Common sense makes a distinction between attention and consciousness. In everyday English we may ask someone to "please pay attention" to something, but not to "please be conscious" of it. Yet we know that when people pay attention to something they do become conscious of it. Likewise, we can "draw," "get," or "call" someone's attention invol- untarily by shouting, waving, or prodding the person; as soon as we succeed, our subject becomes conscious of us. Nevertheless, we still do not speak of "getting" or "drawing" someone's consciousness. It seems as if the psychology of common sense conceives of attention as something more active than consciousness, while consciousness itself is thought of as a "state." A similar distinction is implied in pairs of verbs like looking versus seeing, listening versus hearing, touching versus feeling, and so forth. In each case the primary sense of the first verb is more active, purposeful, and attentional, while the second verb refers to the conscious experience itself. Nor is this distinction limited to percep- tion: It also works for memory, as in recalling versus remembering; even in the case of imagination, the verb imagining is more active and purposeful than daydreaming. Of course consciousness is profoundly active, even when it is not experienced as such, and we have previously suggested that superficially purposeless thoughts may in fact serve specific goals (6.0). But the commonsense distinction between attention and consciousness is still important. It embodies the insight that there are attentional control mechanisms for access to consciousness - both voluntary and automatic that determine what will or will not become conscious. It implies that attention involves metacognitive operations that guide the stream of consciousness. This belief is backed by good evidence. We can obviously control what we will be conscious of in a number of voluntary ways: We can decide
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