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�Currency Reform�
God says in the First Commandment, Thou shalt have no other gods before me.
The United States Constitution gives our government the power to issue money
and to regulate both money and commerce.
We should give a gentle warning here to those readers who have nervous
problems with either of the above. If you have somehow mentally attached
divine characteristics to money, or if you believe that only Unseen Forces,
rather than constitutional governments, should create credit and control
markets, you may have trouble following the rather simple material we present
here.
This applies as well to those who unduly concern themselves with mere
monetary symbols, as, for example, the silly hocus-pocus of the pyramid with
the eyeball on our one-dollar bill. We shall detail here some of the means by
which European oligarchs took control of the substance of America's sovereign
financial powers.
The government had created over $400 million in new greenbacks during the
Civil War, declaring it legal tender for all debts. Following the war,
British and allied forces demanded that the payment of gold, or "specie," be
resumed, that the expansive credit policies of the Lincoln era be terminated.
The issue was only settled after more than a decade of fierce political
struggle, when specie resumption finally took effect in 1879.
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We will describe here the origin of this clamor for an end to America's
financial sovereignty The importance of this movement transcended the
immediate currency issue; the apparatus deployed in the 1860s and 1870s would
be used to press for further incursions in cultural and general political
matters as well as the strictly economic.
For this analysis we must return briefly to Great Britain, to view the busy
preparations of the Lords of the Asian empire for new overseas adventures.
This was the same Lord Brougham who had sponsored the launching of the
Edinburgh Review; who had discovered James Mill and started his career; who
had declared Britain's trade war in 1816, "to stifle in the cradle those
rising manufactures in the United States which the war [of 1812] had forced
into existence contrary to the usual course of things."
Lord Brougham, at age 78, would need powerful help for the development of
this new project. Among the political backers who sustained the National
Association from its inception were Britain's Foreign Minister, Lord John
Russell; and Anthony Ashley Cooper, Earl of Shaftesbury, who guided the
political training of ex-American George Peabody, founder of the Morgan
financial empire. Russell and Shaftesbury both served as Association
vice-presidents.
Lord Napier and Etrick was president of the National Association when the
American specie resumption fight climaxed in the 1870s.(2) The Napier family
was quite familiar with reforming foreign countries: Charles Napier had
personally instigated the East India Company's Sind War in 1843, slaughtering
thousands of natives resisting conquest and taking for himself hundreds of
thousands of dollars in loot as Indian cities burned. Field Marshal Baron
Robert Napier of Magdala was chief engineer in Britain's suppression of the
1857 Indian revolt, with responsibilities including blowing up Indian
structures.
The principal philosopher for the National Association was Herbert Spencer
(1820-1903), whose works the Association widely promoted. Spencer's moral
standpoint was entirely consistent with the Association's objectives, as he
expressed it in his Social Statics:
The president of the trade section of the National Association was Sir John
Bowring.(4) Since his earlier career as organizer of the Foreign Office's war
against Friedrich List and pro-American republicans in Germany, Bowring had
served as ambassador plenipotentiary to China, governor and
commander-in-chief of Hong Kong, and superintendent of trade with China. In
these capacities he oversaw the smuggling of opium, and began the shelling
which led to the second Opium War when the Chinese again put up resistance to
the drug.
As the publisher and executor for Jeremy Bentham, Bowring was the most
radical of Lord Palmerston's diplomatic "reformers." The Communist experiment
which had been thrown against Germany was modified for use in China under
Bowring's expert hand.
Combined British and French expeditionary forces eventually took over the
assault on the Emperor which had been inaugurated by Bowring's irregulars.
John Bowring's earlier partner in the anti-Corn Law League charade, Richard
Cobden, performed one more notable service for the Radical Party later in
life. Cobden negotiated a treaty with French Emperor Napoleon III in 1860
which lowered tariffs between England and France.
The two nations thus allied stepped up the ongoing war against China, forcing
Chinese capitulation to the opening of the entire country to dope imports and
looting in the name of trade. In the bargain the French were given a free
hand by the British in Indochina, and the two empires again joined forces in
the 1863 invasion of Mexico.
The treaty that Cobden negotiated was written by Louis Mallet, a British
government functionary with whose Swiss family we have frequently made
acquaintance. His grandfather was Jacques Mallet du Pan, British spymaster in
France who promoted the free trade treaty which destroyed the French economy
and led to the French Revolution.
Richard Cobden died in 1865; Louis Mallet quickly organized the Cobden Club
in honor of the departed "apostle of free trade. " Its mission: to remove the
influence of Lincoln's dirigist economics from U.S. politics and government.
Within two months after the Cobden Club's first meeting in May 1866, its 145
members included 83 members of Parliament; soon all but one of the British
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cabinet ministers were members of Mallet's club.(6) Mallet was later rewarded
by appointment as Permanent Undersecretary of State for India; he served in
this capacity from 1874 to 1883, a period of massive growth in the
cultivation of Indian opium for export.
The Cobden Club's executive committee, led by John Stuart Mill, was
responsible for selecting new members most importantly American members. The
British wanted Lincoln's greenbacks called in and burned, the foreign-owned
U.S. bonds paid off in gold, and the government's right to print money
replaced by the exclusive right of any gold-rich banker to issue private
notes; of course British bankers such as the Morgans controlled the largest
hoards of gold.
John Stuart Mill complained about the Civil War bonds in a letter reprinted
in Englishman Edwin Godkin's Nation magazine in New York:
The accompanying chart gives the names of prominent Americans who were
recruited as official members of the Cobden Club, traveling back and forth to
the erstwhile Mother Country to confer on the effort to subdue the defiant
Americans.
Among the most important of the American members were the Adams brothers,
Henry, John Quincy II and Charles Francis Adams, Jr., the corrupted grandsons
of President John Quincy Adams. Henry Adams' desperate hatred for Americans
and the American republic would later be transmitted to two of his students
at Harvard, Henry Cabot Lodge and Theodore Roosevelt. In his exciting
historical expose, The Civil War and the American System�America's Battle
with Britain, 1860-1876, historian Allen Salisbury reports on a warning about
the Cobden Club which was read on the floor of the U.S. Congress in the
summer of 1866. It was a message from the U.S. Consul in Liverpool, England
to the late President Lincoln's economic strategist, Henry C. Carey:
They are making great efforts on this side to repeal our tariff and admit
British goods free of duty. If effort and money can accomplish it, you may
rest assured it will be done. The work is done through the agents of foreign
[commercial or banking] houses in Boston and New York. Their plan is to
agitate in the western States, and to form free-trade associations all over
the country.(7)
Consul Thomas Dudley was a fierce patriot from Camden, New Jersey, who had
helped orchestrate the capture of the Republican presidential nomination for
Lincoln in 1860. He was a longtime student and devoted follower of Henry
Carey, who directed the campaign for continuing Lincoln's and Hamilton's
policies after the war.
Salisbury's book details the treachery of David A. Wells, whom Lincoln had
appointed to the Special Revenue Commission to plan postwar financial
policies for industrial development. A year after Lincoln's assassination,
Wells was named head of the Revenue Commission, and immediately joined with
Lincoln's enemies in a campaign to overthrow the Lincoln policies; his main
ally in the government was the U.S. Treasury Secretary, Hugh McCulloch.
In 1873, after several years of struggle, Wells and McCulloch went to London
for a special Cobden Club dinner in their honor. The Club's printed report on
that splendid affair carries an introduction by Sir Louis Mallet:
Mr. Wells, like Cobden, belongs to that rare class of statesmen who devote
themselves to public life not for purposes of party or for the sake of
office, but to give effect to the principles of policy which they believe to
be essential for the welfare of their country and of mankind.
How devoted he was to the welfare of his country, the reader may judge from
David Wells' speech to his British hosts:
"It seems to be a law of nature that, increase our power to produce and
accumulate as we may, mankind as a whole can hope to do little more than
secure the essentials of a mere subsistence."(8)
The British Association for the Promotion of Social Science set up shop in
the United States in the fall of 1865. Established in Boston as the Social
Science League, it was soon renamed the American Social Science Association.
As Irwin Unger makes clear in his Pulitzer Prize-winning book The Greenback
Era, the new American branch was the Boston headquarters for the movement to
outlaw the greenbacks Lincoln had issued, and to force a contractionist
credit and currency policy.(9)
>From the meetings in Boston, Association members fanned out through the
northeastern United States and into the Midwest, moving churchmen, editors
and politicians behind the "new conservatism" of hard money, free trade and
civil service reform (or the breakup of constituency-based political
machines, which will be reviewed in our next chapter).
The Civil War saved many radical abolitionists, as it had now become a
national duty to shoot Southerners; apparently Sanborne's offenses were
forgotten.
The most outspoken and most quoted partisan of hard money deployed by the
Social Science Association was Edward Atkinson, a textile manufacturer and
Cobden Club member. He had spent the last years of the Civil War trying to
convince the government to open up full-scale wartime trade with the Rebel
South for cotton, for his own factories and for the cotton-starved British.
Late in the war he had initiated a business venture with his mentor, backer
and political chief, John Murray Forbes, for the purchase at auction of
confiscated southern plantations, proposing to work freed negro slaves at
$7.00 per month in the cotton fields. (10)
In the two decades following the Civil War, there were three men whose
substantial activities appear to have molded the national movement to crush
Lincoln's economic legacy, and to subjugate America once again to European
will. None of these men was terribly famous in his day, and no real biography
of any of them has been written. But John Murray Forbes of Boston, Abiel A.
Low of Brooklyn and Lyman J. Gage of Chicago were the "powers behind the
throne" (or, representing the throne) for their time.
John M. Forbes was the actual founder and the permanent controller of the
American branch of the British National Association for the Promotion of
Social Science. Forbes also organized and sponsored the Reform League of
Boston, and continued to provide the basic financial support and
transatlantic connections for Boston radicalism in line with his earlier
projects, the abolitionism of John Brown and the Transcendentalism of Ralph
W. Emerson.
A.A. Low, the president of the New York Chamber of Commerce from 1863 to
1866, was the undeviating hard rock upon which the New York "hard money"
reformers were based; he sponsored their meetings, arranged for their
opponents to be politically removed, and appeared in the newspapers as the
greatest of the respectable merchants in the movement.
Lyman J. Gage was the treasurer and active leader of the Honest Money League
of the Northwest, the propaganda agency for specie resumption in the pivotal
Chicago battleground; he was president of the American Bankers Association in
the 1880s; he planned and shaped the Chicago World's Fair of 1893, an
international celebration of the end of American cultural and financial
independence; and he organized the National Civic Federation, the grandfather
group to today's anti-American political consortiums such as the Council on
Foreign Relations and the Trilateral Commission. Gage was also United States
Treasury Secretary under Presidents William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt.
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We met with John M. Forbes earlier in our story. The Forbes family, along
with the Cabots, had remained with Thomas H. Perkins when he switched their
joint enterprise from slave trading to dope-smuggling after the 1793 slave
insurrection in the Caribbean. As a young man, John M. Forbes attained to a
crucial position with the Perkins opium-trading syndicate in China: personal
secretary and confidential agent for Wu Ping Ch'ien, or "Houqua,"(11) the
Mandarin head of security for the British East India Company in China, who
performed the identical role of native gang leader and intercessor for the
American criminals as he had for the British.
Houqua treated Forbes as his adopted son, allowing him to acquire vast wealth
from Houqua's donations in addition to Forbes' accretions from trading as a
partner of the Perkins firm. On one occasion Houqua gave Forbes $500,000 to
hold and invest for him in American stocks.
After converting the China fortune into U.S. railroad holdings, Forbes
capitalized on his China connection in a rather spectacular fashion. The 1857
crash and depression flattened business fortunes throughout the United
States, but Forbes retained his holdings with a $2 million personal loan from
the Baring Brothers bank, British financiers of the East Indian empire. (12
)The magnitude of this bailout in present-day equivalents is so high as to
beggar the imagination.
Forbes' dominant American financial position was thus assured with the same
type of direct British patronage as had set up Boston China trader George
Peabody twenty years earlier. Peabody was operating a London banking house in
1837 when he was warned in advance by his British friends of their decision
to withdraw credit from worldwide markets and thereby depress commercial
values; so he was fully liquid and ready to pounce on the American properties
rendered bargains by the British move. Thus established, Peabody built the
transatlantic banking concern which, with the inclusion of Junius Morgan and
his son J. P. Morgan, became the overlord of American finance in the late
nineteenth century.
A.A. Low's uncle, William Henry Low, was the senior partner in charge of
Russell and Company, the firm which bought out and expanded the Perkins
syndicate and brought the Boston Brahmins' opium trade to its greatest
heights. When John Murray Forbes returned to Boston, A.A. Low took over
Forbes' job as personal secretary and confidential agent for Houqua, and was
likewise treated as his adopted son.
One day in February, 1841, A.A. Low's uncle, William, sat on the deck of the
British warship Calliope. He was the guest of British plenipotentiary Charles
Elliot, watching the action Elliot had started in Canton Bay to compel the
Chinese to accept opium imports.
The British unloaded their troops on South Wantung Island, then bombarded the
North Wantung forts and took them. William Low went ashore to look at the
forts. In the words of a family reminiscence, "The dead, dying and wounded
lay in one indiscriminate mass, many of them with their clothes on fire, and
praying for water, or for an end to be put to their suffering."
After the Treaty of Nanking was signed giving the British looting rights in
several Chinese cities, William Low returned to Canton and resumed business.
A.A. Low left China a wealthy man. He set himself up in the clipper ship
business in New York, running the world's fastest opium smugglers into China
for A.A. Low and Company. Only John M. Forbes' clippers could match Low's.
These two pioneer American criminals were so successful that the British dope
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lords Jardine Matheson and Company were forced to build their own clipper
fleet.
A A. Low's son Seth inherited his bloody wealth, and continued his tradition
as a preeminent social reformer. Seth Low was the third president of the
National Civic Federation, and served as president of Columbia College from
1890 to 1901. The present campus of Columbia University was purchased and its
buildings constructed by Seth Low with the family fortune made in the murder
of the Chinese. The administration building, Low Library, is named for A.A.
Low, one of the most successful criminals of modern times.
The last of the three great post-Civil War monetary reform leaders, Lyman
Gage, presents the inquiring historian with nearly a sealed mystery. All
biographical sketches about him are derived from the scanty material provided
by Gage's memoirs, which appear to have been written by his third wife
sometime late in his life.
According to this legend, Gage moved out to Chicago from upstate New York, an
ambitious lad with no particular connections. He rose through the ranks of
Chicago's First National Bank to become its president and the leading Chicago
financier, all without wealthy sponsors, Eastern patrons or the like. For no
reason other than his own internal logic, the story goes, this former bank
clerk decided that America's republican sovereignty over credit had to go,
and he elected to become a great figure in Britain's international game.
We shall say little, for the moment, about this rags-to-riches story, other
than to bring up one curious element in the otherwise flat autobiographical
account in the Gage memoirs.
Gage tells his readers that he has, for "more than 40-years," been interested
in spiritualism and related matters. He dates the beginning of this interest
from the time he happened to attend a seance, during which his recently
deceased wife appeared to him and warned that his still living, healthy
daughter would die. The terrified man was soon overwhelmed when his little
girl suddenly developed a fever and died. From that time on, Gage explains,
he toured the country participating in research into psychic phenomena,
conversing with dead people who, after all, seemed to have demonstrated
superior knowledge to that of the living. (14)
Lyman Gage was at the center of a political movement which took the American
Midwest away from the Abraham Lincoln backers whose primary base was there,
and created the degraded climate within which the school of Anglo-Austrian
economic thought associated with the University of Chicago could pass itself
off as American.
Looking behind the curtain of Lyman Gage's impossible account of his life,
starting from the lead about "spiritualism," the present author was led to a
late nineteenth-century American sub-culture inhabited by pagan cultists,
U.S. Presidents, professors, espionage agents, hypnotists . . . and a good
many first-class lunatics. This organized sub-culture, a sort of laboratory
within which the present Eastern Liberal Establishment was bred, will be the
subject of Chapter 17.
Henry Demarest Lloyd was a Columbia College student who was chosen as
spokesman for rioting students in the spring of 1866. He did battle with a
scornful tongue against the college president, Frederick A.P. Barnard, in
pseudo-legal campus proceedings. Lloyd appeared to humiliate President
Barnard, and the students went without punishment.
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Three years later Barnard warmly recommended the young rebel as "a gentleman"
to the president of the American Free Trade League, David Dudley Field, who
hired Lloyd as a fulltime agent and propaganda distributor for the League.(15)
Barnard had made no mistake. Revolution was his business, and Lloyd had
selected himself for Barnard's purposes.
The probabilities are in favor of whatever has stood the test of time....
What has been received by generation after generation without question or
dispute, is supported by a vast weight of authority and is corroborated by
the results of experience. Talk to an Englishman of the evils of monarchy,
and he will meet you with the inquiry, "Has not ours worked well? . . . If
[freemasonry] has ever been the enemy of social or political order, point to
the nation it has revolutionized�name the monarch it has dethroned! If it has
ever been the insidious foe of religion or of the Church, instance the
sacrilege it has perpetrated....(17)
That the Masonic Order has not failed in the attainment of its objects
Professor Barnard held to be proved by the character of the men whom it has
honored with the chief control of its affairs, and whose lives are the best
vindication of its principles. Its loyalty to constituted government has been
proved in its English branch by the fact that eleven kings of England, one
Prince of Wales, two royal dukes, and many noblemen have been Grand Master .
. . [while] the greatest of English cardinals, the sagacious Wolsey, two
archbishops of Canterbury, one archbishop of York, seven bishops, and three
mitred abbots have held the same dignity.... The secret transaction of
business cannot be necessarily or universally wrong. That secret associations
may be formed for evil purposes is true; but so may open associations. That
secrecy makes bad societies more dangerous is admitted.... In no such sense
is Masonry a secret institution.... It keeps nothing secret but its own
peculiar business, which there are sufficient reasons for keeping to itself.
(18)
His close and loyal friend and supporter was the university's Board Chairman,
Jacob Thompson,(19) U.S. Interior Secretary (1857-1860) and collaborator with
Scottish Rite chief Albert Pike in the theft of hundreds of thousands of
dollars in government gold for fraudulent Indian transactions, who would be
the Canadian-based coordinator of terrorism against Northern cities during
the Civil War.
Barnard guided the university through secession, then turned down an offer by
Confederate President Jefferson Davis to be Commissioner of Natural
Resources, and moved to Virginia. When Union troops overran his residence
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That the union of these States was originally a benefit . . . no man has ever
doubted. [So] long as the principle of equality among the several members . .
. remains intact, it must continue to be ... a benefit to all alike.... Yet .
. . every benefit of which the union is the source, springs out of that
simple basis just mentioned . . . so soon as that principle ceases to be
recognized . . . then the union is in fact, to all intents and purposes,
substantially dissolved already, and its formal dissolution becomes a mere
question of time....
But Barnard's denunciation of the South was enough for Columbia College's
trustees Barnard was immediately hired as Columbia's president and served
from 1864 to 1889. Frederick A.P. Barnard largely supervised the conversion
of Columbia College into the Ivy League University it has been in the past
century. The Columbia-affiliated Barnard College for women is named after him
In 1866, the same year young Henry Demarest Lloyd was championing the
Columbia rioters, New York attorney David Dudlley Field traveled to London on
a rather strange mission. Meeting with the British National Association for
the Promotion of Social Science, Field was named head of a commission to
write a single code of laws which were intended to be imposed in every
country of the world! Frederick Barnard was designated Field's assistant. The
Field Code was eventually adopted by the British as the law of India, and 24
states of the U.S.A. took all or part of the code into their statute books.
By 1869, Field had been elected president of the American Free Trade League,
a group set up in 1864 by London insurance executive Alfred Pell through his
New York-based sons.(21) The Pells, Tory emigres in the American Revolution,
had returned and intermarried with the Bartows; the famous Bartow-Pell
mansion in the Bronx, N.Y., may still be visited�it was home to the family of
Theodosia Bartow Prevost Burr.
Young Henry Demarest Lloyd set out with the Free Trade League on the path to
his great renown as the premier reformer of the late nineteenth century.
Lloyd was initially assigned to upstate New York and northern Ohio,
distributing League flyers and organizing meetings on the old Anti-Corn Law
League's slogan, "No Monopoly!"
We will focus here on one of Lloyd's later victories for the British reform
movement, involving the Ohio capitalist John D. Rockefeller (1839-1937).
Englishman John Teagle immigrated to Cleveland, Ohio in the 1870s and entered
into a small oil-producing partnership. When Standard Oil, as was their
custom, made a deal with Teagle's firm to limit its production, Teagle went
to the courts, the U.S. Congress, and the newspapers with an attack on the
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Under Lloyd's leadership, the crusade bore fruit in 1892 when Standard Oil
was dissolved by the U.S. Supreme Court. The company was reorganized and was
dissolved again in 1911. Its most important part, Standard Oil of New Jersey
(known as Exxon today), then received a new president: Walter- Teagle, the
son of the British gentleman who had begun the attack on Standard in the
first place!
With Teagle at the helm, the wonderfully reformed company entered into a
cartel arrangement with the I.G. Farben company of Germany. This new
worldwide oil and chemical monopoly was only partially terminated by Senator
Harry Truman's committee probes in 1942, when the Standard-I.G. Farben cartel
was blocking American access to strategic materials with which to fight the
Nazis.
The Auschwitz concentration camp was arranged to give slave laborers to the
cartel's on-site factory; inmates who couldn't work were killed with the
cartel's Zyklon-B gas.
While John D. Rockefeller was being pummelled by some reformers, who wanted
to take away what he considered his God-given money, other reformers appeared
to come to his rescue by informing him about what he could do with his money
to get the attackers off his back.
Frederick Gates was chief among the "friendly" reformers. Gates and two other
of these liberal persuaders were Baptist theologians trained at the
University of Rochester, under the university's president, Martin B.
Anderson, a prestigious member of the Cobden Club of London. Gates's memoirs
credited Anderson with having shaped his life and his thought.(23)
Gates converted Rockefeller family funds into the source for other
British-modeled educational schemes such as Columbia Teachers College, whose
"liberal" methods have since replaced classical concepts in U.S. public
schools, to the detriment of sanity, and culture, in today's younger
generation. The Rockefeller Foundation and similar family instruments are
controlled by the reform movement which seized control of John D. Rockefeller
and his money. But the old pirate John D. Rockefeller's offspring eagerly
joined forces with the new power in the family. With their massive stock
holdings, they were, after all, given a delicious slice of the action by the
Teagles, the British, the Nazis, et. al. By the mid-20th century, the new
game had made "liberals" out of grandsons Nelson and David Rockefeller.
In the 1950s, Cyrus Eaton, acting on behalf of Lord John Russell's grandson
Bertrand Russell, convened a series of conferences beginning in the Masonic
Lodge in Pugwash, Nova Scotia. Eaton brought together Soviet and American
"peace" representatives to forge a deal for the division of the world into
two empires, one (perhaps the larger one) ruled by the Russians, and one by
the elite families of Britain and of the U.S. Eastern Establishment.
"Pugwash" remains today the overriding strategy concept for implementation by
David Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations, and by the Rockefeller
family's longtime employee Henry A. Kissinger.(25)
Scottish Rite northern leader Killian Henry Van Rensselaer, second in command
to the Rite's Swiss-born patriarch John James Joseph Gourgas DuPan de
Rengers, had organized the Knights of the Golden Circle in 1853 and 1854.
Spreading south and east from Cincinnati, the Knights had proposed to create
a new feudal empire comprising most of the United States and Latin America;
in 1861 they had served as the armed backbone of Southern secession.
Palmer's business was life insurance. He was associated with the Northwestern
Mutual Life Insurance Company from the time of its founding in 1858. His
presidency of Northwestern Mutual (1874-1908) roughly coincided with the
years Henry Palmer was the official commander of the Scottish Rite in the
northern United States, and several of Palmer's Northwestern Mutual employees
were members of the Scottish Rite Supreme Council.(28)
But perhaps such an army of snoopers was useful as well for other purposes,
such as the gathering of information on deaths, illnesses, and other intimate
affairs of American families, information that could be useful to the
networks of operatives, playing on superstition, associated with Lyman Gage
and his friends.(30)
Goodall's value to the British royal family was far from being merely
symbolic. His relationship to America's monetary affairs was unique: he
printed the money. During the 1870s fight over specie resumption, Goodall was
president of the American Bank Note Company, whose rather disturbing
corporate history(32) we will briefly sketch.
The company which became American Bank Note was formed in 1799 by Jacob
Perkins of Newburyport, Massachusetts. Perkins hired as an engraver a
notorious traitor named Smithers, who had first printed the currency for the
patriots' Continental Army; he had then joined the British and printed the
counterfeit notes for the occupation army in New York, which helped make the
American currency "not worth a Continental." A 1950s report of the American
Bank Note Company features a copy of a British advertisement for Smithers'
counterfeit money, available to anyone travelling out of occupied New York to
the other colonies.(33)
Perkins' associates returned to the United States in 1823 and resumed their
company's operations. Over succeeding years the company was split up, but in
1858 its original four parts and all three other American engraving firms
were brought together under the name American Bank Note Company.
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During the Civil War, Albert G. Goodall toured the world drumming up business
for American Bank Note. He made contracts with Russia (his employees trained
the Czar's printers), Greece, Italy, and many Latin American nations to print
the money of those countries.(36) Eventually 105 nations had their currencies
or postage stamps printed by the company.
Though President Lincoln had seen to it that two other engraving companies
arose during the war to share in the printing of greenbacks, these two new
companies were merged into American Bank Note in 1879. The Congress soon
decided to set up a Bureau of Engraving to print U.S. notes, but the company
continued to print America's postage stamps until 1894. Its most significant
business in the later nineteenth century, however, was in the printing of
stock and bond certificates, for which it attained to a virtual monopoly in
collusion with the New York Stock Exchange.(37)
A most unusual feature of the company is that it has always, and continues to
employ professional counterfeiters in company laboratories. The announced
purpose of this arrangement is to keep a technological step ahead of criminal
counterfeiters.(38)
Today the American Bank Note Company, with printing plantin The Bronx, New
York, prints stock and bond certificates;certain lottery tickets; traveler's
checks for the American Express Company, Bank of America, Citibank, and the
First National Bank of Chicago; major credit cards; and the currencies of
Mexico, Brazil, and many other countries. Its records, even the list of its
clients, are desperate secrets of the company.(39)
Were it to fall into the wrong hands, a company of this sort would be an
excellent instrument for purposes of "irregular warfare," terrorism, and drug
smuggling, with capabilities for providing ready cash, credit cards, and high
quality false identification papers.
pps. 305-336
--(notes)--
Date
Name
Selected
Charles Francis Adams, Jr., railroad executive 1873
https://www.mail-archive.com/ctrl@listserv.aol.com/msg11638.html 17/19
11/12/2020 [CTRL] [14] Treason in America -- From Aaron Burr to Averell Harriman
John Quincy Adams II, railroad executive
1869
Martin B. Anderson, president, Rochester University 1872
Edward Atkinson, cotton manufacturer 1869
George Bancroft, historian; President Polk's War Secy.; 1870
ordered troops into Texas
Henry Ward Beecher, radical abolitionist minister 1869
John Bigelow, co-owner of free trade organ, the New 1866
York Post
William Cullen Bryant, first president of American Free 1869
Trade League; editor and co-owner of New Post
Ralph Waldo Emerson, author, leader of the 1869
Transcendentalists
Cyrus Field, laid Atlantic Cable; built monument to Major 1868
Andre at site of hanging; brother of David Dudley Field
David Dudley Field, attorney commissioned by British to 1869
rewrite the laws of the world
James A. Garfield, later a U.S. president, assassinated 1869
after renouncing British economics
Reverdy Johnson, U S Ambassador to England, 1868-1870 1869
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, author 1870
Hugh McCulloch, u S. Treasury Secretary, 1865-1869 1871
Alfred Pell, Jr., British-based insurance executive; 1871
set up American Free Trade League
Arthur Latham Perry, prominent lecturer for Free Trade 1870
League
Mahlon Sands, organizer for the Free Trade League 1870
Carl Schurz, German revolutionary emigre; board member 1872
Northwestern Mutual Life Ins. Co.; U.S. Interior Secy.
1877-81; editor New York Post
Charles Sumner, Massachusetts senator; radical 1872
abolitionist and reconstructionist
William G. Sumner, leading Harvard economist 1873
Theodore Roosevelt, historian; U.S. President 1880
David A. Wells, Lincoln appointee to the Revenue 1870
Commission, who betrayed the murdered President
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
http:[EMAIL PROTECTED]/
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