Prog Hum Geogr OnlineFirst, published on December 17, 2008 as doi:10.
1177/0309132508096355
Progress in Human Geography (2009) pp. 1–12
Progress reports
Population geography: lifecourse matters
Adrian J. Bailey*
School of Geography, University of Leeds, Leeds LS2 9JT, UK
Key words: age, childhood, family, generation, time.
I Introduction
Concerning itself with the spatial nature of
society’s populations, scholarship in popu-
lation geography continues to reflect and,
in some instances, lead wider discussions
about relational thinking that span the social
sciences. This review aims to describe how
research on lifecourse geographies carries
themes of relationality while contributing
new knowledge on topics that include: mo-
bility, work, housing, childhood, changing
families1 and social networks, age, generation,
disability, health and well-being inequalities,
and vulnerability.
Geographical engagements with life course/
life-course/lifecourse research are well es-
tablished, if not always visible (Hopkins and
Pain, 2007). Recent developments build on
antecedents from behavioural geography,
regional science, feminist geography, and
population studies (Huff and Clark, 1978;
Frey, 1984; Courgeau, 1985; Warnes, 1986;
Wagner, 1989; Chant and Radcliffe, 1992;
Odland and Shumway, 1993; Katz and Monk,
1993; van Wissen and Dykstra, 1999). How-
ever, a poststructural emphasis upon how
power relations constitute and are consti-
tuted by the spaces of groups and groupings
reworks this legacy in new directions. For
example, a priori ‘life cycle’ categorizations
*Email: a.j.bailey@leeds.ac.uk
© 2009 SAGE Publications
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Ã
of age and the deterministic timbre of stage
and time are seen as normalized and politic-
ally problematic categories of analysis. Yet,
this is not to deny the very real role of struc-
tural dependencies, synchronizations, and
sequences that flow through the lives of
individuals and social institutions. Here I
am interested in what lifecourse research
adds to the recognition that: ‘spatial con-
texts are not passive … geometries of power
“populate” places in a way that produces not
only uneven geographies of labour, but that
connects places to a global system’ (Findlay,
2005: 432). To capture how lifecourse re-
search both develops and reworks, this
review is organized in three substantive sec-
tions that highlight: biographies and careers
and how these flow and are sequenced
through an individual life; the linking and
synchronization of lives in and through
space; inequalities over lifecourses and their
theorization.
II Biographies, transitions, and events
Interested in patterns of order and orders
of patterns in the often banal practices of
everyday life, lifecourse scholarship seeks
to describe the structures and sequences
of events and transitions through an indi-
vidual’s life (Elder, 1985; Hareven, 2000).
DOI: 10.1177/0309132508096355
2 Progress in Human Geography
Geographers have turned to individual bio-
graphies to organize such accounts (for
example, Halfacree and Boyle, 1993; Silvey
and Lawson, 1999). Biographies help relate
trajectories (or ‘careers’, including residential
location, mobility, work, incarceration) to
transitions (such as the demographic trium-
virate of birth, death, and migration events,
and nest-leaving, partnering, separating, re-
tirement) and the spaces and times they flow
through (Dykstra and van Wissen, 1999).
The production and experience of indi-
vidual mobility biographies has been studied
in relation to patterns of work, housing,
and household organization at a variety of
scales and historic times (Hägerstrand, 1970;
Sandefur and Scott, 1981; Clark and Huang,
2003; Li, 2004; Flowerdew and Al-Hamad,
2004; Pooley et al., 2005; Plane et al., 2005;
Naess, 2006; Axhausen, 2007; Scheiner,
2007). A number of recent papers suggest
that mobility biographies cross-cut spheres
of production and social reproduction. For
example, Kulu (2008) relates mobility behav-
iour in Austria to employment, partnership,
and childbirth events. Frändberg (2008) uses
a time-space path perspective to explore the
mobility biographies of a group of 162 young
Swedes and reports complex, but systematic,
relationships between temporary mobility
(including holidays and trips to second homes)
and migration. Tying together what are often
treated as discrete literatures on mobility,
tourism and migration informs transnational
theorizations of social spaces and networks
(Olwig, 2003; George, 2005). Integrating mo-
bility and migration biographies also extends
knowledge of the strategies international
migrants use in response to the changing insti-
tutional regulation of immigration (Poot and
Sanderson, 2007). The institutional organiza-
tion of social insurance in Sweden, Germany,
and the USA explains how the different
mobility regimes in these counties reflect
national variations in the rates of events and
transitions including occupation mobility,
job displacement, household demography
(DiPrete, 2002).
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The trajectories and transitions of work,
employment, and livelihood comprise a
second focus of activity (van Hoven and
Pfaffenbach, 2003). Research on the
migration-employment nexus relates the
sequencing of migration to transitions in and
out of the labour market and to wage char-
acteristics (Cooke, 2003), and highlights
the roles of gender and family organization
(Nilsson, 2001; Kofman, 2004; Smith and
Bailey, 2006), and housing markets (Clark
and Withers, 2002; Davies-Withers and
Clark, 2006). Housing careers contribute to
the development of such housing markets
(Kendig, 1995; Clark et al., 2003). Research
on housing careers also suggests that ‘the
extent to which housing quality increases
over the life course is lastingly influenced
by (the timing of ) experiences in the educa-
tional, labour market and household careers’
(Feijten and Mulder, 2005: 583). Supporting
this are explorations of how the cultural
dynamics of intergenerational wealth trans-
fers affect the housing opportunities of
young adults (Murdie, 2002; Tomassini et al.,
2003; Kurz, 2004; Feijten, 2005).
Descriptions of transitions between child-
hood, adolescence and adulthood also weave
together the spheres of production and social
reproduction (Holloway and Valentine, 2000;
McKendrick, 2001; Aitken, 2001; Valentine,
2003). Space plays an important role in medi-
ating transitions, through gender systems
(McDowell, 2002), the structure of educa-
tional opportunities and markets (Mulder and
Clark, 2002; Punch, 2004; Hopkins, 2006a),
transnational family networks (Orellana
et al., 2001; Pribilsky, 2001; Smith, 2006), and
structural relations of poverty and inequality
(Ansell, 2004; Furlong and Cartmel, 2007;
van Blerk, 2008). Such transitions have
been connected to processes of globalization
through debates on scale (Ruddick, 2003;
Horschelmann and Schafer, 2005) and social
reproduction (Mitchell et al., 2004; Katz,
2005). One way in which understanding of
the institutional contexts of transition into
adulthood has been advanced is through

careful analysis of how the increasingly pre-
valent practices of incarceration and youth
justice both implicate and transform life-
course constructions (Pettit and Western,
2004). For example, Brown (2007: 227)
argues that ‘the juvenile court pathologized
urban childhood, and reinforced a spatial
division within society between urban youth
of color and ideal childhoods thought to
punctuate suburban, middle-class, white
families’. Gilmore’s (2007) analysis of incar-
ceration practices in California describes how
ideas about motherhood are brought into
sharp relief through the strategies women
utilize to ‘reclaim their children’ (Chapter 5).
While the field continues to focus on how
events constitute population groups, the
range of events studied tends to be restricted
to births, deaths, migration, and family for-
mation events (Bailey, 2005). Yet, other
events function as rites of passage, circulate
norms and social meanings, and play roles in
constituting groups (Teather, 1999; Fannin,
2004). Further analyses of lifecourse geo-
graphies should expand the concept of event
and consider, for example, memorials, anni-
versaries, public commemorations, roadside
markers, festivals and so on (see Kong, 2001).
III Synchronization and contingency
Interest in how individuals and groups organize
their lives in relation to others, society and its
institutions motivates lifecourse analyses of
linking and, more specifically, practices and
ideologies of synchronization. As with human
geography more generally, this relational
thrust has been accompanied and enriched
by a consideration of space and place –
specifically, sensitivity to the ways in which
contingencies affect synchronization. Such
research stands to contribute to extant de-
bates on spatial contingency although para-
doxically, and as intimated, has had less to
say about ‘temporal’ contingency, despite
the call for such insights (Massey, 2005) and
the demonstrated potential for lifecourse
research to contribute such material (Hockey
and James, 2003).
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Adrian J. Bailey: Population geography 3
A growing appreciation of the ‘family’
context of linked lives and synchronization
is coincident with calls for studies that
transcend individual-level analysis (Mulder
and Wagner, 1993; Kofman, 2004; Bergeron
and Potter, 2006; Clark and Huang, 2006).
Coordinating multiple lives in a family con-
text both enables and constrains the timing
of migration, as suggested by Bailey et al.’s
(2004) description of how dual-career
couples make location decisions in relation
to the needs of elderly parents, and the
economic and cultural resources such gen-
erations provide to working parents and
their children. Such synchronization has im-
plications for gender relations: Schwanen’s
(2007) analysis of the repetitive cycles of
chauffeuring children to school by parents
in dual-earner families reports that while
fathers take on many of these trips their
arrangement continues to reflect gender
ideologies. Holmes (2006) considers the
locational decisions of dual-career couples
and suggests that decisions to live apart that
balance emotional labouring with working
biographies are more likely at certain life-
course moments than others. Resurreccion
and van Khanh (2007) also highlight the
importance of the timing of cooperation
strategies between women and men in re-
producing gender relations, and distance
themselves from performativity frameworks
that assume linear accumulations of cooper-
ation. There are important connections to
research on the geographic connections be-
tween family members (Smith, 1998; Joseph
and Hallman, 1998; Rogerson et al., 1997;
Hardill, 2002) and how the synchronizing
strategies of partnering extend gender ideolo-
gies over space (Walton-Roberts, 2004).
The importance of spatial and temporal
contingency in mediating how synchroniza-
tion affects social norms and the circulation
of power more generally emerges as a key
theme in the interdisciplinary analyses of
transnational families (Bryceson and Vuorela,
2002; Asis et al., 2004; Parreòas, 2005).
Moreover, this literature calls attention to
4 Progress in Human Geography
synchronization through extended family
and kin linkages and, most generally, over
multiscaled social networks (Waters, 2002;
Kobayashi and Preston, 2007; Bashi, 2007;
Conway and Potter, 2007). Mulder (2007)
calls for attention to how the ‘extra house-
hold’ context of family relations affects
residential choices. Such diverse social net-
works operating outside the ‘family’ are
increasingly important in the face of rising
immigrant populations which attach greater
weight to family networks, the changing
nature of intergenerational wealth transfers
under neoliberal conditions, and the growing
diversity in living arrangements beyond the
nuclear family. Yet, despite some helpful
analyses of temporal contingencies (includ-
ing Neven, 2002, and Bonvalet et al., 2007),
theoretical progress remains elusive (Bailey
and Boyle, 2004).
In addition to richer accounts of gender
relations, family relations, and social net-
works, attention to sequence and temporal
contingency also contributes to ongoing
discussions of the relationality of age and
generation. For example, while ideas
of childhood and generation have been re-
worked through critiques of the localized and
normalized discursive practices that define
groups using dualisms and biological referents
(ie, children are not yet adults, generations
are defined with reference to a common ori-
gin event; Valentine, 1995; Harper and Laws,
1995; Pain et al., 2000; Stewart, 2005),
new lifecourse-framed work explores the
implications of temporal contingencies and
norms for age and generation. Van Blerk and
Ansell (2006) describe how structural failure,
poverty, and HIV-AIDS have led many
southern African children to experience bio-
graphies, transitions, and linkages in socially
disrupted and spatially dislocated ways, with
implications for norms of social hierarchy and
the ideologies of childhood that circulate.
Vanderbeck (2005) reads a sedentarizing
narrative into the schoolhouse experiences
of Traveller children in Britain. This calls
into question parents’ ability to meet the
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development needs of their children and
thus reworks the meaning of childhood and
idealized childhood both within the com-
munity, and nationally. Leiter et al.’s (2006)
examination of how recent US citizenship
frameworks reorder the access that children
and parents receive to social citizenship calls
into question generationally based under-
standings of adult–child relations, with
further implications for understandings of
immigrant childhoods and the mediating role
of state institutions upon such group con-
structions. More broadly, the implications
of the UN Convention on the Rights of the
Child for childhood is discussed by Skelton
(2007). Explorations of the contingencies
of generational identity and consciousness
have also led to less normative constructions
of population groups (Andrews et al., 2006).
Indeed, the ways that spatial contingency
engenders and cements the values and be-
liefs that lend generational consciousness
have concerned McHugh (2007: 294) and
colleagues for a number of years. He focuses
on the role of age-restricted communities in
reworking generation, and connects personal
narratives and life histories with national
stories that circulate as national mythologies
through everyday and historic times.
Lifecourse research on intergenerational
relations also focuses on the contingencies
of synchronization, drawing from studies of
children (Alanen and Mayall, 2001), elderly
(McHugh, 2003), immigrant communities
(Hopkins, 2006b; Pieke, 2007), and social
reproduction (Mitchell et al., 2004). Seeing
it an important cross-cutting agenda that
should focus on the family and non-family
contexts of such relations, Vanderbeck
(2007) draws on Riley and Riley (2000) and
Mayall and Zeiher (2003) to foreground pro-
cesses of ‘generationing’ that link social con-
structions of generations and generational
relations to intersections between biograph-
ies, historical times, and social times that play
over the spaces of lifecourses. Vanderbeck’s
argument (pp. 213–15) further expands the
existing focus beyond the family, and beyond

heteronormative scripting of lifecourse inter-
sections by pointing to research suggesting
‘distinctive’ spatialites and temporalities in
the rhythms and sequences of queer lives
(notably, Halberstam, 2005).
A cluster of research on ‘disabling’ pro-
cesses likewise draws on notions of linkage
and sequence in space to posit less essen-
tialized readings of disability (Imrie and
Edwards, 2007). Thomas (2004) traces how
the space of the home and its use by disabled
bodies and others with overlapping activity
spaces recasts the experience of home, per-
petuating a ‘disabling’ feeling and practice.
Holt (2004) argues that the state, through
its promulgation of a sanctioned ‘national’
curriculum, sets temporal parameters on the
development of students; by failing to ‘keep
up with’ targets and timings, constructions of
disability are produced and circulated in the
spaces and times of educational biographies,
with implications for the classification and
streaming of children. Indeed, many studies
shed light on how synchronization is enabled
and constrained by institutions and regula-
tions (Mayer and Schopflin, 1989; Cohen,
1997).
IV Theorizing inequality over
lifecourses
Understanding how lifetime accumulations
of experiences, resources, and vulnerabilities
impact and circulate inequality has motivated
lifecourse analysis of how early life experi-
ences put individuals into, and take them
out of, harm’s way, how particular places
and moments take on significance in the
perpetuation of structural disadvantage,
and how individuals and groups use which
resources to enhance economic and social
participation.
Methodologically diverse biomedical and
health studies explore the role of lifecourse
structures for triggering and maintaining
inequality in health outcomes (Davey-Smith
et al., 1997; Graham, 2001). Using aggre-
gated data from Canada, Prus (2007) finds
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Adrian J. Bailey: Population geography 5
increasing health inequalities between socio-
economic status groups with age, suggesting
the persistence of strong early life influences.
Focusing on the educational outcomes of
young adults, Murasko (2007) similarly con-
cludes that early life experiences – in this
case, locus of control and self-esteem – exert
a systematic impact upon later life. Lake
et al. (2004) highlight the importance of
childhood diet for affecting the development
of chronic diseases (Popkin, 1993), and tie
the food choices of adolescents to lifecourse
processes surrounding their transition to
adulthood. Lifecourse readings of violence
against women receive growing but relatively
limited attention (Menjivar and Salcido,
2002; Jiwani, 2005).
Lifecourse analyses of economic inequ-
alities and well-being have drawn on work–
life balance and role theory to trace the
impact of role balances and compromises in
middle life upon lower incomes and inequ-
ality in later life (Evandrou and Glaser, 2004).
The consequences of migration sequencing
for employment inequalities between White
and non-White students is a theme taken up
by Faggian et al. (2006). This research asks
how the type of migration strategy used upon
graduation from a UK university is linked to
an earlier lifecourse decision to migrate to
study and to characteristics of the course of
study, the local area, and the student. Non-
White students leave their homes to study at
a lower rate compared with White students
with ‘long term implications, in that their
[non-White] subsequent migration propen-
sities and consequently their long term
incomes will be reduced relative to those
who were more mobile at the earlier stage’
(p. 470). In describing variations in the inter-
national migration strategies of UK students,
Findlay et al. (2006) argue that unequal
access to secondary higher education may
act to reproduce social disadvantage.
Another body of research explores how
material and discursive dimensions of life-
courses can be mobilized to increase the
6 Progress in Human Geography
social, economic, and political participation
of individuals and groups. The importance
of social networks runs through Blank and
Torrecilha’s (1998) research on Mexican,
Puerto Rican, and Cubans in the USA to
support the lifecourse view that immigrant
adults boost their participation by organizing
residential careers and extended family liv-
ing arrangements in ways that ‘generate
resources’ for caring for young children and
elders (see also Donker’s 2004 analysis of
Ghanian immigrants’ adaption strategies
in Canada, and Salaff and Greve, 2004).
Bergen et al. (2003) focus on the strategies
in everyday life used by women to combat
chronic illness. Smith and Holt (2007) call
for a lifecourse view of how (student) gentri-
fiers participate in complex urban housing
markets. Their view extends oversimplistic
lifecycle accounts of nest-leaving by probing
historical intersections between transfor-
mations in higher education and studen-
tification and the circulation of social norms
surrounding home–work transitions and
family belonging. Goldstein (2003) tracks
the roles of humour and the development
of lifecourse narratives that use humour to
structure, synchronize, and connect the
sometimes banal and often oppressive events
of everyday life among poor populations in
Rio de Janeiro. The potential of disrupting
sedentarist norms and fostering participation
through ideologies of mobility is explored
by Uteng (2006), who asks what happens
when the ‘roots’ of genealogical order and
hierarchy are disrupted by the ‘routes’ of
mobility in framing daily understandings of
identity and belonging? Here migration –
mobility – is made more than movement
through its transformative action upon
temporality, such that, at least for these
immigrants, it offers capabilities that can
increase active participation in society, and
reduce inequality.
This research also addresses what makes
strategies of participation more successful in
some places, and at some times, than others.
Growing sensitivity to why some places are
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healthy and therapeutic, and others degen-
erative (Smyth, 2008: 124) may foreground
not only how health sequences unfold across
an individual’s biographical times, but jointly
through the historical and social times of
these place contexts. Using linked longitu-
dinal and historical data, Curtis et al. (2004)
show that the place contexts of early life
(including the degree of local unemployment)
do exert a systematic affect upon later life
illness. Grundy (2006) notes how the pro-
motion of healthy lifestyles, coping strategies,
and social networks throughout the life-
course can ensure elderly people accumulate
a range of resources that can offset vulner-
abilities. Maxey (2004) focuses on the partici-
pation of children in intentional communities
through the circulation of non-adultist norms
that develop in particular places.
What emerges is a complex articulation
between the accumulation of life experience
and resources, contingency, and inequality
and participation. Readings of embodied
lifecourses have emerged as ways of ‘social-
izing’ corporeality and appreciating the social
geometries of the lifecourse, while preserv-
ing the integrity of self-society mediations
(Hockey and James, 2003). Conradson and
McKay (2007: 170) note that affect, emo-
tion, and the subjectivity of self arise as an
‘embodied physiological state that emerges
through relational encounter’, with Sheller
and Urry (2006) opening up ‘mobilities’ as
such locales of encounter. Within population
geography there are calls for the analysis of
embodied vulnerabilities that focus both on
individual and group experiences of hard-
ship and upon the ‘chains of influence’ that
circulate disadvantage (Heikkila, 2005;
Philo, 2005: 443). Futhermore, Flamm and
Kaufman (2006) contribute to broadening
the treatment of temporality by uncovering
changing ideologies of motility in historical
time, although the changing nature of par-
ticipation across social time has received less
attention (Southerton, 2006, is one excep-
tion). Pursuing the idea of what might be
acceptable timespans for coordinating

lifecourse activities, Schwanen (2006) argues
that clock-time definitions alone will miss the
relational, material, and embodied nature and
meaning of such couplings and intersections.
A further set of lifecourse theorizations
focus on experiences of temporality. Jarvis
et al. (2001) and Jarvis (2005) focus on work-
ing families and report that the true costs of
time squeeze are related to housing afford-
ability, childcare shortages, transport fail-
ures, and school choice. Bauman (2007: 3)
argues that spans of biographical times are
increasingly fragmented with the past being
no guide to the future, and ‘a swift and
thorough forgetting of outdated information
[and experience] and fast ageing habits can
be more important to the next success than
the memorization of past moves and the
building of strategies on a foundation laid by
previous learning’ (italics in original). Indeed,
for Butler (2004), participation in political
community can be enabled through a socially
and relationally transacted performance of
grief. As lifecourse resources, processes of re-
membering and forgetting emerge as pro-
ductive topics for reflection, not least, of
course, because memories ‘are always medi-
ated’ (Chamberlain and Leydesdorff, 2004:
229), with gaps, silences, and absences pre-
sumably unfolding over lifecourses in rela-
tional ways.
V Conclusion
This review has attended to how lifecourse
matters matter. Through the development
of increasingly interdisciplinary agendas and
relational frameworks research outlines less
normative views of terms like age, family, gen-
eration, and groups, while expanding know-
ledge of childhood, old age, processes of
disabling, generationing, and gendering.
This interdisciplinarity – also reflected in the
growth of such nodes as the National Centre
for Lifecourse Research (New Zealand),
the ESRC Seminar on Time Space and the
Life Course (UK), and the Bronfenbrenner
Life Course Center (Cornell, USA) – has
implications for intradisciplinarity (for
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Adrian J. Bailey: Population geography 7
example, opportunities for lifecourse work
on health inequalities; Smyth, 2008: 119).
A key strength of this work is the pro-
gress toward appreciating how the spaces
and spatial contingencies of everyday life
matter for strategies of production and social
reproduction. Discussions of lifecourse con-
tingencies, participation, and embodiment
hook up with broader discussions in the dis-
cipline about, for example, care (McDowell,
2004; Lawson, 2007), hark back to Hettner’s
(1927) point that the field might roam across
the spheres of production and settlement/
consumption, and advance the field’s en-
gagement with materiality through contri-
butions to global discussions on vulnerability,
including the International Geographical
Union’s Commission on Population and Vul-
nerability (Findlay, 2005).
An ongoing challenge remains theorizing
spatiality and temporality in ways sensitive
to their mutually constitutive relationship
(May and Thrift, 2001). For example, Brown
and Colton (2001) suggest that events sur-
rounding ‘death’ may function to reconsti-
tute space and time, Cwerner (2001) and
Zerubuval (2003) link the spaces and times
of community to the circulation of social
division, and Jarvis (2005) suggests ‘city time’
and ‘urban inequality’ are co-constitutive and
mutually implicated across and of the life-
course. Such studies inspire accounts that
avoid new fixity and hierarchy, and that
resonate with a fluidity and fleetfootedness
that seems to be the way of lifecourses.
Note
1. Buzar et al.’s (2005) review of household matters
provides the specific impetus for this review, not
to mention inspiration for the title.
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