 64-65

Polyainos
Quaestiones Graecae CCM 1.235, lines 917-20 = 956-

1.45.1: 218, 241
30: 52n. 18 59 Diller, 249

6.8: 241n. 56
32.298c-d: 108 GGM 1.236, lines 948-49 = 993-

7.18.2: 114n. 51
Pollux, 9.83: 48 94 Diller, 248

8.16: 241
Polyainos GGM 1.236, lines 949-52 = 994-

8.33: 194
1.45.1: 218, 241 97 Diller, 248

8.35: 34n. 44, 90n. 5
6.8: 241n. 56 Pseudo-Xenophon, Athenaion Politeia

7.18.2: 114n. 51 3.11:220-21
Polybios
8.16:241
4.38.1ff.: 60n. 32
8.33: 194 Quintus of Smyrna, 1.283: 44n. 72,

16.12: 44
8.35: 34n.44, 90n. 5 185n.32, 187n. 37

16.12.1-2: 34n
Polybios
Porphyry, Epistle 14: 190n. 46
4.38.1££.: 60n. 32 Rehm 1958

Pseudo-Demosthenes
16.12: 44
39.2: 170
#7: 195
16.12.1-2: 34n #10: 184n. 29
40.11: 170
49.22: 159n. 60
Porphyry, Epistle 14: 190n. 46 #11: 191

Pseudo-Plutarch, Stromateis 2 =
Pseudo-Demosthenes #16: 184n. 29

12a10 DK, 78n
39.2: 170 #17: 171n. 15

Pseudo-Skylax
40.11: 170 #29.15-19: 172n. 16

GGM 1.57-58, para. 68: 254n
49.22: 159n. 60 #120: 172n. 16

GGM 1.61-62, para. 81:250
Pseudo-Plutarch, Stromateis 2 = Rhianos, fr. 68 Powell: 170

GGM 1.68, para. 93: 247n. 16
12a10 DK, 78n

Pseudo-Skymos
Pseudo-Skylax Satyrus, Vita Euripidis fr. 39, col. 22:

GGM 1.223, line 705: 244n. 5
GGM 1.223, lines 698-99: 244n. 4

GGM 1.57-58, para. 68: 254n 74
GGM 1.225, lines 730-33: 251n. 29
GGM 1.61- 62, para. 81:250 Scholia to Apollonios of Rhodos
GGM 1.68, para. 93: 247n. 16 1.185: 19n. 12
GGM 1.225, lines 734-37: 63
GGM 1.226, lines 748-50: 251

Pseudo-Skymos 1.1076: 246n. 10
GGM 1.227, lines 765-66 = 765-
GGM 1.223, line 705: 244n. 5 1.1177:247
66 Diller, 251n. 27
GGM 1.223, lines 698-99: 244n. 4 2.2 79: 246n. 12
GGM 1.227, lines 767-72= 766-
GGM 1.225, lines 730-33: 251n. 29 Scholia to Lykophron 679: 175
70 Diller, 251n. 25
GGM 1.225, lines 734-37: 63 Scholia to Plato Symposium 208d: 32
GGM 1.228, lines 786-92 = 783-
GGM 1.226, lines 748-50: 251 Scholia to Theokritos 17.98: 56n
89 Diller, 175n. 23
GGM 1.227, lines 765-66 = 765- Seneca, ad Helviam 7: 64n. 43
GGM 1.229, lines 802-4 = 799-
66 Diller, 251n. 27 Simplicius, Physica
800 Diller, 254n
GCM 1.227, lines 767-72 = 766- 23.29 Diels: 75
GGM 1.229, lines 804-12 = 809-
70 Diller, 251n. 25 24.13 Diels: 75
16 Diller, 252n. 33
CCM 1.228, lines 786-92 = 783- 24.26 Diels: 80
GGM 1.229, lines 804-9 = 809-

89 Diller, 175n. 23 Sokolowski 1955
14 Diller, 252
GGM 1.229, lines 802-4 = 799- #45: 172n. 16,217n.3
GGM 1.236, lines 941-52 = 986-
800 Diller, 254n #47: 172n. 16
97 Diller, 64-65
GGM 1.235, lines 917-20 = 956-
59 Diller, 249
GGM 1.236, lines 948-49 = 993-
94 Diller, 248
GGM 1.236, lines 949-52 = 994-
97 Diller, 248
Pseudo-Xenophon, Athenaion Politeia
3.11: 220-21
Quintus of Smyrna, 1.283: 44n. 72,
185n. 32, 187n. 37
Rehm 1958
#7: 195
#10: 184n. 29
#11: 191
#16: 184n. 29
#17: 171n. 15
#29.15-19: 172n. 16
#49B.26-37: 170n. 12
#51: 172n. 16
Statius, Thebaid
Index Locorum 295
3.478-79: 44n. 72, 18 7n. 37
8.198: 185n. 32
#49B.26-37: 170n. 12 12.3.11-12: 60n. 32

8.198-200: 44n. 72, 187n. 37
#51: 172n. 16 12.3.12: 248n. 17

Stephanos of Byzantium
Statius, Thebaid 12.3.14: 249

GGM 2.361-62, para. 823, lines
3.478-79: 44n. 72, 187n. 37 12.3.19: 60n. 32

13-14: 17n. 6
8.198: 185n. 32 12.4.4: 68

s.v. "Anaktoria," 15n. 1
8.198-200: 44n. 72, 187n. 37 12.8.5: 17, 19n. 13

s.v. "Apollonia," 251n. 29
Stephanos of Byzantium 12.8.17: 3

s.v. "Assessos," 211n. 98
GGM 2.361-62, para. 823, lines 12.8.19: 3n.3

s.v. "Borysthenes," 252n. 33
13-14: 17n.6 13.1.9: 244n. 6

s.v. "Limnai," 244n. 5
s.v. "Anaktoria," 15n. 1 13.1.12: 246n. 12,247

s.v. "Naukratos," 56n
s.v. "Apollonia," 251n. 29 13.1.14: 52,245

s.v. "Pantikapaion," 255n. 36
s.v. "Assessos," 211n. 98 13.1.16: 246n. 12

s.v. "Phasis," 249n. 22
s.v. "Borysthenes," 252n. 33 13.1.19: 106n. 35, 245

s.v. "Limnai," 244n. 5 13.1.22: 122, 243
s.v. "Pterion," 248n. 19
s.v. "Naukratos," 56n 13.1.52: 244

s.v. "Tios," 249n. 21
s.v. "Pantikapaion," 255n. 36 13.1.70: 106n. 35

s.v. "Trapezous," 64n. 46, 248n. 19
s.v. "Phasis," 249n. 22 14.1.3: 44

s.v. "Tyras," 254n
s.v. "Pterion," 248n. 19 14.1.5: 187n. 36, 195n. 53, 196n

Strabo
s.v. "Tios," 249n. 21 14.1.6: 3, 17n. 6, 19n. 13, 34n, 49,

1.1.11: 84n
s.v. "Trapczous," 64n. 46, 248n. 19 63,171,244,246nn. 10-11

3.11: 248n. 17
7.3.16: 254n
s.v. "Tyras," 254n 14.1.7: 36

7.3.17: 252n. 33
Strabo 14.1.10:44
7.4.4: 255n. 36, 256, 257
1.1.11: 84n 14.2.9: 161

7.4.5: 176, 255
3.11: 248n. 17 14.120: 125n. 66

7.4.6: 255
7.3.16: 254n 17.1.18: 55,56

7.6: 256
7.3.17: 252n. 33 17.1.43: 195, 196n

7.6.1: 251
7.4.4: 255n. 36, 256, 257 Suda

7.7.2: 17
7.4.5: 176, 255 s.v. "Arisrarchos," 97

8.7.2: 125n. 66
7.4.6: 255 s.v. "Branchidai," 196n

10.1.11-12: 5in. 14
10.5.7: 245
7.6:256 s.v. "Dionysios Milesios," = FGH
11.2.3: 60n. 32, 255
7.6.1: 251 687: 82
7.7.2: 17 s.v. "Herodotos," 161n. 68
11.2.6: 176
8.7.2: 125n. 66 s.v. "Hippodameia," 159n. 60

11.2.7: 60n. 32
11.2.17: 60n. 32, 250

10.1.11-12: 51n. 14 s.v. "Thales," 75n. 74
11.2.18: 60n. 32
10 ..5.7: 245 Supplementum Epigraphicum
11.2.19: 249
11.2.3: 60n. 32, 255 Graecum
11.11.4: 196n
11.2.6: 176 30(1975)#869: 175n.23
11.11.17: 249n. 22
11.2. 7: 60n. 32 24 (1969) #1095.1-2: 93n. 12
12: 68n. 52
11.2.17: 60n. 32,250 Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum
12.2.10: 248n. 17, 248n. 19
11.2.18: 60n. 32 (Dittenberger 1960)
12.3.11: 248
11.2.19: 249 #38: 97n.21
12.3.11-12: 60n. 32
11.11.4: 196n #38.32: 185
12.3.12: 248n. 17
11.11.17: 249n. 22 #955.1: 97n. 21
12.3.14: 249
12: 68n.52
12.3.19: 60n. 32
12.2.10: 248n. 17, 248n. 19 Theokritos
12.4.4: 68
12.3.11: 248 7.115: 209n. 93
12.8.5: 17, 19n. 13
12.8.17: 3
12.8.19: 3n.3
13.1.9: 244n. 6
13.1.12: 246n. 12, 247
13.1.14: 52, 245
13.1.16: 246n. 12
13.1.19: 106n. 35, 245
13.1.22: 122, 243
13.1.52: 244
13.1.70: 106n. 35
14.1.3: 44
14.1.5: 187n. 36, 195n. 53, 196n
14.1.6: 3, 17n. 6, 19n. 13, 34n, 49,
63, 171, 244, 246nn. 10-11
14.1.7: 36
14.1.10: 44
14.2.9: 161
Theokritos (continued)
28.4: 209n. 93
Theon of Smyrna, p. 198.14 Hiller,

296 Index Locorum
76n
Theophrastos, Historia Plantarum
Thcokritos (continued) 8.17.3: 237

4.5.5: 60n. 32, 248n. 17
28.4: 209n. 93 8.24-27: 238

Theopompos, FGH 115
Theon of Smyrna, p. 198.14 Hiller, 8.26: 50

F 23: 46
76n 8.28-109: 238

F 123: 211n. 98
Theophrastos, Historia Plantarum 8.36: 238

F 389: 249
4.5.5: 60n. 32, 248n. 17 8.58.2: 239

Thucydides
Theopompos, FGH 115 8.76:230

1.2-19: 7
F 23:46 8.84.4-5: 238

1.4: 8-9: 5
F 123: 21ln. 98 Timaios, FGH 566 F 50: 53

1.12: 9n
F 389: 249 Timotheos, frs. 777-804 PMG: 74n.

1.13: 121n. 60
Thucydides 69
1.13.3-14.2: 66n. 49
1.2-19: 7 Tod 1946

1.15.3: 51
1.4: 8-9: 5 #35: 93n. 10,230-31

1.12: 9n #42: 227
1.18: 137
1.13: 121n. 60 #149:93n. 12

1.20-21: 8
1.13.3-14.2: 66n. 49 #195: 147-48

1.21-22: 7
1.15.3: 51 Tzetzes, Historiarum variarum

1.22.4: 8
1.18: 137 Chiliaades

1.93: 161
1.20-21: 8 10.348ff.: 60n. 32

1.101-103.1: 222
1.21-22: 7 13.110-16:44n. 72: 187n.37

1.104: 56n
1.22.4: 8
1.105ff.: 222
1.108.2-3: 221
1.93: 161
1.113.2-4: 221 Velleius Paturculus, 2.7.7: 246n. 10
1.101-103.1: 222
1.113.3-114.1: 236 Vitruvius
1.104: 56n
1.114.1: 236 2.8: 246n. 12
1.105ff.: 222
1.115: 236 4.1: 125n. 66
1.108.2-3: 221
1.115.2-3: 218
1.113.2-4:221
1.115.3: 235
1.113.3-114.1:236 Xenophon
1.117: 167n. 6, 237n
1.114.1:236 Anabasis
3.33.2: 167, 237
3.47.2: 215
1.115:236 1.1.6: 241
3.90.3: 139
1.115.2-3:218 1.2.2: 241
1.115.3:235 4.8.22: 64n. 46
3.104: 125n. 66
4.42: 236
1.117: 167n. 6,237n 5.5.1: 60n. 32, 248n. 17
4.53: 236
3.33.2: 167, 237 Cynegeticus 4: 60n. 32
4.102: 71
3.47.2: 21S Cyropaidaia 8.6: 128n
7.28.4: 236
3.90.3: 139 Hellenica
7.42: 124n. 64
3.104: 125n. 66 1.2.2-3: 239
7.57: 236
4.42:236 1.5.1: 239
8.14-25: 237
4 .53:236 1.6.2: 239
8.17.3: 237
4.102: 71 1.6. 7: 239
8.24-27: 238
7.28.4: 236 1.6.8: 239-40
8.26: 50
7.42: 124n. 64 1.6.11: 239-40
8.28-109: 238
7.57: 236 2.4.11: 159n. 60
8.36: 238
8.14-25:237 5.1.31: 241
8.58.2: 239
8.76: 230
8.84.4-5: 238
Timaios, FGH 566 F 50: 53
Timotheos, frs. 777-804 PMG: 74n.
69
Tod 1946
#35: 93n. 10, 230-31
#42: 227
#149: 93n. 12
#195: 147-48
Tzetzes, Historiarum variarum
Chiliaades
10.348ff.: 60n. 32
13.110-16: 44n. 72: 187n. 37
Velleius Paturculus, 2.7.7: 246n. 10
Vitruvius
2.8: 246n. 12
4.1: 125n. 66
Xenophon
ï»¿General Index
Abdera, 126, 149
Abydos, 137, 243, 247
Achaia, 31, 52
Achilles, 73, 175-76
Aegean Sea, north coast, 62
Aeinautai, 108-10
Agrigentum, 154
Ahhiyawa, 27-30
Aiakes, 145
Aigicoreis, 38-40
General Index
Aigina, 57, 171
Aiolia/Aiolians, 128, 143
Air as the first principle, 80
Aisymnetes, 91-99, 113-21, 177-82,
197, 232
Alexander the Great, 113, 195-96,242 Abdera, 126, 149 Apatouria, 32

Alkibiades, 237 Abydos, 137, 243, 247 Apeiron, 78-79
Al-Mina, 52
Achaia, 31, 52 Aphrodite: Agoraia, 209; Oikous,
Alphabet, 54, 88
Achilles, 73,175-76 209; Porne, 243; Temple at
Alyattes, 45, 67-69, 102, 122-23,
Aegean Sea, north coast, 62 Naukratis, 58; Temple on
211
Aeinautai, 108-10 Zeytintepe, 45, 209-10
Amasis I, 57, 150
Agrigentum, 154 Apoif<.ia, 61-62
Amisos, 249
Ahhiyawa, 27-30 Apollo: 73, 172; altar in Delphinion,
Ampe, 143, 147
Aiakes, 145 168; Delphinios, 20, 94, 168-71,
Amphitres, 45, 90-92
Aigicoreis, 38-40 173, 176-86, 194; Hebdomagetes,
Anaktoria, 15
Aigina, S7, 171 193; Hehdomaios, 171,176, 194;
Anax, 14-15, 19
Aiolia/Aiolians, 128, 143 Ietros, 170-71, 194; Lykeios, 172,
Anaxagoras, 219
Air as the first principle, 80 194; Milesian Temple at Naukratis,
Anaximander, 74, 77-80, 251
Aisymnetes, 91-99, 113-21, 177-82, 57; Oracle of (see Didyma and D el-
Anaximenes of Lampsakos, 244, 246
197,232 phi; origin of, 188); Thargelios,
Anaximenes of Miletos, 74, 80-81
Alexander the Great, 113, 195-96,242 171; Thyios, 171; Ulios, 171
Anchiale, 251-52
Alkibiades, 237 Apollonia Rhyndaka, 24 7

Andros, 235
Al-Mina, 52 Apollonia Pontika, 251-52

Anthesterion, 38
Alphabet, 54, 88 Archons, Athenian, 227

Apatoureon, 38
Alyattes, 45, 67- 69, 102, 122-23, Ardys, 68, 122

Apatouria, 32
211 Argadcis, 38-40

Apeiron, 78-79
Amasis I, 57, 150 Arisbe, 244

Aphrodite: Agoraia, 209; Oikous,
Amisos, 249 Aristagoras, 34-35, 49, 71, 82, 101-

209; Porne, 243; Temple at
Ampe, 143, 147 2, 133-42, 210

Naukratis, 58; Temple on
Amphitres, 45, 90-92 Aristophanes, 163

Zeytintepe, 45, 209-10
Anaktoria, 15 Aristotle, 155-59

Apoikia, 61-62
Anax, 14-15, 19 Arktinos, 72-73

Apollo: 73, 172; altar in Delphinion,
Anaxagoras, 219 Armene, 248

168; Delphinios, 20, 94, 168-71,
Anaximander, 74, 77- 80, 251 Artake, 246

173, 176-86, 194; Hebdomagetes,
Anaximenes of Lampsakos, 244, 246 Artaphernes, 128, 134

193; Hebdomaios, 171, 176, 194;
Anaximenes of Miletos, 74, 80-81 Artemis, 171-72, 184, 216-17; altar

letros, 170-71, 194; Lykeios, 172,
Anchiale, 251-52 in Delphinion, 171; Delphinia, 171;

194; Milesian Temple at Naukratis,
Andros, 235 Kithone, 172, 205; Pythia, 171,

57; Oracle of (see Didyma and Del-
Anthesterion, 38 187; temenoi at Miletos, 171-72;

phi; origin of, 188); Thargelios,
Apatoureon, 38 temenos at Didyma, 171

171; Thyios, 171; Ulios, 171
Apollonia Rhyndaka, 247
Apollonia Pontika, 251-52 297

Archons, Athenian, 227
Ardys, 68, 122
Argadeis, 38-40
Arisbe, 244
Aristagoras, 34-35, 49, 71, 82, 101-
2, 133-42, 210
Aristophanes, 163
Aristotle, 155-59
Arktinos, 72-73
Armene, 248
Artake, 246
Artaphernes, 128, 134
Artemis, 171-72, 184, 216-17; altar
in Delphinion, 171; Delphinia, 171;
Kithone, 172, 205; Pythia, 171,
187; temenoi at Miletos, 171-72;

ï»¿298 General Index
Artemesion (Milesian month), 38
Artemesion (Temple at Ephesos), 188
Ashurbanipal, 69
298 General Index
Assessos, 44-45, 90, 210-11
Assyrians, 69
Artcmcsion (Milcsian month), 38 Caria/Carians, 15-17,20,41-43,

Asterios, 14-15, 19
Artemesion (Temple at Ephesos), 188 45-46,48,55,106-7,128,137-

Astronomy. See Meteorology
Ashurbanipal, 69 40,143,188,241,247
Astyages, 251
Assessos, 44-45, 90, 210-11 Chalkedon, 63

Athena Harbor, 4
Assyrians, 69 Chalkidike, 62, 63

Athena, 174; at Assessos
Asterios, 14-15, 19 Chalkis, 27-28, 51, 62, 109, 230

(Mengerevtepe), 45, 123, 211;
Astronomy. See Meteorology Chares, 179, 184-85

Iasonia, 193, 212; Temple of, 20-
Astyages, 251 Cheiromacha, lOS, 110

25, 153, 196, 199-202
Athena Harbor, 4 Chersonese, Tauric, 248

Athens/Athenians, 70, 108, 137, 169-
Athena, 174; at Assessos Chersonese, Thracian, 244

70, 210-11, 215, 236-39, 244; in-
(Mengerevtepe), 45,123, 211; Chersonesos (town), 176

tervention at Miletos, 215-36;
Iasonia, 193, 212; Temple of, 20- Chios, 17, 57, 100, 125, 137-38,
mother city of Miletos, 34-41
25, 153, 196, 199-202 154,171,210,237,247,254

Athens/Athenians, 70,108,137, 169- Chore (territory), Milesian, 43-46
Attalos, 242
70,210-11,215,236-39, 244; in- Cleruchy, 235

Attika, 32, 210, 236
tervention at Miletos, 215-36; Coinage, 48, 138, 150, 246

Bafa, Lake. See Latmos, Gulf of
mother city of Miletos, 34-41 Colonization, Greek, 153-55; areas

Balat, 2, 207, 242
Attalos, 242 of, 62-63; causes of, 59-61; condi-

Berezan, 252-54
Attika, 32,210, 236 tions for, 61-62

Bias, 126
Colonization, Milcsian, 63-71, 192,

Bithynians, 68
Black Sea. See Pontos
Bafa, Lake. See Latmos, Gulf of 243-SS; Hellespontine Region,

Blauda, 240
Balat, 2, 207, 242 243-45; Pontic, 70, 130, 147, 248-

Boedromion, 38
Berezan, 252-54 57; Propontic, 147, 245-47; Spo-

Boegia, 174
Bias, 126 radic, 48-50

Boiotia, 40, 220-22, 236
llithynians, 68 Corinth, 63, 101, 210, 236

Boreis, 38-39
Black Sea. See Pontos Cretans. See Minoans

Boreos, 177
Hlauda, 240 Crete, 40, 169-71

Borysthenes River, 253
Boedromion, 38 Crimea. See Chersonese, Tauric

Borysthenes (town), 193, 252-54
Boegia, 174 Cyprus, 137-42

Bosporos, Thracian, 62-63
Bosporos, Kimmerian, 255

Boiotia, 40, 220-22, 236 Cyrus the Great, 2, 68, 88, 124-27,
Bouleuterion, 197-98, 212, 242
Bareis, 38- 39 251
Boreas, 177 Cyrus the Younger, 239
Branchidai, 185-88, 190, 195-96
Bubastis, 55
Borysthenes River, 253
Byblis (spring), 209
Borysthenes (town), 193, 252-54 Damasenor, 108-10,112, 115
Byzantine fortress, 242
Bosporos, Thracian, 62-63 Daphnai, SS
Byzantion, 63, 137
Bosporos, Kimmerian, 255 Dardanelles. See Hellespont
Calendar, Milesian, 37-38
Boulcutcrion, 197-98, 212, 242 Dardanos, 137
Cape Monodendri, 208-9
Branchidai, 185-88, 190, 195-96 Dareios, 102, 127, 130-34, 143,
Capture of Miletos. See Phrynichos
Bubastis, 55 195
Caria/Carians, 15-17, 20, 41-43,
Byblis (spring), 209 Dark Ages, 40-42, 88-89
45-46, 48, 55, 106-7, 128, 137-
Byzantine fortress, 242 Dating, Bronze Age, 11
40, 143, 188, 241, 247
llyzantion, 63, 137 Degirmentepe, 4, 26, 206
Chalkedon, 63
Delian League, 139, 215, 229-30,
Chalkidike, 62, 63
Calendar, Milesian, 37-3S 235-36
Chalkis, 27-28, 51, 62, 109, 230
Cape Monodendri, 208-9 Delos, 215, 235
Chares, 179, 184-85
Capture of Miletos. See Phrynichos Delphi, Oracle at, 32, 123
Cheiromacha, 108, 110
Chersonese, Tauric, 248
Chersonese, Thracian, 244
Chersonesos (town), 176
Chios, 17, 57, 100, 125, 137-38,
154, 171, 210, 237, 247, 254
Chore (territory), Milesian, 43-46
Cleruchy, 235
Coinage, 48, 138, 150, 246
Colonization, Greek, 153-55; areas
of, 62-63; causes of, 59-61; condi-
tions for, 61-62
Colonization, Milesian, 63-71, 192,
243-58; Hellespontine Region,
243-45; Pontic, 70, 130, 147, 248-
57; Propontic, 147, 245-47; Spo-
radic, 48-50
Corinth, 63, 101, 210, 236

ï»¿General Index 299
Delphinion, 152-53, 168,172, 182,
191, 196
Demeter, 198
General Index 299
Democracy at Miletos, 216-36
Depopulation of Miletos, 144, 212
Dclphinion, 152-53, 168, 172, 182, Gclcontcs, 38-40

Destruction of Miletos, 45, 146, 195,
191, 196 Geography: map-making, 79, 84; of

197, 203, 212
Demeter, 198 Milcsian territory, 3-4, 13-14; writ-

Didyma, 43, 44, 94, 174, 179, 183,
Democracy at Miletos, 216-36 ing of, 83-84

191; destruction of, 143-44, 195;
Depopulation of Miletos, 144, 212 Gergithes, 102-7, 137

etymology of, 187; Oracle, 44, 106,
Destruction of Miletos, 45, 146, 195, Golden fleece, 249

107, 168, 186-96; revival of Ora-
197,203,212 Gordian, 68
cle, 195-96; sacred procession to,
Didyma, 43, 44, 94, 174, 179, 183, Grain, 58, 66-67, 123, 254, 256
178-80, 183
191; destruction of, 143-44, 195; Grion, Mount, 46

Dionysia, 240
etymology of, 187; Oracle, 44, 106, Gyenos, 250

Dionysios of Miletos, 82
107, 168, 186-96; revival of Ora- Gyges, 68, 122, 243

Dionysos, 173-74; shrine of, 198,
cle, 195-96; sacred procession to,

178-80, 183
212
Dionysia, 240 Habron, 248

Dioskourias, 250
Dionysios of Miletos, 82 Habrondas, 65, 248

Dioskouroi, Sanctuary at Naukratis,
Dionysos, 173-74; shrine of, 198, Hagia Sophia, 246

58
212 Halikarnassos, 44, 57

Doliones, 68, 246
Dioskourias, 250 Halys River, 27

Dolphin, 169
Dioskouroi, Sanctuary at Naukratis, Hattusa, 27

Dorian Invasion, 9-10, 31-33
Hcbdomaia, 176, 182, 193

Dreros, 170
58
Dynamis, 179, 184-85
Doliones, 68, 246 Hekataios, 49, 82-85, 140-41

Eclipse, solar, 76
Dolphin, 169 Hekate, 99-100; Before the Gates

Egypt/Egyptians, 54-59, 63, 188,
Dorian Invasion, 9-10, 31-33 (Propylaia), 179-80, 183

235
Dreros, 170 Hellenic League, 221

Ekbatana, 195
Dynamis, 179, 184-85 Hellenion (at Naukratis), 57-58

Emporion, 62
Hellespont, 62, 137, 142, 243-45

Ephebic oath, 170
Eclipse, solar, 76 Hera: 175; Antheia, 174

Ephesos, 17, 97, 100, 125, 137, 239
Egypt/Egyptians, 54-59, 63, 188, Heraion (at Naukratis), 57

Epic Cycle, 72, 246
235 Heraion (at Samos), 188

Epimenes, 91, 93, 95
Epirnenios, 92-94, 231, 233

Ekbatana, 195 Heraklea Pontika, 70
Eresos, 100
Emporion, 62 Herakles, 190- 92
Ephebic oath, 170 Hermes Enkelados, 179, 184
Eretria, 51, 62, 109, 150
Erythrai, 52, 125, 137-38, 171, 228,

Ephesos, 17, 97, 100, 125, 137, 239 Hermonassa, 257
235, 237, 245
Epic Cycle, 72, 246 Hesiod, 75
Eski Balat. See Balat
Epimenes, 91, 93, 95 Hestia, 17S, 183, 186
Etruscans, 62
Epimenios, 92-94, 231, 233 Himera, 154
Euboia, 227, 230, 235-36
Ercsos, 100 Hippodamian city plan, 162-63. See
Euthynos, 225-28, 235
Eretria, 51, 62, 109, 150 also Orthogonal city plan
Geleontes, 38-40
Erythrai, 52, 125, 137-38, 171, 228, Hippodamos, 155-63
Geography: map-making, 79, 84; of
235,237,245 Histiaios, 71, 101-2, 131-35, 142,
Milesian territory, 3-4, 13-14; writ-
Eski Balat. See Balat 201
ing of, 83-84
Etruscans, 62 Historiography, ancient Greek, 5-8
Gergithes, 102-7, 137
Euboia, 227, 230, 235-36 Hittites, 27-31, 68
Golden Fleece, 249

Eurhynos,225-28,235 Homer, 15, 89, 243
Gordian, 68
Hopletes, 38, 40, 177
Grain, 58, 66-67, 123, 254, 256
Faustina, 242; Baths of, 242 Humeitepe. See North Hill
Grion, Mount, 46
Gyenos, 250
Gyges, 68, 122, 243
Habron, 248
Habrondas, 65, 248
Hagia Sophia, 246
Halikarnassos, 44, 57
Halys River, 27
Hattusa, 27
Hebdomaia, 176, 182, 193
Hekataios, 49, 82-85, 140-41
Hekate, 99-100; Before the Gates
(Propylaia), 179-80, 183
Hellenic League, 221
Hellenion (at Naukratis), 57-58
Hellespont, 62, 137, 142, 243-45
Hera: 175; Antheia, 174
Heraion (at Naukratis), 57

Hyetis (riverlet), 209
Hyrtakina, 170
Iasos, 44, 46
300 General Index
Ikaros, 49-50
Indigenous people of Anatolia, 14-18,
Hyctis (rivcrlct), 209 Knossos, 170

67-69
Hyrtakina, 170 Kodros, 32

Intellectuals, 72-85
Kocs, 132, 136, 248

Ionia, 1, 47, 81, 124, 143, 167, 241,
Iasos, 44, 46 Kolchis, 249-50

246
Ikaros, 49-50 Kolonai, 245

Ionian League. See Panionion
Indigenous people of Anatolia, 14-18, Kolophon, 119, 122, 125, 228, 230
Ionian Migration, 31-42
67-69 Koos, 65
Ionian Revolt, 34-37, 49, 102, 129-
Intellectuals, 72-85 Koroneia, Battle of, 221, 236

45, 219
Ionia, 1, 47, 81, 124, 143, 167,241, Korsiai, 49

Isonomia, 136
246 Kotyora, 248

Isopoliteia, 147-51
Ionian League. See Panionion Kretines, 65, 248

Istrian Bridge, 130
Ionian Migration, 31-42 Kroisos, 2, 68, 75, 119, 12.)-24, 188

Istros, 93, 209, 250-51
Ionian Revolt, 34-37, 49, 102, 129- Kroton/Krontoniates, 105-6

45,219 Kurotrophos, 172
Jason, 61
Isonomia, 136 Kyanepsion, 38

Kadmos of Miletos, 82
Isopoliteia, 14 7-51 Kyklades, 126, 134

Kalabaktepe, 4, 122, 146-47, 151,
Istrian Bridge, 130 Kym~63,9 7-98,106,13~188

166, 203-6, 212; East Terrace,
lstros, 93, 209, 250-51 Kythera, 236

172, 203-5; sanctuary on, 205;
Kytoros, 248
Summit Terrace, 204, 206
Kyzikos, 39, 64-66, 68, 150, 192-93,

Kalamaion, 38
Jason, 61
Kaletepe. See Theater Hill
246, 247
Kallikratides, 239-40
Kadmos of Milctos, 82
Kalymnos, 49-50
Kalabaktepe, 4, 122, 146-47, 151, Lade, 15, 48, 50, 237; Battle of, 138-
Kamarina, 150, 154
166, 203-6, 212; East Terrace, 40, 144

Kambyses, 127
172, 203-5; sanctuary on, 205; Lakedaimonia/Lakedaimonians, 210-

Kanachos, 190
Summit Terrace, 204, 206 11,222,240

Kardia, 244
Kalamaion, 38 Lakonia, 210

Kaunos, 16, 137
Kaletepe. See Theater Hill Lampsakos, 137, 243, 245

Kazartepe, 4, 206-7
Kallikratides, 239-40 Latmos, Gulf of, 3, 46

Kekropis, 217
Kepoi, 209, 256

Kalymnos, 49-50 Lebedos, 100, 125
Keraiites, 179, 184-85
Kamarina, 150, 154 Lelantine War, 51-52, 137, 245
Kambyses, 127 Leleges, 17
Kerasos, 248
Kimmerians, 65, 68, 122, 203, 248,

Kanachos, 190 Lenaion, 38
250
Kardia, 244 Leodamas, 45, 90-91
King's Peace, 241
Kaunos, 16, 137 Leontis, 218
Kios, 93, 137, 150, 247
Kazartepe, 4, 206-7 Lepsia, 49-50
Klazomenai, 57, 125, 137, 237, 244
Kckropis, 21 7 Lcros, 49-50, 126, 140-42, 223-24,
Knidos, 57
Kepoi, 209, 256 235
Knossos, 170
Kcraiitcs, 179, 184-85 Lcsbos, 70, 137-38, 237, 244, 254
Kodros, 32
Kerasos, 248 Leto, 172, 175, 194
Koes, 132, 136, 248
Kimmerians, 65, 68, 122, 203, 248, Leukos, 175
Kolchis, 249-50
250 Leukos Promontory, 224
Kolonai, 245
King's Peace, 241 Levant, 52-54
Kolophon, 119, 122, 125, 228, 230

Kios, 93,137,150,247 Limnai, 244
Koos, 65
Klazomenai, 57, 125, 137, 237, 244 Linear A, 22
Koroneia, Battle of, 221, 236
Knidos, 57 Linear B, 25, 37
Korsiai, 49
Kotyora, 248
Kretines, 65, 248
Kroisos, 2, 68, 75, 119, 123-24, 188
Kroton/Krontoniates, 105-6
Kurotrophos, 172
Kyanepsion, 38
Kyklades, 126, 134
Kyme, 63, 97-98, 106, 137, 188
Kythera, 236
Kytoros, 248
Kyzikos, 39, 64-66, 68, 150, 192-93,
246, 247
Lade, 15, 48, 50, 237; Battle of, 138-
40, 144
Lakedaimonia/Lakedaimonians, 210-
11,222, 240
Lakonia, 210
Lion Gate, 122
Lion Harbor, 4, 27, 151, 166, 168,
196, 198
General Index 301
Lion Tomb, 206-7
Logography, 81-85
Lion Gate, 122 Minos, 19

Lydia/Lydians, 2, 48, 67-69, 87-88,
Lion Harbor, 4, 27, 151, 166, 168, Molpoi, 94-97, 168, 170, 176-86,
102, 122-24, 166-67, 188, 203,
196, 198 222

210, 240, 243
Lion Tomb, 206-7 Months, Milesian, 38

Lykia/Lykians, 30, 128, 188
Logography, 81-85 Mursili II (king of Hittites), 29

Lysander, 241
Lydia/Lydians, 2, 48, 67-69, 87-88, Mycenaeans, 1, 23-31, 40

Madduwatta, 28
102, 122-24, 166-67, 188, 203, Mykale, Mount, 124; Battle of, 145-
Madytos, 244
210,240,243 46,159,215,220
Magna Graecia, 62, 246
Lykia/Lykians, 30, 128, 188 Mylasa, 137

Magnesia, 100
Lysander, 241 Myous,44,46, 125,137-38

Maiandros River, 2, 3, 16, 27, 30, 48,
Myrkinos, 71, 133, 135, 140

242
Madduwatta, 28 Myrmekion, 257

Madytos, 244 Mysians, 68, 247
Maiotis, Lake (Sea of Azov), 255
Magna Graecia, 62, 246 Myrilene, 57, 100, 132, 136-37

Mardonios, 145, 219-20
Magnesia, 100
Marmara, Island of, 246
Maiandros River, 2, 3, 16, 27, 30, 48, Naukratis, 56-59, 210

Marmara, Sea of. See Propontos
242 Naxos, 154, 235; expedition against,

Mausolos, 246
Maiotis, Lake (Sea of Azov), 255 118, 134-35

Media/Medes, 122, 251
Mardonios, 145, 219-20 Nebuchadrezzar, 54

Medon, 32
Marmara, Island of, 246 Nccho, 188

Megabazos, 133, 135
Megara, 63, 70
Marmara, Sea of. See Proponros Necropolis: Archaic, 206-8; Hellenis-

Megara Hyblaia, 63, 154
Mausolos, 246 tic, 206; Mycenaean, 26, 30-31,

Melanthos, 32
Media/Medes, 122, 251 206

Memphis, 55
Medon, 32 Neleids, 87, 88-90, 95, 120, 193,

Mengerevtepe, 210-11. See also As-
Megabazos, 133, 135 232

sessos
Megara, 63, 70 Neleus, 32-33, 185, 232

Mesembria, 70, 252
Megara Hyblaia, 63, 154 North Hill, 4, 151

Messenians, 220-21
Melanthos, 32 North Market, 151, 153, 197, 212,

Metagneiton, 38
Memphis, 55 231, 233-34

Metapontum, 154
Meteorology, 76, 80
Mengerevtepe, 210-11. See also As- Nymphaion, 242, 257
Methymna, 237, 240
sesses Nymphareros, 232- 33
Mesembria, 70, 252 Nymphs, 179,184
Milesion Teichos, 55
Miletopolis, 247
Messenians, 220-21
Miletos (or Milatos, Cretan city), 19
Metagneiton, 38 Odessos, 251
Miletos (son of Apollo), 19
Metapontum, 154 Odysseus, 61, 75
Miletoteichos, 247
Meteorology, 76, 80 Oikist, 61
Millawanda, 27-30
Mcthymna, 237, 240 Oinipcs, 38-40, 177
Miltiades the Elder, 244
Milesion Teichos, 55 Olbia, 97, 147-50, 154, 169-70,
Milyans, 128
Milctopolis, 247 174,175-76,193-94,252-54
Minoans, 1, 15-24
Miletos (or Milatos, Cretan city), 19 Oligarchy: coup at Miletos in 405,
Minos, 19
Miletos (son of Apollo), 19 240; at Miletos, 90-121, 130, 216-
Molpoi, 94-97, 168, 170, 176-86,
Miletoteichos, 24 7 36; at Samos, 218-19
222
Millawanda, 27-30 Onitadai, 178-81, 185-86
Months, Milesian, 38
Miltiades the Elder, 244 Ophioussa, 254
Mursili II (king of Hittites), 29
Milyans, 128 Oracular pronouncements, Milesian,
Mycenaeans, 1, 23-31, 40
Minoans, 1, 15-24 191-94
Mykale, Mount, 124; Battle of, 145-
46, 159, 215, 220
Mylasa, 137
Myous, 44, 46, 125, 137-38
Myrkinos, 71, 133, 135, 140
Myrmekion, 257
Mysians, 68, 247
Mytilene, 57, 100, 132, 136-37
Naukratis, 56-59, 210
Naxos, 154, 235; expedition against,
118, 134-35
Nebuchadrezzar, 54
Necho, 188
Necropolis: Archaic, 206-8; Hellenis-
tic, 206; Mycenaean, 26, 30-31,
206
Neleids, 87, 88-90, 95, 120, 193,
232
Oracular sites, 103-6. See also
Didyma; Delphi, Oracle at
Orphic cult, 194

302 General Index
Orthogonal city plan, 151-63
Ortyges, 117
Oracular sites, 103-6. See also Pidasa, 45-46

Paisos, 137, 245
Didyma; Delphi, Oracle at Pithekousai, 63, 64

Paktyes, 188
Orphic cult, 194 Plataia, Battle of, 145

Pamphylians, 128
Orthogonal city plan, 151-63 Plato, 157

Panemos, 38
Ortyges, 117 Polykrates, 130

Panionia, 139
Pontos, 1, 62, 63, 66, 70, 176, 248-

Panionion, 124-27, 138-41, 209
Paisos, 137, 245 57. See also Colonization, Milesian,

Pantikapaion, 255-57
Paktyes, 188 Pontic

Paphlagonians, 68
Pamphylians, 128 Population estimates for Miletos,

Parion, 245-46
Panemos, 38 211-12
Parian arbitration, 52, 110-13, 118,
Panionia, 139 Poseidon, 38, 208-9; altar on Cape

120
Panionion, 124-27, 138-41, 209 Monodendri, 208-9; Helikonios,

Paros, 52, 245
Pantikapaion, 255-57 124-27,209, 217-18; Taureos,

Paphlagonians, 68 208
Patmos, 49-50
Parion, 245-46 Poseidonia, 149, 154

Peace of Antalkidas. See King's Peace
Parian arbitration, 52, 110-13, 118, Potidaia, 63

Pedasa, 45-46, 143
120 Pre-Socratic philosophers, 74-81

Peiraios, 159-61
Paros, 52, 245 Priapos, 198, 247

Pelasgians, 17
Patmos, 49-50 Priene, 46, 100, 122, 125, 137-38,

Peloponnesian League, 139
Peace of Antalkidas. See King's Peace 150,236

Peloponnesian War, 50, 236-41
Peloponnesian War, First, 222
Pedasa,45-46, 143 Prokonnesos, 246

Periander, 101
Pciraios, 159-61 Propontos, 1, 62, 142, 245-47. See

Perikles, 159
Pelasgians, 17 also Colonization, Milesian,

Perkote, 137
Pdoponnesian League, 139 Propontic

Persia/Persians, 75, 120-21, 129-45,
Peloponnesian War, 50, 236-41 Prosetairoi, 94-96, 177-82, 232

160, 167, 168, 203, 237-39, 241-
Peloponnesian War, First, 222 Prytaneion, 153, 174, 197

42
Periander, 101 Prytanis/prytany, 99-1 01, 112, 184,

Phaleas, 157
Perikles, 159 228

Phanagoria, 70
Perkote, 137 Psammirichos I, 55

Pharmakoussa, 48, 50
Pharnabazos, 240
Persia/Persians, 75, 120-21, 129-45, Pterion, 248
Phaselis, 57
160,167,168,203,237- 39,241 - Pygela, 239
42 Pylos, 31-33
Phasis, 249-50
Phitres. See Amphitres

Phaleas, 157
Phoenicia, 53-54, 243
Phanagoria, 70 Rebuilding of Miletos, 145-51, 159-
Phokaia, 1, 17, 57, 70, 100, 125,
Pharmakoussa, 48, SO 60
137-38, 243, 245, 249
Pharnabazos, 240 Refugees from Milesian destruction,
Phokylides, 73
Phasclis, 57 147
Phrygians, 68, 121-22
Phasis, 249-50 Resettlement, Near Eastern policy of,
Phrynichos, 36, 146
Phitrcs. See Amphitrcs 146
Phylios, 179-80, 184-85
Phoenicia, 53-54, 243 Rhodes, 57, 159-62, 210
Pidasa, 45-46
Phokaia, 1, 17, 57, 70, 100,125,
Pithekousai, 63, 64
137-38,243,245,249 Sacred Gate, 122, 151, 166-67, 184
Plataia, Battle of, 145
Phokylides, 73 Sacred Way, 4, 169, 183-85, 196,
Plato, 157
Phrygians, 68, 121-22 208,242
Polykrates, 130
Phrynichos, 36, 146 Sadyattes, 67, 68, 122
Pontos, 1, 62, 63, 66, 70, 176, 248-
Phylios, 179-80, 184-85 Salamis, Battle of, 74, 145
57. See also Colonization, Milesian,
Pontic
Population estimates for Miletos,
211-12
Poseidon, 38, 208-9; altar on Cape
Monodendri, 208-9; Helikonios,
124-27, 209, 217-18; Taureos,
208
Poseidonia, 149, 154
Potidaia, 63
Pre-Socratic philosophers, 74-81
Priapos, 198, 247
Priene, 46, 100, 122, 125, 137-38,
150, 236
Prokonnesos, 246
Propontos, 1, 62, 142, 245-47. See
also Colonization, Milesian,
Propontic
Samos, 17, 51, 57, 125, 132, 137-38,
167, 215, 236-37, 241,254
Sardis, 68, 80, 128,135, 138-40

General Index 303
Sarpedon, 19
Satrapies, 127-28
Samos, 17, 51, 57, 125, 132, 137-38, Tenedos, 100, 137
Sea of Azov. See Maiotis, Lake
167,215,236-37,241,254 Teos,57, 70,97,125-26,137-38,

Sebastopolis, 250
Sard~,68, 8~ 128,135,138-40 149,237

Seleukids, 242
Sarpedon, 19 Termera, 137

Seleukos Nikator, 195
Satrapies, 127-28 Thalassocracy, 50-51

Selinos, 154
Sea of Azov. See Maiotis, Lake Thales,48, 74,75-77,125

Sestos, 244
Sebastopolis, 250 Thasos, 154

Sibyl, 107
Seleukids, 242 Theater Harbor, 4, 27, 196, 199,

Sicily, 62, 63, 81, 246
Seleukos Nikator, 195 203

Sinope, 64-66, 97, 248,249
Selinos, 154 Theater Hill, 4, 151-52, 166, 198-

Skamander River, 244
Sestos, 244 99
Skepsis, 244-45
Sibyl, 107 Thebes (in Ionia), 46

Sicily, 62, 63, 81, 246 Themistagoras, 249
Skidros, 149
Sinope, 64-66, 97, 248, 249 Themistokles, 159

Skythia/Skythians, 68-69, 176, 253-
Skamander River, 244 Theodosia, 255, 256

54
Skepsis, 244-45 Thera, 171

Skythian Expedition, 127, 130-31
Skidros, 149 Thessaly, 40, 51

Smyrna, 122, 154
Skythia/Skythians, 68-69, 176, 253- Thoas, 108-10, 112, 115

Sogdiana, 195-96
54 Thourioi, 159, 161

South Market, 152, 166, 184, 242
Skyrhian Expedition, 127, 130-31 Thracc/Thracians, 62, 68, 133, 244,

Sparta/Spartans, 9, 34-35, 62, 119-
20, 126, 211,237, 238,241
Smyrna, 122, 154 246

Sporades Islands, 48. See also Coloni-
Sogdiana, 195-96 Thrasyboulos, 87, 101, 112-15, 119,

zation, Milesian, Sporadic
South Market, 152, 166, 184, 242 120

Stadium Hill, 3-4, 21-25, 166, 199
Sparta/Spartans, 9, 34-35, 62, 119- Tieion, 249

Stephanephoroi, 178-81, 183, 186.
20,126,211,237,238,241 Tigris River, 143

See also Aisymnetes
Sporades Islands, 48. See also Coloni- Timotheos, 7 4

Stephania, 210
zation, Milesian, Sporadic Tios, 249

Stone Age, 16, 18, 23
Stadium Hill, 3-4, 21-25, 166, 199 Tissaphernes, 241

Susa, 133, 135, 195
Stephanephoroi, 178-81,183,186. Tomis, 251

Sybaris, 36-37, 52-53, 104-6, 130,
149
See also Aisymnetes Trade, Milesian, 47-59
Syloson, 132
Stephania, 21 0 Tragi a, 48, 50
Stone Age, 16, 18, 23 Trajan, 242
Syracuse, 63, 154, 236
Tanais (city), 255

Susa, 133, 135, 195 Trapezous, 64, 248
Tanais River, 255
Sybaris, 36-37, 52-53, 104-6, 130, Tribes (Athenian), at Miletos, 38-40,
Taras, 62
149 217,220
T(h)argelia, 179
Syloson, 132 Tribes (Ionian), at Miletos, 217,219
T(h)argelion, 38
Syracuse, 63, 154, 236 Tribute Lists, Athenian, 223-25, 229,
Taureon, 38, 176, 179, 182, 208-9
235,247
Tawagalawa, 29
Tanais (city), 255 Troad, 106,243-44
Teichioussa, 46, 223-24, 235
Tanais River, 255 Troizen, 52
Tenedos, 100, 137
Taras, 62 Trojan War, 5, 72
Teos, 57, 70, 97, 125-26, 137-38,
T(h)argelia, 179 Troy, 15,27
149,237
T(h)argelion, 38 Tyranny, 91-92, 101-21, 130-37
Termera, 137
Taureon, 38, 176, 179, 182, 208-9 Tyrant's Tomb. See Lion Tomb
Thalassocracy, 50-51
Tawagalawa, 29 Tyras, 254
Thales, 48, 74, 75-77, 125
Teichioussa, 46, 223-24, 235 Tyritake, 257
Thasos, 154
Theater Harbor, 4, 27, 196, 199,
203
Theater Hill, 4, 151-52, 166, 198-
99
Thebes (in lonia), 46
Themistagoras, 249
Themistokles, 159
Theodosia, 255, 256
Thera, 171
Thessaly, 40, 51
Thoas, 108-10,112,115
Thourioi, 159, 161
Thrace/Thracians, 62, 68, 133, 244,
246
Thrasyboulos, 87, 101,112-15, 119,
120
Tieion, 249
Wall, Archaic circuit wall, 166-67;
Classical circuit wall, 237-38, 241;
Hellenistic cross wall, 4, 151, 203,

304 General Index
242; around Kalabaktepe, 122,
204; Mycenaean, 199
Wall, Archaic circuit wall, 166-67; Xerxes, 66, 160, 244

Water as the first principle, 77
Classical circuit wall, 237-38, 241;

Water currents in the Bosporos, 65-66
Hellenistic cross wall, 4, 151, 203, Ycni Balat. See Balat

West Market, 152, 202
242; around Kalabaktepe, 122,

Wind condition in the Bosporos, 65-66
204; Mycenaean, 199 Zeus, 198; Angelos, 187; Notios,

Xerxes, 66, 160, 244
Water as the first principle, 77 173-74; J>hosporos, 187; J>olieus,

Yeni Balat. See Balat
Water currents in the Bosporos, 65-66 251, Soter 174, 187; Temple at
Zeus, 198; Angelos, 187; Notios,
West Market, 152, 202 Naukratis, 57

173-74; Phosporos, 187; Polieus,
Wind condition in the Bosporos, 65-66 Zeytintepe, 4, 44-45, 209-10

251, Soter 174, 187; Temple at
Naukratis, 57
Zeytintepe, 4, 44-45, 209-10

MILETOSS Gorman Vanessa Barrett Miletos The Ornament of IONIA 2001 PDF

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Miletos, the Ornament of Ionia

A History of the City to 400 b.c.e.

2004 2003 2002 2001 4 3 2 1

No part of this publication may be reproduced,

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Gorman, Vanessa B. 1963–

Nebraska Research Council awarded me a substantial grant to visit Ger-

Miletos is located in southwestern Turkey, a few miles from the Aegean

southern limit of the region in Anatolia that stretched north to Phokaia,

leading light. During the Archaic period-roughly 750 to 490 B.C.E.-it

Sinop, and Trabzon in Turkey; Kerch and Feodosiya in Ukraine. Its

success abroad was matched by extraordinary achievements at home:

Miletos has been recognized as the birthplace of Western science and

southern limit of the region in Anatolia that stretched north to Phokaia,

island. Therefore, Miletos is of special interest since it was the site of

Sinop, and Trabzon in Turkey; Kerch and Feodosiya in Ukraine. Its

If Miletos is most widely known for its achievements in the Archaic

Anatolian empire of the Hittites.

gers as well as opportunities. After four centuries of independence,

Greeks themselves saw it as the provocation for the Persian invasions of

of Greek history, instigating and leading Tonia in a bloody revolt against

providing the Greeks with the most noteworthy model of a completely

Plut. 1002; Ath. 12.523e-f).

Today the site of Miletos is obscured under centuries of mud and

The archaeologists have encountered tremendous difficulties: the first

to initiate the ongoing multivolume work Milet: Ergebnisse der Ausgra-

seum initiated excavations at Balat at the end of the nineteenth century,

1. Kleiner 1966, 5- 11.

with the groundwater is still considerable, valuable new information con-

tinues to be discovered year by year.

an inland marsh by silting of the wandering Maiandros River, a develop-

freshwater lake called Bafa.4

2. Kleiner 1966, 8-9; Bean 1966, 219.

in Mitchell 1984/85, 86.

2. Kleiner 1966, 8- 9; Bean 1966, 219.

architectural feature of that neighborhood. The middle spit of land is quite

architectural feature of that neighborhood. The middle spit of land is quite

Bouleuterion (Council House), the Baths of Faustina, and the southern

scribed in relation to these harbors and hills, as well as a number of later

the Oracle of Apollo at Didyma, fourteen kilometers to the south.6 In the

by the scholarly offerings up until now. The last full-scale discussion of

the Turkish mainland.

offering an integrated view of Milesian history, and they are particularly

6. Schneider 1987; Brtickner 1998, 251 (eastern harbor).

Meanwhile, more than eight decades of scholarly research, innovation,

6. Schneider 1987; Bruckner 1998, 251 (eastern harbor).

there exists no modern, comprehensive history of Miletos itself.

as we know it. As a result, pertinent literary and inscriptional evidence is

relatively scarce, and as historians not surprisingly tend to concentrate

Because of the paucity of documentary evidence, archaeological data

takes on an even greater significance for historians of Miletos. Exca va-

However, in addition to these problems, the principal reason why a

grounded in fact: even the distrustful Thucydides believes unquestion-

systematically, so the next few centuries continued to be shrouded from

everything was in confusion. As Moses Finley says,8 "The plain fact is

everything was in confusion. As Moses Finley says, 8 "The plain fact is

justify present circumstances, whether political, religious, ethnic, or other-

otos does not invent history ex nihilo. He is influenced in part by the

truths permanent and universal.

All this changed radically with the fifth-century writings of Herodotos

period of the Homerika. However, Herodotos's other important influ-

not critical, scientifically conceived compositions but merely stories-

what he calls kotoQ1, "investigation." He writes on a typically mytho-