LANKA GUARDIAN 10.00 Registered at GPO, Sri Lanka QD/S3/NEWS SRI LANKA CONFLICT 1948 — 1994 HISTORY OF NEGOTIATIONS — International Alert PATH TO PEACE Citizen’s Appeal LTTE’S PASSAGE TO INDIA — Mervyn de Silva INDIA: HOW HEGEMONIC ? — Humayun Kabir A PRO-PEOPLE CONSTITUTION —Dayalal Abeysekera SRILANKA: GERMAN IMAGES — Bernd Schiller IMF ADJUSTMENT: WHATHUMAN FACE? — Mohan Rao THE FUTURE OF NAM —Manel Abeysekera LIHINI: a new trend — Kamalika PierisWITH THE BEST COMPLIMENTS: OF ELEPHANT HOUSE SUPERMARKET QUALITY AT AFFORDABLE PRICES NO. 1 JUSTICE AKBAR MAWATHA COLOMBO 2.BRIEFLY... Ministers and missing furniture Two ministers of the former UNP regime were questioned by the Criminal Investigation Depar- tment about the disappearance of valuable furniture from their mi stty offices. Among the missing items are artique kavichchiyas (couches), drawing room sets and conference tables. SUBSCRIPTION RATES AirMail Canada/OS.A. USS 65/ for 1 year USS 45/ for 6 months U.K., Germeny, New Zealand, ‘Australia, Netherlands, France, Vapan, Holland, Philliopines, ‘austria, "Norway, - Sweden, China, Ireland, Switzerland, Nigeria, Begum, Denmark, Paris, London. US$ 55/ for | year US$ 35/ for 8 months Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, Dubai, Baharin, Arablan Gulf, Syria, Singapore. US$ 45/ for 1 year US$ 25/ for S months: India, Pakistan. US$ 40/ for 1 year USS 22/ for 6 months Local Rs. 250/- for 1 year Rs. 150/-for 6 months ‘Some of the missing ‘umture have been recovered from the pri- vate residences of the ministers, police sources saic. Clinton supports peace moves ‘TheUS Administration supports Sti Lanka's efforis to resolve pea- cefully the civil stiife and welco- mes: the cessation of hostities between the Goverment and Tamil separatists, US President Clinton told Sri Lanka Ambassa- dor Jayantha Danapala who pre- sented credentials at a White House ceremony. ‘The US President also praised Sil Lanka's commitment “io mar- ket oriented eccnonie policies". Inflation down Inflation has gone down to single digit level for the first time in eight years, according to the Gentral Bank. The Colombo Cor- ‘sumers Price Index (Cost of Living Index) showed an annual average inflation rate of 7 per cent in February. Justice and Constitutional Alal's Minister and Acting Fina nice Minister G.L. Peiris told the Sunday Oberver that the lower price trends werea result of better domestic supply conditions and cffortsby the Governmenttoredu- ca prices of essartial consumer items. Theministernoted a steady decline in the inflaton rate since July 1994. Computers for Jaffna Computers gifted by Britain to the Jaffra University but held up in Colomto for: several months have now been flown out tothe nerthem campus on the orders of the new Defence Secretary Cha- norenanda de Sive. The Vice Chancelorof theJaffna Universty had arrived in Colombo earlier to take up theissue of helrnonarrival in Jaffna. The students and lect rors on the northern campus were unhappy, he told the authorities. GUARDIAN Vol 17 No.29. Apr 1, 1995 Price Rs: 10.00 Published fortnightly by Lanka Guardian Publishing Co. Ltd. No. 246, Union Place Colombo = 2. Editor, Mervyn de Silva Telephone: 447504 Printed by Ananda Press 82/5, St Retnajolhi Saravanamutty Mawatha, Colombo 13: Telephone: 435975 CONTENTS. Nows Background Eigh-Fod Path Peace (4) ‘Theinda Factor n ‘Si Lanka’s Foreign Polcy (5) 6 Ezonomies 8 ‘Whiter Nen-atlgrment a People, Powergnd Poltics = 11 ‘Si Larka in Gotan Media 15 History of Nogatations 7 Theatre 20NEWS BACKGROUND LONG ARM OF THE LTTE Mervyn de Silva he LTTE, an armed secessionist movernent in atiny litle isiand twenty miles trom the Taminadu coast, can affect ‘ot just Indo-Sri Lankan relations but the politics of the goverring party in tho worlds largost domocracy. Such is the ‘extraordinary power of the anti-systemic In he so-called “New World Order’. Velu- pillai Prabhakaran, the LTTE leader is a ‘major factor in Indian polis since Sor Gandhi chafongos Prime Minister Nara- simba Rao. The ‘ssue she exploits to ‘embarrass and Isolate Reo is the assasi- ‘ralon of Rajiv Gandhi, the grandson of Pandit Nehni and the son of Indita Ga- ‘dhi. Of coures, Premier Rao would not be sovuinerabie toattacks trom tne Sonia ‘camp but for the major reverses thal the Congress party, under his increasingly lacklustre leadership, haslatoly euttorod. The last such battle, Maharashira incur ded, was particulary humiliating. ‘That's not all, The Times of india repo- ‘ed (March 12) thet "the escape of nine LTTE militants from the high security Madras Central Jail on Feb. 27, with the ‘Apparent colusion of some jal staff has ‘seni shock waves throughout Tamilnadu and left the state govemment embarra- sed”. ‘These electoral defeats camo in the ‘midst of ineroasing political turmoil and extremist violence. So much so the gove- mmenthas clamped drectrue fromDelhi onthe JanataDal-governed state of Bihar. (The full results would bo known only on March Stsi). The point is that these Feb-March Siale elections were sean as “areferendum on Prime Minister Rao.” The reputed Incian opinion pollster MARG observed in a pro-slection roport thatthe reeulls of the Assembly elections in the large Maharashira stale, and Bihar and Orissa are likely to have a “major bearing on the national poliical scene.” itis this poltical background which mado Prosidont Chandrika Kumaratunga's vist +0 crucil, sings the issue was Prabhaka- ‘an. And the question of “extradition” was, byno means a legal issu but apolitcally explosive item on the Indo-Sri Lankan agenda. 2 EXTRADITION ‘The /slandreporton Delhi's demand for LTTE leacers extradition was taken from ‘The Asian Age, an intemational newspa- arlaunched by former Indian editor M.J. ‘Akbar, one of Incia’s fontrank journalists. ‘ButMr. Akbaris moie than that.Amember ofthe gaverning GongresspartyMr. Akbar ‘was also an MP, who lost his seat at the last parliamentary polls. The Ago quoted ‘no lbes an authoritative spokesman than Foreign Minister Pranab Mukerjee in iis feport on the LTTE and Delhi's request for Mr. Prabhakaran’s extradition. Up to now, the Asian Age has not “corrected” ‘nor withdrawn it, with the custorary edi- tors note, However, the question was not taken Up offically. Why? Diplomaticproprictics? ‘Courtesy? Or was the repertedstatement ofthe Extemal Affairs Ministeran example of dplomatic signaling, meening Del's polite, indirect. gentle reminder tothe new Sri Lankan administration of india's locus standi?The former prime rinister of india, ‘Mr. Rajlv Ganghi was assassnated on ‘May 21, 1991 at an election rally in Ma- das. The killer, Dhanu, was trained so well that in a ‘trial run” she got close ‘enough to Prime Minister VIP. Singh at a public meeting that she “managad to touch the Prime Ministers feet.” Though there hava been Commissions of Inquiry, andtwoLTTE leaders, Prabia- karan and inteligence chet Potty Amman have been named they have not been “found guilty" by any Indian cour, Norhas India spoken of extradition. Thora is no India-Sri Lanka extradition treaty. ‘TAMILNADU So India did not (and could not) call for the LTTE leaders extracition. The word didnot come upin any of tho official talks, Meanwhile, former TNCC president K. Ramamurthy MP. has dlaimad that the LTTE had planned to infitrate into Tami- Inadu via Ramoewaran in late March, He ‘leo oleimed, the TO! reported, that the LTTE had plens to liquidate the Chief Minister Mrs. Jayalalitha. The LTTE mii tants who had escaped from Madras jell ‘ware tidng in the Southem districts ofthe state. They were planning to sneak into ‘Macras —probatay on March 19 orimme= diately after the conference on “the Hinds revival” sponsored by the Viswa Hindu Parishad (VHP) at Rameswaram, Mr. Re- mamu‘thy also claimed that the TTE Was ‘working wh other armed groups like the ULFA, PWG, Kashmiriterrorsts and Kha- listani miitants. Atew weeks earlier nine LTTE mittants had escaped from the high-security Mackas Central Jal on Feb. 27. “The pparentcallusion of somejail guarde has ‘ent shock waves throughout Tamilnadu and left the state government embarra- sed.” The state police arrested two; one ‘swallowed his cyanide capsule. its not just the Taminadu administa- ‘ion and the Chief Minister at have been shaken by such events and disturbing developments. isthe Azo administration and the indian state. Ina way, it Is a security threat” more serious than the traditional foe, the Pakistani army or Peki- stan. (Relations with China have greatly improved despite the isoue of Tivel). The ln-gathering of the “armed groups” is a menacing threat to the Indian state. So when Nr. Fac tells President Chandrica the resolution of the Tamil confict is one problem less for Inda, he means it. But ‘diplomatic courtesies preventedhim from sgolngfurther ithe solutions “iederatsm’ ¢r federal in charactor — like Tamilnadu 50 years ago — s0 much the better. in the meantime however, here s the assa- ‘ssinalion of Nehru's grandson and Indira’s sson, the wounded pride of the Indiam army, and most of all, Sonia's persistent demand — punishment, STOP PRESS After the discovery of a large cache of ‘ams, VHF communications equipment ‘and FIDX explosives ina Khalistan Libera- tion Front hideout, police areinvestigating an LTTE connection.PART 4 Eight- Fold Path to Peace Responsibility? Unil President Ranasinghe Premada- sa.was himsellassassinaled, was popu- larly believed that he and his supporters Were responsiole forthe successive assa- ssinaiions of soveral military and rational leaders. Butrnow thathe iso ongaralive ail cuipabiiy ‘or the past as well as tie Presentis focused on the LTTE. Anyone ho ventures to even consider ary other possibiltyisriciculodasboinga supportor ofthe Tgersandshieldng orfusttying the ‘Tigers. The IGP himsett was pressed to pronounce the Tigers as responsible for the recent Gamini Dissanayake assassi- nation. Ho ‘ofrained from doing 20 and sald other possiblies should also be ‘considered. There were sirong provestsat this. However, there is the fact of bitter inter-party (and inter-oroup) as wall as intra-party (and intra-group) conflicts and propeace and ant-peace conficts. The Possiilty oft being the work ofa faction or combination o! forces, and the pessibii- ty of the use of contact kilers (even though culcide bombers) cannot be ruled ut Further, the responsibilty for the ‘outbreak of war In 1987 and 1990 is fxed entirely on the LITE. But certain other factors are convenianilyignored. Aiterthe Peace Accord there was heavy “chea- ting” or breach of agreements on both sides. Forinstance, when a Peace Group ‘of 25 persons trom diferent reigions and comrrunitios in the South visited Jaffna afew weeks after the Peace Accord and metall sections of the people there, inclu- ding the LTTE, they were given details by the LTTE of Sinhala fand encroachment promoted unilaterally by the Govornmont, since the Accord, in the Weli Oya area ‘and these details were published at the time in the Saturday Review. Then there ‘was delay in the setting up of the Interim Commitiee and there: was mismanago- mentof the cass of the rested 15 Tigers. Later, he implementation of devolution of Power was mirimal. Again in 1990-1991, the Govemment dragged its feet aver decisions regarding. devclution package. andnecessary amendinentstothe const tution, dd not nave a realistic understa- nding of the dangers inherent in the situa ion and loft its security forces opon to attack. So, ial the factors are taken into account, the Govemment cannot be said not to have had any share in the fallure of the peace efforts, Evolving Strategy All this background is emphasized in ‘ordor to stress that, in view of repeated, failure of past peace efiorts, the need for evolving a correct, realistic strategy for peace is essential. ‘At the Prosidontial Etociion just conclu- ded (9th November 1994), Ms Chandrika Bandaranalke Kumaranatunga received avery clear confrmation of her initiatives in the peace process. She cannow justify hergoing furherahead on herown. How- ever, it may be wise for her to pursue a collective course of acion and we very much hope she willdo so. She has recei- ved a massive mandate o! 62.28 per cent ofthe votos cast (voter turn-cutwas 70.52. er cen). But the main opposition pariy Polleda fairly substantial vote of 36.91 per ‘cent. And both parties have almcst equal representation in Parlament, It would bo ‘a vory great gain-if the United National Party cooperated with the People’s Alia- ‘nce in the peace process, It was a most Unfortunate factthat certain sactionsolthe UNP descendad to very low depths in ‘trying to reiee raciaist issues against Ms Chandrika. Bandaranaike Kumaranatu- ‘nga herself and the People's Alianca in the run-up to the Presidential: Election, especially after the aseassination of Ga. mini Dissenayake. However, if she can ‘overtook this in order to appeal to the better elements in the UNP she would be showing statesmanship of the highest ‘order. The Loader of the Opposition, Mr Raril Wickremesinghe, wilalsc then have ‘a crucial role to play for much will depend on his response. ‘This Memorandum ventures o putitike this (inthe second section): “Ali parties and groups should view the ethnic que- ston froma nationalperspectve. Noparly should seek partisan political advantage in tho search for peace. Tho quality of leadership of the President or Prime Mini ster will De seen in his 0: her abtity to motilize a colecive leadership and a collective solution for peace, There must be areadiness onallsides lo make conce- ‘ssions as well as receive benefits." The peace provessmaytakesomeconsidera- ble time and involve ups and downs 50 itwould bea great strengihitthetwomajor patties act together and share responsiti- ies In moving forward. Only so would it be possble to prevent extreme racialist forces (presentin mary oftha partes and groups) from rising up again and cbstru- ting progress towerds peace. However, inthe UNP and Certain other parties and ‘groups do not cooperate, the President wil have to go ahead with those who cooperate, knowing that the broad masses wil glve necessary suppor. ‘The cooperation of the armed forces in the peace process will also be crucial. ‘Some critical romarke made by Ms Cha- ndrika Kumeranatunga, when she wes Prime Minister, seem to have been pubi- shed in the Press out of context. These, hhave to be made the subject of honest dialogue. But, actually, the Government has been very wise in. consuling the ‘armed forces from the beginning. A tour was made of the miltary camps in tha North by the Depuly Minister Colonel ‘Anuruddha Ratwatte, who had an open dialogue with all ranks, during which ne welcomed questions and gave answers Which received good publicity inthe Press (The Island, 5.9.1994). Whio thoro aro harde-liners, there are also, ofcourse, ree- sonable and moderate elements in tho amed forces. When their role, involving considerable commitment and sacrifice, aswollas the ificulies they faceare duly appreciated then cooperalon can ba obtained througn ine cortinuing dalogue. The rele of the LTTE has also to be corefuly and realistically thought out, Ce- ‘iain background material has already been civen for this purpose. One view is that the LTTE is a terrorist organization, net serious about peace and only conce- med about gairing lime for wat. There is ‘no point in dealing with them. What has tobe done is to do the right thing — ive a reasonable: package of devolution of Powor — and leave it to the people of Jatina and the Intemational Community 10 deal with them. Now, considering that the LTTE is the de facto Goverment in power in the North and coneidoring that there is not, at present, any fore-seeablepossibilty ofremoving them, how fristhis realistic? How canany progressbe made in the peace process if tis attempted to side-ine and ignore a key actor in the drama? However, if tis remembered, as has bean pointed out, what caused the LTTE, that's, ourcommon responsbiity for the LTTE phonomenon, or our share in the responsiilly, it wil be possible to approach the LTTE with @ less sell righteous attude, judge them less totally and consider certain other possbiitas. ‘The LTTE have repeatedly saic in rocont times that they are ready 1o give up the separalist alam demand, if sufficient power were devolved to enable autono- mous development within a united’ Sit Lanka. Now considering tho increasing burdans bome by the decreasing peoole ofafira, which must aftecttnem 100, and considering the long and arduous road to Eelam, with no realistic prospect of ever geting there, how can it be eaid that tis immpossibie to think thet they wil respond toa reasonable offer of peace? ‘Thefactisthatsuch a specific reaso- able offer has never been made. What has to be done is to openly make a definite offer to the LTTE as well as to all others concerned, Delais can be worked out through negotiation. if tha LTTE do not respord posiively, then tha action can be continued with the help of the people of Jaffna and the Intemational Community. Ifa epecific, roascnable offer ofdevolu- tion is made, then the Govemment can expect massive soldarty suppot forthe ‘peace process from Tamils notonly inthe North and in he rest of SriLankabut also from countiog across the worl, including the very considerable numbers of Tamis who are strong supporiers of ihe LTTE. Then, a the same time, the Goverment would be in a. strong postion, both in actuality a2 well ac moral, to negota‘e {ally itn the LTTE tie prozees of devolu- tion and cemiitarization and the acco- ‘mpanying monitoring procedures. ‘Also, it must be emphasized that making a definite offer of peace invo- Ives making clear the process of imple- mentation of the offer. The Tamils have baen letdowntimeand again. Timeand ‘again promises havo beon made and broken or not implemented. The LTTE. cannot be expected to lay down arms until the process of implementation is. made clear, Demilitarization may have to be approached by stagos as the process of Implementation of devolu- tion progresses. This Is where the Importance of both mediation and mo- ritoring toams will havo to be recogni- zed, On the one hand, mutual ust has to be bull! up by mediation and, on the other hand, there willhavetobe hard-nea- ded arrangements for supervision and ‘checking by monitoring. Both processas: ‘willhave tobe set up by mutualagreement and set in motion simultaneously. The necessity of a peace-keeping force may have to ba seriously considered, also to ‘be set up on amutually accoptable basis. But the top priority, now that certain initial confldence-building gestures have been made, is forthe Government to decide on certain epecific peace proposals, on the basis of various peace proposals that have been put forverd by ‘a numberof consultation processes inthe pastten years. Sections 9 and 4 of this Merrorandum have set out sorre of the major issues involved in devolution of power and con- stitutional reform. Various definite and specific proposals that have been put forward have been relered to. Some of these have been evolved cul of deep sludy and wide dialogue both atthe grass- roots level and_at scholarly level. They are supportod by representatives from the main ethnic graups, major religions and mocein ideolayles, boih from the ‘grass-roots and al authoritative levels. We think that some kind of collective process such as the following would be ‘most likely 10 achieve positive results. We think it would be good tf there were an iniial mediatory team, appointed, through coneulation, by the President to be in constant touch with ber, throughout the evolution of the peace process. Thistearn would have representation as much as is feasible and practicable from the fallo- wing, that ig, from the three main ethnic groups — Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim (Moors ‘and Malays), from the four major religions — Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam and Chn- ‘stanity, the secular ideologies, various ‘sectors euch as peasant, worker, student, academic and business communities and clergy and represeriatives trom the gove- mment and the opposition. All these re- presentativas should be conversant with the Issues involved and known: to bo broadly in favour ot a fair devolution pa- ckage. The President herself and the Govemment representatives would mo- dorate a process cf achieving @ conse- ial mediatoryteam. ‘Then this team would share the task of exploring consensus with the various pa- ‘ioé and groups, and power-centers, both secular and religious. Visits trom the ‘South to the North and East and fromthe North and Easttothe Soutn would be part of this process. ‘The people should bekeptin touch with thisprocess through llthe mediasothere could be free and open dialogue, guided by a responsible leadership with a wide vision and committed to achieving peace (on the basis of justice for all Independent iniiatves would also be most valuabie and should be welcomed. For instance, there are senior Buddhist bhikihus of standing as well as cther representative porscne from tho South who are prepered to go to the North and East to engage in dialogue with all se- Gions of opinion there, including Hindu ‘and Muslim traditional opinion and the LTTE. Theyare ready to personally assu- fe the people there tat they understand the need of substantial devolution of power and ensuring: their rights to the Tamil. Thoy have akeady worked to develop uncerstanding ofth’s in he South and they are ready 10 continue to work forthe granting ofthe realty of power rot nly in constitutional formulation but in practice to enable tho Tarrils to schieve Teasonabie autonomy for their wn dove lopment, wihin co-existence and inter- dependence wih others in: Si Lanka. Further, here are, no doubi, Tamils ofall sectiona in the North and East, who are prepared to come tothe South to engage tn dialogue wih ali sections o the people there, including tracitonal Sinhala Bud- dhist poworcontres and the JAP. At a personal level they could ascure the Sinhala people that iney understand ther aporehensions about the dangers. to Sinhala fe and culture in the oresent situation and are prepared to suppor thet ‘endeavours to ensure the advancement of Sinhala tradition end culture. This kind of dialogue should take place at international lovel too bocause, as pol ited out earler, there is @ considerable ‘mpact of international forces on tne local situation, Further, there could be a local in-put into the interational dialogue and an intemational in-put into the local diclo- gue. Peace conlerences, peace demonsira- tions, peace festiveals, peace marchesshould alco be organized and would help the advancement of the peace process. However, itisimporiant to remember that there shouid not be ary attempt to intini- date, force or pressurize olhers to accopt one's opinions, There should be a tue spi of responsible consultation and dia- logue. ‘These: indapendent peace initiatives would help and strengthen the official peace moves. Also suitable personsinvo- Ivedinthesa initatve couldoe calledupon toserve in the oficial mediation and moni- toring procedures by mutual consent of thosa concerned. It's throught these ways that the nece- ‘ssary consiitutional changes become po- ‘sible and, more important, theirimpieme- nitation also becomes possibie. (Signed) 4. Ven Daniyagama Sri Vanarathana theto, Chief Sangh Nayak ofKala- ‘gam Palatha, Vinaradhipathi Siva. asingharamaye, Aluviharogama, Senapura, 2. Ven Rambukwelle Pennasara The- to, Chief Sangha Nayaka of thala Colospattuwa, Principal of Poigolla Sasthravinda Instiute, Si Lanka Vayamba Buddhist and Pali Unive- sil, Gokerela, 8. Ven Mahagalkadavela Punnyasara ‘Thero, Secretary General, Vaya: mba Aagamike Samagi Sandhana- ya, President, Hiiyala Bauddha Bala Mandalaya, Hajachethiyara- maya, Gokerela. 4, Ven Ampttiye Dharmakirthi Thero, Buddhist Service Cenire, Vira Puran Appu Pedesa, Kendy Fload, Matale, 6. Von Moragolagama Ralnasara ‘Thero, Parivenadhpathi, Si Dhar. machandra_ Piivena, ' Hripitiya, Nikadalupotha. 6. Von, Palewela Devaralithitha Tho- ro, Subhadraramaya, Gangodawia, Nigegoda. 7. Ven Batanola Nanda Thero, Move- ment for Defence cf Democratic Fights, Rejagirys. & Ven Badcegama Semitha Thero, Pradestiyasabha Member, Dutuge- munu Vineraya, Baddegama 9. Ven Keeranthidlye Pannasekera ‘Tissa Thero, Mahamevna Environ- Mental Development Samithiya, Galahiliya, Mokawa. 10. Ven Buddhiyagama Chandraratana 11. 12, 13, 14. 15. 16. 7, 18 19, 20. ‘Thero, Wijereja Vineraya, Tabbowa, Puatialam istrict, Rt Revd Andrew Kumarago, Kuru- nogala. Revd Paul Caspersz. S.J. Director, Satyodaya, Kandy. Fievd Tissa Balasuriya. OMI, Dite- tor, Centrefor Society andReligion, Colombo, Revd Lionel Peits, Bishop's Gra» plain, Colombo. Fovd Duleop do Chiskora, St Mi chaat's Chureh, Palwaite, Colombo, Professor W.D. ‘Lakshman, Vice- Chancelor, University of Colombo, Professor .B. Meegaskumbura, Si ‘nhala Department, University of Pe radeniva, presenty at Depertmentot Indalogy’ Scroolot Oriental and Afr= ‘can Languages, University of Lo- nidon. Professor Carlo Fonseka, Dean, Fa- culty of Medicine, University of Kela- niya. Dr Gamini Samaranayeke, Senior Lecturer, Depariment of ‘Poltical ‘Science, Peradeniya Univeristy, NM. Hussain, former Ambassa~ dor, Ambassadcr-designate, Mo- scow. ai. 22. 23. 24, 25. 28. 27. 30. N. Kandasamy, MIFJE, Colombo. DrA. Subramaniam, President, Sai- ‘va Maha Sabai, Kurunegala. Ms Anna Subramaniam, Coordina- tor, Woman for Peace. Luclen Fajakarunanayake, Jouna- lst, Deniwela Jehan Perera, Director, Legal Aid, ‘Sarvodaya, Freelance’ Journalist and Columnist, Sunday Island. MD. Daniel, All Lanka Peasanis Congress end Secretary, WSF/SL Gelle District Group. Nimal Munasinghe, All Larka Pea- sants Congress, nd WSFISL, Ma- ‘duru Oya Maha Vidyalaya, Divul Damana, Polonnaruwa District. G.D._Premachandrasid,_Virwitl Dharma Kendra, and WSF/SL, Pifi- mbuwe, Kurunegala District, Santasitan Kadrgamar, Coordina- ‘or, World Solidarty Forum Group, Japan, formery Lecturer, Jafina University, and President, MIFJE, Jaffna, Wesley Muthiah, Secretary, Sti Lanka Estate and Plantation’ Wo- thers Educatonal Trust, London, ‘and World Solidarity Forum Group, UK Waiting —4 Kundasale Wihall arrival there is departure ‘This we knew then but it didn't seem As realas the honey in your breath. Was it treacled curd or fragrant dairy cream? ‘Memory cannot tell Deiails drowned in the brimming surge of love ‘The tremors to each touch and Me great sigh Eye searching eye. ‘Then drowsing with the flambouyants at the window Raining crimson through the afternoon Til shadows trail ‘Their signals for departure by the grey Night Mail U. KarunatilakeINDIA-SRI LANKA (3) The Concept of Hegemony Humayun Kabir Tire use asymmetry betwoon sri Lanka and India has been the most important of the factors contioutng to the. former's threat perceptions vis-a-vis the latter. Physically, India is fity tres the Sze of Sn Lanka and forty times lerger in population. Although Sri Lanka shows batter Physical Quality of Life Indices (POL) with a higher per capita income the former pales into Insignift- cance in the vastness ofthe technological ‘and industrial might ofthe latter. Miitarily, SriLanka has beenan incomparebly wea- ker power unable to protect itself from ‘aggression and even to put down intemal ‘anmod violence and insurgency, while India.has been a. strong regional power Commanding the fourth largest army, s2- vventh largest Air Force and eighth largest Navy in the world. This asymmetryin size. and capability between tha two countries has decisively informad and shaped the. StiLantanrrind, psyche and policy, often leading to complexty in Indo-Srl Lankan, ‘elationship. Inevitably, therelore, Inda hhas aways been the most fundamental preoccupation in S1i Lanka's foreign and Security nclicy. But before | offer my argu- ments to this proposition lot us brily discuss India’s regional plicy and perce pion about Sri Lanka. South Asia in India’s strategic calculus: Policy towards Sri Lanka Conscious of Incia's size, population, Fesources, and ideals of freedom, her leaders developed en urgetorindia lo play ‘a major power rdle in word affairs. The lets of Inda. from Jawaharlal Nehru downwards. avidly backed by the foreign policy and. staiegic community and indoadby public opinicn, have considered India as a regional creat power and rega- ‘ded the region as her natural sphere of influence, ThoNehru governmantinhertedabody of Bitish strategic doctrine, developed fer the defence of the Briish incian Empire, a the basis of Its own strategic theory’ In British times, the external security cf India had rested on a three-tokd basis"® (1) safeguarding of thanorth-westfrontior of India, through which succpesive inva: ding armies had made inroads into Indian terrtory; (2) preventing the area around the indian sub-continenttfomfalingunder the canto of forelgn power; and (3) mai- ‘laining comand of the Indian. Ocean and its environs. Owing to the faet that Biiain had the absoluis mastory of the Indian Occan during most of the tine of its rule in India, Bish strtegic concepts ofthe defence of indiawere based largey ‘on a continental system of security. Tho system rested on erecting an ‘extended frontier based ona cluster ofbufferstates around India lis assumption wasthat ary threat to India would be resisted beyond India's borders, while ts complement was a foreign policy pursued wih he cbjecive ‘ofpreventing foreign powers rom airing undue influence in these buflersiatas, ‘Sti Lanka was valued for the protection it afforded the expanding Bilish posse- ssions in india. The Bish evolved a Security doctrine ct strategic unity in South Asia for the defence of India and thay trealed Sri Lanka as an integral part of it Independent india'sregional objectives and inaresis nave been the following: hat the regional order in South Asia should be India-orchesteated; that the small states in the region ie within her security Sphero, and must comply with India’s security requirements by nat internationa: tsi bilateral issues and not becoming invoWed in alliances or security relatio- ships with extemal powers; that mana ‘gement ofthe securty of he regien =the essential preserve of India; that India would not exclude use ofa mitary option in defusing a situation in her neighbou ‘hood which she deemed inimical to her security Interests; thal Incia must im and eventually eliminate” invelvement and influence of outside powersin South Asia, and if at all there has to bo extomal intrusion into the region it must notconta- dict, fitdoes not suppor, India’s secunty hntetests; that ndi'satitudesandretaio- hips with her South Asian neighbours depend on their appraciation of India's regional security interesis; and that the othor siaies in the region wil serve as buffecstatesinthe evertof an exir-rego- nal threat, and henge tnda’s concem for stabilty in her South Asian neighbours, India, therefore, has always regarded the region as her natural sphere of influe- ee ard her policy has always bean one of either attitudinal or behavioural hage- ‘mony in tho rogion.’® Although the word ‘hegemony’ comes fram the ancient Greek and refers tothe dominance cf one Slate over others in the system, itis used in diverse and confused ways. Part of he Problem is that unequal distribution. of ower is a matter of dagres, and thera is no general agreement on how much inc- quality and what types of power constitute heyemory. Attempls have been made to develop the concept of hegemony by ‘fepresentatives ot varied in'ellectualiradi- tions, such 2s workd-systems analysis, historical materialism, and international relations." Antonio Gramsciproduceda theoretical eleboration of hegemony with his pa- thbreaking interpretation ‘of the domina- 1ice of the bourgacisie ina modemeapita- Fstsstate. He also cautiously extended its Use to tho study of iniemetional rela fions."® One such definiion is given by Imtiaz Ahmed, who means by hegemony “the contradictory combination cf consent and coercion organised by the deminant social forces’.”® “The concept of hegemony is generally definedinterms of eadershio, predomina- ‘noe and preoonderance of one state over 2 Group of several other states. Whitman, forexample, defies it as "the leadership of @ country (or group of countrcs) that Plays a special role, enjoys unique privie- $63, and takes special responsibly ‘or ‘Successful operation of (apolitical or eco- ‘nomic system)’.” Keohane and Nye defi- ‘ne a hegerronic power as one that “can change the rules rather than adapt its Policias to existing rulos"!? Another scholar wrtes that hegemony refers to a certan ‘moral and intelectual directon’, a true ciulisational ‘common, sense’ that reverberates and penetrates in all the comers and iniorstees of the global system pulled together by the world's: hegemon, deeply impregnating the ideology and culture ct so-called 'na- tional societies’ He further writes that a second component of hegemony is thepoliical direction, or the capacity of tho hegemonie power to build a network of International coalitions to perpetuate its leadership. This Impies ine capacity to ‘exact the compliance andto insure disci= pine within the ensemble of nations inte- raled within its system of aliances.'® But hegemony can be both glcbal/ sysiem-wideandregional, andagan both general ard issue-specttc,"° as Shaheen. ‘Axhiar contends that hegemony “implies, ‘the predominance of a nation or a group of nations wihin a givenares”.*"Staphen, Cohen also writes in a mora specific ma- mer “Regional hegemony or dorrina- ‘oe,..impllesthe exsstence ofocel military preponderance over neighbours through the spectrum of force, the availabilty of non-military instruments of pressure (including inducements and esonorric coorcion), the ability 0 inlusnee the ¢ sequences folowingupon domesticpo {ical weeknessinrival regional stales,and a willingness 10 conduct @ strategy of diplomacy that places regional domina- nee above other objecives"."* Shabani ‘Sen Gupta defines hegemory in he follo- ‘wing words: “Hegemony is defined as ability to persuade or coerce another actor to do what it would not normally wish 10 do but what the hegemonist power insists, it must do... However, inthe actual market ‘place of international poliics, hegemony ‘means that a power cannot be invaded by those over whom it has hegemonic influence, thet ts voice is heard with defe- fence, end that it is not denounced or tilcised exceot In subdued, role la- ‘nguage”.® By this measurement, Indias, the hegemonic power in South Asia. IRtranepires from the above that he mony canbe country-specific, conte- xtspecifc and issue-specii. In case of ‘Indo-Sri Lanka relationship, india’shege- mony depended on the domestic situation ‘Si Lanka. on the foreign and security policy orentation of a partcular Colombo government, on tho regional and global staiegic stuation, and on india’s economnic-iechiological and mittary po- ‘wer, The issue areas of hegemony are Sri Lanic’s foreign and security policy and the Sinhala-Tami ethnic conffct, that is, inboth reaims of SriLanka’s domesticand foxtemal relations. Instances or incide- ‘noes of India's hegemony in relation to Sri Lanta will be identiied as and when ‘appropriate during the course of the pre- sentanaiysis. Forthe benefitofthe subse- quent analysis a working definition is offe- red: hagomony is an exercise of power bysiate A, through coercive ornon-coorci- ‘ve means, directly or indirectly, vis-a-vis state B, effecting n the latter's conformity in tho realms of ite domestic and foreign policies to the policy advantage of the former. Sinco its indopondence, India, in its efforts to exercise regional hegemony, had adopted the ‘Organsk moda’. Acco” ‘ng to Organski, preponderance of one country ‘5 more Skely to produce peace ‘and stabil in a region, because weaker states dare rot attack, whie the stronger state need not attack * India's omphasis (on ‘act of life’ in South Asia, whic is a ‘eference 10 natural hierarchy that goes In favour of india, implies ner desire for fegional order through preponderance. This may be implemented ether through coercive or no-coercive means. Indira Gandhi's or Rajiv Gandhi's governments are often referred to as having applied coercive means while the Janata model Is. a moderate approach to exercising of regional hegemony. The Janata gove- ment, in the late 1970s, played down India's power and showed restraint in Using coorcive disloracy in its dealings with regional neighbours, with a view to maintaining regional peace and security, The Janala model gives preterence to Persuasion over imposition or coercion, to Inspiring confidence over bulying the nel- ghbours inio submission. India's Sri Lanka policy constitutes the following objectives: (i) to ensure. that thera was no external involvement in Sri Lanka which India would poroaive to be detrimental to its security interests; (i) to ensure thet Sri Lanka did rot offer any base or commurication faciites to any extemal power which might use them as ‘springboard against India; il)to dscoura- ‘9 or prevent Sri Lanka from forging any ‘extemal linkages or alignment which might be interpreted in New Dethi as a challenge to ncia's preponderantpostion and to fis role as the secunty arbiter in the region; iv) o convince Sri Lanka that the miliary presence of non-ittoral powers in the Indian Ocean threatened the securily of all tha countrios of the region; {v) to ensure that the politcal instability n Sri Lanka didnotaffect India’s domestic politics and threaten its own ‘security any manner, and (vi)toexpand India's own influence in SriLanka’sdome- stic paliies, specially over the othnic ‘issue, The factor that distinguishes Inda's policy towards Si Lanka from thal is ursued in raspact of neighboursis prima- fily the islanc's geo-strategic location on India's oceanic frontiers. Being an island, Sif Lanka is ikely to be more vulnerable tothe influence of the world's majorneval powers present in the indian Ocean, a factor to betaken into due accountby india in its strategy to safeguard its: security interes in the area. The strategies and policy instruments that were employed by Vaticus Delhi adminisratione to achieve their policy goals with regard to Sri Lanka have been peaceful dplomacy, coercive diplomacy and military intervention, and ‘naval defence build-up, the concept of Indian Ocean as @ Zone of Peace (IOPZ) and use of the Tami ‘Trojan Horse! as source of interference in the affats of Si Lanka. Notes 12. Sector drial, Seton Koda, SuteyeFadtore in Inlsate Relators South Ada, Canta Papore or Statgy and Octrce, ANU, Cae No 10,1879 pp. 19-4 Mahara K. Chopra, le Search fr Power Lv Pulling Hous, De bey 000,520 13. ln my efoto underard I's reonl py rave cram yp Rosenau’s emcoptonollomign sole. Acoriing ta im, here ae tee pases ‘Scie edema behovaur acuslrolorenators conssingolatudes, perceptonsant vales;p0F ‘Ges varusy felered to as sranges, decisore pans, condingotthespecti gos andmears ‘oc echevng ner are he Dohavou tee James ‘ Posanau,-tre stay roregn Paley inven 1, Reson etal (ed), Ward Plus: An oe ‘lon, Tho Five Press New YOK 1976, pp. 15S. 14, For deals see Moston inbrraiend Suces Re- ew, Ohio Sale Unversty, USA, Val 2, Supe mort 2 Octobe! 1884, pp. S617. 18. Antonie Granod, Slee em he Prison Rote took nrratine Pubs, Now Yor 1971 ery Andorson, "The Anromiaa of Arora Gr ines, Now Lett Reviow, No. 100, November 1076 bnvary 1977, 6916-25. 1. wmsaz Ames, “Stat, migary ane rece: The ‘expaionce ol Souh Asa’, Contemporary Sout $8, VOL No 1, 1934, 9.65, 17. Maine VN: Wriman Refstensothiedepende- to lsuas lor Economie Ther ard US Pele, Universiy Press, Pitkburah, 1978. vi. 18, RobotO.Keshane a doephS. Nye, Powerand Intordopendencs: Weds Polos n Trento, Le, Brown and Go, Beaten, 1977p 4. 18. Alo A Boron, “Tovardsa Pos Hegemon Age’: ‘he End of Pax Americar’, Seely Dalojue, (slo, Vol 25, No. 2, Jane 1982, 212.218, 20. sooeph 8. Nye, Bure to Land: The Changing Natureol AmaicanPwer, Pati Book, ne, Pub ae, New Yor, 100, p40 21, Sheen lat, "nda, Asia A Anya of Hegaronal Reanonsigr, Regoral Sues, sl ‘uatad, Va Xl,NO 9, Summer 183 p61 22. Shphen P. Conen and Fihard L. Park lei: Emergent Power?, Care, issak & Compan, lnc, New Yor, 1918, po. 67. 25, Chavosi Son Gupia, “Hegameny in South Asia? Woed Fosua, Now Dati, Noe. 65 06, Nam De 24. APK. Orgarsi oid Poli, Aled A. Krol, Now York 1868p 264,ECONOMICS Can reforms have a human face ? Mohan Rao in recent times we have seen some leuphora in influential circles over the postive outcome of the structural adju- ‘iment programme (SAP) package. This package includes poicies thal India has adoptedas itembarkson arecklassspree: of glcbalising its economy. The excite- ent stems from the spurtin the industrial growth rata, the sirong balance of pa- ‘ymenis position (BoP), the huge infow of foreign investments, the comfertable foo {grains position and privatisation of inet lent public sector undertakings. Howe- ver, litle thought has been spared tor other consequences of these policies, ‘especialy on health. For a stan, we could leam something ‘rom the experience ol the Latin American and African. countries which underwent sstuctural adjustment programmes in the "0s under the aegss of the Word Banc andthe IMF. The results have been syeto- ‘matically documented in oumals such ao Social Science and Modicno and the Economic and Poitical Weekly,andin wo excellent books. The Impact of World Recession on Children by A. Jolly and GA. Comia, and Adjusiment wih a Human Face: County Case. studes, edited by Jolly, Comnia andF. Stewart ‘Thesestudes showthatsubsequentto ‘the adoption of structural adjustment poli- Ges in these countries, the levels of une- mployment and underemployment Increased accompanied oy a reduction in the ‘eal wages of the poor. Even the middle classes suffered. There was alco 8 steep hike in tho price of food, Since ‘ex@enditure on food takes up a laige ‘share of a poor family’s budget, the effect on the nutritional status of the poor was clearly regressive. The data show that there was a decine in expenditure on other things 2s an increasing proportion of the budget of the poor-and the middle Glasses vias being devoted to food. Atthe same fime, more food expenditure was being reoriented towards starches and cereals, and less for animal and milk products. ‘The dominance of the informal eector fn the labour markot resulted in what has boon doserbed in these studies as the “feminisalion of labour and poverty” (he authorisanassistan protessoralthe Certre ‘of Social Medine and Community Health, JNU) 8 Forced by poverty, women and children were enlerng the non-skiled and pocrly Paid informal sector in larger numbers than ever before, resulting in an incrocse inschcol dropout ratesinthase countries. lt was nat jong befere that these cha- ‘ngos were also reflected in the heallh of the people. Health indicators such as the death rate and the Incidence of disease, which hed shown a spectacular decline in the past, ether remained static or showed an Upward trend. The infant mo- ‘tality rata, considered to be a sensitive index of socio-economic and health dave- lopment, increased in somecountries and while its decline came to 2 grinding halt in others. The ratioofinfant deathsto total deaths increased. Similarly, the propo- ition of infant deaths due to malnutrition increased as did the proportion of infants bom with low birth weights, Several cou- nies saw a significant increase in child mortaiy. Even as many of these countries expo- ‘led exotic fruts and flowers to the West, there was a steep inctease in domastic food prices. The data from atarge number ‘of countries show a greater prevalenco of malnutrition among women and children. ‘There was a sharp increase in the propo- ition of underweight mothers. Pregnant and lactaling mothers received less than 85 per centof their calorie needs and 90 per cent of their protein needs. A higher Incidence of anaemia was also reported. Reoling under budget cuts, healt) insi- tutions in these countries were unable to cope with these problems which were ‘compounded by the fact that trainad do- cfors and nurses took fight to greenor pastures in the West. Public health sorv- ces, seldom an area accorded high prio- ‘ly, collapsed. Weter supply, saritation ‘ané preventive health programmes came to.agiindinghelt, Pubichospitals, despite inadequate staff and widespread lack of ‘drugsand equipment, attemptedto“reco- var costs through user fees. The result ‘was that athough morbidity levels increa- ‘sed altendance at heath centres deci- ed. This was particularly true of routine and preventive health servicas. ‘The experience of counties in Latin ‘America and Africa does not augur well {or the poor in India where structural adju- ‘siment poicies ore now being impleme- ted. Not only coos india have a large: poverty striccen population, butaleo thas, seennofundamonialchange in thedisea- ‘8¢ and death petterns over the last four Secades. The disease and death profile ‘continues to be dominated by the disea- ‘ses footed in poverty — diseases not ‘essentially amenableto technical interva- ‘tion: ‘This pattem of diseasesanddeathscan only change with substantial and sustal- ‘Red public health inputs, Some econorrisis have noted that the structural adjustment programme has ro- sulled in a deceleration in employment generation, in addition, the food subsidy — in ealtorms —hasbeen rediced since tho commencement of adjustment pot ‘ies. Wholesale prices of ood have rsen by about 20 per cent, bu: the consumer pice index for tne landless agricultural labourers as coneupby over26 percent. ‘The Economic Suvey (1963-1894) admits that the spur in inflation is du to arise in picas of foodgrains, particularly fice and pulses — tha major protein co- ponent of the Indian diet ‘The Siictiral adjustment programme hhas involved further seduction in India's commitment to heath. sector develo- pment. Central grants, 25 a proportion of the states’ tolal medical ard public health ‘expenditure, fell sharply in the oestre- forms period, Real expenditures declined even more sharply. itis particulary intere= sting that budget cuts have not affected the family planning programme which fo- ‘usses on the poorin pursuit of tstargets, ‘The poorer siates, which have low health status and poor development of health services, have cuifored more from cuts in Central granis. This has led to greater regional differentials in access to health core, Inits 1982 State of the Word's Chidren Report, UNICEF cbserved that ‘the dete- rigraticn of the economic environment is translated in many counties into ‘ising malnutriion, preveniable disease and fa- ling schcol enrolments". Structural acju- stment, the report goos cn to say, should have @ human face. The question tha! foluses to go away — in the face of ‘evidence from other already afflicted cou- nies —is: can'structural aduustmentnave a human face?WHITHER NON-ALIGNMENT (BCIS. SEMINAR) The significance of NAM in the 1990s Manel Abeysekera Pini, trait attcut to eleve thatthe mavementis dead and agree ‘with our distinguished guest speakers ‘Ambessador Sutresna and Ambassador el Amo on this point. Having sad that, believe that NAM will die unless there is agreat deal more of ro-thinking, re-defi- ring and re-vitalising. We mustbe thankful to the Jakarta 10th Summit of NAM and iis Chairman's personal drive in this regard to te-orient NAN'S focus and dire- tion. During the East-Westconflctin abi-po- lar world, NAM held a balance between tho? auper-powers andits voiceandvote ‘counted for something in the U.N. and cther intemational fora. In a single supe- ‘power world and a globalised economy, can NAM can have the same role, slats fend influences. This is bome out by what ‘Ambassador del Ammo states: “The no- tthern developed countries areleading ‘or ruling the world both politically and economically”. Ho goos on to stato how this is 50 in the U.N — particularly in the control over the Security Councl and, on the economic side. in fixing word market prices and in leading in finance, science ‘end technology. He then goeson toargue ‘hat, foral these reasons, the develophg counties need their “own independent ¢lobal factor” But, the question realy is, ow independent a globel factor is NAM. ‘Ambassador Sulresna. also recognises the constraints NAM has to cope with in interatonal co-operation. My Second point is that, through sheer ‘weight of numbers in'a group, be it the Group of77 orthe NAM, acolleciive voice is hoare, as both Ambassadors point out, in the UN and olher fora. This may influe= ‘ioe a Resolution, a Declaration, a Co- ‘mmunique or even a covenant or Conve rtion, but does this realy amount to much in real terms thereafter? Do no! the “po- wers that be” go their own way, even in distegard of these agreements which re- ‘main ust documents rarely ranslated into ‘ecton? Furthermore, are not NAM me- bers often attracted to go the same way as these powers especialy for econorric gain? Which means also in poilicalterms as wel, suble though the link may be, for economics and poltics cen hardly be ‘Separated nationally or Intemational. ‘Therefore. while lagreewih the speakers thai NAM has a voice as a group in Intemational fora, | would have liked to have seen them give specific lustratons, of NAM as a global factor. Or are there none to be ced APARTHEID AND PALESTINE Mythird point is that, as the two Amba- ssadorsstatednoone candenytheconti- bution of NAMIo sefeguardingworld pea- ce, to dsarmament etc. But Is itnot tue that many ofthe achievements they have quoted could have been the resut of factors other than NAM? For example, lot meretertotwootthe mejordevelopments of fhe 19905. Though NAM had fought against apartheid and defended the leati- mate rights of tha Palestinian people for decades, would spartheid have come ‘apart without a da Klerk anda co-operall- Ve Mandela. Or tne Palestinans obtained that foothold without the pressure exerted by the U.S.A. the good oficas of Noway ‘and the co-operation of Rabin and Arafat? Ironically, these developments have ‘come about because of the cisappeara- neo ef supor-power rivalry together with the danger of East West confrontation especially hough « Palestinian sperkand, ot as @ resullol the suppor given to the: antiapertheid voice or the PLO by the USSR or by NAN. Ambassador Suiresna, Sates thal the collapse of bipolarism has, vindicated NAM's principles, but If NAM was desinedio dealwith abi-polarword, can one say that the collapse of ti-pola- rim vindicates the Movement? Nor can NAM take credit for its colapse. NAM AS FORUM My forth points that perhaps we have read too much into NAM and that is the reason s why We are discussingits value today as opposed to Yesterday. My own View is that NAM Is today what it has always been — a forum for discussion, exchange of views and expression of opirion — a kind of veies of the South ‘hich creates a elimate of opinion that is indeedamostusefulfactorininiemational Telations;butthatinis coesnetnecessarly enable NAM toeftect change as an*inde- pendentglohalfactor”—touseAmbassa- dordel Ammo's phrase — in the sense that itcan influence cruca!intemational deve~ opments and trencs, which are determi- ned by other forces. especially by those who hava the powar te do eabseth politica lly and economically In short ifthe princ: ples for which NAM stands, which find Close afinity to those ofthe U.N Charter, ‘wo have toask oursalves whotherthe UN ‘or NAM have been able to give teeth to them and positvelyinfuenceintemational relations. This ofcourse, does not, in any ‘way, diminish heir moral valuenarthefact thatNAM memoers together findetrength ‘where individually they would not. But we have 10 admit at NAM lacks soldanty hich is often the cause of is neffect ress in practical terms. | was happy to hear Mr. Childers siate that, a few weeks ago, they did find that solidarity — which they lacked ast yearto passaU.N resolu- tion requesting an advisory opinion of the World Court whathor tho threat or uso of nuclear weapons isa volalion of interna tional law. The lack of solidenty tneretore only cals for more effective strategies if indeed any such can be found. One can only hope that the NAM Jakavia Deciara- tion of 192 wil be realised. 1. quota: “Through dialogue and co-operation, we will project our Movernent as a vibrant, constructive: and genuinoly inta:dopo- rndent component of the mainstream of Intemational relations”. | thik the key phrase here's “interdependentcompo- nent” which contrasts with Ambassador del Amo's phrase “indepencent globel factor’. Ny firal comment is to pose the que stion as to how we may achieve the preservation of the value of NAM by tra- nslating its principles into international Folations. | boliove that one of the key reasonsfor NAMnotbeingabletoachieve The wiles, a career offcer, was Si Lanka's Ambassacor hn Bonn. 9‘anything groat is that ita membership has notattractedatleas: some ofthe couniries of the North even though several ofinem, such as those of Scandinavia, eregenara- lly in agreement with ourprinciples. Would. they join us ard given us the necessary lout if we did not call ourselves “nor-ai ned” especially in a post-cold — war world? Or do we wait hopefully for some of our members fo acquire the clout that the North has? Ambassador Suresna cites a number of activiios in which NAM is engaged, especialy afterthe Jakarta Summit, inclu ding thatofchampicningglobat nterdepe- ‘dence particularly through Norlh-South ‘and South-South dialogue. But such dia- logue has been with us for decades without our seeing a real break-through. No wonder Dr. Gamani Corea referred tot as “the dialogue of the deaf” in ns keynote address atthe inaugural session of this seminar, The same may happen with regard to NAMS efforts in them and inits efforts to roviow and reform the U.N. ‘and the Bretton woods institutions. We have already heard Dr. Saravanamutta and iMr. Childers on the power-play in tha UN and how the Bretton woods insitu tions escaped from the co-ordination ‘authority over thom vested by the U.N. ‘Charter in the UNGA and ECOSOC. Is our lack of success because We do not have members of the North in our Move- Tent? We may have joint meetings with them in trying to further our efforts, out meetings and dialogue ate not an end in themselves, REGIONAL FORCE Pertiaps the emergence of regionalism since NAM was founded may assist by it being hamessed to promoting NAM principiesintra-regionally, interzegionally and finally internationally. The decision of the Jakarta: Summit to constitute a me- ber of expert groups to help provide a degree of specialisation, particulary on issues, augurs well for NAM'S ‘Negetiating procose with the North based onwellfounded premises, fadsand argu- ments, especially in the context of some U.N. organs supporive of NAM such as UNCTAD, playinga muted role today, and the need for NAM to therefore redouble ‘tsefforts totranslete principles into spect- ‘ics. We must not forget that the host of the fst NAM Summit was symbolic of he archetypal non-aligned state and therefo. fe of the movement itself, in that it was ln the heart of postWorld War Il East West rivalry. Surely, we do notwant 10 NAMtoclsintegrateashas tsorighalhost — which, of coursa, nas Dean for reasons other than those which brought about NAN, but NAM was poworiess ip that situation and pethape NAM must {ook beyond symbols, symbolism and prince piles and tanslate them into some kind of pracical realty. Nor-alignment was des- ned to establish well balanced relations with all nations, irespecive of social and ideological syctome while maintaining freedomofacion andwithoutbeng dawn into the vortex of East-West rivalry, twas also designed to transform unequal poll Gal and economic relations so as to faci {ale the estabichmont of ajustandpeace- ful order, today NAM is conironted with a changing poltical multepolarity — in which perhaps oni the U.S.A is capable ofpojecing ts influence dobally— and witha deepening gobalinterdeperdenco, an irtersication ef ethnicity end a global information industy, all of which it must 822K to cope with through practical and pragmatic means. One such course for NAM may be to present aNAM phiosophy and stance not only tthe U.N ancotherintamationa fora but aleo to injects principles and velues at the regional and sub-regional levels ‘hich are inoreasingly becorting the ope- fatve areas of political and economic acion, At the same fime, we have to Focognise that notail regional groups are ‘geographic, thal they are indeed depe- indent on a number of variables and are subjected to externalinluence especially ‘of tha economicaly and technologizelly Powerful, such as the U.S.A, Europe and Japan, Conversely, we should askourse- Ives whether NAM principles and cohe- sion would be strong enough to withstand {hese vary regional and sub-regionalinta- rests, forees and goals. Furthermore as was seen in the Iaq-Kuwait war, NAM was powerless to act both to prevent it cf end it — despite both protagonists being its members — nor to prevent sa- rotons countinuing against Iraq, for the Vary reason that there was no regional consensus among NAM membeis and therefore no collective clout ‘CONFLICT RESOLUTION ‘Another eiratagy would bo to enhance NAM'S confic!. —- resolullon and cconfidence-building mechanisms and here | stronaly support Ambassador Su- ttesna in his advocacy of this. Perhaps NAM should relate thom to the regional ‘groupings that have developed among NAM members. in this respect, NAM me- ‘mbars would need to frst put their own houses in order, to reconcile the existing discrepancy between NAM ideals and Practice as Ambassador Sutresna has pointed out. While acknowledging that it is, most welcome that NAM has moved {rom dwelling on grievances and has ge- nerall shed its adversarial approach to the North and the poicies of international financial institutions — which, alae, most NAM members cannot do without —and is now focussing on and seeking a co- structive dialogue, offering to engage in all fields, as Ambassador Sutresna has shown, it may be practical and pragmatic to furthor reduce its focus to spacifice in ‘such a dialogue and co-operation, This ‘may, ntumn, also reduce thegap between, ‘NAM and the North and create some ‘common ground andinterest end thereby resultinNAM'S weight being used to push through come favourable results, hows: ‘ver modest they may be, formutualbene- a, NAM may have bean born through the desire to avoid the cestrucive efforts of bi-polarty and tho title of the movement may give the impression thal I has no relevenceina non-bi-polar would. Butone ‘must not ferget that the principles for which NAM stands are just as valid today. as they were in a bi-polar world: soverei- gnty end non-interference in international affairs of states. Development and equity, anticolonialism and the championing of Southissues. We sill need to be mindful of sevorci- snty and non-interference in the internal aifeirs of states, we ail reed to fight ‘against neo-colonialismespecially of une- ual economicterms forthe South becau- 8, regretably, we do not see any great improvement in any o! these areas of concem aiter the disapearance of bi-po- lar. Therefore, NAM ts sill valid, nct in omenciature, which isa very rarrowway ‘ooking at, but most centaily for what it stands. The milion dollar question is, ‘ofcourse, how NAMmay woik o realising its arms and Itis this area that we have to Work on in a practical way. Itis to be hoped that the post 10th NAM summit etfors, especialy through. jis new approach to ralationstips with theintema- fional community and intzmational Insitu- tions, to which Ambrassador Sutresna has refered, and working wth the North ‘85 opposed fo confrontation with, would bring about somo postive results. Simply ut, | would lke to see an “Invitation 10 Dialogue” extended NOT by NAM to the North but by the North to NAM, Then we can besure that NAM is alive and kicking,PEOPLE, POWER AND POLITICS — Some heretical thoughts Dayalal Abeysekera ‘The writer professes to be a non- expert in any matters pertaining to the title ofthis paper. However, he is determined not te abdieate his reapo sibilities asa citizen of this eountry and wishes to offer a line of thought which he brazenly feels may offer some hope to an otherwice faltering search for a nev constitutionalidion. ‘The writer further wishes fo punctua- ta this introductory digclaimer by sta fing that he has hitherto not read a single constitution of acountry (inclu- ding that of Sri Lanke) and as at present enteriains na wish what-s0.¢ vor to do so in the foreseeable future. He firmly believes that there is a relative abundance of expertize on matters pertaining to constitution framing and legality within the country, As such he does not intend to display his ignorance on such mat- tore. The attempt hereia is to raise basic fssues, darity cortain assump- tions, establish — quasi-prineiples (which obviously will have to be Drought under the constitutional ‘expert's microscope ifitever warran's serious consideration), and suggest certain modus operandi to establish 4 framework for enunciating a pro- people constitution, Towards 2 Pro-Poople Mode of Representation ‘The latter part of the preceding eente- hee would have undoubtedly highlighted the wrter's bias to the perceptive reader. Yes, the basic point of departure of this \witeris that tho conetitution this land is definitely not people iendly; fata, itis ‘more tiendly towards the occupants of Dasitions of power. As such, the chancos of hijacking the peopte's wil, camouflaged asthe exercise of democracy through the expression of universal franchise, by Dr Abeyosoors, «scongit B ASSL Resort ‘eprosentalve of FORUT, a Swedish NGO in Colombo. These heretical theughts do notneco ssarly reflect FORUT ting the people's representatives are unacce- Ptably high. This is mediated through the interlocking ofthe pooplo's representative {0.2 poltical party apparatus which intumn exercsesa potentially corrosive effect on the people's will by iterally super-rding it through tho ‘party wil! which derives its legitimacy by obtaining ‘national manda- te. The snowbaling of power does not Stop with thecore ofthe party taccentua- tes itself by coopting the bureaucracy, ‘absorbing and cenniving with commercial Interests and in the worst of times by compromising tho judiciory as well. In shot, the party spreads its tentacles and ‘assumes a morolthic.siranglehcld on ower which gets prostituted as the ‘poo- e's will. Juxtaposed with the ‘people's will as expressed by any hamlet consi- sing of 100 households, itis extremely doubtful that the ‘party will could ever claim even a marginal correspondence to the former at any given point in the life of the reign of a party elected to govern, ‘Angry and vociferous denunciations of ‘idealism, | believe, are already audible and aimed at this thomatic discussion but hopefully the reader would persist with us tne former is as convinced cf thedegree of absence of the people! from what is ‘enunciated as government policy flowing from the people's mandate. ‘The dry zone farmer amentsforthe lack ‘of water while the country spends mitions on the speedy disposal of flocd waters (where? inlo the sez, of course, you dummy!) in the greater Colombo area. Have We at least nought that both these phenomena occur within the same cou- nitty and that the oxcess water may possi- bly be civerted to scarcer ocallies? Even an O.L. student knows that there is a surfet of precipitation within the central ‘ing of mountainsin this country. The large pat of the dry zone lles just outside this ‘ing of mountains, Isnttiipossibleto pierce this mountain ring with a modest pipeline ata few vantage points and diverta portion of the ‘excess’ water to the thousands of vilage tanks, most of which lie in a eiata ‘of disrepair and abandormert. Without altempting to create massive reservoirs which inveriably result in mass. human displacement and ecological disastore, why net harness the energy tha’ the water wil generete when flowing from the h= ‘hlands tothe cryzone (at nearsaalave) bby a network of smaller power planta? One doubts that itis tne expression of the will ofthe up-county vegetable farmer toimport vegetables from abroad to keep the prices down, Ons wonders iteven the consumeris keen onmunching hefereign farmers vegetables afferdeing usedio the localone's producs from time immemorial Doesnt thesolution le iniinkinaup produ cersand.consumersina symtioicembra- {60 which will result in an organisaional structure that Is accountable to both the producer and consumer, perhaps, with the ideal of giving tho farmer 100 percent more for his produce and’at 50 percent less to the consumer (vis-a-vis current ‘market’ prieos of the cay) while the inter rvening operation is conducted on an ‘economically viable basis to yield a can- sclonable profit. Such (some might say, hypothetical) approximations of ‘peoole's ‘wil could very Well abound which have hardly grazed the cuting edgecoftho party wl tis doubtful thatthe currenteonstiu- tlonalset up wil ever provide the necessa- 1 checks and balances and hand over tho reine of the govemence machinery to the people, ‘The Habitat’s Right to self-Datermina- tion Vs. the Omnipotence of Party Power ‘The proposed constitutional set up Impiicly assumes that each habitat (o3- ‘mgodolia) should have the right to decide What is bes! for ilself, propose mecha- Nismsto achieve the desired stata and be in a position of strongth to barcain with the State and bureaucracy Io obtain the Necessary resources and services to- wards fulfilment of ts set goals. 1"bury Constitution, itis vory doubtful that iis framers evermade provisionina practi cable sense forthe people o achieve thelr ‘own goals. It was essentially predicated ‘ontheassumption ofa ‘benovolontdonor- ignorant recipient relationship interns of the people's representative and the peo- ple. Howaver, compared with what tra- ‘spiced after the introcuctionofthe prope- rtionata representation (PR) system, the Souibury setupatleast demarcatedpetio- dic accountabilty ofthe people's repreae- ‘tative to the people in terms ofa tangbia ‘geographic locality. When the district be- ‘came the playing arena (rather than the more restricted electorate), the people's representative achieved the practical ca- pact to evade accountability to the peo- pb. Infact, the electors soon after casting thelr vote went about saying that they cid not have a representative, One of the worst forms of non-accountabilty, una- ‘cceptable within a functioring democracy was perpetrated on the peopie with the people's representative gravitating to pre- eniing him/nersolf as tho agent of the pany. The party became the ultimate core ‘of power, the omnipotent source of shaiti that could dispense near-unimited large 'sse to the chosen few. Of course, the system's wealth-generatng capacties ‘were restricted andas such, the handouts ‘were aloo rectrictedandhadio bedistribu- ted on @ mostfavoured individual basis. “The people's will as being personified by the people's representative in any non- bbypoeritc senso ccasedtoexiet. Apatron- lent relatonsnip predicated on a naked instrumental rationalty (stripped of the ‘cohesive socio-cultural idiom that was usually found in a feudelistic setting) was, Imposed on the people. The central theme ofthis discussion is to propose medus operandi to make the people the de facto and de jure holders ‘of power endo make the people's repre- sentaliva function as an affective instru- ment through which this powor ie realized {or the fulfimentof the people's goals. In other words, toincreasethe accountabilty the representative o his/herelectors as wel as io Sel up checks and balances In crder to acualize the transparency of fisher aciviies. Due to the gravitation of the representative to an exttomely low tevel of aecountablily during the course ofthe last half century and the tendency 2 Of this back-siding to be ordained as the aceeptad norm rather than the ternporary aberration, itis feared that the surgery proposed herein may sound rather extre- me to many a reader. However, it must be etaiod that these romodial proposals. are made in full cognisance ofthe virence ofthe gangrene that has set into the body politi. Changing the Image and Role of the Peoples’ Representative Several modifications are imperative if a substantive qualitative change Is to be brought about in the functional accounte- bilty of the people's representative. The role model of the representative has to change crasticalty rom the tinpot dictator mentally extracting compliance through tho systematic apptcation of coercion to that ofthe asceiicwhohesrenounced the pursuit ofwor'dly aggrandizementandset himeel the sole savation goal of delive- fing his electors to a better quality of fo as defined by the later. At the risk of raising the ire of my fellow Buddhist bre- thren, I wish to elghtly modify a stanza which shouldin my opinion the guiding beacon of the new representative in the most exireme yatha vadi thatha karise- ‘nse. Thia is ‘naththi me sarenag angnga -janatha me saranag varang”(urdersco- red modification by the writer); meaning that “there is no oher salvation for me ‘excep! thal which is mediated through the people”. Ooviously this is @ quantum leap from the prevalent reality and needs cef- nite mechanisms to institutonalze this attitudinal and behavioural change asthe non-deviable norm. Tobetairbythepeople'srepresentative (RP), sfhe cannot be expectad to effect- vvely sarve rrillons of voters in a district, ‘Thesheer heterogeneity o'the population of a district in torms of its needs and aspirations will make an absolute mockery of RP's capacity 10 serve, Thus, it iS ‘proposed that the creation of amanagea- ble network of constituencies is of prime ‘essence in tha quest for regenerating effective RPs capable of leading one’s electors to the promised land trom the front ‘Apart from this need we have seen the ‘many undesirable features which self-g2- rnerated wih the introduction of tho disti- ctbased choice of represeniatives. AS ‘was pointed out eatler, the lack of a bona fide representative from the point of view ofthe voteron the one hand coupled with the drastic recuctionin the level of accou- niebiity in the FPS to the electors on the other is a non-tolerabie feature of a fu- nofioning democracy. The undue adva- nlages reaped by candidates with rlat- ‘ely high national or regional profile (such as pas! ministers, popular fm stars and even university dons) vie-e-vie new (pe- haps more dynamic and progressive) candidates is yet anotherdrawback which soriously jeopardized the assumption of {aipplay. The conspicuous inirusion of the quantum of cisposable (investable?) wealth as 4 kay facior in ensuring one’s ‘success at the husiings unfaidy placed poorercancidatesatadistincive dsadvae ntage. High expenciture naturally impo- sed the ezonamic necessity of recovering {his investment within a restricted time span which in ‘um invariably ed to the institutionalization of corruption as the aacvepted way oie ofthe RP. The votors of a district when defined as ‘fair prey’ for all candidates within one party led to the breakdown of unity within the party which serlously undermined the basic rationale for cxganizing @ poitical pany, viz, unity of purpose of he aspirants to membership of that party. ‘The foregoing would indicate that tne present system of electing dstic-based representaivescannotbe tolerated within aan eccounlable and trensparent demo- cracy. Ourproposalis,inaway,togo back towhat prevailed, but wit certainconsp- uous modifications. The similarity with the Soulbury set up is that we should go back to the electorate wth an Indetfiable RP, patently accountable to his/her ele Clots. The elecion of the RP fs primarily predicated on the receipt of a simple majoriy of votes (the so-called rst past the post system). However.ce- Tiein elements of proportionate represe- ‘lation willbe supermposed on thisresuit of a simple majority which might entail minor reversals of this primary resull. This, we shall expian later in more detail, by exploring ahypothetical example (see, pp. 14-20). Rationale for Redemarcation of Electoratos | must confess to my ignorance of the provisions made in the Soulbury set up for demarcation of electorates. However,the re-demarcation of the electorate Is very much a central theme in this paper as the foregoing. denunciation of the dictrict besed election of RPs may have implied, Manageabitty nterms of size, the Felative homogeneity of the population and contiguity ofthe land erea demarca- {ed ere the three vital axes emphasized in the re-demarcation exercise, What should be the optimal size of the electorate? Any numoric cut-off would be asarbitrayy as any other. However, acce- ppting the principle that any hamlet or village should be afforded the right to choose what is best for them, within rea- son, this cursoff can never be nearer the mmllons, fat all, losarto the thousands. We aiso note that a relative homogeneity In terms ollifesty’e exists between villages in close proximity to each cther. Thus. in corderto strike a batance we would like to propose that an eleciorate should ideally otdeviate from within arangeofbetween 18,000-20,000 volers. Accordingy, our conerate proposadis to redemarcate ele- lorates so that at the inception, each electorate will have 15,000 voters. This umber could be allowed to graw up to 20,000 at which point, another redemar- cation is to be etfected so that the figure is one again brought down to 15000 voters. In areas whore there ie noexcessi- ve netin-migralion, this 33 percent growth, may well take 15 or more years.” The writer can almost hear the denou- neers'fingers fing ovortheircalcualors. With just over 19 milion voters, at the ‘worst | am proposing a house of represe- nlatves in excess of 650 RP or at the very best, one with 500 APs. Surely wit even Mather india having just ever 500 Ps to fend for its gargantuan rear one bilion population, the witior must certai- nly be off his rocker. Pethaps, But we Never promised to discuss a change of relative insignificance. After all,theco ara ‘supposed io be ‘heretical thoughis'. So, ‘once again, we appeal to the reader to slay with us because we sincerely think * (tight be pertnent io pont out that we have shown dsewhere — LankaGuarsenof 15th Ccto- bor, 1989 "Voters and Pepulafon Growth: Tho Need for Viglarce’ — hat cur vole registration system is curently raring ata higher lave than hat the population figures would seem ta show: Some suggestions for tighieing up tie register ‘ton systom are made therein) ‘hat the entirety of the microscopic minori- ty of the nopulation who are capable of relatively unbiased thinking need to put their heads together if the country is to salvage a dependable and sustainable ‘mode of equitable sociveconomic develo- [pment forthe large majority of the people that concurrertly assures peace and pro- sperity as well, ‘A house of representatives with 650 Ps becomes a near ridiculous proposi- tion for a population of 17 milion Sri Lankans. But if nese numbers are to be found in nine houses with clearly ¢emar- ‘ated geographic boundaries, rights, du- ties, cbligations end juriscictons, then the proposition would surely losa a larga pro- Portion of its incradulily. Of course, there will stil be some who would be shaking their heads but let's leave tham to gathor their thoughts and move on, Yes. i you are begining to catch our iif, what is being proposed herein is ‘nothing less than the atoltion ofthe Par- fiament in the manner in which it Ras existed during the pcstindependence era. Butbefore you go into tantrume and vehement protestations, let me essure You that there is a more lean, business- like. hopefully more efficent and ‘meftocracy-based Parliament being pro- Posed within our dscussion. But Lefora We expand on this national Padiament, it is imperative that we move on with the Constitution of the 650 RPs in their rine (© whatever number of) Councils, Tho emenclature is notimrportant and canbe modified but the essenial fecture is to Understand the issuss and principles being adressed so that an enlightened aliscussion could ensus aimed at develo- pingthesa though! processes oafunctio- nal level of beneficence for the large majorly of he peope. Setting up Regional (Provincial?) ~ Councils ‘The next hretical proposal is the se- ‘ting up of regional councils within the country. We do not have an optimum ‘number of regional councils to be created but if they are to be recreated (deviating {rom the existing provinces, for example) they should adhere to the principles of contiguity of geographic areas falling wi- thin the region and homogeneity of agro- an important function of theate. Ths Is ‘actually a imporant though litle recocnt- ted funotion cf amatour theatre 20 ‘Though based in Sri Lanka, Maye ‘Shakthi has had the good fortune of ha- ‘ving access to theatre ideas from outside the county through a series of contacts with theatre people from atxoad. Thelc exposure has included-new movements suchas the physicaltheatre' and the work ‘of Grotoviski. One such contact wes Chri Gonnoly, who was responsisie for dra~ ‘wing aitention to tha play ‘Gus’ by the ‘Australian dramatist, Robert Hewett. This play became the basis for *Lihin The play “Lint” is abouta brain dama- ged boy, Kalinga who is looked after by fis sister. The cast contains two other characters, the sister's lover and the ne- ghbour who helps to look after Kalinga, ‘The play deals with the interpiay botwoon these four characters, This play-is an excercise in naturalistic thea, tnflue= nced by Starisiavsky, who is quoted on the first page of the play, now available ‘as publication. Well produced, wel dire- ced and superbly acted, It was a very ‘commendabla venture in the Cheshovian mode. There were beautifully cubdued performances by IVane! Jagoda and La~ kshman Mendis, and two virtuoso perto- rmances by Dharrrajih Purarjeeva and Ramya Wanigesekera. Punarjeeva's was a sustained perforrrance calling for consi derable starrina. He played Kalinga asa sort of spastic and was on the stage for the ful duration of the play. Ramya, ae Usual showed much stage prescence, and proviced a goad contrast to the "Me- thod! acting of the two main characters, ‘The siage setting followed the naturall- stic theme, with real tables, real chairs, and even real sand cn the boach. Stage lighting was used to a ‘ar greater extent thanis usvalin Sinhala theatre. Thecleve- tly designed stage set incuded a sea baech, living room and iwo bedrooms, with action set in each of these. There were lightning quick costume changes, which indicated the passage of time, and the cloths themselves, in muted colours, emphasised the neutral, indeterminate but nevertheless western setting of the play. tis greatly to Punajeeva's creditthat he did not natvise the play and theredy makeitlook ridiculous. The ‘spacialetfect cf coagulls, manipulated by three actors, was interesting even ifthe symbolism did not come out clearly. The music, which ‘commanded altenton in its own right, was by Pramas Kemadasa. ‘The were defects, but most were due to Insufficient rehearsing at the Lonel Wendt itsalt The music was a tfle too loud, the lighting effects nocdod a Iitle mere praclise, the seagulls were a litle too large for the Wendt stage, end ine actors could of he heard very cleady from the back of the audliorium. Also the play. Was too long. "also heralds tha arival ot @ signticant new talent to the Sinhala stage —Dharmajth Punarjecva. A soft apoken young man inhis late twenties, Punarjee va shows a deep commitment to theatre. handirg of ‘Lin showed patience “and ca‘e.Italso demonstrated hie vereat- lity. Punarjeeva Is the trenslator, ne dre ctor, the chief actor and the designer of tho stage set for ‘Litin’. He has been successful ai all four levels — a rare achievement, Punarjeeva produced se- veral prize winning pleys while in School, ‘and lator won tho UNDA award at the ‘OCIC film making course. After comple ting his A Levels, na decided ne wished ‘to work inthe theate and went in seatch ofa suitabio training, He joined the team (of Puntila’ as @ production assistant and ‘gopher. He has been with Maya Snakthi from 1931 and has produced saveral plays with this group. ‘Though naturalistic heave has long been a pait of the Eurorean theatre traci- tion, & has not become a part of the postindependence Sinhala theatre tradi- tion. This review is writen in the hope that It will encourage the bi-lingual intelige- Risia of this countryto see "“Lihini’, asthis, type oltheatre cannotsurvve withouttheir support. Kamalika Pieris.BB enncenG PURAL LIFESTYLE Why there’s sound of laughter in this rustic tobacco barn. ‘There i lsughter and ght banter amongst these Tlaceo inthe dusty tat binge employment to ‘ural damsels who ae busy coming cut tobacco the sacond highest numberof peeps Awd exe le inatam I one ofthe hie ofsich pune rhe bese bar ‘berms spread out nthe mid and upcounty growers and thowe wh cere inennaite one where te arbi andrenans and rhe tare fallow during the of seon, For them, the tobacco lal meane meaning work, sous ata a comiortable He and a scure Ruts, A good hheratve cash crop and the geen leaves in to enoudhfeasen fer usher he Sette, ay Coltd Sharing and caring for our fand and her people.PEOPLE’S BANK Celebrating Three Decades of Dynamic Growth In 1961 People's Bank ventured out in the challenging world of Banking with a staff of only 46... and a few hundred customers. Today, just 33 years later People Resource exceeds 10,000 Customer Listings at a staggering 5.5 Million Branch Network in excess of 328, THE LARGEST in Sri Lanka In just three decades People's Bank has grown to become a highly respected leader inthe SriLankan Banking scene. Their spectacular growth is areflection of themassive Tesources at their command dedicated to the service of the common man — a dedication that has earned them the title “Banker to the Millions" PEOPLE’S BANK Banker to the Millions