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BJP: Cow as a Political Symbol

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 Economic and Political Weekly

BJP: Cow as a Political Symbol

Author(s): Ernesto Noronha
Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 29, No. 24 (Jun. 11, 1994), pp. 1447-1448
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly
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 has resultedin a decimationof the best breed
BJ P: Cow as a Political Symbol of milch cattle who, instead of giving
satisfactory service. for about 10 lactation
Ernesto Noronha periods, are used up in a single lactation
period. These unwanted animals are ihen
either driven away, sold to the butcher,or
Thoughcow as a political symbol lacks the potential to consolidatethe left to theirluck. In villages, they strayonto
Hinduvoters,the BJP may continueto use it to enliven the attenuatedRam fields, frequentlyget a thrashing,sufferfrom
Janmabhoomisymbol. physical pain and die, or some agent drives
them away for slaughter.On the otherhand,
IN the assembly elections 1993, the BJP cow slaughter,ratherthanintimidatingthem in cities they roam about eating garbage,
was defeated in three of the four states [Khan 1986: 52-62; Chatterji 1984: 66]. nightsoil, rags and stray onto partially
which it administered.Not able to identify The issue continued to plague Indian protected private and public gardens.
the reasons for its defeat, top party leaders politics and was debatedby the Constituent The issue of cow protection, then, is a
were left confounded on policy matters. Assembly [Kashyap 1988:179-89]. During highly polemical one as secular and
While the hard-corewithin the BJP felt that these confabulations, some of the flindu religious values are juxtaposed. On the
its failure was due to the dilution of the members demanded a total ban on cow religious side, such has been the supposed
Hindutvaplatform, others opposed to this slaughteras they were of the view thatunder reverencefor the cow thatthe Hindurashtra
line of thought stressed broadening of the the pretextof gettingridof infirmcattle even mandir proposed by Shraddhanandwas to
party's appeal by taking up issues having tie healthy ones would be butchered.This, be devotedto the three 'mothers'-gaumata,
social, economic, and international according to them, would have an adverse saraswatimata and bhumi mata. Attempts
overtones. This schism got reflected in the effect on Indian agriculture.They felt that suchpasthis provide a tool in the hands of
responseto several policy decisions. Faced cow slaughter should be made an offence the communalists to arouse passions since
with such contradictions, the BJP's show equivalentto untouchability,and 'go-hatya' so far as the people are concerned the
in defiance of the Dunkel Draft turnedout should be treatedas 'brahma-hatya'.Even whole issue is steeped in ambiguity.
to be a farce. From this sort of an outcome the Muslim members favoured a total ban
USE OFSYMBOLS
on an importantissue such as the Dunkel on cow slaughterand wantedthe issue to be
Draft, one can easily discern that the party settled once and for all. But the Drafting Today ethnicity poses a challenge to the
would cling to the Hindutva plank. The Comnmittee decidedto includecow protection state and also to the maintenance of
Ram Janmabhoomi symbol, though under the Directive Principles of State harmonious relations within the state. It is
decrepit, would remain a central symbol, Policy. often at the rootof violent encounterswhich
while new symbols may be introduced to The problemwas discussed once again in resultin homelessness, looting, death,flight
rejuvenatethepartyandkeep the comtiiiinal 1966, when the Shankaracharyaof Puri of people, hatred, and widening schisms
inferno burning. decided to fast unto deathif the government between communities.
From the gamut of symbols available, did not concede to the demand for a total Ethnic conflict has its inception in the
the BJP seems to believe that the cow can, banon cow slaughter.Shah(1967: 7-12) saw evolu-tion of several circumstances like
to some extent, enliven the attenuatedRam such a demandas fallacious. In his opinion, diffusionof thedoctrineof self determination,
Janmabhoomi symbol. This proclivity democracydid not give the majoritya right decolonisation, spread of the norms of
towards the cow can be seen from two to act in a mannerthat would be prejudicial equality, the value of achievement, the
events thathave occurredin the recent past. to the rights of other groups. All that could growing heterogeneity of the states, the
The first was the demonstrationagainst the be demanded was that they would not be internationalsystem of communicationand
Al-Kabeer slaughter house where it was compelledto eat beef andthatcow slaughter the emergence of the welfare state. As a
alleged by Sadhvi Ritambara that the be proscribed in the vicinity of a Hindu result, we have controversiesover develop-
abattoir was an offshoot of the Gulf temple. But since cow slaughter was ment plans, educationalopportunities,trade
conspiracy, designed to rob the country of prescribedin theBrihadaranyakaUpanishad, union affairs,land policies, businessandtax
its cattle wealth, while the VHP leader, three of the Vedas and Grihya Sutras on policies,etc, beingexpressedby communities
Ashok Singhal threatenedto dismantle the certain occasions, a dilemma emerged for throughthe parties they support[Horowitz
building brick by brick. Second was the those claiming the support of religion to 1985:4-12; GlazerandMoynihan1975:25].
enactment of the Delhi AgriculturalCattle justify their demand.Further,there was no Ethnic communities are formed by the
Prevention Bill, 1994. The act made the evidence that the majority of the Hindus elites who give subjective and symbolic
slaughter of cows, calves and bullocks a themselves wanted cow-slaughter to be significance to objective differences
non-bailab,le offence with imprisonment banned. For instance, Indian peasants had between groups which are then translated
up to 5 years and a fine of Rs 10,000. beenselling drycows to thebutchersbecause into a consciousness and desire for group
of their inability to maintain them: solidarity [Brass 1991: 20-24]. The reality
CONRMOVERSY Apart from these reasons, M M Shah of the community in people's experience
The issue of cow slaughter has never (1967: 44-66), whileacceptingtheusefulness is their attachment or commitment to a
occupied the centrestage in, Hindutva of the cow for the supply of milk, traction common body of symbols. Symbols are
politics but has been intermittentlyused as power and dung, pointedout thata growing effective because they are imprecise, i e,
a secondary symbol to incite communal cattlepopulationwas creatinga heavyburden most symbols do not have visual or physical
violence. - on landas reflectedin thedeterioratingquality expressions but are notions which do not
Acknowledging the volatility of the of cattle.This problemof deterioratingcattle impose a conformity of meaning. Thus,
controversy, Gandhi tried to diffuse the quality was further exacerbated by the symbols are malleable-they can be made
tension. He said that the idea of cow shrinkingof villagecommonlandfromwhere to fit the circumstances of the individual
protectionwas close to the Hindu heartand cattle got theirfeed. Moreover,the need for [Cohen 1985: 12-28].
those who did not believe in it could not cattle in agriculture was declining while The political significance of symbols is-
possibly be Hindus. However, he opposed urbanisationhad necessitated an increased determinedby thepoliticalelite [Brass1991].
the formation of cow-protection societies. productionof milk. Consequently,cattle are Symbols that are brought into the political
and the pasging of legislation prohibiting keptunderartificialconditionsin urbanareas arenaare those which the politicalelite gain
cow slaughter.The only way out, according andarefed high-costimportedgrass leading from. But the choice and manipulationof
to him, was to urge Muslims to refrainfrom to an abnormalcost-pricerelationship.This- symbols is a diffcult business, not only

Economic and Political Weekly June 11, 1994 1447

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because it can create inter-community wielding trishuls,and raising 'jai Shri Ram' the backward castes differ from the upper
disturbancesbutalsobecauseitcanbedivisive slogans, etc. The symbol of cow slaughter caste Hindusin thatthey eat beef. Moreover,
internally. Ethnic demands initially centre is sought to be similarly used even though the rise of the SP-BSP is in itself a challenge
around single symbols, but to make the not all Hindus agree on the issue and differ to the brahmin-oriented BJP.Thus, the BJP
demands more effective there is always a in opinion. may not gain from blowing the issue of the
look-outfor secondarysymbols. This search During the pre-independenceperiod as cow out of proportionas it would underline
for additionalsymbols may lead to internal Hindudemandsforcow protectionincreased, the differentiations among the Hindus it
discord within the community rather than Muslim demands for the right to slaughter purportedly represents.
createinternalcohesion. Thereforethe set of the cow intensifiedandthe 'kurbani'festival
symbols chosen for.political mobilisation at which cows were slaughtered grew in References
are as congruent as possible. The basis,for importance. These facts may have been
identityformationis achievedby intensifying importantforthe BJPnow adoptingthe issue Brass, P R (1991): Ethnicity acd Nationalism:
Theoryand Comparison, Sage Publications,
the subjectivemeaning of the symbol. This of protecting the cow. However, although
New Delhi.
makesboundariessharperand differentiates the cow is a potential symbol, it does not Chatterji,P (1984): Secular Valuesfor Secular
the group from other groups while possibly mean thatany Hindutvapartywhich uses it India, New Delhi.
enhancing solidarity within the group. atanytimeis boundto succeed.Itmaysucceed Cohen, A P (1985): The Symbolic Construction
Alterationsin boundariesdepend upon the only if the governmentor the Muslimsflaunt of Community, Tavistock Publications,
elites who define them. Hindusentiments.In this connection,to the London.
BJP's dismaythe passingof the recentcattle Glazer and Moynihan (eds) (1975): Ethnicity:
IN SEARCHOF A SECONDARYSYMBOL protectionbill did notraiseeven a semblaAce Theory and Experience, HarvardUniversity
Ethnic conflict introduces an ethnically of protestfrom the Muslims. That this sort Press, London.
based partywhich derives its supportfrom of apatheticreactionfrom the Muslims did Horowitz, D (1985): Ethnic Groups in Conflict,
an identifiable ethnic group and project in no way strengthenthepartyunityis evident University of California, Berkeley.
itself as the sole representative of thatgroup. from the dissension within the party. Khan, M A (1986): Gandhian Approach to
Having been defeated by the SP-BSP Communal Harmony, Ajanta Publications,
But to be an ethnic party,the partyneed not
New Delhi.
have an exclusive hold on the allegiance of combine in UP, the BJP now sees the need Kashyap, A (1988): Communalism and
groupmembers-in fact,themannerinwhich to garner the supportof, in addition to the Constitution, Lancer Books, New Delhi.
the community's support is distributed upper caste Hindus, the backward castes Pandey, G (1991): 'Hindus and Others: The
decides whether the party is ethnic or not to come to power. To achieve this, however,
Militant Hindu Construction', EPW,
[Horowitz 1985: 291-98]. Symbols like symbols like cow protection can be useful December 28.
occupational specialisation, residential only to a limited extent. Firstly, because Shah,A B (1967): Introductionin CowSlaughter:
segregation, habits of endogamy, dietary as Pandey (1991:3003) states, it cannot be Horns of a Dilemmma, edited by A B Shah,
customs,religiousdifferences,etc, thatmark claimed that the depressed classes worship Lalvani Publishing House, New Delhi.
boundaries between groups tend to foster the cow though they worship Hindu gods. Shah, M M (1967): 'Cow Slaughter: The
affinityanda senseof commoninterestwhich Secondly, though the varnashramadharma Economic Aspect' in Cow Slaughter: Horns
are expressed in party allegiances. The regards the worship of the cow as one of of a Dilemma, edited by A B Shah, Lalvani,
communitarianaspect of ethnicity propels the three features common to all Hindus, Publishing House, New Delhi.
group memberstowardsconcentratedparty
loyalties. Ethnic parties reflect not just
affinity but also mutual incompatibilityof
ethnic claims to power. These parties play
the role of interest groups apparently
dedicatedto the promotionof narrowgroup BOOKS THAT MATTER
claims, thus placing greater strain on the
social mechanismfor the settlementof group RELIGIOUS
conflict. This attitudeon the part of ethnic FUNDAMENTALISM
partiesmakesthemediationof groupinterests
difficult which explains why ethnic party IN ASIA
systems are so conflict-prone (ibid).
It is for this reason the Ram Janma- V.D. Chopra (Ed.)
bhoomi-Babri masjid issue is a highly
contentious one. The two main parties in Top commentators, scholars, political
conflict, the BJP and AIBMAC, maintain analysts dwell upon the seqyence of
that only they have the right to represent
the two ethnic groups, namely, the Hindus
religious revivalism in Pakistan, Afghanl-
and the Muslims. The apprehension of SS::
;:X> stan. Bangladesh, SriLanka,Central Asia
losing the ethnic group support prevents and IndIa,and Itsimpact on the life and
them from scaling down their demands. polity of the world at large.
The BJP seems oblivious of the fact that Contributors
the community's supportis not necessarily
distributedin its favour as is evident from Asghar Ali Engineer O D.R. Goyal O Kalim Bahadur
the results of the 1993 assembly elections. Ol Inayatullah Baloch O S.R. Chakravarty and others.
It still endorses Hindutvaand relies on the
Ram Janmabhoomi symbol. However, to
ISBN 81-212-0481-X pp 325 HardCoverRs.350 PaperbackRs.150
buttressthis centralsymbol it is on the look
out for other secondary symbols. _ =~~ :e i m
There is a whole range of secondary
symbols which have been used by the BJP
like celebrationof festivals, wearing saffron
bands or caps, introducingthe rath-yatras,

1448 Economic arc Political Weekly June I1. 1994

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