Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Unit 5-Political Empowerment of Women PDF
Unit 5-Political Empowerment of Women PDF
of Women in India
-An Overview
55
Chapter III
Democracy implies equality for all human persons, men and women. As against this
basic notion of democracy what is normally seen is that women are excluded from
different walks of life, more visibly in Politics. The U.N. observes that women
constitute "world's largest excluded category". For the attainment of true democratic
spirit shall be ensured better political participation. "In the struggle for gender justice",
Usha Narayanan argues, "Political participation constitutes the first and foremost step
in that direction."1.
In any political system, right from the developed to the developing countries, presence
of women is very low compared to men. In many countries women had to wage long
battles to get right to vote. Today the percentage of women as voters has increased
considerably, but their political participation is not equal to men and therefore women
are unable to get an equal share in organization that require decision making. Women
have not been regarded as significant part of the political arena. Politics at every level
of participation is dominated by men.
Milbrath and Goel observed that it is a tradition in almost all societies that politics is
mainly an affair of men and that women should fall in line with them politically. The
changes brought by modern industrial societies are eroding this sex difference but the
impact of tradition is still visible. Men tend to be more psychologically involved in
politics than women.2
Discrimination against women, says Henry Chafe, finds in the deep rooted structure of
society, in the roles women play and in a sexual division of labour which restricted
females primarily to the domestic sphere of life.3 Therefore, it is argued that only
substantial social changes capable of demolishing the structural basis regarding the
56
traditional views of male and female roles is necessary to modify the existing trends in
the political participation of men and women.4
The omission of women from positions of power seriously affects the ability to
challenge the subordination of women in all its manifestation. Women have to be in
politics and power to participate as women and to change the very nature of that power
which excludes them. Women who consist of almost half of the population need to be
represented significantly in decision making bodies. Otherwise the goal of development
cannot be achieved. Gender equity is very essential for the progress of any society.
With this understanding of political participation, the evidence shows that in most of
the countries participation of women is not impressive as the number of women
participating in active politics is smaller compared to men. Women who are able to
acquire decision making power are mostly from urban and elite groups. Large mass of
women are kept out of political arena due to various reasons. There was no serious
attempt to accommodate women in politics. In many countries women had to wage long
battles to get their rights. Despite that, they were not able to get rightful position in the
arena of politics.
The most common and accepted political action in elections is voting. This is exercised
by women equal to men and in fact the number of women voters is increasing day by
day. But women until the 20th century did not have the right to vote. American women
were the first to start fighting for their rights to vote. In most of the western liberal
democracies, women won voting rights after their systematic fight with the system.
Indian women, as early as 1917 raised the issue of universal adult franchise. The British
government granted the right to vote on the basis of wifehood, property and education.
58
The 1935 Government of India Act provided for right to vote for all women above 21
years of age who fulfilled the conditions of property and education. The Constitution of
India which came into existence in the year 1950 granted universal adult franchise to all
its citizens.
The statistics (2014) indicate that the world average of women representatives in
legislature is 21.90%, both the houses combined. It is 22.30% in lower house and
19.80 % in upper house. The regional variations are however significant.
Table No. 3.1: Regional Variation of Women in Parliament (2014)
Single House or Upper House Both Houses
lower House or Senate Combined
Nordic countries 42.10% --- ---
Americas 25.70% 26.40% 25.80%
Europe - OSCE member
countries including Nordic 24.90% 22.80% 24.40%
countries
Europe - OSCE member
countries excluding 23.20% 22.80% 23.10%
Nordic countries
Sub-Saharan Africa 22.90% 19.80% 22.50%
Asia 19.30% 14.30% 18.70%
Arab States 17.80% 7.70% 15.90%
Pacific 13.40% 38.60% 16.20%
Source: Inter Parliamentary Union, April, 2014
59
The table 3.1 shows that the highest percentage of women in parliament is in the
Nordic countries at 42.10% followed by America at 25.8%, Europe (including
the Nordic Countries) at 24.9%, Europe (excluding the Nordic Countries) at
23.2%, Asia at 19.30%, Sub-Saharan Africa at 22.9%, and the Arab States at
17.8 % and the lowest in Pacific at 13.4% . Among the individual countries,
Cuba ranks first with 48.90% of women in parliament, followed by Sweden at
45% and Finland at 42.50%.
The table 3.2 shows a very marginal representation of women in various legislatures
including India. Comparatively our neighboring countries such as China and Pakistan
are in much better position with 23.40% and 20.70% respectively. Representation of
Indian women in parliament is far from satisfactory.
It has been stated that the personality traits and the socio economic and cultural
environment is to a great extent responsible for women’s marginal participation in
politics. The culture which puts maximum premium on the males, the political
environment of instability, criminalization and absence of political ideology are factors
which influence the extent of political participation. Socio political environment
determines the participation and involvement of women in politics.13
"Women's lives in India and the world over are circumscribed by what can be termed as
five 'Ps' Patriarchy, Productive resources access inadequacy, Poverty, Promotion
advancement insufficiency and powerlessness" 14. It is estimated that women do two-
thirds of the world's work. In exchange they receive only 10 percent of all the income
and own a mere one percent of the entire world's means of production.
It is a fact that the real social status and the real level of political participation of
women cannot be analyzed in isolation. On the contrary it is interlinked with the socio-
economic conditions, political climate and inequalities inherent in the traditional social
structure, its norms and values, customs and rituals. All these factors together determine
the actual social status of women. Not only that, women's status differs according to
region, caste, class and religion and also on considerations of tribal, rural and urban
areas." The status of a person is a great force in participating wholeheartedly in the
developmental process. In the case of women, their inferior status relegated to them due
to fundamentalism of tradition and religious beliefs blocked them from active
participation in developmental process.15
61
Historically women are supposed to carry forward the traditions, norms and the values
of society. The process of socialisation that they undergo in their families does not
prepare them for non-traditional roles. A better understanding of this position needs a
historical analysis of status of women in India.
In ancient India, reverence was given to women as mother's image, a symbol of life,
strength and purity, with immense capacity for patience, sacrifice and sufferings. In the
Vedic and upanishadic periods women enjoyed considerable freedom so far as political,
social and educational activities were concerned and thus enjoyed a status and prestige
in society. In homes, women were given superior position to that of men as they were
16
treated as the embodiment of goddess of wealth, strength and wisdom. Woman was
depicted as 'shakti', and it was an accepted belief that where woman is respected, there
is divine presence. According to Manu, where women are neglected, all rites and
ceremonies are fruitless and that family quickly perishes, but where women do not
grieve that family always prospers.17
Rig-Vedic women played a key role in the family, in the society and even in the
political life.18 They enjoyed a position of equality and were respected both in the
family and society as well. They were not ornamental objects but co- partners in life, in
its pleasures and hurdles, in its joys and sorrows.19They were imparted education like
men and enjoyed considerable freedom in their personal matters. These are evidences
of women actively participating in the political activities. They participated in the
deliberations of Vidhatha (the earliest folk assembly of Indo-Aryans) and Sabha along
with men.20
In short, it may be said that women enjoyed a fairly satisfactory position during ancient
times. The communities as a whole showed proper concern and respect for women,
allowing them considerable freedom in different activities of social and political life.
62
The Medieval period witnessed a gradual decline in the position and status of women in
India. Women were considered weak and it was the responsibility of man to protect
them. Since they were sensitive in temperament, they should be treated with love and
care. They were considered dependent on men throughout their lives. In childhood the
father looks after her, in youth the husband and in the old age her sons supported her.
Therefore, all her life she had to depend on someone or the other and never enjoyed
unrestrained freedom.21
During this period, there emerged social evils like female infanticide, child marriage
22
and the practice of sati in the Hindu society. Such atrocious practices were
responsible for the deterioration of the status and role of women to a great extent both
in the family and in the society. At the same time the spread of Islam and the beginning
of Sikhism provided a healing touch to the degradation of women. Guru Nanak, the
founder of Sikh religion, wanted women to be treated by men as equals. He said,
"Within a woman is a man conceived, from a woman he is born, he is married to a
woman and with her goes through life… Why call her bad. She gives birth to Kings.
23
None may exist without a woman. Only the one true God is exterior to women.
However, it was a fact that the position of common womenfolk in the country remained
miserable. Their only function was bearing and rearing of children. They were confined
to the four walls of their homes, leading an ignorant and illiterate life.
and ban on remarriage to widows - all these practices in this period resulted in the
development of a very weak personality of women”. 25
The British influence was positive in the direction of women's upliftment. The close
contacts with western cultural tradition, literature and education affected very deeply
the minds of the Indian leaders. The natural result was the social movements for
reforms of those evils, which were prevalent in the society. Consequently a number of
reform movements emerged. The leaders and the social reformers of significance who
were in the forefront of the struggle for women's emancipation were Raja Ram Mohan
Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidhyasagar, Swami Dayananda Saraswati, Swami Vivekanand,
Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and such others.26 These social reformers felt that
the social evils can be eradicated by raising consciousness and making people sensitive
to the injustice perpetrated on women. One of the important offshoots of the social
reform movement was the establishment of the National Social Conference in 1887,
which provided a forum for the reformers to discuss various practices and institutions
which needed to be reformed.27 At this juncture there emerged a number of institutions
organised by great social reformers led by Raja Ram Mohan Roy who is rightly called
the father of Indian Renaissance. The 19th century reform movements and social
renaissance initiated the process of improving the status of women. While spreading
consciousness and pride in indigenous cultural tradition, institutions like the Arya
Samaj, Rama Krishna Mission, the Prarthana Samaj etc. encouraged social service,
educational and reform activities to bring about social change favoring women's
upliftment. 28
The struggle for the emancipation of women took place mainly in three directions - (1)
to make necessary laws for social reforms; (2) to provide maximum opportunities for
their education; and (3) provide them with the fundamental political rights. Attention
was concentrated on the first two in the 19th and early 20th centuries whereas political
rights of women got attention only during the last phase of the independence
movement. 29
64
In the early twentieth century, many women’s organizations sprang up. That included
the Women India Association (WIA, 1917), The National Council of Women of India
(NCWI, 1925), and The All India Women’s Conference (AIWC, 1926). The basic
concern of these women’s organizations was to seek legislative enactment for
upliftment of women and gender equality in many fields of human activity, besides
demanding adult suffrage. A lead in this regard was given by Annie Besant who urged
women to join the Home Rule League. As a result of the efforts of leading women
leaders like Margaret Cousins, Joshi and Herabai Tata besides Annie Besant and
Sarojini Naidu, Voting right for women were provided first by the madras Legislature
in 1920.
The Indian National Movement under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi inspired
Indian women to enter the open field of politics. He recognized the importance of
women's participation in the freedom struggle. He said, "In the Non-violent struggle,
women have an advantage over men, for women are in any way superior to men in their
religious devotion. Silent and dignified service is the badge of her sex. Woman is
sacrifice personified. When she does a thing in them right spirit, she moves
mountains".30
In the Non Cooperation Movement of 1921 and the Civil Disobedience Movement of
1930, new techniques like picketing and boycotting of foreign goods, liquor shops and
non-cooperation in various governmental activities were used. Mahatma Gandhi had
immense faith in the women's inner strength and their moral appeal. In various non-
violent agitations not only the upper class urban women but at many places, simple
unsophisticated rural women also assumed leadership. Women organised themselves
into groups and were willing to join processions, face police firing and go to prison.
They broke the salt law, picketed shops selling liquor and boycotted foreign
65
manufactured cloths. There were also women who joined terrorist group; and helped in
editing and distributing banned news papers and even manufacturing bombs.
It was Mahatma Gandhi who gave a new direction, strength and inspiration to the
freedom movement. He played a pivotal role in extending women's active participation
in political life through the national movement. While he accepted the concept of
women's rights to individual dignity and legal equality from the beginning, he had
viewed their role in the freedom struggle as supportive of man in the earlier period.
Though the implications of Gandhi and social philosophy were not fully realised even
by his followers, the massive involvement of women in the freedom struggle resulted in
the transformation of women's position in the eyes of society
After securing the right to vote, the next item on the agenda was to obtain the right to
sit in the Legislative council in order to promote the cause of political equality between
men and women. In 1926, Dr. Muthulalakshmi Reddy became the first woman to be
nominated to the madras legislative council in the 1932 elections to the provincial
Assemblies. Many women contested and only few of them got elected. The first woman
to serve in the cabinet was Vijayalaxmi Pandit in Uttar Pradesh with the portfolio of
local self-government and public health. Several other prominent leaders like Padmaja
Naidu, Raj Kumari, Begum Hamid Ali, Amrit Kura and Sucheta Kriplani registered
their significant presence in Indian politics.
66
By the time of independence women from all sections of society had become active in
politics. Direct political participation promoted women's confidence and self-reliance
and broke the barriers of public and private dichotomies in their lives.33However, while
the basic issue of women's right to participate in politics was thus settled, the content of
their political role continued to be an open question.34
The social reform movement which began in the 19th century emphasized improvement
of women's status through education, restriction of child marriage, improvement in the
conditions of widows and provision of property rights to Hindu widows. The reformers
were not very much interested in establishing equality in roles between men and
women. They saw women as custodians of the family and responsible for the well
being of children, inculcating in them cultural values and heritage of the Indian
civilization.35
The foundation of political participation of women was laid down during the national
movement. The transfer of power from British to Indian hand gave women opportunity
to participate in democratic process. Large number of legal, social and economic
measures has been taken up by the Independent government to raise the status of
women in India. Women too have become politically conscious, as they have started
participating in national and state politics.
Constitutional Provisions
On attaining Independence in the year 1947, India became a republic. The Constitution
of India adopted a parliamentary form of government. The government functions at
different levels. At the apex level, there is the national government and governments at
states and union territories. At the centre, the parliament consists of two houses i.e. the
Upper House called the Rajya Sabha or the council of states and the Lower House
called the Lok Sabha (House of People). At the state level, the upper house is called the
67
Legislative Council and the Lower House is called the Legislative Assembly. Each state
has its own local self governments known as Panchayati Raj Institutions both at urban
and rural areas Rural Panchayati Raj Institution has three tier structures consisting of
the Zilla Panchayat at the district level, Taluk Panchayat at the taluk level, and Gram
Panchayat at the village level.
The Constitution of India, one of the greatest documents ever produced came into force
in the year 1950 guarantee justice, liberty and equality to all citizens. The preamble of
the Constitution of India resolved to secure to all its citizens justice, social, economic
and political, liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith, and to worship, equality of
status and opportunity and to promote among them fraternity assuring the dignity of
individual and the unity of nation. To attain this, the Constitution guarantees
fundamental rights. Specific articles and amendments have been enacted to ensure that
women and children enjoy the Constitutional rights. The Constitution not only grants
equality of treatment to women but also calls upon the state to adopt measures favoring
women neutralizing the socio- economic, educational and political disadvantages that
they face. The following are the various provisions in the constitution which ensures
equality between men and women.
Article 14 guarantees equality before law and equal protection of law within the
territory of India. This Article stands for absence of any discrimination by law or in
their administration.
Article 15 prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion, race, caste, sex, place of
birth. It is a guarantee against every form of discrimination. According to article 15(3),
nothing shall prevent the state from making special provisions for the benefit of women
and children.
grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, decent, place of birth, residence or any of them, be
eligible for, or discriminated against in respect of any employment or office under the
state.
Article 39- a) guarantees right to an adequate means of livelihood for all citizen.
Article 39 b) guarantees equal pay for equal work for both men and women. c) that the
health and strength of workers, men and women, and the tender age of children are not
abused and that citizen are not forced by economic necessity to enter occupations
unsuited for their age or strength.
Article 42 guarantees just and humane condition of work and maternity relief. This is in
accordance with Article 23 and 25 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Article 51-A clause (e) says that it shall be the duty of every citizen of India- to
promote harmony and sprit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India,
transcending religious, linguistic and religious or sectional diversities, to renounce
practice derogatory to the dignity of women.36
The 73rd Constitutional Amendment has added the following articles to the
Constitution providing reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions.
Article 243-(D) (2) states not less than 1/3 of the seats reserved under clause (1) shall
be reserved for women belonging to S.C or as the case may be S.T.
Article 243-(D) (3)-extends political reservation to women not less than 1/3 of the total
number of seats to be filled by direct election in every panchayat shall be reserved for
women and such seats shall be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in a
panchayat.
Article 243-(D) (4) extends reservation to elected offices as well. The office of the
chairpersons in the panchayats or any other level shall be reserved S.C and the S.Ts and
women in such a manner as legislature of a state may, by law provide.
69
The Table 3.3 shows the percentage of women in the Lok Sabha in relation to the total
number of seats. In the year 1952 it was 4.4%. It increased slightly in 1957 to 5.4% in
1962 it was 6.7%, 5.9% in 1967 to fell again to 4.2% in 1971, 3.4% the lowest in 1977
and increase slightly to 8.9% in 1984. Then it improved slightly to 7.1% in 1991 to
7.9% in 1998 and 9% in 1999. But it decreased to 8.2% in 2004. This table shows that
the percentage of women representatives in the Lok Sabha is very low and women’s
representation has not crossed 11% till date. The presence of women in the upper house
has been slightly higher compared to Lok Sabha, probably due to indirect election and
nomination of women members.
71
Total Members
Year Percentage
Seats
Males Females
1952 219 203 16 7.31
1957 237 219 18 7.59
1962 238 220 18 7.56
1967 240 220 20 8.33
1971 243 226 17 7.00
1977 244 219 25 10.25
1980 244 220 24 9.84
1984 244 216 28 11.48
1989 245 221 24 9.80
1991 245 207 38 15.51
1996 245 204 19 7.76
1998 245 230 15 6.12
1999 245 226 19 7.76
2005 245 218 25 10.20
2006 242 218 24 9.92
2008 241 219 23 9.54
Source: Election Commission, 2009.
From the above data it could be observed that women representation in Rajya Sabha too
has not improved since 1952.
72
Males Females
Females
Year Males Females Total winning Winning
(%)
(%) (%)
1952 1831 43 1874 2.3 26.08 51.16
1957 1473 45 1518 3 31.7 60
1962 1915 70 1985 3.5 24 50
1967 2302 67 2369 2.8 21.3 44.8
1971 2698 86 2784 3 18.5 24.4
1977 2369 70 2439 2.8 22.1 27.1
1980 4478 142 4620 3 11.5 19.7
1984 5406 164 5570 2.9 9.2 25.6
1989 5962 198 6160 3.2 8.5 13.6
1991 8374 325 8699 3.7 5.9 12
1996 13353 599 13952 4.2 3.8 6.7
1998 4476 274 4750 5.7 11.2 15.7
1999 3976 278 4254 5.8 12.3 17.3
2004 5050 355 5405 6.5 9.8 12.6
2009 7514 556 8070 6.8 6.4 10.6
Source: Parliamentary Information Bureau, Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting, Government of India.
The Table 3.5 shows number of women contesting elections is very low compared to
men. It increased from 2.3% in 1952 to 6.8% in the year 2009, compared to the
population, the percentage of women contestants is very low. Even today, more than
93% of the total contestants are men. But interestingly the percentage of women
winning elections has always been higher than men. This can be seen from the Table
3.5 The percentage of males who won elections in 1952 is 26.05% whereas women
were 51.16%. In the year 2004,. 9.8% men won the elections out of the total male
contestants and 12.6% women won out of the total female contestants. In the 15th Lok
73
Sabha elections 10.6% female contestants won the elections. Political parties deny
tickets to women candidates presuming that they are not capable of winning elections.
These results show that the percentage of women wining elections is more than the
percentage of men winning the elections.
The Table 3.6 shows the representation of women in the Council of Ministers,
Government of India since 1952. The representation of women has been very low in
the ministries that were formed and women were given less important portfolios like
health, welfare, local government etc. The case has been same in the state governments
as well.
No of Women
Year
Ministers
1952 3
1957 3
1962 5
1967 5
1971 3
1977 2
1980 8
1984 5
1989 1
1991 5
1996 5
1998 4
1999 9
2004 10
2009 9
www.parliamentofindia.nic.in
74
The position of women in the Indian political scene remains by and large, low-profiled
and unrecognized except for those women who are from elite families, who are related
closely to the political leaders and women who are high- profiled in their professions
and their glamour is considered to be a plus point with their entry into the increasing
glitter of politics. The current political culture in the country makes women’s
participation in politics difficult. They expressed their views that women are never
taken seriously in politics. They have to prove themselves at every point. They have to
work harder than their male colleagues and yet their bonafides are suspected and often
they get no credit.
A study conducted by UNESCO in Seven South East Asian countries indicates that in
terms of awareness, party membership, contesting election, voting or deliberate
abstention from voting and decision-making, women’s participation has not been
impressive. The study noted that women remain in the periphery of power and
influence.
In State Legislatures
Women representation in State legislature has been equally dismal. At present the
average percentage of elected women in State Assemblies is 7.23 per cent. The highest
being 14 percent in Rajasthan and the lowest being 2.5 per cent in Goa. States like
Mizoram, Nagaland and Union Territory of Pondicherry have no representation of
women in the Assemblies.
Women are coming out in large numbers over ecological degradation price raise
protests, protests against police repression etc. while there is an increased participation
in grass-root political movements; it is not getting translated into a growing share of
women in the formal political structure of the country. Among the several reasons for
such a situation is the growing money power and muscle power required to contest
elections in India. Women have also been treated as subordinate to men in every aspect
of life. Because of her secondary status and low esteem, most of the women were
denied entry in political decision-making.
When Rajiv Gandhi came to power in 1984 he tried to project a pro-woman image for
his party. He fielded a slightly larger number of candidates- 40 out of 492 (8.13%). In
the sympathy wave that followed Indira Gandhi’s assassination the congress party won
by a landslide victory, even the new-comers among women- 37 were elected to the
Eighth Lok Sabha. There were total 44 women ministers during Rajiv’s first tenure as
Prime Minister, the highest ever in Lok Sabha. In India political parties tend to give few
tickets to women for the national elections, details of women nominees of various
political parties are given table.3.8
77
As per above Table 3.8 we can see that INC, BJP, and BSP have selected women as the
candidates of the 15th Lok Sabha election. That means these National Parties have
inspired women to participate in politics. Of course, the success rate of winning the
election isn’t similar. Half of the INC’s women candidates have won the Lok Sabha
election, While 1/3 of BJP’s women candidates have won the election. Women
candidates of other Parties have not attained much success in the election.
Many factors are responsible for this state of affairs. History of freedom movement
shows that a large number of women participated in freedom movement. But after that
it went on decreasing. The ideology of the Nehru-Gandhi era has totally disappeared.
Gender roles have become major obstacles in women’s political empowerment.
Traditional division of labour, illiteracy, economic barriers, the type of electoral
system, lack of sufficient training etc have been keeping women away from politics.
Apart from this, elections have become a very costly affair. Women are not able to
generate large amount of money required to fight elections. Centralization of powers
and corruptions have become major obstacles for women to participate in politics.
78
Vibuthi Patel observes that, among the majority of Women’s Rights Groups, politics is
equated with politicking, dirty maneuvering and manipulation and therefore power and
politics remain an anthem to them.37 Political parties are reluctant to field women
candidates. The gender biases of political parties are the major hurdles for women
gaining decision making power. Women find it difficult to establish strong foothold in
politics without party base. Women backed by family and husband are recognized by
the parties. Veteran women politicians are sidelined. No serious efforts are made to
mobilize women as a political group.
Further the political participation has been primarily perceived as belonging to the
private or the private realm. This perception has influenced women’s attitudes towards
politics and political participation and created hesitancy among women to involve
themselves with “what was perceived as politics”. Hence, the conclusion drawn has
been that women are just not interested in politics.38 Max Weber; the German
sociologist spoke of politics as vocation and represented it as a male profession.
Therefore, women’s access to political office is hampered by the belief that a woman
cannot hold a difficult job. Men thus see political women as trespassers in a terrain,
which functionally belongs to them. Women in the political affairs face peculiar
problems that are unknown to their male counterparts. Variety of reasons account for
women’s diminished role in their political arena. They include tradition, physiology,
and lack of vertical mobility, psychology and lack of patronage, particularly senior
women politicians.39
The transition from the roles of housewife and mother to the role of political decision-
maker is not easy and has not been frequently attempted.
Women in India have made major inroads in various male dominated professions. In
the field of business, art, medicine, engineering, law and culture, women are given
opportunity to prove their skills. But they have failed to gain ground in the field of
politics. All these trends indicate that women’s representation in politics requires
special consideration. Today, even best women parliamentarians feel sidelined and
powerless within their parties except a few. Male party leaders have shown little
willingness to include women in party decision making bodies or help to create a
conducive atmosphere for women’s participation in their own organizations. The lack
of women’s participation in political decision making has important consequences. It
deprives women of important rights and responsibilities as citizens and excludes their
perspectives and interests from policy making and decision making. Their voices are
missing from key decisions on national budgets and setting of government priorities.
Their skills and viewpoints often remain unheard, underrepresented or ignored.
Therefore special measures are required. Otherwise our democracy will remain
seriously flawed if it fails to give adequate space for women.41 Political parties and
other organizations should encourage women’s participation in politics and in the
exercise of political responsibilities. The strategy should be to encourage a still greater
number of women in decision – making power. In this background the demand for 33%
reservation for women in legislature becomes important.
80
When the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted on 10 December, 1948,
its Article 1, proclaimed that, "all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and
rights". Article 2 provided for equality of sexes. It states that, "every one is entitled to
all the rights and freedoms without distinction of sex." It is considered as a clarion call
for the cause of women empowerment.42
Women have made substantial gains over decades, but this has not been adequately
reflected in the representation of women in positions of power. The UN adopted the
Convention on the Political Rights of Women in 1952. The World Plan of Action
adopted in Mexico City in 1975 put forward various suggestions for the recruitment,
nomination and promotion of women in various branches of government, public bodies,
trade unions and pressure groups. The Nairobi declaration stressed... “Women by virtue
of their gender, experience discrimination in terms of denial of equal access to the
power structure that controls society and determines development issues and peace
initiatives” and noted “For true equality to become a reality for women, the sharing of
power on equal terms with men must be a major strategy.” It emphasized the
importance of governmental and non-governmental organizations in educating women
to exercise their civil, political and social rights and stated that in this process of
consciousness raising, efforts would have to be made to fix definite time bound targets
and even resort to a quota system.44 The Nairobi conference decided strategies for the
81
In Beijing (1995) the largest (fourth) world conference held by UN on women and at
the U.N. conference on Environment and Development in Rio (1992) women’s vital
role in achieving sustainable development was recognized. At the world conference on
Human Rights in Vienna (1993), in which Women’s human rights and their violation
was acknowledged, at the International Conference on Population Development in
Cairo (1994), where women’s empowerment was recognized as a cornerstone of
effective population policies. At the world summit in Copenhagen. (1995) gender
equality was recognized as a pre-condition for the achievement of productive
employment, social integration and poverty eradication. 47
The issue of women’s political empowerment came to the forefront of the global debate
for women’s rights at the time of the Fourth World Conference on Women held at
Beijing in 1995. It declared “women’s equal participation in political life plays a pivotal
role in the general process of the advancement of women. Women’s equal participation
in decision making is a demand for simple justice and necessary condition for women’s
interest to be taken into account”.48 In this conference global community stressed the
importance of women assuming position of power and influence, not only because their
points of view and talents are needed, but also as a matter of their human rights.
Moreover, increased involvement of women in decision making process with respect to
social values, development directions and allocation of resources enables women as
well as men to influence societal agendas and to help to set priorities.49
82
The fourth World U.N. Conference on Women at Beijing created much more global
awareness about women’s issues. It dealt how vast majority of women of different
countries were being ill treated and also about what the various countries had done and
were doing to bring about equality, development and peace. Gender equality and
empowerment of women were the main themes and goals. Holistic approach to achieve
these aims and goals were discussed vigorously. On this basis the Beijing Declaration
and Plan for Action were drawn. Almost all the government pledged them to dedicate
resources and activities to implement it. They were ready to remove all the obstacles
that come in the way of women’s equality justice and empowerment. It was emphasized
that gender equality and justice could be achieved through multi dimensional
advancement and empowerment of women all over the world. 50
The issue has also repeatedly come up in the non governmental organization meetings
of South Asia Watch (SAW), Asia Pacific Women’s Watch (APWW) as a priority
issue. The Inter Parliamentary Union (IPU) has also been focusing on women’s
political participation. ‘Women’s Political Participation - 21st Century Challenges’ was
also the theme for a meet organized by UNDP in New Delhi from March 24-26, 1999.
The meet engaged women politicians and representatives of civil society from all
regions, in a dialogue to promote the sharing of experience and build alliances. It
concluded that until gender parity is reached in governance, women cannot reach full
equality with men in any sphere.51
The Common Wealth likewise has also been addressing the issue and has taken a
number of initiatives for the purpose of enhancing women’s representation. At their
1995 meeting, Common Wealth Heads of Government endorsed the Plan of Action on
gender and development, which was utilized by the member countries to take action to
83
increase women’s participation in political decision making at all levels. At their 1996
meeting, Common Wealth Ministers of Women’s Affairs recommended that the
member countries achieve a target of no less than 30% for women in political, public
sector by the year 2005. The need to increase women’s participation in political
decision making and peace process in the Common Wealth was also a part of the
agenda of the Common Wealth ministers responsible for women’s affairs, in their sixth
meeting held in New Delhi from April 16-19, 2000.52
The Government of India has declared the year 2001 as year for the Empowerment of
Women. In India genuine efforts have been made for promoting gender equality and
women’s empowerment through various departments of Women and Child
Development Human Resource Development Ministry. Several commissions,
particularly the National Commission for Women and its state branches, Central Social
Welfare Board and state branches, National Council of Educational Research and
Training, (NCERT)—National Institute of Public Co-operation and Child Development
(NIPCCD) and other various National and NGO’s dedicated to the cause of women are
also working towards the goal of promoting women’s empowerment.
As a result of all these efforts made at various levels, the situation of women on the
whole has improved with regard to some of the critical indicators of women’s
empowerment, like literacy, education, employment, health, human rights and so on.
84
But observing the critical analysis of many reports about how women are being treated
in the family and society in day-to-day life, it is obvious that they are far from being
empowered in reality. When panchayat raj system was introduced very few women
contested or got elected, Balwantrai Metha Committee (1978) recommended that in the
constitution of panchayats, provisions might be made for the co-option of two women
members, “who are interested to work with women and children” Subsequently the
Ashok Metha Committee (1978) had mentioned that two women securing the highest
number of votes among the women candidates in the election could take the seats
reserved for them, a method of co-option by election.53 Though panchayat raj
institutions were established in many states, women’s representation did not exceed
more than two or three.54 It was only in 1976, after the publication of the Report of the
Committee on Status of Women, there was a demand for the representation of women
in panchayat raj bodies through reservation. Karnataka is a pioneer state in this regard.
It was the first state ii the country to introduce the policy of reservation for women in
panchayat raj institutions.55 Yet politics proved to be a very inhospitable terrain for
women and continues to be the male bastion into which the entry of women is severely
restricted.
85
The question of reservation of seats was left to the National Perspective - Plan (1988)
for women to take up. In 1988 the Department of Women and Child Development
conducted a study which has been published in the form of a report titled ‘National
Perspective Plan for Women 1988-2000’ which has come out with some significant
recommendations on the role of women in panchayat raj institutions.57 The core group
set up by government of India pointed out that political power and access of position of
decision making and authority are critical three- requisites for women’s equality in the
process of nation building. Later with these feedback and objectives, reservation was
given in local bodies which had provided an opportunity to women to raise their
grievances and other related social and economic problems It recognized that political
participation of women is severely restricted and suggested that 30 percent quota for
women must be introduced at all levels of elective bodies.58 To encourage grass-root
participation in politics, women’s organizations too favored introduction of reservation
in village panchayats.
86
Above discussion makes it clear that women remain invisible and marginalized in
decision- making bodies. Data shows that there has been only a marginal increase in the
last few decades in the number of women candidates contesting elections and getting
elected.
The National Perspective Plan for Women, 1988 recommended 30% reservation for
women in local governments and other decision making bodies to encourage
participation of women in grass root politics.59 This debate finally culminated in the
passing of the 73rd and 74th Amendment Act, 1992. This paved way for the entry of
more than one million women into the local governments as members, presidents and
vice-presidents. The 73rd Amendment Act, provided a new constitutional platform
which ensures the representation of 1/3 women in the Panchayati Raj Institutions. This
legislation accelerated the participation of women in the policy making bodies.
The low representation of women in parliament and state assemblies has been the major
concern of various women organizations. Women constituting nearly half of the
population have to abide by the decisions taken by men in power. No serious efforts
have been made by political parties to give more representation for women.
Representation of women in legislatures, thereby entering into power position is
inevitable for political empowerment and equality of women. Given our political
situation, it has become clear that it is difficult for women to enter into legislature
without reservation. Therefore demand for 33% reservation in national and state
legislature has become a major demand of various women’s organizations.
During 1990’s, the issue of women reservation was in the manifesto of various political
parties, which was also a way of wooing women voters. Women reservation bill was
first introduced by Deve Gowda led national front government in September, 1996 as
the 81st amendment bill. Various political parties like Samajavadi Party, Janatha Dal,
87
Lok Shakthi etc opposed the bill severely as it does not provide sub-quota for other
backward classes and minorities. The argument put forth by the opposing group is that
if the bill is accepted as it is, this opportunity will be encashed by the upper caste, urban
elite women and have no effect on the patriarchal structure. In fact there is some truth
in what has been argued here. Various studies have pointed out that those women who
are in the forefronts of politics in India since independence have been mainly elite
urban women. But, so far no serious attempts have been made to analyze this aspect.
Even as C.P.Bhambhri reiterates that the logic that women should participate in the
decision-making process gets diluted if participation is on the basis of their religion or
caste because they are reduced to the level of sectarian leaders and not women
leaders.60 Veena Nayyar, too on the issue contents that the talk of quota with in quota is
a blatant attempt to divide the women. 61 That they forget about OBCs when it came to
the 73rd Amendment because it concerned only governance at the village level and there
was no need for considering a system of proportional representation where by the
legitimate political aspirations of each group can be satisfied without breaking down the
whole system with competing quotas.62 Caste and communal card was used to confuse
the whole issue. What is essential today is the general involvement of women at all
levels of power structure to ensure a true society, without any quota within quota for
political leverage. The politicians, women activists and thinkers are divided on the issue
of women’s reservation bill.
Due to opposition from various political parties, bill was referred to the Parliamentary
Joint Select Committee headed by Geetha Mukharjee. This committee recommended
the passing of the bill but rejected demand for sub quota for other backward classes.
The bill has been introduced thrice but was stalled each time. In 1998, Atal Bihari
Vajpai government presented 84th amendment bill for 33% reservation for women. The
12th Lok Sabha too failed to pass the bill. Women’s Reservation bill is surrounded by
hypocrisy and more of male chauvinism. In the year 1999, December 23rd, the bill was
again presented in the Lok Sabha. But due to lack of consensus amongst different
88
political parties, bill was rejected. UPA government adopted a different strategy. It has
presented the 85th amendment bill in the Rajya Sabha so that it does not lapse with the
dissolution of Lok Sabha. The bill was passed in the Rajya Sabha on the 9th March
2010. The bill’s fate remains uncertain till its final passage by the Lok Sabha. Until this
the women of India will wait to celebrate this as a legislative victory. 63
There is a long way to go for the enactment of the bill. Political parties are using this
issue to woo women voters. No political party is seriously committed to the issue of
reservation for women. No party opposes reservation provided for women in local
governments and they want it to be restricted at that level. A critical mass of women is
a prerequisite for the effective political participation of women. Women’s participation
in political process is to strengthen democratic tradition.
For Indian women, the 73rd Amendment to the Constitution, the panchayat Raj Act
1992 opens up the door to many possibilities. This enabled women at the local village
and district level, to contest on both reserved and unreserved seats. They have been
given a chance to exercise power politics. The commonly held view that, we have to
search for women for contesting elections has been somewhat disproved in practice in
local body elections. Besides reserved seats, women secured seats also from the general
quota. Women are sharing effectively the political decision-making at least at the grass-
roots level. The reservation for women in panchayats, provide a chance to stimulate,
encourage and enhance the rural women to participate in political decision - making
and developmental works.
In recent times women have been awakened to the fact that in order to break gender
barriers and overcome social and political bias, women participation in the political
process is essential. Further laws alone cannot bring social transformation. There must
be a revolution of consciousness in the minds of women about themselves. They must
realize that they have constitutional rights to equality, health care, economic security,
and access to education, employment opportunity, pay equality and political power.
89
Very soon, the 33 percent reservation for women in central and state legislatures also
will provide them an opportunity to escape from ghettoization imposed upon them by
patriarchal norms and practices.
Government of the people, by the people and for the people — Abraham Lincoln’s
concept of democracy is an ideal, which remains unachieved in the world especially in
the context of half the population of any country, the women.
END NOTES:
16. Raj Bala, The Legal and Political status of Women in India, Mohit Publications,
New Delhi, 1999 p.3.
17. Vidyaben Shah, “ Role of Women in Ancient India” in C.K. Jain, Women
Parliamentarians in India, Surjeet Publications, 1993, p.307.
18. A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilisation, Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi, 1962, p.339.
19. Thomas, P., Indian Women Trough the Ages, Asia Publishing House, Bombay,
1964, p.49.
20. Ram Sharan Sharma, Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India,
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1968, p.78-102.
21. Kala Rani, Role Conflict of Working Women, Chetna Publications, New Delhi,
1976, p.52.
22. Altekar, A.S., op.cit., p.16.
23. Government of India, Towards Equality, Report of the Committee on the Status of
Women in India, New Delhi, 1985, p.43-44.
24. Thomas. P, Indian Women through the Ages, Asia Publishing House, Bombay,
1964, p.285.
25. Mathur, S.S., Anju Mathur, Socio- Psychological Dimensions of Women Education,
Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi, 2001, p.25.
26. Ibid
27. Neera Desai, Maithreyi Krishnaraj, women and Society in India, Vohra and
Company, New Delhi, 1957, p.39.
28. Raj Bala, op.cit., p.7
29. Thomas P., op.cit, p.292-296
30. The Harijan, 22 December, 1921.
31. Hem Lata Swarup, et.al., op.cit., p.367.
32. S.R. Bakshi (ed.), Advanced History of Modern India, vol.4, Anmol Publications,
New Delhi, 1995, p.226.
33. Hem Lata Swarup, et.al., op.cit. p.367.
34. Raj Bala, op.cit., p.217.
92
35. Ibid.
36. Pylee, M.V., An Introduction to the Constitution of India, Vikas Publishing House
Private Ltd., New Delhi, 2007, p.103, 104, 143, 144.
37. Vibuthi Patel, “Getting a Foot Hold in Politics, Women in Political Decision
Making Process,” Social Action, Vol.65., No,.1,Jan-March, 2005, p.40.
38. Abhilasha Kumar, Sabina Kidwai, Crossing the Sacred Line: Women Search for
Political Power, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1998,p.3.
39. Shantha Bhatt, Women Parliamentarians of India, Shiva Publishers, Udaipur, 1995,
p.190.
40. Niroj Sinha (ed.), Women in Indian Politic, Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi,
2006, p.55.
41. Narayana Jayaprakash, Sheth Dhirubai, Yadav Yogendra, Keshwar Madhu,
“Enhancing Women’s Representation in Legislatures. An Alternative to the
Government Bill for Women’s Reservation”, Manushi, No.116, 2000, p.7.
42. Barbara Smith, “Racism and Women Studies”, in G. Hull et.al., (ed.), But Some of
Us are Brave, The Feminist Press, New York, 1982, p.49.
43. Prbhat Datta, Major Issues in the Development: Lessons in Empowerment from
India, Kanishka Publishers, New Delhi, 1998, p.60.
44. Suriakanthi, A., “Panchayati Raj: Redefinition of Women’s Power”, in Palanithurai.
G, et.al (eds.), Major Issues in New Panchayati Raj System, Kanishka Publishers,
New Delhi, 1997, p.56.
45. Niroj Sinha, (ed.) op.cit. p.104.
46. Saxena, K.S., Women’s Political Participation in India, Sublime Publications,
Jaipur, 1999, p.108.
47. Singh, Surendra, Srivastava, S.P. ‘Background Paper’ of International Conference
on “Gender Equality through Women’s Empowerment: Strategies and Approaches’,
Lucknow, India, March 1997, p. 7-9.
48. Beijing Platform for Action, p.109.
49. http://www.un.org/womenwatch/draw/Public/w2oct97/partlen.htm
93
50. Promilla Kapur, Empowering the Indian Women, Publication Division, Govt. of
India, New Delhi, 2001, op.cit., p.412.
51. Rajaput Pam, “Women’s Political Participation in India: An Agenda for
Empowerment”, in Pramila Kapur (ed.), Empowering the Indian Women,
Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broad Casting, Government of
India, 2000, p.227-228.
52. Biju M.R., “Women Empowerment in India, Changing Socio-Political Equation”, in
M.R. Biju (ed.), Women Empowerment, Politics and Polities, Mittal Publications,
New Delhi, 2005, p.218
53. Mahipal, “empowering Women through Panchayat Raj Institutions”, Kurukshetra,
Vol. XLII, No.9, June 1994, p.30.
54. Subha, K., Karnataka Panchayat Elections 1995, concept Publishing Company, New
Delhi, 1997, p.103.
55. Vidya, K.C., Political Empowerment of Women at the Grassroots, Kanishka
Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, p.15.
56. Mahipal, op.cit., p.30.
57. Vidya, K.C., op.cit.
58. Ibid, p.16.
59. “Baseline Report on Women and Political Participation in India”, prepared by
NIAs, ct.al. and co-ordinated by IWRAW, Asia Pacific, Advanced Unedited
Version, p.8 ,accessed at www.IWRAW- ap.org/aboutus/pdf/FPwomen-
and_pol_pax.pdf.
60. Niroj Sinha (ed.), op.cit., p.423.
61. Ibid.
62. Sushila Kaushik, Women in Panchayati Raj, Haranand Publications, New Delhi,
19993, p.4.
63. Krishna Gupta (ed.), Empowerment of Women, Emerging Dimensions, S. Chand
and Company Ltd., 2010, p.103.