Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Manfred Malzahn
Preface ix
Acknowledgements x
Notes on German political parties xiii
The German question: history and semantics 1
1 ‘Zero hour’ 34
2 Partitions 53
3 Natives and aliens 71
4 Foundations of a ‘new’ society 90
5 Economic reorganisation 108
6 Homecomers and refugees 127
7 Transport and communication 148
8 The press 165
9 ‘Low’ culture 181
10 ‘High’ culture 200
11 Parties and trade unions 217
Index 233
vii
Preface
ix
Acknowledgements
x
Acknowledgements xi
We regret we have been unable to trace the copyright holders for the
following texts: 1.2., 2.2., 3.2., 4.3., 4.5., 4.7., 5.2., 6.3., 6.7., 6.8.,
7.3., 7.7., 8.4., 8.6., 9.1., 9.2., 9.3., 9.4., 9.8., 9.9., 10.1., 10.5., 11.5.
We are grateful to the Berlin Film Archive for supplying the
picture on p.81 and to the Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, for supplying
all the other pictures in the book.
xiii
The German question:
history and semantics
1
2 Germany 1945–1949
those Eastern provinces and had been driven out by Poles and
Russians; an injustice which had to be repaired (see 2.4.; 6.4). This
time I was less ready to be angry at the bad guys, and more cautious
with my words. I asked what was to happen to the people living
there now: the answer was pretty vague, and rather defensive. I did
not bother trying the other question.
More than twenty years have gone by since then, and quite a few
things have changed. The maps in school atlases look different, and
there are not so many teachers trying to make children feel patriotic
about some far-off lands which most of their kids could hardly care
less about. The point of view of the youngsters was not much
different twenty-odd years ago, and Herr Hass must have realised
that he was fighting a losing battle with most of us. Still he tried,
with a kind of missionary zeal, to make us share his love for his lost
homeland, and that of other expellees and refugees. I remember him
as a kind and caring man, but also as totally impervious to the
argument that the answer suggested by his way of putting ‘the
German question’ would mean further injustices, heaped on top of
bygone wrongs. In this context, the surname Hass—the German
word for ‘hatred’—takes on an ironic meaning that escaped me at
the time, though it might not have been lost on one of the Polish or
Russian boys of my generation born and raised in those former
German territories which Herr Hass was talking about.
Let us forget about dotted lines, and accept the fact that there
are now border guards who will demand your passport if you travel
from Dresden to Wroclaw, but not if you go from Kaliningrad to
Moscow. In the Warsaw and Moscow treaties of the 1970s, it was
spelled out as clearly as it could have been at the time. Shouts
about ‘the sell-out of German soil’ or of ‘German interests’ were
raised, and enough emotion stirred up to make a last-minute failure
of the agreements imaginable. This did not happen, maybe because
for enough people the patriotic appeal of these accusations was
cancelled out by their verbal illogicality. After all, it is extremely
difficult to sell something which you have not got, and if all you
sell is a claim, then the buyer is taking the risk as well as the
responsibility.
Still, plenty of citizens of the Federal Republic and plenty of its
members of parliament had been taken in by slogans like those
quoted above, and the progress of detente in Europe might have
suffered immensely if they had had their way. The more recent
equivocations of Helmut Kohl’s government are not quite as
dangerous, but that is merely because circumstances have changed.
The German question: history and semantics 3
The irony is that only a few months later, the Wall did indeed
come down, and Willy Brandt was there to see it. Now it may seem
as if there was a causality, as if those who insisted on verbal pledges
to German unity were right, and the incantations had cast a magic
spell which finally worked. But if a magician repeated a spell for
more than thirty years without any palpable effect, people would
tend to form a fairly low opinion of his magical powers, and the
final success of the trick would most probably be attributed to
other factors. Right-wing attempts to make the breakthrough
appear as a consequence of right-wing steadfastness, are merely
the political equivalent of the kind of profiteering that went on
with concrete relics. The people who are selling pieces of the Berlin
Wall are not necessarily the ones who brought it down. The
foundations for progress in the East were mainly laid in the East
itself, and the main contribution made by the West was in the area
of detente, spearheaded by a West German government to which
the Christian Democrats were vehemently opposed at the time,
and whose foreign policy they inherited only willy-nilly in the person
of Hans-Dietrich Genscher.
These days, Genscher is busy trying to reassure the world that
German unity is nothing to be worried about. While it was still safe
to talk about it, support for this goal could be found quite easily; in
reality, most of the prophets of German unity and their audience
abroad and at home did not want anything drastic to happen. Now
that there is a real chance for changing the status quo, there is
considerable hysteria coupled with the euphoria. German unity is
back on the agenda: and those who shouted the loudest in favour
of unity are often the first to cry wolf, and warn about the danger
of destabilising the West. All that they can think of as desirable is a
swallowing up of the GDR by the Federal Republic, politically and
economically. The population of the GDR roughly equals that of
Northrhine-Westphalia, so there will be no undue indigestion—just
a slight extension of EC and NATO territory.
The hypocrisy of insisting on the goal of German unity, and at
the same time on the retention of the existing bloc structure, is
now being exposed as the promotion of a contradiction in terms.
Both blocs are crumbling, and they need to crumble: on the military
front, Belgium took the initiative in 1990 by announcing plans to
remove its troops from West Germany, indicating that other
countries may go it alone if they think that the disarmament process
is going too slowly, and that the defence effort to which they are
asked to contribute is still grossly inflated, in spite of changed
The German question: history and semantics 5
still find themselves in a very different country from the one they
left behind. There are divergences even at a linguistic level. East
and West Germans appear to speak the same language, even if not
all lexical items are identical. Fried chicken, for instance, goes by
the name of Hähnchen on one side of the border, while on the
other it is called Broiler—ironically, the word borrowed from
English is the name used in the East. Those differences may well be
regarded as dialect distinctions within one and the same tongue;
the difficulties they create are easy to overcome in communication,
if one is prepared to enlarge one’s vocabulary.
More significant is the fact that the same lexical items mean
different things in context. East and West Germans use the same
language, but have been talking about different realities. In a
conversation between strangers, West or East Germans will
normally be able to come up with a fairly quick assessment of
each other in terms of his or her position inside the spectrum of
their own society’s stratifications, political opinions, and cultural
tastes. Even if that is not the topic of conversation, certain
linguistic markers will give sufficient indications: words and
phrases that connote value judgements. This is a code that one
learns with one’s mother tongue, but its limit is the limit of the
society one grows up in.
In political terms, the fact that Modrow and Kohl appeared to
speak the same language was rather a hindrance than a help in
communication, as long as the two societies they represented were
built on radically different principles. A merger between the two
German states presupposes a situation where the semantics of words
like liberty’, ‘democracy’ and ‘justice’ are agreed on by both sides,
or where at least, orthodox and non-orthodox definitions can be
mutually aligned and defined. This presupposes a substantial change
in the political thinking and the political rhetoric of not only one,
but both countries: the current process seems to favour such a
change, but there is still plenty of resistance.
Change is something that the orthodoxy in the Federal Republic
has always feared almost as much as the rulers of the GDR. The
West German state, by definition a provisional construct, has in
practice striven for stability and permanence. The student revolt of
the late 1960s, and the rising of the Peace Movement and the Greens
in the 1980s, have equally given rise to panic, and prophecies of
doom. But the Federal Republic has succeeded in integrating the
forces of change into the system, the second time round under their
own parliamentary label. The regime of the GDR, for nearly four
The German question: history and semantics 9
from that third state. If this policy had been carried out with any
degree of determination, the Federal Republic would have become
isolated from a substantial part of the world. But this risk seems to
have appeared as acceptable at the time: the question is, what was
to be gained by it?
On the surface, the Hallstein doctrine was supposed to uphold
the idea of national unity. It is important to remember that in
Adenauer’s days, lip-service to the principle of national unity was
more than a half-hearted kow-tow to the Basic Law’s preamble.
While there was still the faintest chance of an alternative
development in central Europe, it provided an alibi for a policy
which in effect precluded any but the one path: pretending to keep
‘the German question’ open, and at the same time making sure
that it was closed for the foreseeable future. The Hallstein doctrine
was directed at dividing foreign states into those who would regard
the Federal Republic as the only representative of Germany
(friendly), and those who would recognise the GDR as a second
German state (unfriendly). It was a means towards establishing a
correlation between allegiance to the US or the Soviet bloc, and
the stance on Germany. Instead of closing the gap between East
and West, its intended effect was to draw demarcation lines even
where there had been no clear division before. If the division of
Germany was a consequence of the division of the world, this was
an act of confirming this division by reversing the logic.
Even if the doctrine bears the name of Walter Hallstein, it bears
the hallmark of Konrad Adenauer. The first chancellor of the Federal
Republic was creating facts and justifications in anticipated
hindsight. The division of Germany was the condition for Western
integration which Adenauer wanted. It had to be established because
the West wanted it, but the East had to be blamed. It worked,
especially when Adenauer rejected the last Soviet offer of a neutral,
united Germany in 1952 on the spot. Now, of course, Western
historians stress that one cannot be sure how sincere the proposal
was; the point is that at the time, this could have been found out,
but Adenauer seemed to be desperate to minimise the chance that
anybody could give Stalin’s famous note any serious consideration.
What most people remember now is not the actual inconsistency
of Soviet policy on Germany during the Stalin era, which did leave
room for manoeuvre. In retrospect, the orthodox Western view is
that what happened was inevitable, and the West was only
responding—the same position applies to the East, with reversed
roles. Psychologists know that it is a natural tendency for people
The German question: history and semantics 11
to argue that they ‘knew it all along’, even if this can be proved
wrong. But people who know it all beforehand are still more
dangerous, for they can establish self-fulfilling prophecies. When
Churchill first talked of an Iron Curtain, for instance, citizens of
Berlin were still commuting quite happily between the East and the
West of the city, and the zonal borders within the rest of Germany
were nowhere near the monstrous reality of later days.
Anybody who says that the West had no responsibility for the
development that culminated in the building of the Berlin Wall,
should read Paul Watzlawick’s book on The Pragmatics of
Communication, and remember that chains of action, reaction, and
counter-reaction can always be interpreted in two different ways,
as any marriage counsellor or divorce lawyer knows. International
relations ultimately rely on human communication as much as
individual ones, and for communication failures there is always
more than one interpretation. What is certain, though, is that to
assume that a communication is doomed to failure is one of the
best ways to make sure that it will fail.
This is one of the connotations of the slogan ‘No experiments’,
which could be read on Christian Democrat election posters in 1957,
and which sums up the politics of the Adenauer era. It sounded
straightforward and honest enough to take in more than 50 per
cent of the voters, but semantically, it appears as ambivalent, or as
a simple lie. Adenauer was certainly doing his best to prevent any
joint experiment with the East, and any experiment in changing the
economic basis of pre-war society. But he was taking a risk by
pushing ahead with western integration, the risk that the division
of Germany would become virtually irreversible, and that the
German question would remain a source of East/West conflict. The
semantic trick was to present one of two possible risks as a safe
option; to proclaim one possible development, in contrast with the
alternatives, as non-experimental. But had not the Federal Republic
started off as an experiment, and been declared a provisorium? And
what else than an experiment was the rearmament of 1956, and
what else than willingness to conduct a very dangerous experiment
could one call the declared intention to supply nuclear arms to the
Bundeswehr, proclaimed in the election year with the Keine
Experimente slogan?
In the 1950s, the majority of West German citizens were not too
hot on picking up such contradictions. The majority seemed to
buy the new propaganda whole-heartedly, while they continued to
play at being ‘more American than the Americans’: a statement the
12 Germany 1945–1949
In the same book, the author of this passage waxes as lyrical about
the perfect consistency of his own excrement as he does about
human relationships in post-war Germany. I cannot help thinking
that this juxtaposition suggests a fairly short name for his social
theory. People were poor, and poverty can only be romanticised
from a safe distance; you can enjoy baking a cake with potato
peel precisely if you do not have to. And though it is possible for
human beings to practise a kind of solidarity in common destitution,
it is no secret that there is also a correlation between crime and
poverty, which evidence from the period supports. For the benefit
of those who abstain from meat: I do not want to discredit their
eating habits, but I feel that the nostalgic view of post-war German
vegetarianism is a bit blinkered, considering that the peel-eaters
tended to be fairly reluctant, and far less than fit and healthy. Even
if one accepts that they really were ‘more animated and moved’
during that time, could this not also be attributed to other factors,
e.g. that they spent less time in overheated rooms, or that not all
of them covered their feet in animal hide?
So much for positive nostalgia. But there is also a negative one,
founded on the view of the post-war years as a period of missed
chances. The crucial factor is that the creation of a united, democratic,
demilitarised Germany had not been achieved, but there is also the
feeling that too few individuals fully realised the potential for change
within their own lives, that they were only too happy to return to
familiar patterns as soon as possible. One case in point is the role of
16 Germany 1945–1949
cannot run to lick the new power’s boots if they have been guilty
of involvement in the criminal activities of the former rulers, but
they have to seek exculpation from those against or amongst whom
they have committed crimes. Everything is more complicated than
under Allied occupation, but it does feel like a fresh start.
At the end of Heym’s novel, as in reality, the Republic of
Schwarzenberg is finally taken over by Soviet military: it remains a
unique and short-lived freak of history. But in reality, there were
many Schwarzenbergs on a more modest scale, places where local
anti-fascist committees collectively known as Antifas (see 11.1.)
had tried to act as though their country had just been liberated.
Whatever the occupying power, their illusion was short-lived.
Denazification and democratis-ation were ordered by the Allies
rather than instigated by Germans, and this, however good the
intentions were, could not have the same effect.
It was maybe too much to ask of the victorious nations to let a
people whose majority had supported, tolerated, aided and abetted
the Nazi regime merely get on with their own business, hoping the
ideologically sound ones—differently defined, of course, in East
and West—would call the shots, and the rest would have learned
from bitter experience. This was not allowed to happen, even at
local level, and speculation on ‘what if’ might be regarded as a
waste of time. But consider what really came to pass: the conversion
of the same people into trustworthy allies, stout defenders of
Western democracy and socialism respectively, in less than a decade.
Sure, this operation depended on remote control, although once
the two republics had been set up, the Adenauers and Ulbrichts
within Germany made sure that a bare minimum of direct foreign
influence was required. The guided conversion was less risky, in
other words, but was the quick result any less miraculous than
maybe a slower, but more thorough process of self-propulsion? Be
that as it may, it seems that one legacy of the chosen path was a
widespread non-identification with the new ideology in East and
West, a formal acceptance with little conviction and in some cases,
with severe misgivings (see 4.9.).
The imaginative look at the post-war period might help to ensure
a greater identification with the present, a clearer realisation of its
deficiencies as well as its potential. It should help Germans with
the task that came to be referred to as Vergangenheitsbewältigung,
a term which means not only coming to terms with the past, but
coping with it, mastering it, making sure that it is neither forgotten
nor repressed, but that lessons are learned from it. There is no
18 Germany 1945–1949
ground for the assumption that while the political reality in Europe
is still recognisably the legacy of the war, this can be anything but
a Sisyphean exercise. But so far, this exercise has been carried out
in often too restricted a fashion, by focusing exclusively on the
years of Nazi rule. Post-war generations have been presented with
an official story that makes it hard to identify with any of the
prominent characters in it, villains, victims, or heroes: the villains
were bad, the victims were weak, and the heroes self-sacrificing
but unsuccessful. How could they imagine themselves in this, and
where do parents and grandparents come into the picture?
Many of them found it hard to talk about the past, because of
the very same difficulty in the limited number of roles in which
they could see and present themselves as individuals. Hence, much
remained unsaid, and the period of fascist dictatorship as presented
to post-war generations lacked the human reality which should
have complemented that conveyed in history lessons. As it was,
the direct connection between national and individual history
tended to remain less than palpable for too many people. In a book
on parent/child relationships,4 Alice Miller relates the alienation
between the generations in post-war Germany to this lack of
communication at family level, and the resulting neuroses, in a
particularly impressive manner. One of the cases she mentions is
that of an anorexic girl who, at seventeen years of age, was proud
to weigh exactly the same as her mother, an inmate of Auschwitz,
at the end of the war. What is significant is that the weight at the
time of her rescue was just about the only fact that the girl knew
for sure about this part of her mother’s past.
The point Miller makes is that it is the unspoken which has the
most detrimental effect. In this respect, a look at the post-war years
can provide an indirect access to what went before. Before amnesia
set in on a large scale in the 1950s, while people were living in the
debris of the Nazi state, the debate about the past, and by the same
token about the future, already showed signs of forgetfulness, of
self-deception, of easy mental escape routes. But it was still based
on first-hand experience and individual response. If the contemporary
debate on Germany’s past and future is to be more than theoretical,
if it is to get through to individuals as something concerning the
fundamentals of their existence, it must tap into those sources. If
non-Germans really want to comprehend what the German debate
is about, they should have a look at the same background.
This collection is meant to provide English-speaking readers with
source material from a time in German history in which the
The German question: history and semantics 19
foundations for the present reality were laid; a short but crucial period
which has been rediscovered in Germany, while it is still neglected
abroad. The average British citizen, almost regardless of his or her
degree of education or sophistication, is prone to love taking part in
the perpetual recreation of the war. This may happen in any form,
from comic strip to comedy, from historiography to art, but the
underlying image is the same: a gothic horror world where evil runs
riot, but where the good guys win. The perception of the
contemporary Germanies, on the other hand, is something completely
different, hardly linked at all to pictures suggested by the voyeuristic
fascination with Nazism. The question how it came to be this way,
and what diverse roles the Allies had after 1945, is rarely asked.
A possible reason is that the answer would be too complex. World
War II, like no other war before, had divided the world into good
and evil. In the previous global conflict, impartial observers could
still recognise, through all the jingoism, that none of the nations
involved had a claim to moral superiority. The second time round,
it was a conflict in which morality played a part, although the
victorious powers came very close to blurring the distinction in
fighting fire with fire, casting all notions of chivalry aside and
targeting the civilian population. As it was, the world could still
see that the regime which had begun to eliminate a part of its own
population was ultimately responsible for the escalation, and that
the right side had won. But after the extreme polarisation, it seemed
too tempting for some to set up a new black-and-white picture,
instead of allowing shades of grey.
George Orwell wrote about it in 1984, that is, about the
redefinition of friends and enemies, and the resulting
reinterpretation of history which is necessary in order to
obliterate the contradictions. The manipulation of history is one
way of obscuring facts by putting on interpretative patterns as
filters. But there are less obtrusive, and hence more treacherous
ways. Historical evidence may be arranged so as to present
causality as inevitability, to justify what exists now. The other side
of the same coin is to take the justification of the present as
meaning that it is the only possible logical consequence of the
past, and that the future can only be an extrapolation of the
present. History itself does not work that way, but the minds of
historians, politicians, and other human beings do. If you want to
realise and exploit the full potential of historical change, then you
have to escape the limitations of the process, and rely on the
imagination of other possible realities.
20 Germany 1945–1949
wives have sought the help of another man in their own struggle,
instead of waiting for someone whose return was at best uncertain,
or who was regarded as missing, or even declared dead. Even some
of those who are lucky enough to have a home and a family to
return to, do not always manage to fit into a changed society, after
an experience that has alienated them from the rest. Walter
Hoffmann is one of the emerging authors who has gone through
the ‘homecomer’ experience, and tries to bridge the gap in
communication by literary means (6.9.).
Hoffmann chooses the pseudonym of Kolbenhoff, as lots of other
people change their names in the post-war period: certainly
something which should be seen in correlation with the wish for a
new beginning. In a sense, the clocks have been turned back: the
country is almost as fragmented as in the days before Bismarck’s
Reich (7.8.), even short journeys can become major adventures,
almost as in the days before mass transport (7.3.; 7.4.; 7.5.). The
same return to an earlier state of affairs, with only a very gradual
improvement, happens in the field of mass communications, even
as the extreme restrictions first enforced by the Allies are gradually
relaxed (7.1.; 7.2.; 7.9.). People and communities remain more
isolated than before, and being able to communicate, to keep in
touch over a distance, is not so easily taken for granted. Letters
from the period convey a sense of the importance of the occasion,
they are rarely throwaway and banal, whatever the subject matter
(5.2; 7.3.).
People everywhere are eager to receive personal news, but also
to know what is happening in the country. A free flow of
information is needed if the running of post-war society is to involve
more than a small number of people; this is stressed by many
including the trade unions who want to make the wielding of
economic power more transparent (11.8.). Individuals need
practical guidance, as to, for example, what to do with their money
in view of the impending currency reform (5.7.; 5.8.). At first, they
tend to rely on their own common sense or intuition, or on rumours
passed on by people they trust—in fact, on anything but official-
looking information. They may not get it right, but at least they
will not fall prey to propaganda. The new press has to cope with a
widespread scepticism as long as it is operates under censorship
(8.4.), in spite of the commitment of all involved, from journalists
to typesetters, to come up with papers and magazines that have
nothing to do either in content or in style with the lie-mongering of
the Nazi era (8.2.; 8.3.). More direct Allied attempts at re-education
28 Germany 1945–1949
this was too obvious to be denied. When we talk about the future
of Germany today, we must remember the devastation, the
architectural and the human debris left behind by the Nazis. Maybe
the present generation have even got a better chance to cope with
this. They are not suffering the trauma of living among post-war
ruins, and hence their escapism is not an inevitable means of
psychological self-defence. They have a choice as to whether they
want to know or not, and in this choice there is a responsibility.
Since I have lived in North Africa, I have heard the name of
Hitler mentioned many times, usually with great respect; and if
being German means anything to me, it means that this makes it
my duty never to let anyone get away with such talk without a
challenge. My credibility in such cases, I feel, depends on my ability
to regard the entire recent history of Germany as my own, and me
as part of it—and this depends on the ability to see the connections
between the different Germanies of Hitler, Kohl, and Modrow. I
have always felt a personal need to find the links between the present
and the past; hence my interest in the post-war period, which, I
think, provides clues for understanding contemporary Germany,
clues that are important not only for those who are busy with the
task of ‘being German’, but also for those who have to live with
Germans as neighbours or allies.
Notes
1 Volker Elis Pilgrim, Zehn Gründe, kein Fleisch mehr zu essen (Frankfurt/
Main, 1985) p. 62
2 Margarete Groewel (CDU), in Rainer Horbelt, Sonja Spindler, Tante Linas
Nachkriegsküche: Mehr Erlebnisse und Kochrezepte in Geschichten und
Dokumenten (Reinbek, 1987) p. 143
3 See Christoph Kessler, ‘Geschichtswerkstätten auf dem Vormarsch’, DAAD
Letter: Hochschule und Ausland 2 (1989) pp. 16f.
4 Alice Miller, Am Anfang war Erziehung (Frankfurt/Main, 1983)
5 Marshall Knappen, And Call it Peace (Chicago, 1947) p.22
6 See Wolfgang Benz, Potsdam 1945: Besatzungsherrschaft und Neuaufbau
im VierZonen-Deutschland (Munich, 1986)
7 See Ulrich Vultejus, Kampfanzug unter der Robe (Hamburg, 1984) pp.98
ff
8 See Wolfgang Krieger, General Lucius D.Clay und die amerikanische
Deutschlandpolitik (Stuttgart, 1987)
1 ‘Zero hour’
As the fighting entered its final stages in 1945, the question how to achieve the
transition to peace after the imminent military victory was raised more frequently,
and with more urgency than before on the side of the Allies. A meeting between
the British Prime Minister Winston Churchill (born 1874)1 and US President
Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882–1945) at Casablanca in January 1943 had
established unconditional surrender as the Allied precondition for peace; two
years later the possible consequences of such a surrender seemed to call for a
clearer definition of Allied policies regarding post-war Germany. Of prime
importance was the issue of government: would any form of German authority
be allowed to exist, or would the Allies assume total control? There was some
doubt as to whether a hard line might not prolong the fighting by making
those who might have been willing to overthrow Hitler in order to achieve
peace on more lenient terms, like the conspirators who attempted to kill him
on 20 July 1944, rally round the cause of defending their country to the last. In
the speech quoted here, Churchill takes a clear stance against any kind of bargain
with any such parts of the German leadership, but at the same time emphasises
that the occupying forces will not be looking for revenge against the population,
contrary to the Cassandra cries of Nazi propaganda. Though made in the House
of Commons, this part of the statement is clearly directed at the German public:
the classical reference, of somewhat obscure origin, implies the common
background of Western cultural heritage as well as the victors’ claim to moral
superiority.
34
‘Zero hour’ 35
Source: House of Commons Debates 407, col. 423 (18 January 1945), in: Beate
Ruhm von Oppen (ed.), Documents on Germany under Occupation 1945–
1954 (Oxford, 1955) pp. 3 f.
Note
1 Birth date only is given in the commentary/notes throughout the book for
individuals who were alive at the end of the period covered by the book—
1945–1949
On 7 March, American forces had crossed the Rhine, the last major natural
border between the Western Allies and the largest part of the Reich’s heartland.
British and American armies encircled the important industrial area of the Ruhr,
where the fighting still continued as the English journalist Leonard O.Mosley
entered occupied territory. He had been a newspaper correspondent in Berlin
from 1937 to 1939, meeting many Germans and making many friends among
them in spite of his despair at the extent to which people allowed themselves to
be led by Nazi ideology. His attitude to the Germans which he expresses in his
36 Germany 1945–1949
Notes
1 Hitler-Jugend (HJ), Hitler Youth, youth organisation of the
Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP, National Socialist
German Workers’ Party); the HJ was established in 1926, compulsory
membership introduced by law of 1 December 1936
2 Misspelling of Bund deutscher Mädel (BdM), Federation of German Girls,
female branch of the HJ, for girls from 14 to 18 years of age
3 The house where the composer Ludwig van Beethoven was born in 1770,
open to visitors as a museum
4 Werwölfe, originally German soldiers operating behind enemy lines in the
so-called Unternehmen Werwolf (Undertaking Werewolf) under the leadership
of the SS; later on, Werewolf activities were to include acts of sabotage and
reprisal against capitulators and collaborators carried out also by non-
combatants and PoWs
different both endeared him to different political factions on the right and left
respectively. Jünger, however, remained aloof, never siding with any camp,
although he published a novel that was generally understood as an attack on the
Nazi system, in 1939: Auf den Marmorklippen (On the Marble Cliffs). In 1945,
he was the commander of the Volkssturm at Kirchhorst, surrendering the village
to the Americans; in 1944, he had been in the know about, but not part of the
conspiracy to take Hitler’s life. This extract from his diary is an example of a
characteristically distanced attitude to events happening close by, and after all not
without personal involvement of the observer.
such games, now and then trumps are called, i.e., the one who
shows his hand too early is taken away and shot. This endows the
exit with the necessary respect; as seen again here, too.
To make it obvious for myself, I stopped at the fire station on the
way to my school, to look at the corpse lying there on the floor. The
face was distorted as from a heavy fall or blow. The coat was open;
below the left nipple, there was the pale gleam of a small bullet wound.
The herculean man had been a dreaded person; the night before, he
had still delivered a fanatical speech and then left his house in civilian
clothes during the night to run away and hide, as countless others
would be doing now. His subordinates, now Werewolves,7 had
waylaid him; they shot him after a brief exchange of words. As far
as they were concerned, it was a departure: when you turn to anarchy,
you begin with a crime, a murder, acquiring a bloody debt.
In the cemetery, I met the gravedigger, who was digging a hole right
by the fence. He asked me whether it was deep enough. Then he began
talking about the suicide of one of the people in power, of whom he
had heard. ‘Now he is dead, the fat bacon-face.’ He said this with the
comfortable smile of the ordinary man who feels secure. These people
are like the grass underneath the oak trees, easily trodden down and
easily rising up again. The fall of the mighty is always a ball for them.
Source: Ernst jünger, Sämtliche Werke. Band III: Tagebücher III: Strahlungen
II (Stuttgart, 1979) pp. 408 ff.
Notes
1 Literal translation of durchgedreht
2 Literally ‘defence force’; official name for all German military forces,
introduced in 1935
3 Home defence force including males between 16 and 60 years of age not
eligible for regular military service after Hitler’s order of 25 September
1944
4 Party official at district (Kreis) level
5 Wehrmacht general based at Hanover
6 Administrative unit of the NSDAP at regional level, with a Gauleiter as the
head of the Gauleitung
7 See 1.2.
timely surrender would prevent further damage. The letters reflect the turmoil
of events and emotions surrounding the collapse of the only world that a person
of H.S.’s age had really experienced. She is trying to come to terms with this,
talking to herself via ‘Bubi’ the addressee, in a style that comes close to the
spontaneous speech of a highly anxious person put down on paper without
much editorial reflection. Apart from the conquering forces, one of the major
worries is the foreigners (Ausländer), a term which for her does not actually
include Americans and British, but mainly Slavic PoWs and forced labourers,
whom, once liberated, no military discipline would restrain from acts of revenge.
Any force of order is thus basically welcome: in the meantime, H.S. and her
friends spend a lot of time cleaning their houses to enhance the feeling that
things are under control, listening to rumours about fighting between Americans
and Russians, and more well-founded ones about the concentration camps. ‘If
this is true, we deserve no other punishment’, H.S. writes after the surrender of
8 May, but her sense of national pride makes the disgrace hard for her to accept.
Yes, Bubi,8 and then I cried till three in the afternoon. Our soldiers
had to get off their tanks, and give up their arms. Then back onto the
tanks, and to Schiller Square. On Schiller Square, there were five
German tanks, four trucks. There were soldiers on them. The place
was teeming with Americans. From the DAF,9 they got flags and shared
them out between them. Then, shortly afterwards, our soldiers
leftgoing into captivity. Bubi, some scene. Terrible! We waved.
Everyone cried. The soldiers shouted and waved. No, it was a sad
scene. Really terrible. Then I went home, got the stuff from the cellar
and did some cleaning. I’ve not been able to eat anything since
Saturday. I am so shattered by the fact that we are Americans now.
Not a German soldier to be seen any more. Oh, I shouldn’t be thinking
at all. Now I’ve already accepted it a bit.—The Americans have started
immediately to search the houses. But apart from that, they let us be.
No alarm signals, no guns. Now we have a heavenly peace and quiet,
anyway. But all this is terrible, all the same.—And soon the real
occupation will come, too. Then it will certainly be a different story.
My father is still here. Enough for today, there is work to be done.
Source: Götz Bettge (ed.), Iserlohn 1945–1949 (Iserlohn, 1985) Beiträge zur
Geschichte Iserlohns, 19, pp. 223 f.
Notes
1 Highest administrative official of a district (Kreis)
2 The former Rathausplatz (town hall square), which it became again after
the war
3 Small town adjacent to Iserlohn
4 It is really the car that speaks in the German text
5 Chief of the Iserlohn police (Schutzpolizei)
6 Where is town hall?
7 Stationer’s shop in Iserlohn
8 Diminutive of Bube (boy)
9 Deutsche Arbeitsfront, NSDAP trade union organisation, established 1934
On 30 April 1945, with Russian troops fast approaching his ultimate sanctuary,
the bunker, Hitler committed suicide. He left a political will as well as a private
testament, three copies of which were taken out of Berlin by an official of the
propaganda ministry, an SS officer, and Hitler’s army adjutant Major Willi
Johannmeier. Heinz Lorenz, the man from the ministry, was caught in the autumn
of the year, and the young historian Hugh Trevor-Roper, who had been
investigating the last days of Hitler for the British Intelligence Service,
interrogated Johannmeier once more after SS-Standartenführer Zander had
‘Zero hour’ 43
given up the second copy. Trevor-Roper finally convinced the ex-Major, still
reluctant to disobey orders and hand the paper over to the enemy, to unearth
the third one from his parents’ garden in Iserlohn. The official version, announced
by his successor Lord Admiral Dönitz (see 1.9.) on 1 May, was that Hitler had
died fighting the Bolsheviks; those who did not believe it had a choice between
a number of rumours about his escape. To establish the fact and the manner of
Hitler’s death beyond doubt was of some psychological importance; the style
and content of his personal will reveal a mixture of sentimentality and
righteousness, only slightly qualified by the ignominy of defeat. The lastditch
marriage to Eva Braun, the provisions of the will itself seem pathetic in view of
the extent of destruction and the number of deaths caused by the man who was
caring enough to have his dog poisoned by a doctor, so that she would not fall
into Russian hands.
where I have done the largest part of my daily work in the course of
twelve years’ service to my people.
Given at Berlin, 29 April 1945, 4.00 hours Adolf Hitler
as witnesses as witness
Martin Bormann Dr Goebbels4 Nicolaus von Below5
Source: Max Domarus (ed.), Hitler: Reden und Proklamationen 1932–1945.
Kommentiert von einem deutschen Zeitgenossen (Wiesbaden, 1973) pp. 2240 f.
Notes
1 Hitler went to secondary school there for only four years before moving to
Vienna; he was born in Braunau on the Inn, about 50 miles from Linz
2 NSDAP official, Hitler’s personal secretary from 1943, condemned to death
at the Nuremberg trials in absentia, proclaimed dead in 1954 without
conclusive evidence, numerous reports about appearances in South America
remaining similarly unconfirmed
3 Anni Winter, Hitler’s housekeeper in Munich
4 Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels
5 Colonel of the air force (Luftwaffe) acting as Hitler’s adjutant; the surname
is associated with a long line of Prussian officers
lies over this march into the unknown. I ask myself, where are the
Russians? Has Wenck’s relief army1 maybe liberated Berlin already?
And then it seems as though nobody knows the situation or the
leadership’s intentions. It’s getting light fast now. Where Pappelallee
crosses Schönhauser Allee, there seems to be a command post, for
there, right under the high-level railway station at Danziger Strasse,
the procession takes an orderly shape. Muffled commands are
heard: ‘Draw up for the breakthrough to Mühlenbeck-Prenzlau!’
Suddenly I discover the man who gives the orders. He’s the
commander of the Flak towers Friedrichshain, Humboldthain, and
Zoological Garden, Lieutenant Colonel Hoffmann. Elegant as ever,
he is sitting in an army car, and next to him, to my surprise, young
Lieutenant Keller whom I last saw in Wilhelmstrasse ten days ago.
He laughs as I stand before him, shakes my hand. He whispers
with the commander, then gets out of the car and instructs me to
gather all comrades from the Flak tower at Friedrichshain. The
commander wants to have them around, he knows us because his
command post was in our tower for years. And now Lieutenant
Keller, who managed to escape from the Führer’s headquarters last
night, tells us that Adolf Hitler has shot himself. He laughs in a
strange way as he tells me that the Führer first got married to a
young lady named Eva Braun, and then calmly dictated his
testament. ‘Goebbels is dead, too; he told his adjutant to shoot
him after having his five children poisoned. And Wenck’s army
does not exist. Merely the ruins of three divisions, bleeding to death
in the Beelitz2 forests. Nor are there any wonder weapons, and no
ceasefire with the Americans. Now we are to break through to the
north, Lord Admiral Dönitz is Hitler’s successor. The war isn’t over
yet…’
I feel sick as I hear these words, as if I have to throw up. I think
that my life has no longer any meaning. So why this battle, why
the death of so many people? I suppose life has lost all its value, for
if Hitler has shot himself the Russians will have achieved ultimate
victory. And why should Dönitz manage now what Hitler could
not achieve in six years? Ahead of us lie the mines of Siberia, forced
labour for life, as Propaganda Minister Goebbels has been
predicting us for years, in the case of defeat. Now his last speech
comes to my mind: ‘Never will a people betray their Führer, or a
Führer his people…,’ didn’t he say something to that effect on
Hitler’s birthday? But hasn’t the Führer betrayed his people now,
after all? And who will be able to assume responsibility for
everything that happened in this war?
46 Germany 1945–1949
Notes
1 The German forces’ last hope to break the Soviet ring around Berlin, troops
led by the commander of the 12th army General Wenck, which were
withdrawn from the Western front on the Elbe where Allied forces had
halted their rapid advance waiting for the Reich’s capital to fall to the Red
Army
2 Small town south of Potsdam
Notes
1 Head of the SS and all police forces, from 1943 Minister for Interior Affairs
2 Folke Bernadotte, president of the Swedish Red Cross
3 The owner of the boarding house Kästner stayed in
4 Short form of Viktoria; Steiner’s daughter
5 One of the accused at the Nuremberg trials, then described by Kästner as
‘the oily radio preacher of the Third Reich’
6 Easternmost province of Austria
7 An army vehicle with which the two soldiers had come away from their
unit in Italy
8 Johann Ludwig Graf Schwerin von Krosigk, independent conservative
politician, Finance Minister from 1932 to 1945
48 Germany 1945–1949
Note
1 Berlin’s main river, tributary of the Havel
Note
1 The short address to the nation broadcast by the BBC actually contained
nothing to justify Dönitz’s speculation
2 Partitions
The largest administrative units within the four occupational zones were the
Länder, i.e. regions defined by new borders which in some cases coincided with
historical boundaries, or comprised traditionally distinct regions into a new Land,
as for instance in Northrhine-Westphalia. However, it soon became apparent that
too strict a fragmentation would create practical problems as well as render it
virtually impossible to treat Germany as an economic unit, as the Potsdam
agreement between the US, the USSR and Britain of August 1945 had envisaged.
To achieve more co-operation between the Länder, a meeting of the minister
presidents in the American zone was called for 17 October 1945. The authority
of those officials was derived exclusively from the supreme Allied power, who
could, and did in some cases, demote them with as little formality as had been
necessary to install them: a simple message was enough. In the Soviet zone, political
parties had been allowed since 11 June 1945; in the other zones, the administration
had to act without any kind of democratic legitimisation for much longer. When
Lieutenant General Lucius D.Clay (born 1897) addressed the meeting in Stuttgart,
he provided the minister presidents with fairly precise instructions for the
establishment of a Länder council (Länderraf), while, in the same voice of
authority, firmly disclaiming any responsibility for the acts of the German
administrators. The idea of establishing a central zonal authority with relatively
far-reaching powers did not meet with universal approval: Wilhelm Hoegner from
Bavaria wanted the Länder to remain the most important units, while Wilhelm
Kaisen of Bremen asked whether it would not be more convenient for them to
be linked with the British zone, in which they would form an enclave if American
control were to be confirmed there. Clay left the minister presidents to discuss
such issues amongst themselves after his initial, largely improvised address, the
final part of which is quoted here.
53
54 Germany 1945–1949
Within a few months after the fall of Austria in 1938 those events
set in which developed into a global conflagration, during which
the British Empire for many months had to pass through the valley
of dark shadows, alone and without help in a struggle which posed
a greater threat to Austria than any other event in its long history.
Shortly after his appointment as the British Prime Minister,
Winston Churchill had already taken up the cause of Austria by
including the country among the nations that were the victims of
aggression, and for whose liberation the British Empire was
continuing to fight. After that, he spoke out for Austria on a few
more occasions. His most famous statement will certainly never be
forgotten by the Austrian people. He said: ‘We on this island will
always remember the fact that Austria was the first victim of the
Nazi attacks. The English people see in the liberation of Austria
from the Prussian yoke a just cause, to which they will never be
unfaithful.’
The policy expressed in this declaration took firm shape in the
decision taken at the Moscow conference of 1943 by the three
great powers, the United States, Soviet Russia, and Great Britain.
56 Germany 1945–1949
Note
1 The document establishing the Austrian Republic after World War I,
according to Austrian views not as a legal successor to the Austro-Hungarian
monarchy; a similar treaty as the foundation of the new republic
(Staatsvertrag) was drafted in 1947, but not signed until 1955
that the SPD went different ways in the East and the West was in effect a
major step towards a lasting division, for which Ulbricht puts the blame
firmly on the Western side. The interview took place shortly after a joint
conference of SPD and KPD had supported the merger plan; it is a carefully
orchestrated piece of propagandistic monologue with occasional cue
questions.
The enemies of German unity have for a good while been busy
agitating in an irresponsible, chauvinist campaign concerning the
so-called Eastern question. They do not shy away from employing
former Nazi propagandists to promote their cause. It is time to
make a stand against this work of subversion, which is becoming
more and more damaging to Germany’s future. Whoever, with
regard to this question, deviates from the principle of looking after
our common national interest is playing into the hands of reaction
and is damaging those for whom he claims to be speaking, but
whom he is merely abusing in reality. Recently, comrade Grotewohl1
declared in his speech at Rostock which we reported yesterday, that
a final settlement over the eastern border had to be reached; comrade
Pieck2 said the same in Schwerin and added:
‘Our people must do all to gain the trust of the other nations, by
destroying the forces of aggression and developing democracy, so
that when the borders are finally fixed by the Allied powers, the
most vital needs of our people will be taken into account.’
Every reasonable person, everyone in Germany who has a
thorough knowledge and a proper assessment of the actual facts
created by Hitler’s war, will agree with our statement that the
Eastern problem must be dealt with without demagogical mendacity.
Max Fechner,3 top candidate of the SED for Berlin, also recently
made a statement about the Eastern question, when he talked in a
conference about the Byrnes speech.4 He said literally:
‘As to the Eastern border of Germany, I would like to declare
that the Socialist Unity Party of Germany will resist every reduction
of German territory. The Eastern border is merely a provisional
one, and can only be fixed permanently at the peace conference,
with all major victorious nations taking part.’
We favour discussion about the Eastern question. But nobody
should believe that German wishes will be listened to as long as
militarists, landed gentry5 and war capitalists exert any kind of
direct or indirect influence, as e.g. the former big landowner from
Silesia, Count von Donnersmarck, who today is a member of the
AEG’s6 board of directors in Western Germany.
This is to say: Only as far as our internal situation becomes
truly antifascist and democratic, but also antichauvinistic, our
environment will come to trust us, and our voice will have an honest
ring in the peace negotiations.
Source: Hermann Weber (ed.), DDR: Dokumente zur Geschichte der Deutschen
Demokratischen Republik 1945–1985 (Munich, 1986) pp. 87 f.
60 Germany 1945–1949
Notes
1 Otto Grotewohl, joint leader of the SED and former leader of the SPD in
the Soviet zone
2 Wilhelm Pieck, see 2.3.
3 Member of the SED politburo, former president of the SPD central
committee
4 See 5.3.
5 Junker in the original text
6 Allgemeine Elektrizitäts-Gesellschaft, manufacturers of electrical goods
Notes
1 Wilhelm Boden (born 1890), minister president of Rhineland-Palatinate
(CDU)
2 Wilhelm Höcker (born 1886), minister president of Mecklenburg (SED,
previously SPD)
3 Rudolf Paul (born 1883), minister president of Thuringin (SED), left the
Soviet zone soon after the conference
4 Hans Ehard (born 1887), minister president of Bavaria (CSU)
5 Hermann Lüdemann (born 1880), minister president of Schleswig-
Holstein (SPD)
Partitions 65
6 The food crisis, the economic crisis, and the refugee crisis, according to
Lüdemann’s suggestion
7 Reinhold Maier (born 1889), minister president of Württemberg-Baden
(DVP, Democratic People’s Party, a forerunner of the liberal Freie
Demokratische Partei—Free Democratic Party—FDP)
From talking with him I gained the impression that they are
indeed willing to take action against Russian-communist policy,
and to ask our advice in this matter. A certain helplessness was
obvious. Therefore I think that we cannot shy from the duty to
express our opinion and to make suggestions. Moreover, I think
this is necessary because it is the only way for us to get ahead of
the CDU and gain influence on British decisions.
However, it may seem advisable that my statements made to Pakenham
be of a merely personal nature, and not binding for the SPD.
As to the content of proposals, the following ideas:
66 Germany 1945–1949
Notes
1 Location of the first meeting between Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin, 26
November to 3 December 1943
Partitions 67
2 Town on the Crimean peninsula which saw the meeting of the same ‘big
three’ between 4 and 11 February 1945
3 SPD party spokesman, formerly a member of the SPD committee in exile
in London
4 Literally The World, daily newspaper established by the British military
government, privatised in 1953
There had been a steady growth of tension between the Western allies and the
USSR during the first part of 1948, with the policies that would bring East and
West into different economic, political, and finally military blocs. The first
move of 1948 was the reorganisation of the united British and American zones,
with a strengthening of the German layers of administration which began to
resemble a full-scale government. Then the French, in return for economic
integration of the Saarland into France, allowed their zone to join what was
clearly the emerging Western state, upon which the Soviet Union left the Allied
Control Council, which had become virtually defunct as East and West developed
their zones independently, along radically different lines. Matters came to a
head after the currency reform in the Western zones, over the status of Berlin.
The Soviet Union wanted to prevent the influx of the new Deutsche Mark,
which replaced the Reichsmark in the Western zones on 20 June, into their
zone of occupation. They closed the borders completely and staged their own
currency reform in the Soviet zone including East Berlin; the West responded
by unilaterally introducing their new currency into West Berlin and by staging
a gigantic air lift operation to carry supplies to the Western sectors of the city.
In the House of Commons, the Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin (born 1885)
defends the Western position, trying to win support for a firm line against
Soviet demands.
Notes
1 Sir Anthony Eden, Conservative, Foreign Secretary 1940–5
2 i.e. reparations from the Western zone due to the USSR
3 Sir Brian Hubert Robertson, Commander-in-Chief of the British
Occupational Forces in Germany
4 That the Mark introduced in the Soviet zone on 23 June 1946 be the sole
currency valid in all sectors of Berlin
states helped to institutionalise the division between East and West. The passages
quoted here, two prefaces or preambles (Präambeln) and article one from the
GDR constitution, are two different, yet similar, attempts to reconcile wishful
thinking with contradictory action. Article one of the GDR constitution was
radically altered in the revised version of 1968; the preamble to the Federal
Republic’s Basic Law still stands, with minor revisions introduced in the same
year, although its claim that the FRG is the representative of the whole of
Germany is no longer the basis for foreign policy, as it was in the 1950s when
the recognition of the GDR by a foreign state was regarded as a hostile act
towards the Federal Republic. However, the government of the FRG never
officially recognised the GDR as a sovereign state, and always insisted that the
diplomatic representatives exchanged between the two countries should not
have the title of ‘ambassador’, whereas the GDR came to claim that there were
two German nationalities and the two German republics should regard one
another as foreign countries.
Preamble
Conscious of its responsibility before God and before man,
inspired by the resolve to preserve its national and political unity
and to serve world peace as an equal partner in a united Europe,
the German people,
in the Länder Baden, Bavaria, Bremen, Hamburg, Hesse, Lower
Saxony, Northrhine-Westphalia, Rhineland-Palatinate, Schleswig-
Holstein, Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern,
has, by the virtue of its constituent power, enacted this Basic
Law of the Federal Republic of Germany
to give a new order to political life for a transitional period.
It has also acted on behalf of those Germans to whom
participation was denied.
The entire German people is called upon to achieve, by free self-
determination, the unity and freedom of Germany.
Preamble
The German people, imbued with the desire to safeguard human
liberty and rights, to reshape collective and economic life in
accordance with the principles of social justice, to serve social
70 Germany 1945–1949
Figure 4 Konrad Adenauer signs the Basic Law of the Federal Republic (Bonn,
23 May 1949)
progress, and to promote a secure peace and amity with all peoples,
have adopted this constitution.
3.1. NON-FRATERNISATION
The policy of prohibiting contact between the occupying troops and the German
population in the British and American zones was known as ‘non-fraternisation’.
As the British military governor Field Marshal Montgomery explained to the
Germans in an official announcement on 10 June 1945, the purpose of the
order was to bring home to them the fact that they as a people had been
responsible for the war, and could not expect Allied troops to behave as if
nothing had happened. Initially, any form of contact was forbidden, and even
a soldier playing with a German toddler could be punished. Punishments tended
not to be very harsh, though, and there was many a GI who did not mind
paying the fine of 65 dollars for having asked a German Fräulein (Miss) the 65-
dollar-question. In the Soviet zone, where the occupying power believed in the
existence of true anti-fascists, there was no indiscriminate non-fraternisation
order, whereas French soldiers who crossed the Rhine in 1945 were instructed
by a pamphlet not to trust anyone, not even those who appeared to be victims
of the Nazi regime. If any Frenchman, after years of German occupation, needed
reminding of what was considered the proper attitude towards the German
people, this document provided him with such a reminder. It is obviously written
in a hurry, using simple and direct language to make a strongly emotional
appeal to the readers’ sense of duty, of pride, and of self-preservation.
CONFIDENTIAL!
MEMORANDUM FOR THE FRENCH MILITARY IN
GERMANY
FRENCH SOLDIER,
BEWARE:
– of the German posing as a friend,
– of the German smiling at you,
71
72 Germany 1945–1949
– You have won the war, now you must win the PEACE. On your
present behaviour depends the fate of your children.
– Any German of any age and either sex is an enemy to whom
the end justifies the means:
– the child, the woman, the old man who implore your pity
are the Nazi agents.
– the anti-fascists incarcerated in the prisons are party cadres
camouflaged and placed in ambush for revenge.
– The German has been organising his revenge for many months.
– beware of the ground on which you set foot,
– of the water you drink,
– of the woman who smiles at you,
– of the stranger calling himself a friend: he is a Nazi agent.
– This is why every contact with the German is forbidden to you,
and why security measures are in force.
– do not let yourself be lured into their houses,
– all German establishments are out of bounds, do not go
there, your life depends on it.
– do not ever go about alone, and never unarmed.
– member of a signals unit, dispatch rider, beware: you are
especially threatened on account of your task.
– watch your speech, guard your arms.
– always carry your identification.
– Let your attitude, your demeanour, your discipline be perfect:
– they must impress themselves on the enemy.
– our Allies have their eyes fixed on you, and the enemy
propaganda will lap up every incident, the interest of FRANCE
is at stake.
– do not administer justice yourself, this is the task of your
superiors: they will be unpitying, the sanctions will be
immediate.
– Let your hatred and your victorious superiority show in your
behaviour, but not in excess or in acts of violence; pillage and theft
are grave military offences, punishable by death.
Natives and aliens 73
Figure 5 A smile, a dollar bill and a hand signal: communication can work in
spite of language problems
Note
1 The US Women’s Army Corps
later that he believed that only the Communists and those who
were co-operating with them should receive American backing.
Consequently, anything short of a general dispossession of
property holders and virtual elimination of the churches as
factors in German public life smacked of fascism to him and
others with his point of view.
The issue was brought to a head in September in one of the
most unfortunate ways imaginable. At a press conference in
Munich, General George S.Patton, then commanding the Third
Army, which was occupying Bavaria, stated that the difference
between the Nazis and their opponents was like that between
Republicans and Democrats at home. No one familiar with the
history of military government in Sicily would expect General
Patton to be oversympathetic with the point of view of military
government officers. Yet, in fact, his unhappily phrased
statement was an effort to set forth in picturesque language what
probably two out of three military government officers were
thinking. But in the explosive situation in which he found
himself, with memories of Buchenwald and Dachau3 still so
clear, the words chosen merely served to enrage readers at home.
In a large conference held by General Eisenhower4 at Frankfurt
at the end of August, Patton had coolly suggested ignoring the
denazification directives if experienced local government
officials could not be had otherwise. After being firmly told at
that time by General Lucius Clay,5 Eisenhower’s deputy for
military government, that the directives would be observed, even
reckless Patton should have realised that any attack on current
American denazification policy would need careful phrasing. In
the circumstances Eisenhower, who had protected Patton from
the consequences of his earlier indiscretions, had no choice but
to transfer him to the command of the skeleton Fifteenth Army,
which had few more serious duties than to collect some
historical records at its headquarters at Bad Nauheim north of
Frankfurt.
Source: Marshall Knappen, And Call it Peace (Chicago, 1947) pp. 128 ff.
Notes
1 Denazification (see 4.6.)
2 The New York Post Meridian’s correspondent in Germany, who attended
the Nuremberg trials and in 1947 published a book about that event called
Final Judgement
3 The locations of concentration camps near Weimar and Munich
78 Germany 1945–1949
Hilde Behrend, who had emigrated from Nazi Germany to Britain in 1936,
was a teacher at King Edward Grammar School for Girls in Birmingham from
1945. owards the end of the year 1946, some of her pupils surprised her with
a request for pen-friends in Germany, when postal services had only just been
re-established, and communications were still being censored. Another emigrant
provided the address of a reliable and ideologically sound contact person at a
Düsseldorf school, Dr Else Möllenhoff; an initial letter was sent from
Birmingham to the Rhineland, addressing the German teacher and pupils as
‘Dear friends’, while not revealing the identity of the author as a half-Jewish
refugee. The reaction was positive, and a lively exchange of letters ensued,
which was accompanied by the sending of relief parcels, and later visits by
teachers and pupils to Germany. The following letter, reproduced with all the
original errors, comes from one of the pupils in Düsseldorf, and is equally
revealing in what it says as in what it does not say. The attempt of young
people to relate to one another without letting the recent history of their nations
get in the way creates taboos at surface level, but the background is always
there between the lines, in spite of the cautious way in which only the material
consequences of the war for the author and her family are mentioned.
80 Germany 1945–1949
Düsseldorf
7 January 1947
Dear Audrey,
This morning I had the joy of getting your letter, of which I am
very happy. It does not matter, that you do not know any German,
but I think you will laugh about my writing very often, for I believe
I make many mistakes.
I live in the south of Düsseldorf, as you do at Birmingham. Our
family consists of my parents, my two brothers and me. You know
that I am 19 years old, my brothers are younger, 13 and 10 they
are.
Our house is situated in a little garden. The living-room, the
kitchen, and my room are downstairs, two bedrooms upstairs. One
room we have given to a gentleman, and our bathroom is not yet
build up; our house has been burnt out three years ago.
I go to the Luisenschule at Düsseldorf and visit the Frauenschule.1
Do you understand it? but I cannot write it in English. I am in the
8 Classe and Easter I enter the last class. Do you have only the
lessons you wrote of? We have German, English, Mathematics,
Chemistry, Physics, Biology, Geography, Music, Gymnastics,
Religion. Besides we have cooking, nursing of babies, pedagogics,
gardening, and needlework. The last lessons I like best and German,
Geography and Chemistry. I think your English is the same as our
German. I am very fond of poems, ballads and spectacles.2 I must
tell you that I do not like acting myself, I am more fond of seeing
the play. Music I like too, and then I am fond of seeing good pictures
of great masters. I think, you do not know our great painters, as
well as I do not know yours.
I am already longing for your next letter and I find it very nice
to have a friend in another land. My brother W. is thinking so too,
because he is glad to get English postage-stamps. Is that in England
so too?
I love cycling, as you do. It is wonderful to drive over the country,
along the Rhein. To-morrow our school sends us into a suckling-
home3 for four weeks to learn to nurse babies. For these weeks our
whole class is in several suckling-homes. I think it will be a very
nice time, for I love little children. Do you love them too? I think,
because you will teach them later on. Last year I was in a children-
garden.4 There it was very nice work too. I think you will be very
Figure 6 Like so many others, these boys seem to have grown up before their time, earning a bit of money as extras in one of
the early post-war films and using a break in the shooting for adult forms of recreation
82 Germany 1945–1949
Notes
1 ‘Women’s school’, a branch of secondary school which catered for
traditionally female careers
2 Schauspiele, meaning drama
3 Literal translation of Säuglingsheim, nursing home for babies
4 Literal translation of Kindergarten
5 In German, Pate, Patenstadt is a twin town, now commonly called
Partnerstadt, as the other term suggests an unequal relationship
Notes
1 John B.Hynd, Labour politician, from 1946 head of the control authority
for Germany and Austria in London
2 The economic fusion of the British and American zones 1946
3 See 3.8.
4 Samuel Sydney Silverman, Labour MP for Nelson and Colne
5 Richard Rapier Stokes, Labour MP for Ipswich
a literal one, not trying to imitate metre and rhyme scheme of the original
given below.
Germany, Germany without anything,
Without butter, without fat,
And what little jam there is gets scoffed by the administration.
The prices high, the borders firmly closed,
Poverty marches with calm, firm step,
All national comrades1 are starving, the big shots with them only
in spirit.
Fold your hands, hang your heads, and always think of unity.
Come, Wilhelm Pieck,2 be our guest,
And give us what you have promised,
Not just turnip tops and cabbage,
But what you scoff and Grotewohl.3
Nothing on the table, nothing on the plate,
Nothing in the loft, nothing in the cellar,
There are not even any toilet rolls,
SED, we thank you!
Welcome, liberators, you took the eggs from us,
The milk and the butter, the cattle and the fodder,
Also watches and rings and other things,
Railway cars and tracks you took with you on your travels.
From all this rubbish you have liberated us,
We are crying with joy about how nice you are.
Die Milch und die Butter, das Vieh samt dem Futter,
Auch Uhren und Ringe und sonstige Dinge,
Waggons und Geleise nahmt Ihr mit auf die Reise,
Von all diesem Plunder habt Ihr uns befreit,
Wir weinen vor Freude, wie nett Ihr doch seid.
Notes
1 Volksgenossen, Nazi term for Aryan members of the population which
survived as an address to fellow Germans in political speeches for some
time after the war
2 See 2.3., 2.4.
3 Otto Grotewohl (see 2.4.), first Prime Minister of the GDR
4 ‘Deutschland, Deutschland über alles’, i.e. ‘Germany above all else’, is the
beginning of the Song of the Germans composed by August Heinrich
Hoffmann von Fallersleben in 1841. Only the third verse was retained to
be sung as the national anthem of the Federal Republic, although the first
one is often better remembered, and although there is a certain amount of
support for a return to three verses
5 Die Fahne hoch, die Reihen fest geschlossen’, i.e. The flag held high and
the ranks firmly closed’, is the first line of the Horst Wessel-Lied, sung by
NSDAP organisations to remember one of their ‘martyred’ storm troopers
killed in a Berlin street-fight in 1930
6 ‘Komm, Herr Jesus, sei unser Gast’, i.e. ’Come, Lord Jesus, be our guest’, is
the opening line of a common grace said at German tables
small town west of the Rhine, who, furthermore, is a Socialist comrade who can
converse with his guest in English.
Underground nearby lived a man of 69, alone. His wife was dead,
and he had heard nothing of his sons for two years: they might be
prisoners, he thought, in Russia. There was no artificial light in his
cell, and for natural light only a hole a foot or so across and covered
with paper. The ceiling was wet. As I flashed my torch about I noticed
the filthy bandage on the man’s neck, and saw that his hands were
swollen and covered with those corrupt-looking spots—something
midway between impetigo and small carbuncles—which I had
already seen so frequently during the last few days, especially among
the children. They appear to have cleared up, it seems, and then
new ones break out on the half-healed scars.
All this was the dreadful side of Jülich: and it wasn’t exceptional,
as you’ll appreciate when you remember that seven thousand people
are living there, and hardly a house even partially standing. But
there was a happy side too. I had been getting friendly with my
Stadtdirektor, who turned out to be a Social Democrat, and to
have been ‘on the run’ continuously from 1933 right up to what he
still called, in spite of everything, the liberation. He was a gentle
little man, and when he found me sympathetic asked if he might
come in my car as far as Düren (on the way to Aachen) so as to be
able to talk a little longer. As we were leaving the rubble for the
green fields, I noticed a longish bungalow of wood that seemed
somehow to gleam and glisten in that awful desolation: and over
the door the words, in bold lettering, ‘Hotel-Restaurant Kaiserhof’.
I looked at my comrade with a gesture of enquiry, and he replied
with a smile, half proud and half deprecating, Es beginnt
(‘Something’s beginning’). I got out to have a look. Two or three
men were drinking a glass of beer in the vestibule-restaurant, and
we sat and talked with them for a moment or so. Then we went
down the corridor. The rooms that opened out of it on both sides
were small, overcrowded, and furnished with the minimum of
necessities; but they were bright and clean, and the people seemed
contented. In one room there was a mother with the most beautiful
children I have ever seen.
On the road to Düren my comrade, who had been feeling his
way, began to talk more freely. ‘Couldn’t the British comrades’ he
said ‘come to see us occasionally? There are a lot of socialists here,
and we feel terribly cut off. I don’t mean official visits from Morgan
Phillips1 [I was surprised that he knew the name]; I mean the little
socialists.’ A few minutes later, for by this time I had told him I was
88 Germany 1945–1949
Note
1 Morgan Hector Phillips, Labour Party member and director of several
private companies in London
Note
1 The tales that the brothers Grimm collected in the early nineteenth century
were in fact not quite as deeply rooted in the German soul as they were
made out to be; for example, many of the tales with frequently uncertain
origin were based on French versions, given to the Grimms by well-educated
young girls with a good command of the French language
4 Foundations of a ‘new’ society
90
Foundations of a ‘new’ society 91
and of love will come to reign, in which alone tortured mankind can
find healing.
Thus we ask in an hour in which the entire world needs a new
beginning: Veni creator spiritus!1
Source: Stuttgarter ‘Schuldbekenntnis’ des Rates der Evangelischen Kirche
Deutschland, in: Klaus-Jörg Ruhl (ed.), Neubeginn und Restauration:
Dokumente zur Vorgeschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1945–1949
(Munich, 2nd edn, 1984) p. 296
Note
1 Come, creator spirit!
soon. Of the 41 per cent who did expect war, most thought it would
be with the Soviet Union.
Source: Anna J.Merritt, Richard J.Merritt (eds.), Public Opinion in Occupied
Germany: The OMGUS surveys 1945–1949 (Illinois, 1970) pp. 86 f.
The other nations of the world have experienced the vast power of
technology; generally, they still stand facing it with astonishment
and humility. However, not without a constricting anxiety; this we
see in the worried discussions about nuclear energy. Among us,
recognition has already progressed further: the spirit of technology
has revealed its terrible destructive power to such an extent that we
can hardly see any longer what creative power lives in it. This may
not constitute an essential difference with the world out there, but a
dynamic one. The real belief which the leaders of National Socialism
have implanted in the heart of the people has fallen down with a
terrible noise. It was not founded on the ideology at all, but on the
negative power of the spirit of technology. I cannot illustrate this
Foundations of a ‘new’ society 95
any better than with a statement Adolf Hitler once made to a high-
ranking officer, in order to win him for his cause: ‘Believe me, the
decisive factors in politics are only cold, calculating ratio and brutal
force.’ The technological age does not otherwise appear so naked
and unveiled in this world; it does not usually act so irresponsibly
elsewhere. It does not push moral law aside so recklessly elsewhere;
it does not defy the living God quite as frivolously. But is this not, in
the midst of all the suffering and all the horrible distress, the blessing
which would pour itself on us? In today’s language, one would say:
the chance which offers itself to us before other people. We, I think,
cannot use this word; our path has already led too deep down into
the abyss. Between us, we can only say: either curse or grace. This
exactly is the blessing of the hour; we are no longer being asked
whether we want to turn back from our former path. The hard fist
of the victor forces us to do so: among us, the technological age has
reached its end. At first, we do not even have to face the question
whether we want to use technology only for the good of mankind.
It has in any case withdrawn itself from our reach, leaving only a
very small number of technological provisions in order to help us to
eke out our meagre existence.
Thus we are faced with a much more fundamental decision: whether
we want to curse our fate, or whether we want to search for the
grace of God which is hidden in it. Our heart trembles when we
think that more and more people in Germany have the will to curse
their fate. We know the cause of this: the whole dire situation, the
oppressions to which individuals are exposed, the injustices which
have been inflicted, the mountains of frustrated hopes which are
piling up. Still: a people which curses its fate completes its destruction.
It would continue on the path on to which it was pushed by its blind
trust in technology.
Source: ‘Gedanken zur geistigen Situation von heute: Streiflichter von Friedrich
Langenfass’, in: Zeitwende 18 (1946/7) pp. 270 f.
And now it is one of those very rare experiences of our days which
can provide us with immediate consolation, that in many places in
German lands endeavours of this kind are springing up again. We
hear of the establishment of cultural societies and cultural
communities in the cities, we hear of drama productions in which
forgotten treasures of German drama rise to the light again, and
young and old people are crowding the concerts which offer great
German music. Here and there on these occasions, the immediate
intention to denazify the German spirit is declared. May this
intention not be spoken about too often, may that which must be
our most urgent wish not be overstated as a bias. As organisation
must be kept to a minimum in this field, the utilitarian aspects and
those which reach out into the political sphere must also be treated
with tact and moderation. Spiritual life and the struggle for spiritual
values carry their justification within themselves, and have the
deepest effect where they can move in the greatest liberty from
political bias. Indeed, they even work on the political sphere in the
deepest and most beneficial way, if they go their own ways
spontaneously and without regimentation.
Thus we wish for as free and informal treatment of these cultural
endeavours. In this manner, something more will be achieved which
is also urgently to be desired, but must not be promoted in too
purposeful and too biased a manner—viz., the regaining of a
spiritual contact with the other Western nations. For it is so that
Foundations of a ‘new’ society 97
Notes
1 Johann Wolfgang von Goethe was neither the first nor the last writer to use
the popular tales based on the real life of a German physician and dabbler
in black magic in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century; however,
especially his second dramatisation of the subject matter was by far the
most successful and came to be regarded as the epitome of German literature
in its classicist period
2 The Renaissance artist Raffaelo Santi’s seated Madonna in the Pitti palace
inFlorence
98 Germany 1945–1949
Notes
1 Die Vorsehung was a word frequently used by Hitler and other Nazi greats
2 The Third Reich’s claim was that it would last a millennium
Notes
1 Geheime Staatspolizei, secret state police
2 Sicherheitsdienst, security service
3 Reichsmark
4 Party official at local level
5 See 1.3.
steal coal in order to keep one’s family warm; hence as a name for such activities
the new verb fringsen entered the German language. A study commissioned by
the British military government in Berlin showed a particularly drastic rise in
juvenile delinquency there, a trend confirmed by criminal statistics elsewhere.
Prostitution and the related spreading of venereal disease feature largely in
contemporary reports. Quoted here are the final passages from an article in
Der Regenbogen (The Rainbow), which shows some understanding of the
problem and reflects the dilemma between the awareness of responsibility and
of inadequacy shared by many of the older generation who felt they had lost
the authority to provide the kind of guidance needed by young people.
Figure 8 The long journey west: one of the many refugee treks (1945)
“living” before it is too late!’ But you can tell from the bitter lines
around his mouth that in seeing this army of homeless youths, he
senses the weight of guilt and danger on the shoulders of the
grownups. What would he not give to be able to guide most of the
juvenile offenders not into detention behind bars, but into a
mother’s dwelling, however modest!
Source: Anneliese Steinhoff, ‘Jugend hinter Gittern?’, in: Der Regenbogen:
Zeitschrift für die Frau 2/11–12 (Nov.–Dec. 1947) p. 18
One of the problems with the democratisation of Germany was that it started
in the most undemocratic way imaginable: prescribed by foreign powers on
the grounds of their military victory. Had anti-fascist elements within
Germany been able to overthrow the Nazi dictatorship, however late in the
day, things would have looked different; but as it was, there was a widespread
suspicion about the new system, which many people regarded as just another
authoritarian regime substituted for the old one, with a different name tag on
it. As German people got more of a say in running their affairs, this suspicion
began to subside, but it was slow to disappear altogether. Initially, of course,
there was some justification for questioning the democratic nature of
democratic change, as neither the mechanisms nor the social consensus had
been established to make it work from the bottom upwards, and the new
people in positions of power could wield their authority without too much
concern about the feelings of those below, as long as they pleased those
above. One case in point is the headmaster of the Düsseldorf school
Christopher Fyfe (see 4.9.) taught in. In the extract from the interview quoted
here, Fyfe talks about his feeling of shock at a colleague’s revelation that he
considers himself under the threat of ‘democratic terror’: the narration recalls
106 Germany 1945–1949
During the main part of the period I was there, people didn’t talk
about politics very much. I think people were nervous about
anything like that, there was still a lot of nervousness about. And
here was this new regime coming in—it was supposed to be
democratic, but nobody really trusted it very much, I think, then.
For instance at the school, one of my colleagues said to me, and I
must have been there at least a year or so before he would have
said such a thing to me, he said: Then we had Nazi terror, now we
have democratic terror, there is little difference.’ Now this absolutely
dismayed and horrified me that he should say that, but he felt that
the new democracy exerted a kind of terror over people, that you
still had to be thinking all the time: am I doing the right thing? and
if not, I will lose my job. So that was still quite strong in people’s
minds.
This brings me to the school, and the Oberstudiendirektor,1
who had an extraordinary kind of cunning. He was an elderly
man who had been a Studienrat2 when the war broke out, so he
had his feste Anstellung3 and didn’t need to bother about what he
did. He believed—he was a teacher of English—he believed that
the English, die Engländer, were going to win. He believed this
quite firmly, and I’ve been told by people who hated him that this
was so, and listened to BBC broadcasts, and he never joined the
Party. At the end of the war, obviously, this man was promoted to
be Herr Oberstudiendirektor. Now he himself was a man who
was as Nazi as you could imagine, in his own feelings, and he in
fact did exert a kind of terror in the school in that he employed
many people, many of my colleagues, who were vulnerable. I’m
sure he had chosen them because they were, they had been in the
Party, or they were Ostflüchtlinge4 and they were—vulnerable. So
people in the school were very conscious of this, that there was
somebody who could destroy them, who was there—they knew
this—all the time. And I’m certain the school wasn’t unique, but
certainly there was a real terror. The little man who gave me that
story about the democratic terror, he was a very nervous little
man, he’d lived through the Nazi time and he’d lived through
this, and he just wondered: am I going to lose my job tomorrow?
Foundations of a ‘new’ society 107
Notes
1 Headmaster of a Gymnasium (grammar school)
2 Senior teacher
3 Security of tenure
4 Refugees from the East
5 Economic reorganisation
Henry Morgenthau (born 1891) was US Treasury Secretary from 1934 to 1945,
a person with strong views on the German question who had drawn up a plan in
1944 which was initialled by President Roosevelt, but met with considerable
opposition within and outside the administration, and never became official US
policy. The Morgenthau plan envisaged a radical deindustrialisation of Germany
as the precondition to a lasting demilitarisation: Morgenthau’s view was that
Germany would remain a threat to world peace for the foreseeable future, and if
the Germans were in a position to produce prams, then they could also make
aeroplanes again. However far this plan was from realisation—and any attempt
to establish an agrarian island in the centre of an industrialised continent would
certainly have presented almost insurmountable practical problems—it did have
a psychological effect in Germany itself where the vision it conjured up became
one of the great and persistent bugbears of the post-war period. One important
element of Morgenthau’s reasoning has tended to be ignored by posterity, and
that is the fact that he foresaw in a US policy directed towards the re-establishment
of a strong economy in Germany the root of a serious confrontation with the
Soviet Union. The following statement was to be presented to Roosevelt on 10
January 1945, but the Treasury Secretary decided against it because, as he said
to his staff, ‘the President was very tired’ when he saw him. The statement puts
its case in very direct terms, and whatever one assumes the many likely negative
consequences of implementing Morgenthau’s policies would have been, there is
a ring of truth in his prophetic warnings.
The more I think of this problem, and the more I hear and read
discussions of it, the clearer it seems to me that the real motive of
those who oppose a weak Germany is not any actual disagreement
on these three points.1 On the contrary, it is simply an expression
of fear of Russia and communism. It is the twenty-year-old idea of
a ‘bulwark against Bolshevism’ which was one of the factors which
108
Economic reorganisation 109
brought this present war down on us. Because the people who hold
this view are unwilling (for reasons which, no doubt, they regard
as statesmanlike) to come out in the open and lay the real issue on
the table, all sorts of smoke screens are thrown up to support the
proposition that Germany must be rebuilt. Examples are:
(a) The fallacy that Europe needs a strong industrial Germany.
(b) The contention that recurring reparations (which would require
immediate reconstruction of the German economy) are necessary
so that Germany may be made to pay for the destruction she has
caused.
(c) The naïve belief that the removal or destruction of all German
war materials and the German armament industry would in itself
prevent Germany from waging another war.
(d) The illogical assumption that a soft peace would facilitate the
growth of democracy in Germany.
(e) The fallacy that making Germany a predominantly agricultural
country, with light industries but no heavy industries, would mean
starving Germans.
We can submit to you studies which in our opinion will demonstrate
that these propositions and others leading to the same conclusions
are false.
This thing needs to be dragged out into the open. I feel so deeply
about it that I speak strongly. If we don’t face it I am just as sure as
I can be that we are going to let a lot of hollow and hypocritical
propaganda lead us into recreating a strong Germany and making a
foe of Russia. I shudder for the sake of our children to think of what
will follow.
There is nothing that I can think of that can do more at this moment
to engender trust or distrust between the United States and Russia
than the position this government takes on the German problem.
Source: John Morton Blum (ed.), From the Morgenthau Diaries: Years of War
1941–1945 (Boston, 1967) pp. 394 f.
Note
1 i.e., that the Germans had ‘the will to try it again’, that no benevolent measures
taken by the Allies could do anything about that in the short run, and that
heavy industry was ‘the core of German’s war-making potential’
Hamburg, where all the manuscripts he kept at home were destroyed in the
devastating air raid of 1943. Nevertheless, he became well known after the war
in Germany and especially in France, where Jean-Paul Sartre helped to get his
work published in translation. In 1956 he was finally able to make writing a
full-time occupation. This letter dates from a time when the efforts of trying to
write and trying to run a business were equally inhibited by circumstances, and
many people’s energies were absorbed by the primary effort simply to live,
whether or not they used the black market to provide themselves with extra
luxuries. In his letter of 30 November 1945 to fellow-writer Hermann Kasack,
Nossack attempts to describe his daily routine without moaning about his lot,
which for him adds to the indignity of the situation which creates a new division
of society into haves and have-nots, i.e. relatively well-provided black market
profiteers and others sticking to an ordinary job and suffering for it.
I promised you to write you a more personal letter some time. But
I am hardly getting round to it. Please consider, when reading all
my letters, under what abnormally difficult circumstances they are
being written. My office staff sits around me waiting for answers,
telephone calls and visits from brokers interrupt me. But above all
there is the cold; it muddles up one’s thoughts, and a letter with
maybe a reasonable beginning peters out into nothing. I can hardly
describe, and after all I don’t need to describe how we suffered
from the cold as early as November. Neher’s1 fuel is not being
distributed either, perhaps a hectolitre of wood some time, but that
is not a lot. Most people walk about with swollen fingers and open
wounds, and this paralyses all activity. On top of that, we have
already had frost and snow; just now, however, it has become a bit
warmer again. Our day begins at 5.30 a.m., when we are woken
up by our neighbours who do not need to get up at this hour but
do it anyway just for the heck of it. From 8 to 3 I suffer the office—
all transport stops until 3 o’clock—but then I am so frozen that I
can hardly walk, the more so because I can only take two slices of
dry bread in to work. And then a hard battle for the tube begins. In
the meantime, my wife has been giving lessons in the morning,
then it takes her an hour rushing off at noon to get our food from
the soup kitchen which we depend on because of the lack of gas,
electricity, and cooking facilities, although the most important food
coupons are used up this way; and then the most urgent errands
are done. Around 3, she heats up our food on the little stove, so
the room becomes slightly warmer. After the meal, I always have
some DIY job to do, or logs to split etc. Between 5 and 6 I try to
sleep, to draw a curtain on the day so far and to compensate for
Economic reorganisation 111
Notes
1 Presumably Caspar Neher, illustrator of one of Kasack’s books
2 Germany’s most popular card game, played between three people
3 Black market
4 See 4.6.
Figure 9 A black market in Berlin in 1945 –equally popular with civilians and Soviet
troops
Economic reorganisation 113
Two years after the end of the war, the economic situation had deteriorated in
spite of all endeavours of the authorities to ensure adequate supplies for the
German population. The official figures for food rations were generally no higher
than they had been in May 1945, and even that was only on paper: what the
average consumer (Normalverbraucher) actually got on his or her plate was a
different story. The growing dissatisfaction of the Germans was expressed in a
growing number of demonstrations, while the Allies tried to assure a people
who had become unable to provide for themselves that they were doing their
best to help them. There were very few signs of improvement, however, to add
credibility to such declarations. The newspapers reflected the fact that the state
of the economy was the prime concern in the occupied territories, with political
developments in Germany and the world at large all but eliminated from public
concern for the time being. The leader of the Aachener Nachrichten (Aachen
News) of 9 May 1947 consists of a collection of short reports about individual
Economic reorganisation 115
facets of the generally gloomy picture. With the press still under censorship,
there is no open criticism of Allied policies; the juxtaposition of a British viewpoint
and German news, however, speaks for itself.
Insufficient deliveries
The lack of flour is not the only one, although it is the most palpable.
At the end of April, the ©decline in imports, and insufficient
deliveries of grain by German farmers, led to the present critical
shortage of bread. This came about because at the time, deliveries
continued to fall, and imports were at the lowest level of the year. It
is firmly emphasised that in the efforts to reverse the fall in imports,
financial considerations never played a part; thus the correspondent.
The correspondent is of the opinion that those measures to be
taken in Germany itself should include higher deliveries and greater
justice in distribution. The German authorities in charge of food
may point out that the delivery quotas were originally fixed too
high, but they have to admit in the same breath that the actual
deliveries are too low, because the farmers sell part of their grain
on the black market and keep back another part in their own stores,
while at the same time the shortage of meat and fat is aggravated
by the lack of readiness on the farmers’ part to carry out the
programme for the slaughter of animals which has been announced.
Notes
1 Deutscher Pressedienst, German Press Agency
2 See 2.7.
3 ‘Distress Relief’, a German charity
Hans Schlange-Schöningen (born 1886) was the bi-zonal director of food and
agriculture and a lobbyist of the farmers, often criticised for keeping back food
that was urgently needed by the urban population. Schlange-Schöningen claimed
that those who worked on the farms were simply unable to produce enough;
the statement quoted here is an extract from a letter he wrote to the president
of the VWG economic council, dated 9 February 1948. The buck is passed on:
the argument put forward is that after the legislation concerning agriculture it
is time to extend the new measures to industry, to ensure that farmers got
access to the tools and machinery they required for the production of essential
food supplies.
5.6. ‘DEMONTAGE’
Even after the introduction of the Marshall Plan, the dismantling of German
industry known as ‘Demontage’ went on. The purpose of this policy was
twofold: it was a way of decreasing Germany’s military potential as well as a
means of satisfying the Allied demands for reparations; however, the instant
satisfaction of those demands by taking away some of the means of
production invariably meant decreasing the potential of the German economy
to provide future payments. Also, the cost of carrying out large-scale
operations in some cases exceeded the value of the assets which were to be
removed. Still, the dismantling policy was not dropped in spite of some
modifications of original plans, which were carried out most rigorously in the
Soviet zone from which the USSR tried to get as much compensation as
possible for the huge losses suffered during the war. But in the West, too,
entire industrial plants kept disappearing, bound for Allied countries or other
nations who had been affected by the war, until as late as 1951. Whereas at
first this could be seen as part of a coherent policy, the simultaneous
implementation of reconstruction plans created a paradoxical situation which
gave rise to accusations of hypocrisy levelled at the Allies by politicians and
the public. One of the side-effects of Demontage highlighted by the trade
unions was the withdrawal of a considerable part of the workforce from
more productive labour; the following document is a joint statement by the
trade unions and the Ministry of Labour in Northrhine-Westphalia about the
problems arising.
Note
1 See 3.6.
One of the factors holding back economic development was the monetary
situation. There was too much cash, and not enough to buy with it, and although
the situation was as yet far from the extreme acceleration of the inflationary
period of the 1920s, it was bad enough to convince the Allies that urgent action
was needed. This had been agreed on as early as September 1946, when all four
allied Powers reached a consensus on a new currency to be introduced in all
occupational zones; what they could not agree on, however, was where and
under whose control the new money should be printed. When the Allied Control
Council finally broke up on 20 March 1948, the new Deutsche Mark for the
Western zones was already there, shipped over to Germany from the United
States. The public knew that a currency reform was imminent, but what they
did not know was the date when it would eventually happen. This was threatening
to bring trade in the Western zones virtually to a standstill, making further delays
for attempts to resolve the question on a four-Power basis even more unlikely.
The monthly report of the US military government for May 1948 reflects this
situation prior to ‘X-Day’, 20 June, which eventually put an end to the black
market economy and paved the way for the Wirtschaftswunder, the economic
miracle of the 1950s. The section of the report quoted here is headed ‘Manpower’.
122 Germany 1945–1949
to the Coal Control Group that 50,000 sets of heavy trousers and
jackets, winter shirts, woollen socks, heavy boots and shoes, and
any surplus stocks of gas capes or similar articles for use in wet
weather, be allocated to the Ruhr housing workers.
Source: Office of Military Government for Germany US, Monthly report of the
Military Governor, vol. 35 (May 1948) pp. 14 f.
Note
1 See 2.5., 11.6.
What had been whispered in pubs and behind shop counters has
become the talk of the day. Everyone tries in his own way to minimise
the damage. At the counters of the banks, there are crowds of small
savers.
We do a little round, asking: ‘What are you doing with your
money?’
‘Paying it in!’ says a worried housewife, who puts her thousand
Marks on the counter. ‘Some of it has to remain after all. The black
124 Germany 1945–1949
market prices are too high. I do hope that after the reform, there
will be some things to buy again.’
‘My daughter works with the authorities,’ another one explains.
‘She just said: Mother, take everything out.’ Next to her a crafty
50-year-old man, with the red pay-out form as well: ‘You have to
have a good nose for it (he had one), then you can save something
yet.’ A young man intervenes: ‘If we want to keep anything, we
have to pay it in, for the plan is to hit especially the exorbitant
profits of the black market dealers which are not registered.’
Confused by the contradictory opinions, we turn to a bank clerk:
‘Confidentially, not officially, I advise you to buy, if you can still
buy anything.’ A typist of the bank suggests: ‘Withdraw only as
much as you can still invest.’
‘Invest’: this is also the opinion of a coquettish shop assistant
withdrawing the money from her account. ‘What in?’ we ask in
astonishment. ‘If there is no other way, in adverts for a marriage
partner. But preferably of course in stockings and fabrics—fashion
demands it.’
‘You can believe me,’ insists the nervous 30-year-old lady, ‘I am
only taking out 3,000 Marks, my husbands needs it to do business.’
In the street, we meet a black market dealer: Those people putting
their money in the bank are stupid enough. I have none.—Do you
need anything, perhaps?’
‘It’s going to be hit anyway,’ says a 40-year-old welder. ‘I’m
leaving it in the bank.’ A 56-year-old man, poorly dressed, bombed
out of his home, smiles: ‘I have no money which could be wasted,
I can hardly get the beds together again.’
‘I want to travel, so I can still benefit from the money.’ The 60-
year-old lady does not look like a globetrotter at all. As she opens
her bag, a packet of Chesterfield appears. ‘Will you buy cigarettes?’
We were everywhere. There are more savers frequenting the banks,
but pay-ins and withdrawals are roughly equal. Many trust in the
belief that the small saver will not lose his last possessions, and leave
their money in the bank. The rumours about a ban on withdrawals
are totally unfounded in Darmstadt. The rumour that ‘X-Day’ is
imminent, however, has given rise to a certain nervousness in front
of and behind the counters, in spite of the people’s level-headedness.
The first major wave of civilian refugees began to arrive in the central regions of
the Reich as the war entered German territory in the East. While Nazi propaganda
still talked about the Endsieg, i.e. final victory, those who had to leave their
homes and most of their belongings literally brought home the fact of the relentless
advance of enemy troops to the population of the German heartland. Alice
Johnstone (born 1929), then only fifteen years old and bearing her maiden name
Malzahn, was a student at a college for primary school teachers in the small
town of Rössel in East Prussia, which was about to be taken by the Red Army in
January 1945. As the front drew too near for comfort, the headmaster and his
family pulled out in their car, leaving the girls at the college to fend for themselves:
while the local students attempted to make their own way home, those whose
families lived further away stayed on until they were found by a Wehrmacht
medical unit converting the supposedly abandoned building into a makeshift
field hospital. Contrary to the rules, the soldiers took the remaining girls with
them as they boarded their hospital train bound for the town of Heiligenbeil
south-west of Königsberg, where more refugees were gathering, waiting for a
chance to get to the port of Danzig, and on to one of the ships taking refugees
out of East Prussia. The diary of Alice Johnstone records the mixed emotions of
a teenage girl far from her family, in a situation of extreme danger, the main
ingredients being fear, relief, adventure, and romance, in different permutations
according to rapidly changing circumstances in a situation which appears as as
essentially a struggle between the forces of chaos and order.
1 February 1945
Today we learn by accident that five girls from Rössel are here.
Wonderful. In town we meet some more. What a joy that was.
Later, seven more arrive. We go to see the Ortsgruppenleiter1 and
he promises us private accommodation. Wonderful! Four girls have
been put up already. It’s as in a dream. Perhaps we are dreaming,
127
128 Germany 1945–1949
after all. In town, it’s terrible. One can hardly get through. They’ve
put up refugees in schools. What a commotion, seven-hundred
people, you just can’t stand the noise. Poor people. The small
children are crying, everything is so cramped. We can think ourselves
lucky. Today we are lying in some shack. This used to be a
kindergarten. It’s quite nice, just cold. Tomorrow we are going
into private accommodation. And we are really hungry. That is the
best thing of all, that we can at last fill our bellies. The girls are
lying here dead tired, and I can’t keep my eyes open either. Good
night, dear parents, and dear All. Are you thinking of me?
2 February 1945
This is real sleeping. Until ten we lie wrapped in our blankets. We
can have breakfast whenever we choose.
Is something like this possible at all? The Ortsgruppenleiter was
here, to say he is glad that we are helping in the kitchen. The girls
and the woman from the kitchen praised us, too. Six girls are in
private accommodation, and the seven of us will also get there. We
may even get to cook for ourselves, if we have the facilities. If not,
we’ll be eating here. Two girls are on kitchen duty. We are glad that
things are going in an orderly way at last. Just now, refugees from
Masuren2 are passing by. The file is just endless. A ceaseless flow of
people. Here, there’s a lot of toys around, as the kindergarten used
to be here. Picture books and such things are lying about, too.
In the afternoon, we will have to go to the registration. Now we
must stay here until everything sorts itself out. We can’t get out
anyway.
We’ll have to wait. What are you all doing? You’ve also got
alerts all the time, haven’t you? Here, the food is excellent.
Yesterday we had pea soup. It was really tasty. The only good thing
is that the food is fine. If we could only be with you now. It’s just
no life here. The heavy flak is firing again. Doors and windows
are vibrating. Normally one would be trembling with fear, but now
one’s got used to it and just keeps writing. Perhaps you aren’t any
better off either. But at least you’re all together. That’s the greatest
happiness after all. Just now there’s noise again. Everyone lies down
on the ground. The hut is threatening to turn over. My God, when
and how do we get out of here. Across the Haff?3 That is flooded.
Thus, no go either. There is lamenting and whimpering here. Some
mothers have lost children. Some have frozen to death. What a
misery. I think we won’t get out any more, as the shooting and the
Homecomers and refugees 129
explosions are getting louder all the time. We still need to get some
bread, in case we’re to go across the Haff. I can’t quite believe
that we’ll still get out, but one can always hope, and must hope,
all the same.
Source: Diary of Mrs Alice Johnstone, née Malzahn (unpublished)
Notes
1 See 4.6.
2 Southern region of East Prussia
3 Frisches Haff, one of the lagoons on this part of the Baltic coast which
frequently freeze over during the winter
For many Germans after the war, the prime concern was to find their relations
from whom they had been separated in one way or another, or at least to find
out what had happened to them. This was no easy task in a country whose
bureaucratic machinery had all but collapsed with the totalitarian regime which
it served; the new administrations had limited powers and restricted
communications. Parents who had lost sight of their children, or released
prisoners of war who returned to a ruined house with nobody at hand to ask
for information about the fate of its inhabitants, often chose to take the matter
into their own hands rather than trust some authority to undertake the search
on their behalf. Especially ex-PoWs could be found on the road, and not only
because they were looking for their families: an official estimate of 1948 names
a figure of two million Heimkehrer (homecomers) in the three Western zones
who knew that they had no homes to go to because their families were dead, or
because their wives had found someone else during their enforced absence.
These people did not always choose a travelling life out of their own free will;
for if they could not prove that they had previously lived, or had close relatives,
in a particular place, they were often refused a permanent residence permit, or
even deported. There were several attempts to ease the situation: private
initiatives for so-called ‘godparentships’ (Patenschaften), for instance, tried to
find host families for homeless homecomers, and charitable organisations ran
their own schemes to locate missing persons. The newspaper report from
Marburger Presse of 25 September 1945 quoted below attempts to boost public
confidence in such operations by stressing their success rate, warning people to
stay put and have faith in the Red Cross if they want their loved ones back.
On the roads and in the refugee camps, every single day, one
encounters thousands of refugees and released soldiers, who have
been wandering from town to town for weeks and months to look
130 Germany 1945–1949
for their relatives. Even the fact that many towns have taken action
against the population influx from outside, and no longer give any
food coupons to non-entitled incomers, is not enough to deter the
searchers who, in their distress, often act without deliberation in
order to achieve their goal in one way or another.
Many give their last penny to private tracing services which, in
some cases, turn the distress of the refugees into a considerable
profit. This is why in many places all private enterprises have been
shut down, and the German Red Cross alone has been entrusted
with the search campaign. For this purpose, the DRK 1 has
undertaken the untiring effort of building up its investigation
services.
Tens of thousands of people torn away from their families have
already been reunited with their relatives by the DRK investigation
services. Between 800 and 900 missing persons per day are now
being located by the central office, whose files are permanently
updated according to reports from Land and district offices of the
DRK and liaison officers of Wehrmacht departments and PoW
camps, as well as according to new private applications sent directly
to the head office. Twice as many notification cards are sent out
every day by the central office, i.e. messages to the applicants as
well as the missing persons found. The investigation services are
growing by the day, so that in the not too distant future, a daily
success rate of more than one thousand persons found can be
expected.
Our urgent advice to every person looking for anyone is therefore
not to go off wandering on a private search, but to make his or her
wishes known—if this has not been done yet—to the nearest district
office of the German Red Cross. From there, the search applications
are passed on to the central office, from where the applicants and
the persons searched for, if found, are directly notified. All searchers
who do not have the opportunity to hand in their applications
personally to the district office in Marburg can send them in on a
simple postcard. Wanted are the following data:
1 Surname of applicant, Christian name, date and place of birth,
marital status, exact last home address, exact current address.
2 Details of relatives living with the applicant. (Surname,
Christian name, date of birth, relationship with applicant).
3 Which relatives are missing? (Surname, Christian name, date
of birth, relationship with applicant, and last known address).
All information is to be typed or printed clearly, and sent to the
DRK Investigation Office, Marburg, Deutschhausstr. 21. For
Figure 11 Returned PoWs are asked for information about missing husbands and sons
132 Germany 1945–1949
Note
1 Deutsches Rotes Kreuz, German Red Cross
the days of Hitler’s rule the German public had only heard harmful,
scandalous and libellous things about those Germans, if they had
grown used to an equation of the term ‘emigrant’ with ‘criminal’,
then now, since May 1945, they have learned some unconnected
facts which might have made them sit up and take notice: all of a
sudden, there were people in Germany who were asking Thomas
Mann2 to come back; there were others who believed themselves
unable to forgive him for not complying with this request
immediately; people could read that the great German actor Albert
Bassermann would be returning to Berlin; that the conductor Bruno
Walter would one day be leading the Berlin Philharmonic Orchestra
again; that the authors Johannes R.Becher3 and Friedrich Wolf4
had come back to Germany from Russia; and then, suddenly, the
term ‘Inner Emigration’ appeared on the scene. But at the same
time, the editors of those newspapers who referred to the emigrants
in such a fashion were inundated with dozens of letters with the
ever-repeated question how important those emigrants were
anyway, and whether people did not have more important things
to worry about instead of contemplating the return of Thomas
Mann or Oskar Maria Graf5 from America. And other letters
pointed to the wall which, they claimed, separates the Germans in
Germany from their ‘fortunate’ brothers in foreign parts today.
What, it was asked again in other letters, have the ‘broken voices
of the emigrants’ got to tell us?
It is simple to lament this lack of understanding. But the only
important thing is to make a contribution to improve this state of
affairs. If today those who stayed at home and those who were driven
out are really separated by a wall, then the thing to do is not to state
the fact in resignation, but to systematically pull down this wall.
That neither side will be on the giving or on the receiving end
exclusively, hardly needs to be mentioned. What the writers among
the emigrants have over the past decade been lamenting most deeply,
again and again, is the fact that they were forcefully torn away from
the home of their hearts, and the longing for the lost paradise of
their hearts has found its expression in poetry which is among the
most beautiful in the German tongue. We should only remember
the songs of longing written by Max Hermann-Neisse6 and the
otherwise so unemotional Bert Brecht7 these verses may not have
transcended the borders, but beyond the borders they expressed the
grief of hundreds of thousands who once counted themselves as
part of Germany, and maybe even among the best of Germans, in
ever-valid form. Their eyes turned back, the German poets in exile
134 Germany 1945–1949
suffered all the more, the richer they regarded the gifts and the
inspiration they received from the Germany which they call theirs.
Source: ‘Brücken statt Mauern. Eine offene Betrachtung zu dem Problem des
Geistes im Exil’, in: Die neue Zeitung: Eine amerikanische Zeitung für die
deutsche Bevölkerung. Feuilleton-und Kunst-Beilage (11 January 1946) p.1
Notes
1 Franz Carl Weiskopf, born 1900 in Prague; novelist, critic, and journalist
2 See 6.6.
3 Born 1891; poet, returned from exile in various countries, finally the USSR,
to become president of the Kulturbund zur demokratischen Erneuerung
Deutschlands (Cultural Association for the Democratic Renewal of
Germany) in the Soviet zone, appointed GDR minister of culture 1954
4 Born 1888, medical man, playwright, and author of fiction who was
imprisoned in a concentration camp during almost the entire period of
Nazi rule, came to live in the Eastern part of Germany
5 Novelist and poet, born 1894, lived in exile in New York
6 Nom de plume of all-round creative writer Max Herrmann, born 1886,
died in his London exile in 1941
7 Eugen Berthold Friedrich Brecht, born 1898, poet and dramatist; returned
to the Soviet Zone of Germany from exile in the USA
After the first wave of people who fled before the advancing Soviet troops, there
was a second movement of Germans from East to West, swelling the population
of all four Allied zones by about ten millions. These were the expellees from
Eastern Europe, the territory where Nazi barbarism had had its most devastating
effect. The policy of creating ‘Lebensraum’ (i.e., room to live) for the German
people offered the inhabitants of the East merely the role of agricultural serfs to
the master race, and the behaviour of the German troops and administrators
was governed by the tenet that the Slavs were a race of Untermenschen (i.e.
sub-humans). Consequently, the fact that for instance the reconstituted states
of Poland and Czechoslovakia were keen to get rid of the Germans left in their
territory could come as no great surprise; in the case of Poland and the Soviet
Union, the territory included those Eastern provinces of the German Reich which
were to be under their administration. Neither could the expulsion programme
be expected to go through without considerable hardships for those who had
survived initial acts of revenge: the Western Allies, having agreed to the measures
in principle, did little more than express concern about the way they were to be
carried out, and insist on ‘a humane and orderly’ procedure, as in the agreement
between Britain and Poland quoted here on the handling of ‘trainloads and
shipments’ of expellees of 14 February 1946. Later estimates of the total loss of
lives among refugees and expellees which name figures of around two million
deaths give an impression of the reality behind such official formulas.
Homecomers and refugees 135
4 ACCEPTANCE ARRANGEMENTS
Expellees will be accepted by the British authorities on the border
of Poland and the Soviet Occupied Zone of Germany and, for
this purpose, British Repatriation Teams will be stationed at
STETTIN and KALAWSK (Kohlfurt). Agreed that trainloads and
shipments having been inspected and approved by British
Repatriation Teams in Polish territory will be accepted without
question by the British Zone authorities. This is to ensure that
trainloads will not be turned back into Soviet Occupied Zone of
Germany. The strength of the teams at each point will be
approximately three officers and three other ranks (including
medical staff) plus interpreter. Polish authorities agree to supply
accommodation and food to the Repatriation Teams; British
authorities will provide cars and petrol. Soviet authorities will
provide necessary permits and transit facilities for the British
Repatriation Teams to proceed to STETTIN and KALAWSK
(Kohlfurt).
5 DISINFESTATION
All expellees will be dusted with DDT Powder at STETTIN and
KALAWSK (Kohlfurt), which will be observed by British
Repatriation Teams. This will mean that trains coming into
STETTIN and KALAWSK (Kohlfurt) will be held for
approximately three hours. British authorities will immediately
make available to Polish authorities in Berlin 3 tons of DDT
Powder, Polish authorities will arrange onward transport of this
DDT Powder to Poland. Further supplies of DDT Powder will be
furnished by the British authorities and backloaded in returning
empty stock from HELMSTEDT and LUBECK when the
movement commences.
6 TRAIN GUARDS
Polish authorities will supply guards, approximately ten per train.
The guards will be rationed by the Polish authorities for the round
trip, and the British agree to arrange overnight accommodation
for the guards in the British Zone.
7 TRAIN SCHEDULES
It will greatly facilitate dispersal arrangements within the British
Zone if all trains could be so timed that they arrive from Poland
at reception points in the British Zone before noon daily. Soviet
authorities will do everything possible to meet this requirement.
136 Germany 1945–1949
8 BAGGAGE
Expellees will be permitted to take with them as much of their own
baggage as they can carry in their hands, including bedding and
cooking utensils.
9 CURRENCY
Expellees will be permitted to take with them a maximum of 500
Reichsmarks per head. No currency other than Reichsmarks can
be taken to the British Zone.
10 RATIONS
STETTIN-LUBECK route by sea: Polish authorities will supply
two days’ rations, plus one day’s reserve, to cover passage to
LUBECK. On the rail route STETTIN to BAD SEGEBERG, each
train will leave STETTIN with two days’ rations, plus one day’s
reserve. On the rail route from KALAWSK (Kohlfurt) to
MARIENTAL, ALVERSDORF and FRIEDLAND, each train will
leave KALAWSK (Kohlfurt) with three days’ rations, plus one
day’s reserve. All unexpired portions of rations will be unloaded
at destinations in British Zone.
Source: Wilhelm Cornides (ed.), Europa-Archiv: Zeitgeschichte, Zeitkritik,
Verwaltung (August 1947) p. 824
1946. Around Christmas, the most important annual family event in Germany,
the absence of fathers, son, and brothers from many households took on an
added poignancy, and the result could be such bitterness as pervades this report
about PoWs in France, written under the condition of censorship which
prohibited any direct criticism of Allied policies.
The French Foreign Office has just announced that the German
prisoners of war in France are to receive better clothing this winter,
and a rise in their rations up to a future 2,000 calories per day.
This declaration of the Foreign Office is the first official reaction
to a report by the International Red Cross, and to the request put
to France by the American army for an immediate improvement of
the conditions for German prisoners of war.
At the beginning of December, about two thousand prisoners of
war working in the mines of Valenciennes simply stayed down the
mine overnight, in protest against insufficient food and soap rations.
They had sent a deputation to the manager of the mines, to complain
about the shortages. The following morning, the protest strikers
were taken out of the mine and into a camp, after their leaders had
been arrested.
The French authorities declared that the two-day strike had
caused a loss of six thousand tons in coal production.
A commission of the Red Cross visiting France had found that
around seventy thousand German prisoners of war had to be
released to go home on account of their ill health, and around fifty
thousand were unfit to work.
Of the seven hundred and fifty thousand German prisoners of
war in France, more than six hundred thousand had been taken
captive by the American forces. The Americans have merely ‘loaned’
these prisoners to France as a labour force.
Because, however, the Americans feel responsible for the prisoners
of war according to international law, the American army put an
urgent request to the French government to carry out improvements
of the conditions for German prisoners of war immediately.
Prior to the army’s brief note, James Byrnes,1 the US Foreign
Secretary, had already asked France, Belgium, Holland and
Luxemburg to release those six hundred and seventy-four thousand
prisoners of war taken by the American army before 1 October 1947.
Holland, Luxemburg and Belgium declared their willingness to do
so.
In the opinion of the French government, the requested release
138 Germany 1945–1949
Notes
1 See 2.4., 5.3.
2 Pierre Tanguy-Prigent, farmer and resistance activist in Brittanny, member
of the French Socialist party
Notes
1 Thomas Mann’s daughter, writer and actress, married the poet W.H.Auden
2 The original line from Schiller’s play about Joan of Arc reads ‘Nichtswürdig
ist die Nation, die nicht ihr alles freudig setzt an ihre Ehre’ (Base is the
nation which will not gladly stake its all for its honour)
About the life of the German prisoners of war in the Soviet Union,
little is as yet known, and it will certainly take a good while longer,
unfortunately, until the prisoners can tell their tale in full, after
they have come home. However, some transports from the USSR
have already arrived in Germany, bringing mostly people who are
ill or unfit to work—and I, too, was one of those. In the present
context, I will not dwell on the living and working conditions of
the German prisoners, but report about my work at a theatre in a
PoW camp, in which there were also Austrians, Hungarians,
Romanians, Spaniards, and others.
On 10 May 1945, after the surrender, I was taken prisoner by
the Russians in Nikoldswalde on the Nehrung1 near Danzig. Our
hope to be soon set free to go home, as we had surrendered, was
not fulfilled. From the main assembly camp in Braunsberg, I myself
and two thousand other able-bodied and healthy comrades were
put on a transport. Off to Siberia. Eleven days and nights we
travelled in goods wagons, and on 9 June we reached our
destination: the town of Asbest, not far from Sverdlovsk in the
Ural.
Then I worked in the asbestos quarries for nearly eight months,
in the woods felling trees and building roads, on the Comintern
kolkhoz2 in October, harvesting wheat—the snow was already a
foot high—and then as an unskilled bricklayer and concrete
mixer driver on the site of a new factory. This at more than thirty
degrees below. Then I was—that was Christmas week—so run-
down in my health and my physical constitution that my legs
were swollen with water as if I had elephantiasis, my heart began
to give way, and I was moving on crutches and close to a
breakdown. I was taken into hospital, and after my release in
February 1946, I became a so-called ‘OK man’, a man without
strength.3
Figure 12 A released PoW—43 years old—in the Friedland camp
Homecomers and refugees 143
As such an ‘OK man’, I was put into the main and model camp
84/1, where I was to remain until I had recovered and was fit to
work again.
In this camp, apart from excellent hospital wards, there was
also a theatre building, a so-called club. The German prisoners
had built it even while the war was still going on, voluntarily and
in addition to their work, sacrificing their nightly sleep for weeks.
It was exemplary and unique. Beside a stage of 12 by 10 m, an
orchestra pit for about thirty musicians, the sloping auditorium
had about 540 seats, numbered camp-stools. A so-called culture
committee, consisting of around a hundred prisoners, was in charge
of the theatre and the administration. From all the surrounding
camps, people with the necessary skills had been gathered over the
years. Professional actors and singers of famous German, Austrian
and Hungarian theatres and opera houses were working here,
supported by about thirty professional musicians led by their
conductor, the former first violinist of a famous German symphony
orchestra. In this theatre, controlled by Russian officers and
commissaries, catering only for prisoners of war, they performed
not only dramas, operettas and musicals, but also political sketches
as well as big variety shows with cabaret numbers, and revues. At
the same time, the auditorium was used for political meetings and
the propaganda work of anti-fascist instruction.
At this theatre, in the middle of the camp and surrounded by
high wooden fences, watchtowers and barbed wire, people worked
and achieved results which compared well with any middle-sized
theatre of some reputation. As a dramatic adviser, director and
author, I was involved in this work. Life had become bearable again
for me, had acquired a meaning and rewarding tasks.
Source: Paul Möhring (ed.), Hamburger Theater-Almanack 1947 (Hamburg,
1947) pp. 147 f.
Notes
1 Spit of land separating a Haff (cf. 6.1.) from the open sea
2 Soviet term for a state-owned agricultural production unit
3 Mann ohne Kraft; hence the German abbreviation OK
accepted by the local population of the rest of Germany and blend in with
them, or instead remain a group of dissatisfied aliens. Initially, the outcome
was hard to predict, and agitators in the camps that held the people from the
East—some of these camps only recently vacated by a different set of inmates—
found an attentive audience. While many of those outside saw the Easterners
as a threat, a mob of uncivilised beggars, unwashed, speaking bad German,
and competing with the locals for the meagre resources left to the country,
most of the expellees felt a deep sense of humiliation which could just as easily
turn or be turned into resentment and aggression. The following extract from
an article by the American journalist Ernest Leiser (born 1921) starts with the
description of a rally in the former concentration camp of Dachau near Munich.
Leiser had been in Europe since his army service during the war, spending most
of his time as a correspondent in Germany; to his American readers, he sets the
mood with a sinister scene, evoking the spectre of a Nazi revival and that of
communism in the same breath, before he presents some of the underlying
facts.
The summer sun pounded down on the bleak and dusty flatlands
of Dachau. From the sprawling barracks, where once the inmates
of the grimmest murder mill of them all1 had been concentrated,
streamed a throng of shabby men and women.
As they crossed to the wide square opposite the gray buildings
which had housed the gas chamber their faces were intent and angry.
They pushed together, squeezing and shoving as close as possible
to the platform on which a burning-eyed man of fifty was exhorting
them with the controlled rage of a practiced orator.
‘Let them remember’, he shouted in a German which had the
thick accent of the Sudetenland,2 that we are German too, that
German blood runs fiercely in our veins. Let them not dare longer
to treat us as aliens in an alien land. When the might of the
Fatherland was marching in triumph, we marched along. Let them
care for us now in defeat.’ As the twenty thousand men and women
in the square roared approval, the hard-faced speaker waved for
silence. ‘We must not let them provoke us to violence,’ he said in a
lower, caressing tone of voice. That’s what they want—to break
and destroy us.’
‘Yet I tell you this,’ and again his voice rose to its trained frenzy,
‘When they say to us, “We have no money to care for you,” we
must demand that they find money. When they say, “There are no
jobs, no homes,” we must reply, “Find jobs, find homes or we will
rise in our righteous might.”’
‘And if’, he shouted, ‘the German treasury cannot provide for
our needs, let the Americans take care of us. They are spending
Homecomers and refugees 145
billions in preparing to start the next world war. Let them take
that money to feed and clothe us.’
He continued for an hour, ranting on against the German and
Occupation authorities. He interspersed his harangue with appeals
to ‘remain calm’ so deftly that they only incited the crowd to noisier
anger. By the time he had finished, in a screaming crescendo of
denunciation, his twenty thousand listeners had turned into an
uncontrollable mob. They stormed out of the camp armed with
clubs and stones, and before police could quell them they smashed
the surrounding area in a fury of vengeful destruction.
The man who could stir his auditors to such frenzy is Egon
Hermann, the ‘demagogue of Dachau’, something of a man of
mystery. He arrived at the former concentration camp in June 1948,
having just been expelled, he said, from Prague. Investigation,
however, indicated that he and his wife had left Czechoslovakia in
1946 for Russia’s zone of Germany and had been able freely to
return to Prague, where he lived and worked intermittently until
May 1948.
Dynamic and ruthless, Hermann has been called a neo-Nazi and
an agent of the Soviets. His own words would offer some
justification for both accusations. He admits, with notable pride,
that he was a Nazi. He says he is not a Communist but ‘of the
Left’, and adds that his ‘political conviction is the colour of my
heart’s blood.’ He shouts that ‘the day will come when we shall
take what we want.’
Whatever his political colouration, his political ambition is plain.
He aspires to be the ‘Führer’ of Germany’s expellees and, through
them, perhaps of all Germany. He has been sentenced to a year in
prison for inciting his followers in Bavaria to riot, and he has
privately compared his sentence to that of Hitler in Landsberg
prison.3 ’My sentence is a badge of honour,‘ he has said.
Source: Ernest Leiser, ‘Germany’s stepchildren’, in: Arthur Settel (ed.), This is
Germany (Freeport: repr., 1971) pp. 196 ff.
Notes
1 The superlative is at least arguable if one considers the extermination camps
in the East, such as Auschwitz and Majdanek
2 The Nazis’ official name for the northern part of Czechoslovakia
incorporated into the Reich by the Munich treaty of 1938
3 After an unsuccessful coup d’état in 1923, Hitler was sentenced to five
years’ imprisonment and held in Landsberg in southern Bavaria until 1924
under faifavourable conditions, enabling him to work on his book Mein
Kampf (My Struggle)
146 Germany 1945–1949
He gave a short laugh and cast his hungry looks over my digs.
‘Great,’ he mumbled mockingly. The abode of the homecoming
soldier.’ Then, looking at me with the same mocking expression,
he suddenly asked: ‘How do you cope with the loneliness?’
Strangely, I had been expecting his question. I looked at the pile
of paper on the table, with my writing on it. I will tell him, I thought,
I can tell him, he will understand me. ‘I am writing a book,’ I said.
He looked at me doubtfully.
‘Yes,’ I said. ‘I don’t know what drove me to it. It took possession
of me, and I feel the urge to write everything down. I feel that I have
to tell them. I have to explain to them exactly how I live and what I
observe, the city and the people who live here, the ruins and the
empty expression in the eyes of the former inhabitants when they
look around them. I must describe myself, for I am one of hundreds
of thousands, I must describe my dreams, my hunger and my
yearnings. They may recognise themselves in me, and I must tell
them not to despair, tell them that they have to start all over again.’
Homecomers and refugees 147
148
Transport and communication 149
Note
1 Small firearms had been a standard part of police equipment in Germany
for some time; the requirement of a special permit to carry arms was
abolished again after Control Council Directive No. 16 of 6 November
1945
Germans who wanted to keep in touch with one another over a distance found
that the clocks had been turned back in 1945: they were no longer part of a
modern nation with easy, cheap and unrestricted communication for all. Of
course some communications, for instance those of people suspected of
subversion against the regime, had not been unaffected before 1945, but for
most people, Allied regulations brought more palpable changes. Their
150 Germany 1945–1949
Notes
1 Only German and English were allowed, and letters had to carry the
information which language they were in on the envelope, to facilitate the
censors’ work
2 They were not illegal as such, but their users would have to violate the rule
that only the backs of postcards were to be used for writing messages
3 Hamburg head post office
The fact that public and private transport were severely restricted had more
than the obvious economic consequences for post-war society. Isolated
communities became more isolated, and even within and around the centres of
population, lifestyles changed, especially for those who depended on public
152 Germany 1945–1949
means of transport to go about their daily business. Journeys that had been
merely a matter of routine took on the character of major expeditions, which
was especially frustrating for commuters living outside the major cities. One of
them was the writer Hermann Kasack, resident in Potsdam just outside Berlin
in the Soviet zone of occupation, and chief editor for the well-known publisher
Peter Suhrkamp, whose offices were in the Western sectors of Berlin. In a letter
of 18 November 1945 to fellow-author Hans-Erich Nossack (see 5.2.), who
had been complaining about the situation in Hamburg and contemplating a
move to Berlin, Kasack does his best to put his correspondent off the idea that
life in and around the former capital is any easier or any further ahead on the
way back to normality.
Notes
1 ‘Organise’ was a popular euphemism for ‘steal’
2 ‘Ufa town’, the Ufa (Universum-Film Aktiengesellschaft) was the biggest
film company in Germany; from 1942 the official umbrella organisation of
the national film industry
3 ‘Stadtbahn’, city railway
4 Potsdam
5 Peter Suhrkamp
Every attempt is being made to repair locos and wagons, and the
necessary industrial plants are being re-activated. Re-activation and
Transport and communication 155
Notes
1 The German state railway, established in 1920
2 Regional administrative units of the Reichsbahn
Notes
1 Range of hills northwest of Frankfurt/Main
2 Opel, for instance, did not turn out their first post-war lorry until July 1946,
Mercedes produced just over 400 ‘170V cars in 1947, and even the annual
production figures of the Volkswagen remained below 10,000 until 1948
In the post-war period, trains and railway stations were of particular importance
as locations for the transfer of goods and people as well as of news, views, and
rumours. There were stories to tell, and useful information to be gathered which
other channels did not provide: there were also interpretations of contemporary
Figure 14 ‘Wheels must roll for victory’ had been a Nazi propaganda slogan; the reality proved to be
different
Transport and communication 159
events to be swapped and mutually confirmed. This was essential for the
establishment of a new reference grid to replace the old system where people
were either for or against, or somewhere in between in relation to one official
set of values; from 1945 onwards, the situation had become much more
complicated, and people had to redefine their own position and role in a
confusingly complex world. This made simplified explanations of the new reality
all the more attractive, and made the more astute observers of their times all
the more prone to frustration at such standardised opinions which they could
not escape hearing in public places. Hans Werner Richter (born 1908), co-
editor of the magazine Der Ruf (The call), subtitled ‘Independent journal of
the young generation’, describes his impressions of conversations overheard
during journeys on the railway in the article quoted below. Der Ruf had been
founded in American PoW camps and established in Germany by the US military
government, which withdrew the licence from its editors in April 1947, offended
by the frank and irreverent criticism their magazine meted out in all directions.
registration form, the identity card, the queues, all these are in
their eyes essential features of democracy. They say: ‘What a
cheek. The Nazis could not have done any better either. But now
we have a democracy, anyway.’ They are permanently engaged in
historical comparisons. ‘In the old days,’ they said, ‘yes, in the old
days travelling was a completely different thing. What a
wonderful time that was. Well, today you simply travel
democratically.’ They regard political events not from the bird’s
eye perspective of beautiful theory, but according to the facts of
their everyday lives. As they have been told they are living in a
democracy, they say: ‘The hunger, the shortage of fat, the
bureaucratism, the corruption—this is democracy.’ Up and down
the country, by all railway tracks and in all train compartments
the same conversations are held and the same phrases are uttered:
‘Now we are democrats—now we can starve.’ This is the outcome
of mistaking one thing for another, or of a wrong kind of
propaganda.
Source: Hans Werner Richter, ‘Unterhaltungen am Schienenstrang’, Der Ruf 1/
4 (1946) pp. 6 f.
So there they stood, amidst the swell which all around them sent
its roaring waves higher than a man’s head from four directions:
the varnished helmet slightly askew on their heads, white gloves
Transport and communication 161
on their hands, and they conducted. Apart from the fact that they
had no rostrum under their feet, they really resembled bandmasters.
It looked as if they were silencing the impudent brass with their
left hand, while ‘tickling forward’ the string section waving the
bent index and middle finger of the right. The string section? Well:
the motorised passers-by, of course, from jeeps to Goliaths towing
tanks. But even that apart, the comparison is not all that far-fetched.
Because the traffic, even as it took on a more civilian character
later, was to its wiry wire-pullers obviously never for a single
moment a mechanical thing, to be treated—similia similibus1 in a
mechanical way. On the contrary, they seemed to perceive it as the
ever-changing Broadway melody of the city, only to be done justice
by passionate dedication and complete mastery of the score. Not
that they danced outright to the restrained beat of explosions. But
something in their posture, so ‘un-smart’, more relaxed, yet intense,
met our expectation that maybe any moment they would start to
dance. As calm as the legs (lazy in the hips) stood on the pavement—
the arms, incredibly long and very agile, were on their way to
dancing already.
What was distinctive and fascinating for us, was in fact that
they waved to give way and direction to every individual driver,
and that in a way which favoured vehicles going in one direction
or another, according to a lightning assessment of distances. A
virtuoso performance, musical with a sporting element. As such it
was delivered, and as such it was also perceived by spectators and
expert road users. The result: the traffic could increase as it would,
it was not only tamed. It also kept moving!
As later on, by and by, German traffic police took over this
task again, it was fairly plain to see that they had taken a lesson
from those ‘traffic ball players’. They pulled individual drivers
close, they muted, they guided them past. Some were already
quite good at it. Others found it harder. But on the whole the
impression remained that this masterful style was not the
Germans’ cup of tea, used as they were to the military exercise
code. The hope that they would soon develop a taste for it was
however not dead yet. Of late, it is looking a bit like it, here and
there, unfortunately. Where traffic lights—as on Marienplatz or
Odeonsplatz, at the Ludwigsbrücke—are in use again, the
mechanical stops and monotonous changes are inevitable. But
unfortunately, even where the traffic controller has not become a
mere operator of an indifferent machine but makes his decisions
independently, we can occasionally see a slackening, an
162 Germany 1945–1949
Note
1 Like to like
Outside, the Rhine was flowing, huge and silvery grey. In the
Rheingau,1 the old vintners’ estates rested sedately in the cultivated
vineyards. On the opposite bank, the poplars were finely drawn
into the moist-dark sky. But the opposite bank seemed miles away.
The great river of the Western world is a dividing line today, instead
of a connection. It separates the Germans from one another. And by
separating the Germans, it is separating Europe. On its banks, there
are still the great monuments of medieval history. In its bed lie the
sunken ships. Funnels and masts rise out of the water defiantly. But
it is already busy again with traffic. One sees ships with the French,
the American, the Dutch, the Swiss flag. The German flag is not
among them. There is no German flag any more.
Transport and communication 163
Just before Linz, the French control post, the conductor locks
me into the toilet. It is dark and dirty in there. The train stops.
After a while, voices can be heard. ‘Open the suitcase!’ A heated
exchange of words. Then the disputing parties move away again.
The minutes go by. At last, the whistle signals departure. The engine
pulls away again. The conductor unlocks the door again, and we
laugh furtively. I look out of the window. On the platform stands a
small group of people watching the train leave. The German ‘border’
police had taken them off. Because they had no documents, they
have to pay a hundred Marks now, and may only travel on when
the next train comes. Because in order to travel from Koblenz to
Cologne, a German needs documents today. German police sees to
that. No Frenchman shows his face in the process. Because the
French know very well that the Germans will do the job perfectly.
That the Germans still obey any order given to them. That the
Germans will never learn from history.
Source: ‘Der richtige Nährboden für die Demokratie’, in: Der Ruf 11/15 (1947)
p.6
Note
1 Wine-growing area on the right bank of the Rhine between Wiesbaden and
Assmanshausen
The first Allied newspapers for Germans appeared during the later stages of
the war. In the West, the Psychological Warfare Division at the Allied
Headquarters published the Frontpost, aimed at German soldiers and distributed
by means of leaflet bombs behind the front lines from August 1944; in the
occupied territory, the Aachener Nachrichten (Aachen News) was the first paper
edited by Germans under Allied control in January 1945. In the East, the Soviet
Tägliche Rundschau (Daily Review) appeared in May 1945, and after the Order
No. 2 issued by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany permitted the
establishment of political parties, these were also licensed to publish their own
newspapers. The Guidelines of the Politbureau of the Central Committee of
the Communist Party (KPD) of 5 April 1945 outline the role of the press as
envisaged by those who aimed at complete re-education from a Marxist point
of view, which has to be seen in a different framework from similar attempts in
the West. According to dialectical materialism, a fundamental change in the
economic basis of society was a precondition to the ultimate destruction of
fascism; yet the following document shows that the psychological influence of
the press on the development of post-war society as well as its value as a
propaganda weapon during the war was by no means under-rated.
165
166 Germany 1945–1949
Note
1 Literally, the German people’s newspaper
after a long exposure to Nazi propaganda: they could not claim complete
independence, and had to convince the public by practising a kind of journalism
that was frank and truthful under the difficult conditions imposed by Allied
controls, even after precensorship was abandoned. The best way to do this was
to talk in a language fundamentally different from what had gone before, the
‘harsh language of fact’, as it is called in the leader from the first issue of Die Zeit
quoted below. Die Zeit appeared in the British zone, taking its name from the
London Times whose example it meant to follow, although the article disclaims
aspirations to a similar ‘position of excellence’ on the grounds of the ‘modest
means’ available to the Hamburg newspapermen. The second piece from the
same page with its highly metaphorical portrayal of the German predicament
presents a striking contrast to the motto proclaimed in the leader.
a) Our task
‘It is our aim, after twelve years of Nazi domination and Nazi
propaganda,to re-create a free press in Germany. This action is one
of the first steps in this direction. With the exception of the trade
unions’ monthly journal, Die Zeit is the first newspaper published
in Hamburg to receive a licence.’
With these words, Brigadier Armytage handed over the licence
to the four founders of the new-born weekly paper which we are
presenting to the public today. A free press! With these fateful words,
he bestowed upon us a great privilege, and an even greater task.
Those years which lie behind us, especially the six war years, have
isolated the German reader from the world, shrouded him in the
mist of propaganda, and thus made him unaccustomed to the harsh
language of fact. Wishful images or distorting imaginations inspired
by hatred have come to rule many minds.
The important thing today is not only to clear the streets in the
bombed-out cities of debris, but also to clear the minds of the burden
of an era which has gone under; and this can only happen if we
have the courage to tell the truth without any euphemisms, even if
this truth hurts, which unfortunately it often will. Only in an
atmosphere of incorruptible truthfulness can trust grow.
b) Drift ice
Fifteen million people are roaming through Germany, or have found
no more than a poor temporary shelter; refugees from the cities
smashed by bombs, from the regions1 devastated by war, from other
zones of occupation, or people expelled from neighbouring countries.
This is nearly a quarter of the entire German population.
But is it a different story for those who still sit on their native
soil? Have they not also been uprooted, torn from the ground
168 Germany 1945–1949
Note
1 The word in the original is Gaue, a geographical term that came to be
loaded with Nazi connotations as well as Scholle (soil) and Boden (ground),
also used in this article
As modest as the beginnings of the post-war press was the re-emergence of the
printing industry, which found itself severely affected by the changes introduced
in 1945. The vast majority of national and local newspapers had belonged to
the Nazi press trust, and very few of their printing presses went back into
action as quickly as those of the NSDAP’s own Völkischer Beobachter (National
Observer), used by the staff under the Austro-Hungarian emigrant and American
officer Hans Habe to produce a new type of paper which was to have little in
common with its infamous predecessor. While the journalists were trying to
shed the linguistic ballast of the Third Reich, the typesetters too had to learn a
new code of communication: newspapers, magazines, leaflets, posters and other
products—always assuming that permission to print was given and paper to
print on was available—were to look different. The following article from the
second issue of the trade journal Der Druckspiegel (The Printing Mirror)
expresses the industry’s hope of a press revival, and its willingness to forswear
The press 169
Notes
1 National Socialist (nationalsozialistisch)
2 See 1.2.
3 See 8.5.
Lastly, another crucial factor that added to the mistrust of this new
press by the German population was the assumption that it was not
presenting the honest opinions of licensed publishers and editors,
but a reading matter shaped by military government control. A
proclamation by the British Military Government on 26 February
1946 had stated that it was the task of the new press ‘to carry not
political propaganda, but reliable, undistorted news’, and ‘to help
re-shape democratic life in Germany’. This could not have been
understood as anything else than granting unconditional freedom
The press 171
One of the most prominent and influential men who shaped the new press in
the American zone was Hans Habe, born 1911 as Hans Békessy of Austro-
Hungarian extraction, and naturalised as a citizen of the United States after his
emigration across the Atlantic. Habe came back to Europe in the uniform of a
US Army officer, with the instruction to set up new newspapers under American
172 Germany 1945–1949
control. The most famous one of those was Die Neue Zeitung, printed in Munich
on the same machines that had up to the very last days of the war been turning
out the Völkischer Beobachter. The Neue Zeitung started with two weekly
editions of 500,000 copies in October 1945 and broke the one-million barrier
that same year; it was the show-piece of American-style quality journalism in
Germany, with Hans Wallenberg as editor-in-chief and many Germans of
contemporary or later fame, such as authors Erich Kästner and Stefan Heym,
among the staff. In Habe’s recollections, the pride in the achievements of papers
such as the Neue Zeitung and the Frankfurter Presse and in his own part in
them clearly shows, but there is at the same time a nostalgic mention of lost
chances and a defensive tone that qualifies the foregrounded emotion. Habe
had to defend himself against suspicions of subversiveness and even communist
sympathies in the post-war years, due to the fact that he was trying to minimise
the amount of direct military control; later on, his work for conservative
publications such as those of Axel Springer made him more liable to attacks
from the other end of the political spectrum.
Notes
1 Anglicised form of Peter Weidenreich
2 The first German newspaper to receive an Allied licence on 31 July 1945,
only three months after the Frankfurter Presse first appeared
3 US 12th Army Group commander, responsible for the issuing of licences
4 Military camp near Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, where members of the US
Army Psychological Warfare Division were prepared for work in Germany
At first, I sit completely baffled before the mass of paper which has
been piled up before me. I am told it is magazines. I can see that. I
am supposed to dig my way through the mountain. As I come in
174 Germany 1945–1949
every morning, I hope that someone has levelled off the mountain,
or that a bomb has cremated it. But the longer I look at the monster,
the higher it grows. I see it with horror. In Germany, magazines
seem to be a natural phenomenon, they fall down from heaven or
they rise from hell. In any case, one has to confront them heroically.
I dig in, somewhere. My method: not to have a method. I discover
quickly that some of these papers are illustrated, others not. Carefully,
I put the illustrated ones on one pile, and, suspiciously, the non-
illustrated ones on top of one another. Indignantly, I fling double
copies aside. I survey the result: thirty-five different products. Each
one has a different name. Whether all are readable, I am still to find
out. A certain spirit of revenge, which will be understood, is stirring
in me. Do the names or the covers attract me? There I read: ‘New
Times’, ‘New World’, ‘View of the World’, ‘Future’, ‘Point of View’,
‘Horizon’, ‘Today’, and so on. The names are good, they say very
little, they are quickly understood and soon forgotten. One magazine
is called ‘River’, has a pretty river picture on the cover, I will look at
it later, I hope it covers river navigation. Another one is called
‘Coloured Feathers’, also an agreeable title, it does not suggest
anything, but that seems to be the intention. Twenty of the magazines
are illustrated; of those, some carrying plain information with
reproductions from all corners of the world, of different political
colour. Some satirical, or would like to be so. Then there are magazines
for young people, also ones made by women and for women. One is
simply called ‘She’, another ‘Woman of Today’, a third one just
‘Woman’, and a fourth one just has no idea and whispers ‘For You’.
Those who feel addressed are free to think so. The simple illustrated
magazines which you buy at the station (whenever they are in stock)
and leave on the train do not tend to take great pains to find a name
(how long ago is it since the name had to signify something of the
essence: you remember the passage in the Bible, when Adam was
living in paradise and did not yet have a mate, when the Lord made
all the animals of the field and the birds of the sky and the beasts of
the forest pass before him, and he had to give its name to each one,
and what he called it, that was how it was known). Now an illustrated
magazine, without opening its eyes and giving away anything about
it, calls itself: ‘Berlin Illustrated’ (both are true: Berlin and illustrated,
but what is behind that?), then there is the ‘Baden Illustrated’, the
Illustrated Review’. In very pretty attire comes the magazine which
was given the name Ulenspiegel.1 I hope it really contains jests and
mockery; there is nothing lacking as much now, apart from material
things, as laughter.
Figure 15 Beauty has not gone out of fashion; this West Berlin hairdresser tries
to persuade customers not to patronise his competitors in the Eastern sector
where prices in the service sector are lower
176 Germany 1945–1949
Note
1 A semi-legendary late medieval fool, the hero of many German folk tales,
whose attributes are the owl (Eule or Uhl) and the mirror (Spiegel)
Protest Against the Threat to the Freedom of the Press in the West—
Resolution of the First Culture Convention of the SED in Berlin, 6
May 1948
The core of the misery lies in the lack of superior, highly qualified
editors-in-chief, the partners of politicians, of businessmen, of trade
union leaders, of artists, of all leading intellectuals, and in the lack
of trained journalists. To be a licensee is as good as nothing in this
situation. If I was nothing but a licensee, I would merely be an
almost pitiful figure, in spite of the supportive and not infrequently
inhibiting—occasionally, by the way, stalling—benevolence with
which the local and zonal authorities of the occupying power eagerly
await the growth of their favourite class. (They are right.) Recently
I listened to a talk between a high-ranking information control
official and three licensees of the new daily press; it went out on the
radio. In Austria you would describe those questions and answers
which the four presented to one another—and to us—as a
Taferlschul;1 they all lacked the knowledge as well as the ‘guts’.
This is one of the reasons why the development of a public opinion
in Germany has so far taken place so nearly exclusively in those
few magazines which have made themselves heard in the chorus of
the more than 1,200 licensed ones (464 in the US zone alone) through
an intense tone rather than a loud one. But the magazines cannot
do it; their contribution is of a different kind. A corresponding daily
press of information and opinion, that is what we would need. Then
much will change for the better in Germany: not only the relationship
between the press and the parties, the politicians, the government
authorities and the population who, even if they all are at
loggerheads with one another in many ways, sometimes close ranks
to form the most curious united front against the newspapers, but
also the relationships between Germans of different opinions.
Journalists who are no better equipped for their professional tasks
than with admirable ambition and a white questionnaire,2 but who
apart from that are unable even to recognise facts, let alone express
them properly, especially without adequate editorial supervision,
but on the other hand spurred on by the ever-re-enforced
consciousness of the necessary control function of a democratic
press—who would deny its necessity?—under certain circumstances,
that is to say in a concrete difficult situation, where responsibility,
discretion, far-sightedness, and a strong hand are called for at the
same time, are a pest, and not at all the guarantors of the people’s
freedom, and of their say in their own affairs. Loads and loads of
cases in point can be quoted.
Source: Eugen Kogon, ‘Vom Elend unserer Presse’, in: Frankfurter Hefte (July
1948) pp. 619 f.
The press 179
Notes
1 Primary school where pupils write on a small slate (Taferl)
2 The denazification form, without any incriminating entry
In the Nazi period, the German film industry had been centralised and used by
the Hitler regime both as a propaganda weapon and, especially during the war,
as a source of light-hearted mass entertainment offering a temporary escape
from the harsh reality. After 1945, the USSR was the first of the occupying
powers to realise the importance of the moving pictures as a means of re-
education and distraction, and to encourage a revival of the German film
production. The first movies to be shown in German cinemas in all the four
zones of occupation came from the Allied countries; they were sometimes
accompanied by short documentaries exposing the atrocities of the Nazi regime
such as The Death Mills (Die Todesmühlen), an American film about the
concentration camps. The first German movie of the post-war period, Wolfgang
Staudte’s The Murderers Are Among Us (Die Mörder sind unter uns, 1946)
also dealt with the immediate past; however, the public was also to be offered
pure entertainment, and in addition to Russian, American, British and French
films, German movie theatres from 1946 were supplied also with finished
versions of films begun before 1945 by the German Ufa (Universum-Film A.G.).
More often than not, these films were completed by the same people who had
started working on them, and many of the pre-1945 stars of the German screen
remained popular favourites, such as the actor Heinz Rühmann (born 1902).
The following document is an interview with Rühmann by the Berliner Zeitung,
at that time published by the Soviet Red Army.
181
182 Germany 1945–1949
9.2. CABARET
Political cabaret had a long tradition in Germany, and had not even been
completely obliterated during the Hitler era, although public performers of
topical satire such as Werner Finck in Berlin and his Munich counterpart ‘Weiss-
Ferdl’ were treading a thin line under the watchful eyes of the authorities.
Political humour flourished before 1945, mostly in the form of jokes passed on
in an underhand manner, and only to those of whose loyalties the teller could
be absolutely sure. After the war, many of these jokes became obsolete, as the
target had disappeared: but many survived by a simple transformation, based
on the substitution of new names and generic terms for old ones of the powers-
that-be. But whereas folk humour favoured a continuing mental division between
a ‘we’ (the people) and a ‘they’ (the rulers), a strategy at once sharply anti-
authoritarian and identifying the collective ‘we’ with the eternal victims of
history, the more literary form of political cabaret permitted a view with a few
more shades of grey in between the black and the white, a view more in tune
with the complex reality of the post-war years. The following lyrics are of a
song by cabaret singer Helmut Brasch, describing some facets of Berlin society
in 1945 from the point of view of a young girl, the ‘Child of the Ruins’ (Das
Trümmerkind).
Notes
1 Berlin hospital
2 Berlin prison where many opponents of the Nazi regime were killed
3 See 7.3.
4 Völkischer Beobachter (see 8.5.)
when making pancakes, you save fat if you rub the empty frying
pan with half an onion, dipped into fat with the cut surface?
you can brown fatty meat without additional fat if you cut the fat
off the meat and fry the meat in it?
you can make a dark thick gravy quickly without fat if you keep
a small store of brown flour, roasted in a frying pan and then stirred
into the liquid?
egg substitutes can be used instead of eggs up to a certain point?
you save sugar if you do not add the sugar until your stewed
fruit is ready, as sugar loses its sweetness if it is cooked too long?
you can eke out jam if you mix it with stewed apple, pumpkin,
or plums, or with mashed carrots?
you can clean used baking fat if you pour it hot into a bowl of
cold water? In the process, all impurities will sink to the bottom
and can be easily removed when the fat has become solid.
hard cheese will become as fresh if you soak it in fresh milk for a
few hours?
you can still boil a cracked egg if you wrap it in greaseproof
paper beforehand, so that it cannot leak?
you can thaw frozen eggs in cold water in a cold room? However,
they have to be used immediately afterwards.
you can keep half-used onions fresh if you put them with the cut
surface down on salt sprinkled on a porcelain plate?
when mincing meat in a mincer you can get all the remainders
out if at the end you put some stale bread, parchment paper, or
potatoes through the machine?
burned dishes will have no burned taste if the pot is immediately
put into cold water and, after the contents have cooled down a
little bit, they are transferred into another container without
scraping any of the burnt layer off the bottom?
skimmed milk will not burn if you put a little water into the
saucepan first, and then boil the milk?
Source: Anna-Maria Weber, Zeitgemässes Kochen (Tegernsee, 1946) p. 3
LETTER TO AMERICA
Dear Mr Myer!
You will certainly not remember me, for, after all, our acquaintance
(or was it a friendship?) dates back a good thirteen years. I have
often said what a shame it was that you went away from Germany
in those days, but still, maybe that was all right, for Hitler would
have exterminated all the Jews, and thus, you as well. But believe
me, I often remember the unforgettable hours we had together, waiting
for the tram. And my wife—you do not know her, unfortunately—
often says: ‘I wonder what this nice Mr Myer, about whom you talk
so frequently, is doing in America…’ Yes, indeed, there is something
to such an old friendship! If we have not written for so long, you
will understand, for to be sure, we would have all ended up in a
concentration camp. It was a bad time, dear Mr Myer, but in spite
of that we were thinking of our friends abroad in steadfast loyalty,
hoping that they would liberate us. Today, this has happened. And
now, after postal communications have been opened again, it was a
heartfelt need for me to write first to you of all people, as you are so
close to me. After all, dear Mr Myer, especially we people of Munich,
whether sorely tried at home or abroad, have to stick together and
to make sure we do not perish. Above all, the scarcity of food supplies
causes us a lot of concern. There is very little to eat, and my wife is
very sick, as there is no real coffee. Smoking is a problem, too, and
my children no longer know what they are to wear for school. Do
not think, my dearest Myer, that we are begging you for help, true
188 Germany 1945–1949
P.S. Just a little request, dear friend: would it not be possible for
you—of course, you will be reimbursed—to get us one of those 27-
pound-parcels2 designed for us? Or should we rather keep the
money for you, until you come to Munich? Anyway, send it as
soon as possible, and two would not come amiss, either.
Source: Karl Valentin, ‘Brief nach Amerika’, in: Der Simpl 1/9 (1946) p. 104
Notes
1 Spezi is Bavarian dialect for ‘friend’; Spitz is the German name for a
Pomeranian dog as well as, colloquially, for a state of slight intoxication
(einen Spitz haben); in the original, it is written without the capital as an
attempt at anglicised spelling, followed by two English words
2 See 3.6.
On 15 October 1946, the German public got to see the first post-war feature
film produced in Germany by Germans. The company was the Defa (Deutsche
Film-Aktiengesellschaft), operating with a licence issued by the Soviet occupying
forces; the director was Wolfgang Staudte, and the title of the film Die Mörder
sind unter uns (The Murderers are Among Us). Staudte (born 1906) was trying
to deal with the topical issue of individual and collective guilt and atonement
in a movie with both artistic and entertainment value, reviving and updating a
tradition established in the era of the silent movies that had produced such
internationally renowned films as those of F.W.Murnau and Fritz Lang. Lang’s
M, especially, had dealt with the themes of evil and justice, crime and punishment
in a pre-war context: Staudte’s first post-war opus took recent history into
account. The film was generally well received by critics and audiences, although
there were comments that emphasised the fact that the acknowledgement of
‘Murderers among’ the Germans implied the exculpation of the majority, and
encouraged the identification of the spectator with the ‘innocent’ hero of the
story. The following review by Enno Kind from the 17 October Berlin edition
‘Low’ culture 189
of Neues Deutschland (see 2.4.) sums up the plot, and gives an interpretation
of the moral of the tale.
‘Father Christmas1 has been bombed out!’ Today, this is often the
answer to the questions of the little prattlers, when they put
together their lists of toys they would like for Christmas.
In our times, it is indeed a miracle if dads and mums manage to
give their children decent toys, for where people used to produce
dolls, teddybears, train sets and mouth organs, nowadays there
are, for the most part, merely ruins.
As early as 1939, the German toy industry was integrated into
the war effort. In the doll factories people sewed uniforms, the
factories for mechanical toys produced ammunition, and in the
wood workshops, ammunition boxes and hand grenade handles
were made. At the beginning of 1943, the production of toys was
completely prohibited. ‘Guns, not construction sets’ was the motto.
Figure 16 Uncle Sam as Santa Claus: the 6th Infantry Regiment hand out presents to Berlin kinds
192 Germany 1945–1949
Also, the remains of the toy industry that survived until the
post-war era have suffered heavily from aerial bombardment.
The Lehmann company in Brandenburg (Havel), one of the
major producers of metal toys, works only on consignments
going to Russia as reparations. Many toy factories in the Eastern
zone have been dismantled.
In Nuremberg, only a few factories are still operating. The Schuco
toy company turns out only 2 to 3 per cent of the pre-war output,
which goes exclusively to the American occupying forces, and into
export. The little toy trains of the Märklin company in Göppingen
are also westward bound, and the mouth organs of the famous
Matthias Hohner company may only play the tune of the French
military government.
Those who refuse to buy the trash camouflaged as ‘craft items’
at astronomical prices, have to try their luck themselves in making
toys. American and English soldiers have established community
workshops, in order to make their contribution to the Christmas
joy of German children. In spite of this, the tables in Germany will
carry few decent toys, and it is a blessing that the children cannot
see the brightly lit shop windows of America, for instance. Their
envy would know no bounds.
In the US, Father Christmas has not been bombed out.
Presumably, he does not even know what that means. This year,
America is having the greatest Christmas boom of all times. The
turnover of toys is 25 per cent higher than last year, and 50 per
cent higher than in all pre-war years. Beside the latest construction
sets which provide scale models of everything, from rafters to roof
tiles, what Santa Claus has in store for the little citizens of God’s
own country is, again, mainly martial toys.
It seems as though the American toy tycoons have a peculiar
notion of the growing generation’s readiness for peace, for while
in Germany a castle and tin soldiers are considered ‘fascist toys’,
American shops are brimming over with guns, electric howitzers,
tanks, model cars in the shape of jeeps, aeroplanes, and entire armies
of lead soldiers which would be sufficient to storm the nurseries of
the entire world.
It is dubious whether this is the right way to eliminate the notion
of war in the world at large. The radiant eyes of children would be
a good enough reason to ensure the growth of the toy industry in
Germany and elsewhere, at the expense of that industry which
produces guns and aeroplanes which are too big to fit into
cardboard boxes.
‘Low’ culture 193
Note
1 His most common name in Germany is the neutral Weihnachtsmann, which
avoids confusion with the ‘Nikolaus’ alias Saint Nicholas alias Santa Claus
or the Dutch Sinterklaas, whose day is 6 December
Notes
1 See 9.5.
2 Gerhard Lamprecht (born 1897), film actor, author and director since 1914;
Irgendwo in Berlin is the story of the story of a gang of boys getting involved
in theft and black market dealing
3 Main boulevard of West Berlin
4 Theatre and film actor, frequently cast as the youthful lover and featured
in, among many other films, Fritz Lang’s Metropolis (1926)
5 Sag die Wahrheit!, based on a stage comedy by Johann von Vaszary; the
first Berlin movie production with a British licence, granted to Artur Brauner,
who, according to the Spandauer Volksblatt, had ‘arrived out of nowhere
with a suitcase full of money’
‘Low’ culture 195
would hold two people. That was just the ticket, because in all
likelihood, the girl would be frightened and draw near to you.
Whatever was the name of the last girl you had accompanied in
there? Her mouth had tasted a bit of Turkish delight, a bit of
Märzenbier.2 No other mixture could surpass this. Now, again, they
are standing in front of the ghost train, waiting to be let in.
Everywhere, they are waiting to be let in, unless a sign explains the
situation: Bratwürstl3 sold out. Instead, there are Busserl.4 They
verge on the inedible, and even a German stomach hardened in
bitter months, attempts, albeit in a perfunctory way, some
movements of resistance.
Source: Rolf Flügel, ‘Wies’n-Impressionen 1947’, in: Hans-Joachim Sperr (ed.),
Die Kameltränke: Ein Almanack des Münchener Tagebuchs in fünf Kapiteln
(Munich, 1950) pp. 59 f.
Notes
1 Bavarian fish speciality, grilled on a small stick (Steckerl)
2 Literally ‘March beer’, light Bavarian type
3 Fried sausages
4 Literally, ‘kisses’; a sweet
The revival of German sport, especially of football as the number one attraction,
was an important parameter for the normalisation of post-war life, as well as
for the growing division of the nation. At first, football was organised within
the zones of occupation; but for the 1946/7 season already, there was an attempt
to organise a German championship, which failed for various reasons, most
importantly the lack of Allied consent. Subsequently, however, the solid front
of the Allied powers broke up, to allow a development whose direction became
extremely predictable at least from 1948, when the ‘Bi-zonal Football
Committee’ became the ‘Working Committee for Football’, and at last the DFA,
the ‘German Football Committee’ (Deutscher Fussball-Ausschuss), in the
abbreviated form just one letter away from the former DFB, the ‘German
Football Federation’ (Deutscher Fussball-Bund), The West had taken the lead,
was discussing the official establishment of full-time professional players, and
organised the first post-war championship final without East German
participation. The apparent inevitability of a lasting division caused some
concern not only in the Soviet zone, but also in Berlin, as expressed by the
columnist of the weekly magazine Fussball Sport-Forum in the article quoted
here, under the heading of ‘Seven days of football’. The author Carl Koppehel
(born 1890), football journalist, historian, and press officer of the old DFB
from 1934, still sees some scope for altering the course of events, even if he is
Figure 17 Non-fraternisation is a non-starter at this fashion show in an American soldiers’ club
198 Germany 1945–1949
aware of what the introduction of ‘basic laws’ in the West will mean to the aim
of making a unified footballing nation ‘great and strong’ again.
From the West we hear about ‘the progress of work concerning the
sport of football’. People are busy founding this and that, and creating
committees which are to pave the way for the coming form of
organisation. The German Football Federation as it existed until
1933, leading a complacent life, is on the minds of our fellow sports
enthusiasts in the West of our fatherland. We hear of a never-ending
series of meetings, and each time ‘a step ahead is taken’. We fear
that, over there, things are seen in a perspective that is far too self-
centred, without a proper assessment of the situation that has
developed beyond the zonal borders, i.e. in Berlin and in the Soviet
zone of occupation. Nothing against sports organisation for football
in the whole of Germany; on the contrary, it will and must come.
Not only because this is a condition for resuming international
contacts. It is necessary, because that is the only way to give German
football a full sphere of activity. Still, it will be a long way until we
have a new DFB. And we would like to raise our voice, warning
against pushing ahead with a haste which can only be detrimental.
Have people in the Western zones of our fatherland lost their sense
of reality which should tell them that there can be a German federation
only if all zones (an ugly word, by the way) are taken in? How do
they think Berlin and the Eastern zone can be integrated? Do they
want to create fixed basic laws without involving those two interested
parties who do not only constitute more than one third of our
fatherland, but have also proved in past decades that they have a
right to be appreciated fully in the field of sports? Did not today’s
Eastern zone provide the last champions of German football?1 And
are the powers of the past not working in leading roles elsewhere,
thus making clear their importance to sport? And has not especially
Berlin, in matters of organisation, given German football everything
that made it great and strong? Whoever turns up his nose today at
Berlin’s lack of strong players should not forget that nearly half a
hundred players from Berlin are playing a major role in the other
zones. A German Football Federation can only unite all the
participants in German football, and this is why the men who are
preparing its revival have the duty to ensure that first, the powers
involved are put on an equal footing. Until now, we have seen neither
‘Low’ culture 199
Notes
1 The author means pre-1945 winners, ignoring the 1948 title-holders
2 Presumably seats for representatives from Berlin and the Soviet zone at
meetings in the Western zones
3 The tautology is in the original text (Hoffen wir, dass die Erkenntnis darüber
bald von den berufenen Männern erkannt wird.)
10 ‘High’ culture
Post-war theatre in Germany began largely with a revival of German and foreign
classics, and occasional dramatisations of the recent past, such as in the play
Gerichtstag (Day of Judgement) by the author Julius Hay (born 1900 in
Hungary). The first German performance of Gerichtstag took place in Berlin
in September 1945; the play met with a mixed reception on the part of audiences
and critics. It is set in 1943, portraying a family drama with a wider significance:
father ‘tries’ and ‘executes’ his Nazi son, who has murdered his brother who
disagreed with fascist ideology. Reviewers tended to applaud the attempt at
dealing with a sensitive subject, while many of them expressed a feeling of
discomfort which they explained with the lack of temporal distance of the
author and the public in relation to the period treated. The following extract
from a review in Deutsche Volkszeitung (see 8.1.) by the journalist, actor and
theatre critic Fritz Erpenbeck (born 1897) takes up the issue with a categorical
refusal of the assumption that the author’s proximity to the subject necessarily
impairs his artistic vision, and the aesthetic quality of the writing. Erpenbeck,
a Communist Party member since 1927, accuses the advocates of ‘detachment’
of having dubious motives for their reaction to the play.
Tua res agitur! Your case is on trial here! It is your day of judgement.
And just so far as you are ready to recognise your share of guilt
and to admit it to yourself, just so far, according to your degree of
readiness to share in the atonement, you will experience shame,
the desire to escape, or even defiance and objection.
After the second act (upon which, by the way, the third should
follow without the long break which has become meaningless in
our days), we saw people weep with emotion. However, we also
heard others pontificating in a cool manner: in order to give poetic
shape to a topical drama, ‘a greater detachment was certainly
needed’.
Now, this is an argument which serious artistic criticism must
explore in depth.
200
‘High’ culture 201
Who would today have the right to talk like this, without giving
rise to the obvious suspicion that they want to escape from the
sentence of the ‘Day of judgement’ into the realm of an arrogant
artistic aestheticism? For this means nothing other than: I, the wise
critic, have of course got this detachment; how else should I be
able to perceive that the author does not have it?—In any case,
what could be said, without any irony, to this species of
aestheticising observers of art is: Tell me, dear Sir, dear Madam,
what kind of a detachment from current events did you yourselves
have until May 1945, you, who are criticising the lack of detachment
in a poet who as early as 1943/4 wrote a play in which he proved
to have such an astonishing degree of detachment that he could
analyse the situation of our entire people, including your very
personal one, clearly enough not only to produce a drama which
only now seems ‘too close’ to you, but that he could also make a
prophetic prediction as to the end of the tragedy, at a time when
you, great artistic aesthete, maybe still thought that a bearable end
to the play was imaginable? In short: one should not demand
detachment of the poet because one has not yet got that detachment
oneself, and feels vaguely attacked; otherwise one will appear—at
best—ridiculous.
Source: Fritz Erpenbeck, ‘Gerichtstag: Zur deutschen Uraufführung von Julius
Hays Tragödie’, in: Deutsche Volkszeitung 1/88 (22 September 1945) p. 2
The men and women who were reviving the post-war German stage could be
almost certain to find audiences eager for cultural events, but they also found
audiences that were extremely critical. Theatregoers were not necessarily looking
for a dramatic revelation of the truth about the Nazi past, but they tended to
be looking for some kind of universal human truth, wanting, in a way, to be
reassured that there were still things to be believed in, still values to be held,
and still forms of behaviour that could be taken as exemplary. Reviews of the
period testify to the fact that plays with a prevailing mood of decadence,
pessimism and nihilism which in a different age would have been considered as
acceptable and illuminating, did not satisfy the needs of post-war spectators:
there was a widespread feeling that art should provide more than that, should
give the public a hint of things worth living for. At the same time, the same
people who were looking for positive emotions were liable to mistrust their
linguistic expression, and that includes authors themselves. The following extract
from a summary of the theatrical season 1945/6, entitled ‘First Season in the
Nuclear Age’, picks up on an indication of the paradox that the people who
202 Germany 1945–1949
worked with language could also be the ones most suspicious of it: from a
vantage point of more than forty years later, it could be interpreted as an example
of a particularly German kind of post-modernism.
It seems as though the poets and the public of today were inclined to
look through the fabric of our existence, threadbare and full of holes,
into the region of metaphysics, and as far as they are modern poets,
they present their insights as retrospectives to times past. Formally,
the image of a new Renaissance emerges: old plots are recast, a lot of
Greek material is presented as archetypal images of modern events,
biblical myths and characters become symbols of contemporary
entanglement and redemption. Citing as an example Axel von
Ambesser’s 1 very successful play The Unfathomable in Mr
Gerstenberg,2 I would like to point out a danger inherent in this
attitude, which is so fruitful otherwise. This kind of literature is
extremely eloquent, and adept at the anatomical dissection and the
classificatory naming of the common driving motives of average men;
however, it is exceptionally helpless in the presentation of the real,
the immediate, the obvious. At the moments when the poet’s power
should prove itself most vividly, in the love scenes, von Ambesser’s
own linguistic power fades away, he himself grows silent, the lovers
lose their own voices, on stage stands a tattered, old director and
teaches the young couple to repeat the amorous dialogue from Romeo
and Juliet. The place of spontaneous expressions is taken by quotations;
what should be most deeply moving is not said specifically any more,
but only announced—partly by a kind of master of ceremonies outside
the action, as in Ambesser’s play. What thus becomes apparent, can
be called, in the form of a slogan, ‘the powerless word’: the poet’s
perception of the word’s lack of power to express reality. This
phenomenon corresponds exactly to the onset of supreme silence,
the paralysing silence concerning that reality which has been driven
out of the reach of any common verbal expression. To break this
silence, to really find words again, will be our most important task.
Source: ‘Erste Saison im Atomzeitalter: Bemerkungen über das Hamburger
Theater 1945/46’, in: Hamburger Allgemeine (6 August 1946) p. 2
Notes
1 Axel Eugen von Österreich, German actor and author (born 1910)
2 Das Abgründige in Herrn Gerstenberg
‘High’ culture 203
mine represented on the Russian index, namely The New State and
the Intellectuals and Art and Power, thus, as a whole person, I
should be free and able to publish new books. But all these lists
seem to fluctuate and also change frequently. I have taken no steps
towards clarifying or rectifying anything with regard to this matter.
The public is no longer a major concern of mine. In an atmosphere
in which even the so-called intellectuals use their position only to
eliminate, beat down, or suspect people they do not like, in such
an atmosphere, in any case, I would sooner be on a blacklist than
on a white one. It seems hard to deny that this list originates from
emigrant circles; many things point in this direction.
Source: Gottfried Benn, Brief an Johannes Weyl, in: Max Niedermayer,
Marguerite Schlüter (eds), Gottfried Benn: Lyrik und Prosa, Briefe and
Dokumente. Eine Auswahl (Wiesbaden, 8th revised edn, 1957) pp. 166 f.
Notes
1 Playwright, died in Belgium 1942
2 Art historian, died by suicide in France 1940
3 Playwright and poet, emigrated to Jerusalem via Switzerland in 1933
4 Art dealer and publisher, died in England 1937
5 Pseudonym of the Danish writer Georg Cohen, died 1927
6 The husband is the publisher Heinz Ullstein, who lost his company in 1933
and re-entered the trade after the war
Ro-Ro-Ro’
Ernst Rowohlt takes the initiative
Notes
1 Rowohlt Verlag GmbH (‘Gesellschaft mit beschränkter Haftung’: Limited
Company)
2 Schloss Gripsholm (1931), a novel named after a castle in Sweden, the
country in which the German novelist and satirist Kurt Tucholsky lived
after his expatriation in 1933, until his suicide in 1935
3 The title is a literal translation of the one chosen for the 1930 German
edition of A Farewell to Arms (1929) as In einem anderen Land
4 Der grosse Kamerad was the title of the first German edition of Le Grand
Meaulnes (1913) by French author Henri Alain-Fournier
which those people longed: struggle for human rights, rebellion against
state despotism, and in addition, real dramatic energy, real theatre! To
everyone’s astonishment, there was once again proof of the fact that
the truly topical play is not tied to any intellectual trend or any era.
The wish to hear our classics again also springs from a feeling of
the young generation which has become more noticeable lately,
the feeling that one cannot disown the classics or declare them
dead by just not talking about them, without thereby declaring
one’s spiritual bankruptcy. And the young generation are not willing
to make this declaration.
Such an attitude should not, however, encourage people to turn
away from contemporary theatre. The young generation are eager
to know the works whose performance the state prohibited in the
past years, they want to be able to form their own opinions about
them. But at the same time, they reject ‘warmed-up stuff which is
only presented ‘to give it an airing again’, if that stuff does not
really have anything to offer to them. But the majority of the works
of Kaiser, Zuckmayer, and Wedekind,3 to name just a few, do not
get the same reception as the sour cabbage of the Widow Bolte.4
On the contrary, they are perceived as outdated, and are pushed
aside.
Still, the young generation is keen to hear foreign voices, eager
to get from them maybe a new faith in mankind and life. But the
works shown so far, spell-binding and fascinating as some of
them have been, seem without exception unsuited to fulfil the
young generation’s longing for a firm foothold in the whirlpool of
time, and light and hope for an existence that has to be built
anew.
Source: Werner Ahrens, ‘Jugend und Theater der Gegenwart’, in: Paul Möhring
(ed.), Hamburger Theater-Almanack 1947 (Hamburg, 1947) pp. 77 f.
Notes
1 Friedrich Schiller (1759–1805), Germany’s most successful dramatist of
the classical period; one of his favourite themes was that of political liberty
and individual freedom
2 Kabale und Liebe (1783, originally called Luise Millerin), an early work
from Schiller’s Sturm und Drang (‘Storm and Stress’) period
3 The playwrights Georg Kaiser (1878–1945), Carl Zuckmayer (born 1896),
and Frank Wedekind (1864–1918), representing realist as well as
expressionist drama
4 In the adventures of Max und Moritz (1865) by Wilhelm Busch, the German
inventor of the comic strip, the Widow’s Sauerkraut tastes better every
time it is reheated
Figure 19 Thomas Mann (left) seems rather less than patient at a stuttgart ceremony in honour of
Friedrich Schiller; in the centre, Theodor Heuss
210 Germany 1945–1949
Notes
1 Female author linked with the surrealist movement (born 1910)
2 One of the most famous authors of the post-war years (born 1920)
3 Exponents of, in Stein’s own phrase, a ‘lost generation’ of post-World War
I American writers (see 10.4.)
4 The German is meine Gute, literally ‘my good one’
It is certainly ironic that maybe the most remarkable drama of the post-war
years, Wolfgang Borchert’s Outside the Door (Draussen vor der Tür) was not
intended for the stage at all, but written as a radio play. Still, this fact makes
sense in the context of a generation of writers who want to use language but
mistrust it, who want to portray reality but find that it defies description, and
who want to express some kind of truth but would doubt any, even a grim one.
The result is likely to be art that questions its own status by presenting itself as
inartistic, surrounding itself with disclaimers, and choosing the least prestigious
and most ephemeral medium; in the case of radio drama, one that does not
even require the conscious decision of the listener to be the consumer of a work
of art, unlike someone who opens a specific book or goes to see a specific play.
There are other reasons, but the spate of German radio plays after 1945 can
perhaps be explained mainly by the intrinsic quality of the medium which strips
the language of all that is palpable, such as the physical reality of a printed
212 Germany 1945–1949
page, or of actors and a stage, and thereby, paradoxically, makes the listener
more aware of that reality which is his own physical existence. The review
quoted here shows an awareness of the paradox of reproducing this effect in
the theatre, as well as of the paradoxical relationship between real irony and
theatrical tragedy; it refers to the first performance of Outside the Door in
November 1947.
Source: Josef Marein, ‘“Draussen vor der Tür”. Uraufführung der Hamburger
Kammerspiele’, in: Die Zeit (27 November 1947)
Notes
1 ‘Chamber theatre’
2 Novelist, journalist and translator, born in Germany in 1908; emigrated to
Britain in 1935, served in post-war Germany as Press Officer with the
Control Commission
Indeed, one has to address this symphony which is far stronger, more
audacious and more consistent than the one by Pepping2 which was on
the radio recently, as the most important post-war work of German
modernism so far. In a lecture organised by the ‘Workshop’, and on the
programme, Fortner had given some existentially illuminating words
to his work, in which the terrors and the state of exposure, but also the
hopes of our existence are described as the essential confession of this
symphony. But Fortner is not Honegger,3 he is no director of sounds
who paints horror and promises soothing, but a constructive symphonic
composer with a primarily musical approach. Fortner, the former
classicist, has extended the range of his musical language considerably.
With baffling audacity, he enters a new sphere of sound, which is filled
by a heavy lustre. It is a very firm sound, hard as steel, in which
Brucknerian4 German elements appear on the plane of Stravinsky and
Bartók.5 Fortner writes in his own, expressive hand. His thematic structure
is concise and graphic, of a strong personal innovative power; his form
is, in spite of all its variety, consistent and of a vibrating solidity. A huge
pathos spends itself in it, and the scintillating rhythm rests in firm joints.
Notes
1 Born 1912, pre-1945 conductor and post-war musical director at the
Cologne Opera
2 Ernst Pepping (born 1901), German composer of predominantly sacred
music
3 Arthur Honegger (born 1892), French Swiss composer of ‘New Music’
4 The composer Anton Brückner lived in nineteenth-century Austria, which
would have suggested the use of ‘Germanic’ rather than ‘German’ for
‘Brucknerian elements’
5 The Russian composer Igor Fyodorovitch Stravinsky (born 1882), and the
Hungarian Béla Bartók (1881–1945)
drawn, and in the East as well as the West the novel was the genre which most
successfully won popularity for works of literary quality. Curiosity was an
important reason for those who were readers of books (cf. 10.4.) to go for the
writings of emigrants and foreign authors, and in some cases cross the border
from ‘low-brow’ into ‘high-brow’ literature. This border, however, existed in
the minds of the readers as well as in the mind of Paul Brewka who wrote the
article quoted here (Hessische Nachrichten, 24 December 1948), taking private
lending libraries in the town of Kassel in northern Hesse as a parameter for
public taste.
Notes
1 ‘an empty table’
2 Nineteenth- and twentieth-century German authors of local colour and
romantic fiction; Ludwig Ganghofer (1855–1920); Rudolf Herzog (1869–
1943); Gustav Schröer (born 1876); Eugenic John alias Eugenic Marlitt
(1825–1887)
3 Presumably the Austrians Franz Werfel (1890–1945) and Stefan Zweig
(1881–1942/ suicide), although there was also the German Arnold Zweig
(1887–1968); for Thomas Mann, see 6.6.
4 Rudyard Kipling (1865–1936); Margaret Kennedy (born 1896). Remain
Rolland (1866–1944), the French pacifist and 1915 Nobel Prize winner;
George Wharwick Deeping (born 1877), whose World War I novel Sorrell
and Son appeared in 1925; the Swede Axel Munthe (1857–1949), whose
autobiographical novel was published in a German translation as Das Buch
von San Michele in 1931
11 Parties and trade unions
Those Germans who saw the Allied victory as a liberation and who were
hoping that they would get the chance to have a say in the reconstruction of a
new Germany, considered that their chance had come in 1945—for what more
could the occupying powers want than people who were willing to tackle the
immediate problems at a local level, and lay the foundations of a country run
on the basis of a broad anti-fascist consensus to be formally constituted later?
Anti-fascist committees sprang up all over Germany, but the activists—mainly
but not exclusively working-class people with communist or social democrat
beliefs—had counted their chickens too soon. The Antifas, as they were
known, were regarded with extreme suspicion by the occupying powers, not
only in the Western zones where their left-wing leanings were the obvious
reason, but also in the East where it was the fact that they seemed too
spontaneous and non-uniform in character to be properly controlled, which
was disliked by those with a specific idea of the way things should be going,
and who should have the initiative. The Antifas were either closed down or
swallowed up by the new administrations authorised by order of the miltary
governments. The document quoted here is the programme of an anti-fascist
committee in Bremen, dated 6 May 1945, proof of the optimism of the
moment which turned out to be unjustified.
217
Figure 20 On the back of such letterhead paper, the Organ der Kampfgemeinschaft gegen den Faschismus
appeared in liberated Bremen, two days before the Reich’s surrender
Parties and trade unions 219
Note
1 Kampfgemeinschaft gegen den Faschismus (KFG)
profile on questions of ideology. This was intended to widen the general appeal
of the document and, more specifically, directed at the social democrats as the
chosen partners in an anti-fascist alliance which was later to be institutionalised
in a united party. The wooing of the Social Democrat Party (see 2.3.) had
begun before the SPD was even formally recreated; ironically, the programme
announced by the new SPD on 15 June 1945 could even appear as more radically
orthodox than the document quoted here.
Notes
1 That of minister president Fritz Schäffer (born 1888), dismissed after
differences with the American military government on 28 September, though
according to an explanatory note the article was written before the change
of government was announced publicly
2 See 2.1.
3 Albert Rosshaupter (born 1887)
Parties and trade unions 223
convention in May 1946: the SPD as it existed in the Western zones, that is, as
in the East the fusion of the SPD with the Communist Party had taken place in
April of the same year. In his speech about Tasks and goals of the German
Social Democrats’, Schumacher attacked the Communists and the parties of
the right for the misuse of the term democracy, giving it a meaning that was
rooted in outdated ideological concepts. Schumacher himself was frequently
attacked for clinging to antiquated beliefs, and is still seen in that light by
many, including the historian Michael Balfour who maintained in a recent book
that Schumacher ‘tried to apply to the Germany of 1950 the outlook which he
had acquired in the Germany of 1930’. According to Schumacher, in 1946 it
was others who were making that mistake.
Notes
1 ‘Centre’, Catholic party established in 1870, involved in coalition
governments between 1919 and 1933
the coal and iron industry, fine, then we will lend a hand and try to
sort things out. So, when the English first launched their
deconcentration effort and, for a start, took four plants from the
heavy industry and set them up as separate company structures,
we did not refuse to co-operate. We committed ourselves to coming
in and taking a share in the work of preparing the conditions for a
change in the heavy iron industry. At first four plants came under
deconcentration, and new companies were set up. According to
the suggestions made to us by the British, the attempt was made to
bring about a democratic structure in these new companies. The
directors, technicians and commercial clerks had to be appointed
with our votes, and we had approved of two directors and a labour
director, a labour director by whom we expect to see a lot of
questions solved in the future. We believe that the labour director
in the individual companies should become the director who can
give us information about the things happening at the plant, who
should let us know about everything connected with the plant, and
what has to be done there. I know that for quite a number of our
friends who have been appointed as labour directors, this task is
not an easy one, and it takes a lot of effort, a lot of endeavour and
a lot of ability to reach their goal.
Source: Niederschrift der Verhandlungen des zweiten Verbandstages der
Industriegewerkschaft Metall in der britischen Zone und das Land Bremen2 in
Lippstadt, Hotel ‘Drei Kronen’, am 28. bis 30. September 1948 (Mülheim/
Ruhr, undated) p. 19
Notes
1 Ernest Bevin (born 1881, Labour)
2 The grammatical inconsistency is in the original title
government in which the Christian Democrats had taken the lead, and within
that party, those with little time for socialist ideas. The first programme of the
DGB was released at a time when the economic recovery in Western Germany
was as yet far away from providing the ‘prosperity for all’ which Ludwig Erhard,
minister for the economy, promised as the result of market forces. But in 1949,
unemployment was still on the rise, and the figures increased with ever-greater
rapidity; reason enough for the trade unionists to consider fundamental
alternatives to the market economy.
Dear Mr Chancellor,
After I had advised you by telephone this morning about the meeting
of the parliamentary party, and asked you to attend this meeting if
possible, I had the chance to talk to you briefly at lunch. On behalf
of the presidium of the parliamentary party, I asked you to inform
the parliamentary party or its presidium about your talks with the
parliamentary party of the SP2 and leading personalities from the
city of Berlin, and especially to announce your intentions concerning
the procedure at the parliamentary debate on Friday afternoon.
232 Germany 1945–1949
Notes
1 Since the first Bundestag of 1949, the two parties have formed a common
parliamentary party, on the basis of the CDU’s non-running in Bavaria, the
home of the CSU (see 2.7., 4.2.)
2 Sozialdemokratische Partei (see 2.3.)
3 Reuter had been Professor of Municipal Studies in Ankara, Turkey until
1946
Index
233
234 Index
Rhine, Rhineland 35–6, 71, 79–80, 86, Social Democrats 3, 20, 30–1, 56–8, 64–
155, 162, 195, 231 6, 76, 83, 86–8, 93, 176, 217, 220–1,
Rhineland-Palatinate 64, 69 224–6, 232
Richter, Hans-Werner 159–60, 162, 210–11 Sondergerichte 100–1
Rio de Janeiro 165 Spadauer Volksblatt 194
Robertson, Brian Hubert 68 Speisekammergesetz 117
Robinson Crusoe 51 Spiegel, Der 179–80, 193–4
Rössel 127–8 Spree 49
Rolland, Romain 215 Springer, Axel 172
Roman Catholic church see churches SS 43, 46–7, 220
Rommel, Erwin 21, 37 Staatsvertrag 56
Roosevelt, Franklin Delano 34, 67, 108 Stalin, Josef 10, 20, 48, 67
Rosshaupter, Albert 221–2 Staudte, Wolfgang 181, 188–90
Rostock 59 steel 114, 119–20, 155, 226–8
Rowohlt, Ernst; Stein, Gertrude 211
Ro-Ro-Ro 205–7 Sternheim, Carl 203–5
Rühmann, Heinz 181–3 Stettin 135–6
Ruf, Der 159–60, 162–3, 210–11 Stokes, Richard Rapier 84–5
Ruhr 35, 40–1, 60, 66, 122–3, 162, straitjacket syndrome 141
226–7 Stravinsky, Igor Fyodorovitch 214
Rustemeyer, Fritz 83 student revolt 8, 12–13
Rzhevskaya, Elena 23, 48–9 Stuttgart 53–4, 90–2, 113
Sudetenland 144–5
Saarland 67, 101 Suhrkamp, Peter 152–4
St Germain, treaty of 56 Sun, the 73
Salvation Army 117 Sverdlovsk 141
Sartre, Jean-Paul 110
Schäffer, Fritz 222 Tägliche Rundschau 165
Schiller, Friedrich 42, 140, 207–9 Tanguy-Prigent, Pierre 138
Schlange-Schöningen, Hans 118–19 Taunus 157
Schleswig-Holstein 64, 69 Tehran conference 66–7
Schneider-Lengyel, Use 210–11 Templer, Walter Robert 154–6
Schnurre, Wolfdietrich 210–11 theatre 140–2, 200–2, 207–8, 211–12
Schröer, Gustav 215–16 Thuringia 64
Schuco, toy manufacturers 192 Thyssen, August 119–20
Schuldbekenntnis 90–2 Time 179
Schumacher, Kurt 56, 65–7, 224–6 Times, The 167
Schuschnigg, Kurt von 54 Trevor-Roper, Hugh 43
Schwerin 59 Trizonesien 187
Schwerin-Krosigk, Johann Ludwig Graf 47 Trümmerfilm 25, 189–90, 193–4
SED 30, 44, 56–8, 64, 84–5, 176, 220, Tucholsky, Kurt 206–7
225 Tyrol 47
Selby, Walford 55–6
Sellar and Yeatman 14 Ufa 152–4, 181
Semler, Johannes 29 Ulbricht, Walter 17, 20, 44, 56–8
Seyss-Inquart, Arthur von 55 Ulenspiegel 174
Shakespeare, William 97, 202 Ullstein, Heinz 203–5
Siberia 45, 48, 141–2 U-Musik see popular music
Sickerheitsdienst 100–1 Untermenschen 134
Sicily 77 Upper Palatinate 102
Siemens, Werner von 103–4
Silesia 3, 59 Valenciennes 137
Silverman, Samuel Sydney 84–5 Valentin, Karl 29, 187–8
Simpl, Der 187–8 Vaszary, Johann von 194
Skorpion, Der 210 Vatican 90
Smith, R.G. 139 VE Day 23–4
Index 239