Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Third Edition
mehran kamrava
List of Illustrations ix
List of Maps xi
List of Tables xiii
Acknowledgments to the First Edition xv
Acknowledgments to the Second Edition xvii
Acknowledgments to the Third Edition xix
Introduction 1
Notes 407
Bibliography 467
Index 503
ixix
xi
xiii
The research and writing of this book would not have been possible without
the kindness and generosity of a number of individuals. I greatly benefited
from the research assistance of Annmarie Hunter and Emily Smurthwaite.
I am most grateful for their diligence and their enthusiasm for this project
from start to finish. Terrence Thorpe, another outstanding student, also
read several chapters and gave valuable suggestions. Bradford Dillman,
Manochehr Dorraj, Nader Entessar, Mark Gasiorowski, Nikki Keddie, and
Mahmood Monshipouri kindly read all or some of the chapters and gave
invaluable and insightful advice. Of course, any omissions or shortcomings
remain entirely my fault. Work on chapter 8 [chapter 10 in the third edi-
tion] was partly funded by a generous grant from the College of Social and
Behavioral Sciences at California State University, Northridge.
This book is the outgrowth of more than a decade of teaching and lectur-
ing on the politics and history of the Middle East. In the process, I have
learned a great deal from the innumerable students who have shared with
me their insights, experiences, criticisms, and comments. Both directly and
indirectly, their input is no doubt reflected here. For that, I am grateful.
Chapter 9 [chapter 8 in the third edition] is an expanded, much revised
version of an article that originally appeared in Third World Quarterly,
vol. 19, no. 1, 1998, pp. 63–85. I am grateful to TWQ’s editor, Shahid Qadir,
for permission to quote extensively from the article here.
My wife, Melisa Çanli, deserves special thanks. Over the nearly five
years that it took to write this book, she put up with my many solitary
hours behind the computer, my frequent mood swings, and my far-too-
frequent frowns. All along, she never wavered in her loving support for my
work. As I was in the final stages of preparing the book, she gave birth to
our beautiful daughter, Dilara. As a meager token of my love and gratitude,
I dedicate this book to them both.
xv
Some five years after its original publication, the book continues to benefit
from the input and advice of many colleagues and research assistants who
helped with its original inception and its subsequent publication back in
2005. In the intervening years, countless friends and associates, and at times
anonymous readers, have pointed out various ways in which the first edi-
tion could be improved upon. I am thankful for their input, their construc-
tive criticisms, and their suggestions for improvement. I have been
extremely fortunate to work with Naomi Schneider, my editor at the
University of California Press, whose guidance, encouragement, and
patience with delays were tremendously helpful in shaping the second edi-
tion. Grateful acknowledgment also goes to Simone Popperl, my superb
research assistant on this book, especially for her help with updates to
many of the tables appearing throughout the manuscript.
Any project of this magnitude is a product of love, and I have been
extremely fortunate to be surrounded by a most loving family who self-
lessly gave me the time and the peace and quiet needed to complete work
on this edition. My wife Melisa and our daughters Dilara and Kendra
always provided the loving support and the emotional nourishment that I
needed to work. For that, and for much more that cannot be adequately
expressed in words, I dedicate this book to them.
xvii
The current edition has benefited from the continued feedback of a number
of colleagues and scholars, some of whom have the read the book out of
interest and many of whom have assigned it to their courses on Middle
Eastern history and politics. I am particularly grateful to Murat Bayar,
Gamze Cavdar, Steve Ceccoli, John Copp, Eugene Cruz-Uribe, Kareem
Mahmoud Kamel, Tugrul Keskin, Bessma Momani, and Mahmood
Monshipouri for providing invaluable feedback on improvements to be
made to the second edition. Whatever shortcomings remain in the book are,
of course, my own responsibility. Over the years, the research that has gone
into this book has benefited from the labor of a number of exceptional
research assistants. For this edition I was lucky to work with Dwaa Osman
and Sana Jamal, both of whom worked meticulously on many of the tables
and collected much of the data that appear in the book. Naomi Schneider,
my editor at the University of California Press, remains by far one of the
most wonderful professionals in the publishing industry with whom I have
ever worked.
Any project of this magnitude is a product of love, and I have been
extremely fortunate to be surrounded by a most loving family who self-
lessly gave me the time and the peace and quiet needed to complete work
on this edition. My wife Melisa and our daughters Dilara and Kendra
always provided the loving support and the emotional nourishment that I
needed to work. For that, and for much more that cannot be adequately
expressed in words, I dedicate this book to them.
xix
Kamrava_9780520277809.indd 20
TUNISIA SYRIA IRAN
MOROCCO LEBANON IRAQ
ISRAEL KUWAIT
JORDAN BAHRAIN
ALGERIA QATAR
LIBYA
EGYPT
SAUDI UAE
OMAN
ARABIA
MAURITANIA
YEMEN
SUDAN
21/05/13 8:13 PM
Introduction
This book examines the political history of the contemporary Middle East.
Although it focuses primarily on the period since the demise of the
Ottoman Empire, shortly after World War I, it includes some discussion of
pre-Ottoman and Ottoman histories to better clarify the background and
the context in which modern Middle Eastern political history has taken
shape. The book uses a broad conception of the “Middle East” as a geo-
graphic area that extends from Iran in the east to Turkey, Iraq, the Arabian
peninsula, the Levant (Lebanon and Syria), and North Africa, including the
Maghreb, in the west. Maghreb is the Arabic word for “Occident” and has
historically been used to describe areas west of Egypt. In modern times, it
has come to refer to Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco. Libya is also sometimes
included as part of the Maghreb, but it is more commonly grouped with
Egypt as belonging to North Africa.
Although there are vast differences between and within the histories,
cultures, traditions, and politics of each of these regions in the Middle East,
equally important and compelling shared characteristics unify the region.
By far the most important of these are language, ethnicity, and religion.
Much of Middle Eastern identity is wrapped around the Arabic language.
Poetry and storytelling have historically been viewed as elevated art forms.
As Fouad Ajami has observed, “Poetry, it has been said, was (and is) to the
Arabs what philosophy was to the Greeks, law to the Romans, and art to the
Persians: the repository and purest expression of their distinctive spirit.”1
Even in places where it is not the national language and is not widely spo-
ken, as in Iran and in Turkey, Arabic, the language of the Quran, permeates
life with its many expressions and phrases.
Another common bond in the Middle East is Arab ethnic identity. From
Iraq in the north down to the Arabian peninsula and west all the way to
marks. Perhaps the biggest relic of British rule, aside from the drawing of
artificial national borders, was the institution of monarchy, which they
secured in almost all the lands they ruled, from Egypt to Jordan, Iraq, and
the Arabian peninsula. The French colonial inheritance was less political
and more cultural, although in the Levant they left behind republican sys-
tems that mimicked their own. For the French what mattered most was the
superiority of their civilization, and they ensured its posterity by making
French the lingua franca of the Maghreb. Today, urban Moroccans,
Algerians, and Tunisians speak and study in French with as much ease as
they converse in Arabic. This, of course, is the case with millions of others
in francophone Africa as well.
Nevertheless, the powerful forces uniting the Middle East—religion,
ethnicity, and language—have at times also been sources of division and
conflict. In many historical episodes subtle differences in dialect or ethnic
identity have served as powerful catalysts for the articulation of national or
subnational loyalties and even political mobilization. The Middle East, it
must be remembered, is far from monolithic and homogeneous. Its differ-
ences have been a source of both strength and inspiration and, at times,
violent bloodletting; witness the tragedy of Lebanon or the torment meted
out to the Kurds.
In studying the Middle East, it is often tempting to overlook the region’s
rich diversity in geography, politics, and culture. Any book purporting to
examine the political history of the modern Middle East is bound to remain
at a certain level of generalization and not pay the necessary attention to
the many, multifaceted differences within the various Middle Eastern
countries and communities. This book, I am afraid, is no exception. I have
taken care throughout to highlight the existence of differences, both
between and within the countries and the peoples discussed, and I hope that
the reader remains mindful of them as well. Nevertheless, I feel compelled
to apologize to those groups whose identities or destinies may not be as
thoroughly covered here as they should have been.
When the “modern” era of the Middle East begins is a matter of some
debate. For our purposes here, I have taken it to be in the 1920s, after the
collapse of the Ottoman Empire, when state systems as we have come to
know them today began to be established throughout the region. But the
political and historic phenomena that the Ottomans represented had roots
far deeper in Middle Eastern and Islamic history than the early decades of
the twentieth century. I decided, therefore, to go further back, much further
back, and briefly retell the story of the Middle East since the appearance of
Islam and how it shaped subsequent historical events in the region. Islam
dramatically altered the life and historic evolution of the Middle East, but
its appearance by no means marks the beginning of Middle Eastern history.
As chapter 1 makes clear, this was an arbitrary starting date, for I had to
draw the line somewhere, and I chose to do so with Islam’s beginning. Had
this been a work on the complete political history of the Middle East, it
would have had to start with the earliest days of human civilization, along
the banks of the Tigris and the Euphrates in modern-day Iraq.
In addition to simple convenience and an arbitrary starting date, a deeper
logic guides the choice of the chapters that follow and the topics they dis-
cuss. Politics and history are both dynamic and changeable processes. Thus
the examination of either one in a snapshot is incomplete without attention
to successive past developments. Contemporary political issues in the
Middle East are deeply rooted in past historic and political events: consider,
for example, three of the most central issues, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict,
economic development, and the nature of prevailing state-society relations
within each country. The present manifestation of the Palestinian-Israeli
conflict resulted from the outcome of the Arab-Israeli wars, which were a
product of competing varieties of nationalism, shaped by the machinations
of Western colonial powers, who had gone to the Middle East once the
Ottomans collapsed, and so on. The same line of inquiry could be applied to
current state-society relations in the Middle East or to each country’s level
of economic development.
On the basis of this logic, the book is divided into two parts, one focusing
on political history and the other on some key issues that resonate through-
out the region. Part I lays out the historical context for the Middle East. It
begins with a sweeping chapter on the history of the Middle East from the
earliest days, when geographic considerations and military conquests led to
the establishment first of cities and then of civilizations around them, up
until the demise of the region’s last major imperial power, the Ottomans.
Chapter 2 continues the historical narrative, concentrating on the period
between the two world wars and looking at the nature and trials of inde-
pendence and state building. The emergence and rapid spread of national-
ism throughout the Middle East is discussed in chapter 3, and the two
resulting Arab-Israeli wars in 1967 and 1973, each spectacular in its own
way, are examined in chapter 4. Nationalism, state building, and political
consolidation (or lack thereof) led to one of the most dramatic develop-
ments in contemporary Middle East, the Iranian revolution of 1978–79,
which is discussed in chapter 5. Revolutions and wars are seldom far apart,
and both the 1980–88 Iran-Iraq War and the so-called Second Gulf War in
1990–91 and its aftermath are covered in chapter 6. This chapter ends with
the first time demonstrators in Amman are openly calling for the fall of the
Hashemite monarchy.
Keenly aware of the perils of writing on history as it unfolds, I go about
this third edition with a larger-than-usual measure of humility. History,
and especially Middle Eastern history, often plays tricks on those who try
to predict its future course, so I make no such attempt here. Instead, in
chapters 7 and 8, I focus on the causes of the revolutions of 2011 and exam-
ine the dynamics that have given them the characteristics they have so far
assumed. In chapter 7 I look at the institutional and political evolution of
seemingly immovable states beginning in the 1950s and the 1960s and last-
ing into the 2000s. In chapter 8, on the question of democracy, I examine
moves toward democratization initiated both by states and by social actors,
most of which were aborted in the 1990s and the 2000s, and which eventu-
ally precipitated the mass uprisings of 2011.
Chapter 9 examines the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It begins with a dis-
cussion of how the two competing national identities have given resonance
and force to the conflict through a mutual negation of “the Other.” The
chapter then looks at the situation on the ground, examining how the two
sides’ denial of each other’s rights affects their daily lives and circumstances.
There are, on a few occasions, glimmers of hope in this long and bloody
conflict, as figures from both sides have embarked on the difficult task of
reconciliation and peace. The chapter ends with a discussion of some of the
maneuvers and the progress made so far in the elusive “peace process.”
Chapter 10, on economic development, examines three features of the
political economy of the Middle East: the pervasive role of the state; its
pursuit of economic policies designed to minimize its extractive role in rela-
tion to social actors; and its limited abilities to control or even regulate
many economic activities.
The book ends with a brief discussion of some of the more important
challenges the Middle East is currently facing or is likely to face in the com-
ing decades. The last century has brought to the Middle East progress and
change on multiple fronts, from the creation of impressive edifices of the
state to the transformation of arid desert lands into massive urban areas
and even agricultural lands (in Saudi Arabia). But problems also abound—
from economically unsustainable rates of population growth and chronic
food insecurity to hazardous levels of pollution of environmental resources,
to name only a few—and their magnitude is amplified by official neglect or
mismanagement. Sooner or later, state or private agencies need to substan-
tively address the many challenges facing the Middle East, or the future
will be more troublesome than the past.