Black Rebels: The Cimarrons of Sixteenth-Century Panama

Author(s): Ruth Pike

Source: The Americas, Vol. 64, No. 2 (Oct., 2007), pp. 243-266
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/30139087
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 The Americas

64:2 October 2007, 243-266

Copyright by the Academy of American
Franciscan History

BLACK REBELS:
THE CIMARRONS OF
SIXTEENTH-CENTURY PANAMA

T cial network of the Spanish Empire and the need to defend it has
he strategic location of the Isthmus of Panama within the commer-
greatly influenced historical writing on sixteenth-and seventeenth-
century Panama. Most studies have emphasized military and economic his-
tory and with few exceptions, have shown little interest in other aspects of
Panamanian life. An excellent review of the historical literature on colonial
Panama can be found in Christopher Ward, Imperial Panama: Commerce
and Conflict in Isthmian America, 1550-1800 (Albuquerque, 1993). Despite
a continuing emphasis on the usual themes of trade and defense, there is a
growing trend to focus on other topics such as population movements and
social classes. One of the areas still awaiting further investigation and study
is the history of the cimarrons of Panama. The two principal primary sources
for the role of the cimarrons are the collections of documents from the
Archivo General de Indias in Seville published by Irene Wright and Carol F.
Jopling, respectively. Wright's Documents Concerning the English Voyages
to the Spanish Main, 1569-1580 (London, 1932) contains the correspon-
dence of Spanish officials on the Isthmus to the king relating to the activi-
ties of the English pirates and their alliance with the cimarrons. Jopling's
Indios y negros en Panama en los siglos XVI y XVII (South Woodstock, Ver-
mont, 1994) is a selection of documents dealing specifically with the history
of the blacks and Indians and contains a wealth of information about the
cimarrons. Among the early writers, the chronicle of Pedro de Aguado is of
particular value for its rich account of the cimarron king Bayano. The writ-
ings of Maria del Carmen Mena Garcia, especially her volume on La
sociedad de Panama en el siglo XVI (Seville, 1984) presents a thorough
overview of Isthmian society with several chapters devoted to the black pop-
ulation and the cimarrons. Two other earlier informative studies are Federico
Guillot, Negros rebeldes y negros cimarrones (Buenos Aires, 1961), and
Armando Fortune, "Los negros cimarrones en Tierra Firme y su lucha por la
libertad," Revista Loteria (1970). Another valuable contribution is an article

243

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244 BLACK REBELS

by Enriqueta Vila Vilar, "Cimarronaj

una guerrilla en el siglo XVII," Car

In the sixteenth century there were

the Isthmus of Panama, Nombre de
on the Pacific Coast. Between these tw
rupted only by long chains of high a
valleys drained by rivers. For centur
chandise to cross this hostile and for

For many years in the sixteenth cen

armed groups of escaped black slaves
bondage and fled to the mountains w
African tribal customs. They were c
most probably derived from cima and m
According to Garcilaso de la Vega, el
islands of the Caribbean to describe
mountains. These free black colonies
of Spanish America. They constituted
tlements because their inhabitants o
attack the cities and countryside. Th
Spain over the land and were a source

The Isthmus of Panama was one of t

their greatest power and extension. Non
the Spanish Empire in the sixteenth c
Venezuela equaled the movement in P
and duration. With their large follow
manian cimarrons were led by able a
great risks including allying themsel
The most violent period in their hist
time of continuous conflict with the Sp
cimarrons of Vallano in 1582 brought
accord that recognized their freedom. A
movement came to an end on the Isth
cimarrons continued to exist throughou

1 Garcilaso de la Vega, el Inca, Historia General

de los Incas, III (Buenos Aires: Emcee Editores, 1
Negros rebeldes y negros cimarrones (Buenos Air
2 Mena Garcia, La sociedad de Panama en el sig
1984, pp. 400-401. For cimarronaje in general in th
eties: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas (G

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 RUTH PIKE 245

Black slave rebellions began very e

the initial period of colonization ther
to replace the declining Indian pop
were introduced to work in the gold
construction and rural labor. The first mention of a slave rebellion is in 1525.

In that year Governor Pedrarias informed the king that some black slaves had
risen up in the city of Panama and fled into the countryside where they had
begun to attack the farms and cattle ranches in its vicinity. Since the munici-
pal government lacked the funds to pay for an armed force to defeat and cap-
ture them, all the owners of slaves in the city decided to voluntarily cover the
cost. Pedrarias was a principal contributor with 20 pesos.3

Although the revolt was put down and the participants executed, the
danger remained. It grew in proportion to the increase in the African slave
trade that resulted in the creation of a growing black slave population on the
Isthmus. One of the places where there were large numbers of black slaves
and only a few Spanish settlers was the town of Acla, on the Atlantic coast,
where the exploitation of the gold mines made a large black labor force nec-
essary. It was the site of another uprising in 1530. Aided by the element of
surprise and their numerical supremacy, the slaves who worked in the mines
killed their owners and fled into the wilderness. They took refuge in the
ruins of the abandoned settlement of Santa Maria la Antigua on the western
side of the Gulf of Ural* where they established the first palenque on the
Isthmus of Panama. In 1532 they were attacked by a Spanish force under the
command of Julian Gutierrez who killed the majority of the inhabitants and
seized a few others who were later punished. Some survivors fled into the
jungle where they continued their free existence.4

One year after the destruction of the palenque at Acla there was an
abortive black slave uprising in the city of Panama. Influenced by the events
at Acla, a group of black slaves, including those of the governor Francisco
de Barrionuevo and other officials conspired together to flee to Acla and
with the help of the remaining cimarrons of the region to establish another
palenque. Under their leader, a slave named Damian, they planned to set fire
to the city and neighboring cattle ranches. The plot was denounced and the
participants severely punished.5

The movements at Acla and Panama were preludes to a larger cimarron

revolt that had its beginnings in 1549. It was led by Felipillo, a ladino (Span-

3 Pablo Alvarez Rubiano, Pedrarias Davila (Madrid: CSIC, 1944), p. 613.

4 Mena Garcia, La sociedad, pp. 402-403; Guillot, Negros, p. 137.
5 Mena Garcia, La sociedad, pp. 404-405.

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246 BLACK REBELS

ish-speaking slave), who was the cap

Pearl Islands off the coast of Panam
other slaves from the pearl fisherie
rebels fled toward the remote interio
tried to recreate their African way o
campaign of attacks against the Spani
were surprised by a military force l
Panama that burnt their dwellings an
of his followers were captured and ta
executed and the rest sold as slaves by

The elimination of the palenque o

cimarronaje on the Pacific coast. Tho
another palenque in the same area, bu
side, cimarron bands were active in t
to the Peninsula of San Blas. In add
existed another palenque of those wh
tion of their hideaway at Ada.'

By the middle of the century, the cim

intensified their activities. Near Nom
some Indians who joined them volun
passengers on the road between Nom
merchandise that was transported acr
eight merchants, including a son of
Jorge, who was in Panama as an agent o
of the most influential converso com

During these same years a new leade

together all the cimarrons of the At
described in the sources as being a s
cized, that is, spoke understandable S
authority in his native land. His follo
and he governed them in like manne

6 Fray Pedro de Aguado, Historia de Venezuela, ed

torial Maestre, 1950), lib. 9, cap. 13, p. 195.
7 Guillot, Negros, p. 140.
8 Carol F. Jopling, ed. Indios y negros en Panam
umentos del Archivo de Indias (South Woodstoc
doc. 116. The published date on the document is inc
family, see Ruth Pike, Aristocrats and Traders: Se
nell University Press, 1972), pp. 106-107.

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 RUTH PIKE 247

comply with his orders. Even the

negro Bayano. He soon had a fol
with them carried out a long ser

The palenque of Bayano was est

hill in an area of dense jungle and
side. On both sides of the hill two narrow roads had been carved out that led
to entrances fortified with strong palisades. The dwellings of the cimarrons
were on the top of the hill. In the empty spaces between the buildings they
had dug deep silos where they stored their food. King Bayano and his war-
riors lived in this impenetrable fortress and it was from this place that they
went out to attack the Spaniards on the roads and waterways and the out-
skirts of Nombre de Dios and Panama. They also had another hideout in the
jungle where they kept their women, children and old people. The Spaniards
never found it until they defeated Bayano.1o

The Governor of Panama Alvaro de Sosa (1553-1556) sent out three mili-
tary expeditions beginning in 1553 against Bayano and all failed. One of them
commanded by Gil Sanchez actually arrived in the area dominated by the
cimarrons where they encountered Bayano who defeated them and killed their
commander. Only four soldiers escaped alive. Another expedition led by that
same Captain Francisco Carrefio who had destroyed the palenque of Felipillo
succeeded in capturing Bayano and bringing him to Nombre de Dios."

The royal authorities on the Isthmus did not have the men or resources to
effectively combat the problem of the cimarrons. Almost all the inhabitants
of Nombre de Dios and Panama were merchants, and the majority, natives
of Seville. Many were agents for the commercial firms of that city and only
temporary residents of the Isthmus. None were able or willing to fight or pay
for any large-scale campaign against the cimarrons. Given the circumstances
the Governor Alvaro de Sosa decided upon conciliation. He freed and par-
doned Bayano, but this policy failed as well. The cimarrons continued their
raids and they became more arrogant and daring.12

The struggle against the cimarrons could only be successful when fought
by an armed force of experienced soldiers financed with funds from the
royal treasury that were designated for that purpose. In 1556 the Marquis de

9 Aguado, Historia, III, lib. 9, cap. 11, p. 170; Mena Garcia, La sociedad, p. 415.
Io Aguado, Historia, III, lib. 9, cap. 12, pp. 180-181.
11 Aguado, Historia, cap.13, p. 195; Mena Garcia, La sociedad, p. 417; Guillot, Negros, p. 143.
12 Aguado, Historia, III, lib. 9, cap.13, p. 195; Guillot, Negros, p. 143; Mena Garcia, La sociedad,
p. 242.

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 248 BLACK REBELS

Cafiete passed through the Isthmus on

Peru (1556-1561). When he was inform
region, he freed 30,000 pesos from th
against the cimarrons and the other half
of the Atlantic coast. He named Capt
expeditionary force against the cimar
and a capable and experienced soldier.
New Granada where he had won fame
ans and had founded the city of Pamp
quis de Cafiete, he was in Panama pre
Cafiete prevailed upon him to undert
and he accepted the commission.13

The recruitment of men for the ente

because of the dangers and hardships
obtain anyone for any price who was w
ipation meant certain death. The Marq
ation. At the time a group of particip
cisco Hernandez GirOn in Peru (1553-1
Most were in jail in Nombre de Dios an
were afraid of being condemned to th
Cafiete went to the jail in Nombre de
there two choices; either fight against t
tribunal. He had the rest rounded up a
them and some others who now volun
stances, into regular military units just

While Urstia was preparing his expe

intensified their attacks on the road between Nombre de Dios and Panama.
Two mule trains loaded with clothing and other merchandise and valued at
4000 pesos were assaulted by a band of cimarrons who defeated the small
number of guards accompanying the train. After a few days a small group of
cimarrons returned to collect the rest of the booty, but by this time the
authorities had been informed about what had happened. Soldiers under the
command of Pedro de la Fuente hid in the bush waiting for them. After a
short battle the cimarrons were defeated and dispersed. A few were captured
alive and taken to Nombre de Dios. All were executed except one who vol-

13 Roberto Levillier, ed. Gobernantes del Pera, Cartas y papeles, siglo XVI, documentos del Archivo
de Indias, II (Madrid: Sucesores del Rivadeneyra, 1921), pp. 470-471; Garcilaso de la Vega, el Inca, His-
toria General, III, lib. 8, cap. 3, p. 190.
14 Levillier, Gobernantes, I (1921), p. 263; Garcilaso de la Vega, el Inca, Historia General, III, lib.
8, cap. 3, p. 190.

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 RUTH PIKE 249

unteered to act as an informer and p

and the location of their hideouts.15

In October 1556 Urstia and his exp

forth by land from Nombre de Dio
according to the informer was furt
from the sea. A smaller group of 3
Gutierrez, the second in command,
with the necessary provisions and m
anchored at a reef where he was to aw
the men. From there the whole gro
through the swamps, jungle and mo
the hideaway of Bayano.

They set up a camp there within s

realized that he could not take the
use duplicity and deceit. He ordered
for gifts of clothing and other item
over. He was also to bring some poi
sented itself. At the same time Urstia
to discuss a peaceful settlement. Ba
convincing him that he had the pow
lead to a division of the land into t
for the Spaniards; the other for the

A period of fraternization between

followed with the men competin
together. Urstla was merely waiting
intentions. The lapse of time had ca
it was necessary to send Gutierrez
After his return, Urstia decided
Bayano at which he and his follower
the wine that was served to them. B
essary to justify his plan to his sold
told them that no other way was p
cimarron fortress militarily. He ar
slaves and therefore they had a lega
to their owners. Not only were they
they had dared to create an indepen

15 Aguado, Historia, lib. 9, caps. 9-11, pp. 158

16 The following paragraphs are based on Agu

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250 BLACK REBELS

majority had been baptized and were

but had abandoned their faith and be
alone, according to Urstia, was suffi
proceed with his plan without their h
rons had left the Church and were th
conscience break the truce and prom
manner, he succeeded in convincing
ously capture and kill the cimarrons
of peace and friendship.

Bayano and 40 of his principal capta

ate and drank as much as they could.
the poison did not have the desired
invited into the dwelling of Urstia w
clothing and another drink of the po
rons began to return to the palenqu
remained somewhat confused but st
that further action was necessary. H
and his companions. By his time the
they were able to surround and capt
unable to flee. The Spaniards then cl
bodies of the cimarrons to the fortress
The palenque came into their hands al
children and old people unable to res
into the mountains.

In captivity, Bayano was either foo

tried to preserve his life. Urstia prom
vincing those cimarrons who had taken
would be freed and could maintain h
built in the region of Nombre de Di
would live as freedmen. Bayano acce
followers who had fled to come ba
obeyed him. After spending two mor
his return. He took Bayano and the r
their king back on the path to slaver
end the six-year struggle against him

At the end of 1558 Urstia left Panam

successful mission to the Marquis de
trophy of his victory. The Marquis d
mand of an expedition to find El Do

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 RUTH PIKE 251

eredwith gold who dwelt in the m

course of this journey Urstia was
Aguirre took over his command.17

As for the fate of Bayano, there a

accounts like that of Padre Aguado,
that the Marquis de Catiete banishe
where he remained a perpetual host
the royal treasury until his death. T
who were not claimed by their owne
declared esclavos del rey and were g
be sold for their profit as a recom
ulated that they be dispersed and s
them from joining together agai
UrsUa was a female slave called Ana
gation to be found in the documen
of the Library of Congress heretofo
to this case began in the year 1554 a
In that year JerOnimo de Silva, a r
wife Ana Cermerio back to Spain f
was a native of the region of Vallad
in 1541, first to Mexico and in the
sided with the Pizarrists in the civil
royal side and served under the Go
1\hiriez Vela. As a result of his loy
very wealthy, bought a position on
eral encomiendasi 9

Silva's first wife, Ana Cermerio, wa

queror of Peru (died in the 1530's)
Pizarro's captain of arquebusiers d
mefios came from Seville where th
manufacturer for the Casa de Contr

17 For the expedition of Pedro de Urstia to f

157 193

18 Aguado, Historia, III, lib. 9, cap. 13, pp. 193-194; Garcilaso de la Vega, el Inca, Historia General,
III, lib. 8, cap. 3, p. 191.
19 Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, The Harkness Collection, Peru, 1531-1651, Docu-
ments, 818-821; Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Los regidores perpetuos del cabildo de Lima, 1535-1821
(Seville: La DiputaciOn Provincial de Sevilla, 1985), II: 300; Roberto Levillier, ed., Audiencia de Lima,
Correspondencia de presidentes y oidores, aiios 1549-1564, documentos del Archivo de Indias (Madrid:
Imprenta de Juan Pueyo, 1922), pp. 278, 289, 323, 334; Gobernantes, II (1921), pp. 452, 486, 547, 589.

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252 BLACK REBELS

were of lowly origin and might also h

soon became connected with the rich
sisters, Maria Cermefio, was married t
chant from SanWear de Barrameda. F
New World in 1540 accompanied by h
mother Leonor Lopez, nicknamed la N
was Juan Fernandez, a famous sea cap
civil wars in Peru for the Pizarrists an
she married JerOnimo de Silva.2o

The Cermefio sisters were seeming

might explain why Ana returned to
ship from Callao, the port of Lima, to
some three weeks. Her personal mai
accompanied her. Once in Panama, th
Dios on the Atlantic side. Since the f
mefio and her slave were obliged to r
time. While they were there, Ana Bla
inhabitants was frequently sent out to
the outskirts of the town. During the
had increased their attacks against N
as at night. The location of Nombre d
rounded as it was on the landside b
appeared during the middle of the day
slaves were washing clothes in the
forcibly, covered their eyes and mout
was one of those slave women taken b
the mountains. With the disappearan
embark for Spain without her.21

Five years after this event, Ana Bla

a merchant called Domingo de Azpeyti
val is the origin of the litigation initiate
Silva. Silva brought suit against Domi
Pedro de Urstia.22

20 Jose Antonio Duthurburu, "El Conquistador M

Peruano, 44(1963): 113; Diccionario histOrico bio
Studium Editores, 1987), I, pp. 381-382; II, pp. 96-
XVI y XVII (Seville: Imprenta de la Gavidia, 1946),
21 LC, Harkness Collection, 818, fol. 2; Jopling, In
22 LC, Harkness Collection, 818, fol. 2.

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 RUTH PIKE 253

The whereabouts of Ana Blanca d

revealed during the course of this li
rons in 1554, she lived with them f
mountains until they were attacked
Pedro de Urstia in 1558. She was am
Urstia and returned to slavery. Urst
Panama by the name of Juan Ferna
a son of the geographer and explore
to the Isthmus in 1538 accompan
Rebolledo. The Rebolledos came fro
Juan Fernandez de Rebolledo was a
being an encomendero, merchant, la
the residents of Panama, he also spe
slaves and soon sold Ana Blanca to a
there she was sold again to another
Itwas not unusual for slaves to be r
itability, but this time, she remained

Proceedings in this case began

Dolmos, alcalde ordinario (judge in
Urstia was in Peru, but could not pa
he was preparing for his expediti
present, Francisco Ortiz, a wealthy
gave sureties for him on May 19, 15

In his defense, through his lawye

that the slave Ana Blanca was acq
Marquis de Cariete, Viceroy of Pe
against the cimarrons and granted h
service all the slaves that were capt
owners. A period of four months w
to those who had been seized agains
According to prevailing law, person
could flee and did not do so, were c
case, Ana Blanca was absent for f
escape. It was clear that she was th
such was a fugitive under the law.
sented a strong argument, but it see

23 LC, Harkness Collection, 818, fol. 3; CPI

InquisiciOn sevillana, V (Seville: Universidad de
24 LC, Harkness Collection, 818, fol. 4.

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254 BLACK REBELS

was a native of the region which she

Panama through jungle and mountain
would be hard to believe that a slave
while enjoying freedom.25

In his decision on June 28, 1559

accepted Urstia's arguments and freed
in this case. As for Azpeytia, he order
within three days, but without cos
second instance) revoked this decision
gation to return the slave (Februar
ordered to return Ana Blanca to Jet.&l
time Silva was to pay Azpeytia 50 pes

It also appears that after the conclus

cisco Ortiz who gave the sureties for
pesos that he paid for Ana Blanca. The
but there exists a certificate from a
order of payment signed by Sebastian
Lima, obligating Ortiz to pay Azpeyt
Azepetia ever received this sum.27

The Ana Blanco case set against the

and the campaign of Pedro de Ursua b
on the Isthmus in the 1550's and the si
of Bayano. The cimarron revolt conti
from slavery soon joined the few cima
of the palenque of Bayano. Within a sh
their numbers and reconstituted thei
marked the height of the cimarron r
During these years it was estimated t
divided into several groups with their
one was situated about 16 leagues sou
large contingent was located on the At
town of Portobelo and a third group,
the Cerro de Cabra near the city of Pa

25 LC, Harkness Collection, 818, fol. 7.

26 LC, Harkness Collection, 818, fols. 8-12.
27 LC, Harkness Collection, 819, fol. 1; 820, fols.
28 Juan Lopez de Velasco, Geografia y descripciO
Tipografico de Fontanet, 1894), Tabla de la Audien

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 RUTH PIKE 255

The incursions of the cimarrons on the traffic between Nombre de Dios

and Panama surpassed those of previous years. In 1575 Alonso Criado de
Castilla, a judge on the audiencia of Panama, reported to the king that "the
cimarrons go out on the road to rob the mule trains of merchandise that is
being carried from Nombre de Dios to Panama and they usually kill the
people they meet."29 They were also active in the countryside where they
attacked the farms and cattle ranches setting fires and causing great damage
to persons and property. Both Nombre de Dios and Panama were subject to
their attacks. Led by their captains, cimarrons came down from the Cerro de
Cabra and entered Panama on the side facing the mountains unperceived
because of the density of the surrounding jungle. Once there, they carried off
all the black slaves that they encountered. As for Nombre de Dios, the veci-
nos felt so threatened by the hostile actions of the cimarron population of the
Atlantic coast that they even considered abandoning it if it were not for their
trade. The final blow to their persons and property was the alliance between
the cimarrons and the foreign pirates.3o

For most of the first half of the sixteenth century French and English
pirates sailed along the Atlantic coast of the Isthmus attacking Spanish ship-
ping. Motivated by greed, religious hatred and anti-Spanish sentiment, they
found that the cimarrons were willing allies. The cooperation of the cimar-
rons with the pirates was based on their common dislike of the Spaniards.
They believed that the pirates would defeat their oppressors and liberate
them. In order to maintain their friendship, the pirates frequently declared
the black slaves free after taking a town. Of all the pirates, it was Francis
Drake, Captain Francisco, as he became known, who obtained their full
cooperation and loyalty. Before Drake the cimarrons had helped the French,
but reluctantly because as they later told him, the French treated them badly.
It was Drake who cemented this alliance and he was the only English pirate
to use it successfully. Drake's charismatic personality and his use of tact
captivated the cimarrons and his diplomacy won them over.31

Drake's first contact with the cimarrons came about through the media-
tion of a cimarron called Diego who came to the English ships anchored off
the coast of Darien in July 1572 shortly after Drake's arrival on the Isthmus.
According to the English account of this voyage, entitled Sir Francis Drake
Revived and first published in 1626 by Drake's nephew, Diego called out to

29 Jopling, Indios y negros, doc. 006, p. 12.

30 Irene A. Wright, Documents Concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main, 1569-1580, 71
(London: The Hakluyt Society, 1932), p. 46.
31 Wright, Documents, pp. xxviii, xxxiii.

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 256 BLACK REBELS

the ships to know whether they we

positively, he asked to be taken aboa
ing with his fellow cimarrons. The ci
of treasure had been accumulated at
Spain. On July 9, 1572 Drake and 70
Nombre de Dios. At midnight of that
town. After some initial confusion the inhabitants rallied and drove out the
invaders. The surprise attack had failed, and with Drake badly wounded, the
pirates fled the town to their ships anchored on the beach. They barely
escaped by rowing to the east to find refuge among the cimarrons.32

Unable to leave because of the Spanish squadrons off the coast, Drake
decided to remain with the cimarrons until the arrival of the fleet in the fol-
lowing year. The cimarrons helped the English to build Fort Diego on the
Isla de los Muertos (Slaughter Island). In January 1573 the cimarrons
brought the news that the mainland fleet had arrived in Nombre de Dios.
By this time Drake had devised a plan to seize the treasure at Panama
rather than at Nombre de Dios, specifically at the way station of Venta de
Cruces between the two towns. This would have the advantage of surprise
because the Spaniards never expected him in the interior of the country,
and there were no Spanish warships on the Pacific Coast that could pre-
vent his escape by sea. Around mid-January 1573 Drake left the Atlantic
Coast with 18 or 20 companions. They were accompanied by 30 cimarrons
including their chief Pedro Mandinga probably from the palenque of Por-
tobelo, near Nombre de Dios. They marched inland on an incredible jour-
ney over mountains and through jungles, and swamps, overwhelmed by
heat, insects and fever. Without the help of the cimarrons they could not
have survived. The cimarrons opened the way across the underbrush, con-
structed the campsites, brought food and water and built the fires. They
also carried the arms of the English as well as their own weapons and all
the necessary implements.33

After a three-day march they arrived at a cimarron settlement. As

described in the English account, it was located near a river, on the site of a
hill, surrounded by a dike eight feet wide and a thick mud wall of ten feet.
It had one long street and two other shorter and narrow cross streets. There
were some 56 or 60 households in it and its streets and houses were clean

32 Sir Francis Drake Revived (London: 1628) in Wright, Documents, pp. 264-266; Zelia Nuttal, ed.,
New Light on Drake: A Collection of Documents relating to his Voyage of Circumnavigation, 1577-80,
80 (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1967), pp. 27, 302, 325, 426.
33 Wright, Documents, nos. 19-22, pp. 44-53; Drake Revived, pp. 295-296.

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 RUTH PIKE 257

and pleasant. The inhabitants dresse

seized in their raids on the mule tr

Drake and his companions continu

swamps for another four days until t
cimarrons who had been a slave in P
when the treasure would be transp
road. He returned with the news th
silver, eight with gold, and one
Nombre de Dios. Drake prepared an
leagues from Panama. The pirates h
of the caravan. When they saw the
ously attacked it, but it was only
Nombre de Dios. Alerted, the secon
one, in the rear, carrying the treasur

Once again, Drake had failed and

gerous. According to the English a
Pedro who told him that he only h
the jungle as they had come or else
Cruces. He chose the latter route an
butfirst he asked Pedro whether h
cimarron chief gave Drake his han
would rather die than leave him to

The pirates and their cimarron all

to raid the place, but before they c
pany of Spanish soldiers that was p
it. In this battle the cimarrons fou
and leaping in the air. From this at
some booty, but most of it had to
it on the return journey to the Atl
and the rest of his men.37

On the march back the cimarrons

ers as well as purveyors of food an
the men collapsed from weakness
carried them along with their weap

34 Drake Revived, pp. 297-298.

35 Drake Revived, pp. 301-305.
36 Drake Revived, pp. 305-306.
37 Drake Revived, pp. 307-311.

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258 BLACK REBELS

the Atlantic side of the Isthmus. They

rons had built a village some three l
was anchored. This settlement was of
cials. In February 1573 the municipal
that the English allied with the cimar
the Atlantic Coast with the intention

In March 1573 a French ship under

called Guillaume le Testu with a crew
Testu came into an agreement with D
and to make another attempt to seize
end of April 1573 15 English pirates
number of cimarrons began a march
Dios. During the course of the jour
about the reliability of the cimarrons
they would never find their way back
reason to doubt their loyalty becaus
occasions. As for the cimarrons, they
for the French and did not trust the
other French pirates.39

Once within the immediate vicinity

and hid in the under-growth surroun
posed of three trains of 190 mules e
the combined force of English, Fren
obtained a rich booty after a fierce
wounded and one cimarron killed. W
mule trains left to seek reinforceme
taking all the gold they could with
could not be carried in the sand of t
When this was accomplished, the pir
behind Le Testu who was not able to
was found later by the Spaniards and
way to the coast to find refuge with
loot among themselves.40

A few days before the departure of

the cimarron chief Pedro Mandinga t

38 Wright, Documents, no. 21, p. 49.

39 Drake Revived, pp. 316-318; Wright, Docume
4o Drake Revived, pp. 318-32.

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 RUTH PIKE 259

object that he wanted. He chose a

Drake on the occasion of their first
belonged to King Francis I of Franc
as a token of his loyalty and gratit
a promise to return, Drake and hi
sailed back to England arriving at P

While the cimarrons waited for th

notably John Noble and Gilbert Ho
appeared on the scene, but none w
cimarrons.42 The exception was
Drake on the 1572-1573 voyage, bu
The sources differ as to Oxenham'
details of the enterprise. It is not c
to regain the silver that had been b
to emulate Drake's attack on the tre
or all these reasons. Accordingly, h
50 men and set sail from Plymouth
of the Chagres River, he made contac
the Spaniards had discovered the h
recovered them. He made an agreem
the sources differ as to the terms
ised them all the Spanish prisoners
state that he agreed to give them o

With the help of the cimarrons O

he and his men went with the cima
their settlement in Vallano on the Pa
winter of 1576-77. During this peri
panied by 10 cimarrons including
Oxenham and his men went downst
entered the Pacific Ocean and sailed
from Panama. They looted the Isla
ships that were traveling northward
from Guayaquil loaded with treasure.
rons returned to the Isthmus entering
of the Pifias River. They proceeded
after two or three days of traveli

41 Drake Revived, pp. 324-325.

42 Wright, Documents, pp. xlv-xlvii, nos. 32-3
43 Wright, Documents, pp. xlviii-li, no. 52, pp

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260 BLACK REBELS

unloaded the pinnace. Several of the m

ther remained in the shade to rest whil
into the interior to reach the cimarron

In the meantime the audiencia of Pa

Oxenham, sent Pedro de Ortega Valen
to find him. They arrived at the delt
not knowing which branch to follow.
had discarded and that were floating
route. After four days of sailing th
place where the pirates and the cima
Most of the pirates succeeded in flee
was in a cimarron village in the area.
and drove the pirates out. Twelve were
They soon revealed the site of the tre
the attack as well as the location of O
an inlet near Acla along the Atlantic
with a few of his men to take refuge

Oxenham's situation was desperate

in arms and munitions (most had be
cimarrons for food and shelter. By
They claimed that if he had lived up
Spanish prisoners, the Spaniards wou
and defeat them. At this critical poin
Peru under the command of Captain
the English and the cimarrons beg
marched into the interior until they
called RincOncholo in Vallano where i
been seen. He found the town desert
cimarrons in the vicinity. They had a
divided as to what course to pursue.
go to
the Pearl Islands to seize some
to build
a ship. The rest of the pirat
the documents wanted to go northwa
Atlantic coast seize a vessel to get h
departed when Frias and his forces
who were preparing to join Juan Vaq
lano, to carry out their plan. They f

44 Wright, Documents, pp. li-liii, nos. 38-40, pp.

45 Wright, Documents, pp. liii-lv, no. 42, pp. 132

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 RUTH PIKE 261

ham and five cimarrons who serve

detachment of soldiers from Frias
learned from his captives that Can
northward, he determined to pur
cimarrons to guide them and went
ally came upon a camp where there w
and embarked, but were no where
silver that they had buried at this si

In December 1577 John Butler, kn

men and four others along with 14
by night and were taken prisoner.
followers had embarked. Frias went northward to the coast near Acla to
search for them, but to no avail. The cimarron prisoners told him that they
had embarked more than six months before and nothing more had been
heard from them. Some believed that they had been lost at sea. Others said
that they had obtained a canoe from the cimarrons that enabled them to seize
a ship and had returned home. They had promised the cimarrons that they
would return. The cimarrons clearly believed that the pirates would come
back. For this reason for several years they maintained a watch on the north-
ern coast for the black flag that was to signal Canoa's return. As for Oxen-
ham and Butler and two others, they were taken to Peru and after five years
imprisonment in Lima were executed in 1580. The rest were put to death
immediately in Panama.47

After the elimination of the pirates, Frias began a campaign against the
cimarrons of Vallano. A part of his original commission was to punish the
cimarrons for their aid to the pirates. To accomplish this mission he led his
forces through the whole region of Vallano where the cimarrons were set-
tled, destroying their crops and burning their villages and dispersing their
inhabitants. The first encounters with the cimarrons resulted in the death and
capture of many of them. After their defeats, the cimarrons refused to
engage in direct combat and resumed their old tactics of disappearing into
the jungle, but in effect, the soldiers of Frias had succeeded in destroying the
cimarron organization. When they became tired of continuously fleeing, the
cimarron leaders met with the Spaniards to arrange a truce. Hostilities came
to an end in the spring of 1578, and Frias returned to Peru in September
1578, but pacification came slowly.48

46 Wright, Documents, pp. liv-lxi, no. 51, pp. 178-183, no. 70, pp. 232-234.
47 Wright, Documents, pp. lxi-lxiii, no. 67, pp. 215-222, no. 72, p. 233-234, no. 73, p. 240.
48 Guillot, Negros, pp. 182-183; Levillier, Gobernantes, VI (1924), pp. 64-65.

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 262 BLACK REBELS

With the departure of Frfas the audie

Ortega Valencia as general to continue th
1579 he obtained the surrender of the ci
an agreement with their leader Luis Ma
this accord, they were given a general p
for themselves and their wives and child
given them to settle. Here they could s
they had before) under the military sup
Antonio Salcedo who played a role in br
ment was given the name of Santiago de

In 1579 Alonso Criado de Castilla negot

rons of Cerro de Cabra. They were given
rons of Portobelo and resettled peacefull
of Vallano was more difficult to obtain.
rons of Vallano sent 14 of their princip
to the audiencia in the name of their k
told the audiencia that they were tired of
and wanted to be settled and live peacefull
the audiencia ordered Ortega Valencia to
Spanish army camp of El Real de San Mi
would meet with Domingo Congo and t
account of this episode and what followe
Rodrigo Hernandez, Dean of the Cath
these negotiations. According to Herna
cia with a small group of soldiers and th
de San Miguel. Once there it was decide
to send one of their numbers called An
Congo. The king was in the cimarron to
the Real de San Miguel. Within a short
Domingo Congo appeared with a number
bows and arrows, spears and machetes. A
the Real de San Miguel accompanied by
ers and warriors. Ortega Valencia and th
him. He told Ortega Valencia that he wa
place himself once more under the jurisd
Dean Hernandez in Spanish to absolve
been excommunicated for having aband
down and the Dean Hernandez absolved him from the excommunication

49 Jopling, Indios y negros, doc. 142, pp. 372-374, doc. 145, p. 378.

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 RUTH PIKE 263

that he had incurred. After being ab

same benefit to his followers and h
officially received Doming Congo
Panama. He removed from a box a
was engraved and gave it to Domin
the seal belonged to the Spanish king
to him as a pledge that this agreem

A few days later, another group of

a total of 80 men together with the
Doming Congo received them at wh
seal that he had been given and tol
from the Spanish king and audienc
that the audiencia had selected for their resettlement to the assembled
group. It was located near the Chepo River in a fertile region suitable for
farming and cattle raising not too distant from the city of Panama. From
this location they could utilize the Chepo River to arrive at the city to
exchange their goods. It was also decided that the rest of the cimarrons
should be brought from Vallano and that Anton Mandinga should be sent to
inform them of the agreement. With the conclusion of these arrangements
most of the cimarron captains and warriors who were present left to go
home to bring their dependents. Finally only Doming Congo and a few
cimarrons remained at the camp, but before they could leave Captain Anto-
nio Saucedo arrived with a message from the audiencia of Panama that
Drake had returned (his 1585 voyage) and was in the Caribbean. Ortega
Valencia called Domingo Congo and the remaining cimarrons and told
them the news, and they said that they would help him defeat the English.
Some four or five day's later Domingo Congo and the remaining cimarrons
left the Real de San Miguel. Domingo Congo offered to stay there with
Ortega Valencia and to send for his family, but the General decided that it
was better to allow him to go home.51

When the stipulated time period passed and the cimarrons did not return,
Ortega Valencia decided to send out a small group of men to make contact
with them and discover the reason for the delay. They left before dawn one
day and returned the same night exhausted, stating that they had become
lost. It was decided to let them try again, but this time they were accompa-
nied by a Spanish soldier Alonso Hernandez who said that he knew the way.
They left and for a long time were not heard from. At this point Dean

5o Jopling, Indios y negros, doc. 135, pp. 360-364, doc. 146, pp. 378-379.
51 Jopling, Indios y negros, doc. 135, pp. 362-364.

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264 BLACK REBELS

Rodrigo Hernandez's account of this e

suddenly became ill and had to return to

Several reasons are given in the docume

tiations. The include the existence of dif
the death of Domingo Congo, and the re
cimarrons who remembered the treacher
Hernandez and Nicolas de Montenegro, on
taken part in the mission, also believed t
cia contributed to the failure of the agreem
ular, the Dean believed that Ortega Valen
Congo to leave because if Domingo Con
other cimarrons would have returned bec
they had for their king.53

With negotiations at an end, hostilities

doned their former settlements in Valla
mountains in the area around Acla. Soldie
not find them. In February 1581 the roy
mated that the struggle against the ci
136,000 pesos and he believed that becaus
be won. Captain Saucedo, the Spanish go
settlement of Santiago del Principe also h
could not be defeated militarily. He was c
tobelo had not come peacefully, they wo
the same was true for those of Vallano.
Portobelo had told him that the cimarro
with them since they were all mostly Za
the cimarrons of Vallano should be offer
Portobelo and resettled.54

In 1582 Alonso Criado de Castilla, perso

the cimarrons of Vallano as he had done
terms of the agreement and the ordinan
model of Portobelo. Since after years of
erished and destitute they received 1000
cover the cost of their food and tools to fa
also given a herd of cattle worth 4000 p

52 Jopling, Indios y negros, doc. 135, p. 364.

53 Jopling, Indios y negros, doc. 135, p. 364; Mena G
54 Jopling, Indios y negros, doc. 147, pp. 379-381, d

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 RUTH PIKE 265

Mazambique was appointed govern

Real under a Spanish captain Lu
three times a year to send out an e
tains and jungle for any black slav
help any who had fled to the settle

When Drake on his last voyage o

authorities in Panama feared that t
life and join him. In December 15
now in full decay. It was being repla
still under construction. Some 500 to
were working for salaries there and
As for Drake and the English, they
were waiting for their return and w
surprise, the blacks did not light bon
had done before and in fact were n
burned what remained of it just emp

At the beginning of January 159

men under the command of Sir Thomas Baskerville started out on the road
to Panama, but there were no cimarrons to guide them. In the middle of the
route they were attacked several times by Spanish soldiers led by Alonso de
Sotomayor. Worn out by fever and weariness and convinced that their oppo-
nents were very strong, they returned to Nombre de Dios and departed,
anchoring their ships a few miles off the coast. There on January 28, 1596
Drake died and was buried at sea, leaving the fleet to be brought back to
England by Baskerville. As for the former cimarrons, they were rewarded
for their loyalty to Spain with exemption for three years from the yearly trib-
ute that they were required to pay.57

At the time of the death of Drake, conditions on the Isthmus had changed.
The cimarron revolt had been put down, replaced by a situation of relative
peace and coexistence. Many factors influenced this development. One of the
most important was the weakening of the ability of the cimarrons to continue
to respond to Spanish military pressure. The practice of not permitting any
new black slaves to be introduced into the Isthmus and the long years of war-
fare had reduced their numbers. There was never any specific legislation to

55 Jopling, Indios y negros, doc. 153, pp. 385-387, doc. 154, p. 389; Mena Garcia, La sociedad, pp.
423-424.

56 Mena Garcia, La sociedad, p. 425; Guillot, Negros, pp. 194-196.

57 Guillot, Negros, p. 196; Kenneth Andrews, The Last Voyage of Drake and Hawkins, 142 (London:
The Hakluyt Society, 1972), pp. 114-124, 212; Mena Garcia, La sociedad, p. 425.

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 266 BLACK REBELS

prohibit the entrance of black slaves in

1578 and for many decades after, al
tained special clauses. They stipulated
the port of Nombre de Dios could not
essary to transport them to Peru. Roya
identify all those who were in transi
number of black slaves that entered Panama who could have added to the
cimarron ranks. The conditions of their life at subsistence level, a low birth
rate and their continuous movements, especially during the last years of the
war, also prevented them from replacing those who were killed. At the same
time the Spanish government gained greater military control over the land
through the construction of forts in key locations long dominated by the
cimarrons. The use of former cimarrons from the settlements of Santiago del
Principe and Santa Cruz la Real to find escaped slaves in accord with the
terms of their peace accords and to return all fugitives who tried to take
refuge in their villages also greatly helped the Spanish authorities.58

By the end of the sixteenth century, the cimarron kingdoms in Panama,

no longer existed, but the cimarrons did not disappear. Only the abolition of
slavery in the nineteenth century could bring an end to black slave resist-
ance. There continued to be slaves who escaped into the mountains where
they gathered together to form small palenques. During the early years of the
seventeenth century whenever the Spanish authorities discovered the exis-
tence of these palenques they sent out soldiers to find and destroy them, only
to have them reappear again. These small palenques continued to exist in
Panama as in other parts of the Spanish Empire, but their numbers were so
insignificant that they did not constitute a danger to Spanish control. In 1607
it was claimed that the cimarrons numbered less than 100 and were all
recently escaped slaves who lived in the mountains with no fixed abode.59
The rest were settled in their villages and worked for the Spaniards on their
farms and ranches or served as soldiers or guards. Their kings and armed
followers remained only a memory.

Hunter College RUTH PIKE

City University of New York
New York, New York

58 Georges Scelle, Histoire politique de la traite neg

L. Tenin, 1906), I: 332; Enriqueta Vila Vilar, "Cimarron
rilla en el siglo XVII," Caravelle, 49(1987), pp. 79-80
59 Manuel Serrano y Sanz, Relaciones histOrico-geo
Suarez, 1908), pp. 201-202; Vila Vilar, " Cimarronaje,

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