From State to Empire

in the Prehistoric
Jequetepeque Valley, Peru

Edited by

Colleen M. Zori
Ilana Johnson

BAR International Series 2310

2011
Published by

Archaeopress
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BAR S2310

From State to Empire in the Prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley, Peru

© Archaeopress and the individual authors 2011

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 Chapter 1
Introduction:
State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
Singularly among the large river valleys of the Peruvian
north coast, the prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley never
gave rise to its own expansive regional polity. Instead,
the inhabitants of the valley were influenced by and/
or incorporated into the political structures of states
and empires centered elsewhere. These included the
Lambayeque polity of the Lambayeque Valley to the
north, the Moche and Chimú cultures of the Moche Valley
to the south, and ultimately the Inka empire, based in the
Cuzco Basin of the southern central sierras. In addition,
the valley was the principal conduit between the Pacific
Coast and the highland center of Cajamarca, itself the seat
of a complex polity in late prehistory and an important
base for Inka conquest to the north. Archaeological data
from the Jequetepeque Valley, however, defies a simplistic
interpretation that reduces its history to the imposition of
these successive cultural influences on a passive hinterland
population. Instead, the inhabitants of the valley actively
participated in the assimilation, appropriation, and
reformulation of these external influences, creating a
distinctive historical trajectory in which political integration
waxed and waned in response to both internal processes
and outside forces.
The Jequetepeque Valley therefore provides an exceptional
laboratory for studying the intersection between local
communities and state- and imperial-level societies. The
contributions in this volume take a data-driven approach to
almost a millennium and a half of the valley’s prehistory,
tracing steps along the transition from segmentary but
autonomous polities during Moche and Lambayeque times
to the valley’s integration into the administrative structures
of the Chimú and Inka empires. Several chapters (Sapp,
Chapter 6; Mackey, Chapter 9) explore the intricacies of
the political relationships that unfolded between valley
communities and outside polities, engaging with the unique
nature of the architecture and material culture that developed
in the valley and the continuities in ethnic identities across
its major sociopolitical transformations. Others (Johnson,
Chapter 3; Swenson, Chapter 8; Kremkau, Chapter 11)
delve into how political power was distributed, negotiated
and manifested by valley populations themselves, focusing
not on urban centers but on the role of rural communities.
Other chapters (Cordy-Collins, Chapter 4; Prieto, Chapter
7; Levine, Chapter 10) highlight the economic foundations
1
of complex societies by exploring state-sponsored craft and
food production and the extension of economic ties and
cultural influence to new territories. Several researchers
(Zori, Chapter 2; Cutright, Chapter 5) examine the mortuary
practices of the valley’s inhabitants, exploring how they
reflect underlying cultural notions of life, death, social
identity, and community.
Building on an extensive body of previous archaeological
research in the region, these studies provide detailed insight
into the development and functioning of states and empires
in the Jequetepeque Valley. In particular, they demonstrate
how local Jequetepeque inhabitants both adapted to and
shaped the sociopolitical landscape of the valley in relation
to the combined pressures of local political processes and
influences from outside the valley. This volume is an
important compilation of recent research in the valley,
highlighting the work of archaeologists who have dedicated
significant portions of their careers to studying the cultures
of the Jequetepeque, as well as a new generation of
archaeologists embarking on their scholarship in the region.
Geographic Setting
The Jequetepeque Valley is located 600 km north of Lima
on Peru’s north coast (Figure 1). It is supported by two
rivers: the Jequetepeque, which is the main tributary
flowing west from the Andes Mountains to the Pacific
Ocean, and the Chaman, a large branch of the former that
supplies water to the northern portion of the valley. The
valley is separated from the Chicama and Moche valleys
to the south by the Pampa de Paiján, a 45 kilometer stretch
of uninhabited desert. This physical barrier may have led to
the cultural differences observed between settlements in the
northern and southern portions of the North Coast in some
periods (Castillo and Donnan 1994; see below for further
discussion), and positioned the Jequetepeque Valley at an
important crossroads between the southern and northern
coastal territories.
The physical landscape of the Jequetepeque Valley
consists of relatively sizable expanses of cultivatable land
surrounding the Jequetepeque and Chaman rivers and
their subsidiary canal systems, interspersed and separated
by a few low mountain ranges. Recent reanalysis of the
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

Figure 1: Map of the north coast of Peru

2
 Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori

Jequetepeque irrigation system (originally investigated

Andean Chronology Jequetepeque Chronology
by Eling [1987]) has revealed the development of four
distinct canal regions, each comprised of lands watered by Initial Period Early Formative
a separate waterway, during the Moche era in the valley 2000-1000 BC 2000-1500 BC
(Castillo 2010; see below for chronology). These four Middle Formative
sectors of the valley were ruled by distinct leaders during Early Horizon 1500-500 BC
1000 BC-AD 100 Late Formative
colonial times and the divisions still remain today. This
500-0 BC
suggests a segmented political and economic organization
Early Moche
rooted in long-standing local traditions of land and water AD 200-400
Early Intermediate Period
management (Castillo 2010). AD 100-600 Middle Moche
AD 400-600
The north coast of Peru must also be understood in Late Moche
relation to the El Niño/La Niña cycle, or ENSO (El Niño AD 600-800
Southern Oscillation). This climatological phenomenon Middle Horizon Transitional
has periodically affected the inhabitants of western South AD 600-1000 AD 800-900
America since people first settled the coastal areas. Under Early Lambayeque
El Niño conditions, warm waters from the east coast of AD 900-1000
Papua New Guinea flow west and ultimately southward Middle Lambayeque
AD 1000-1100
along the coast of South America, disrupting the typical
Late Intermediate Period Late Lambayeque
cold-water current flowing northward along the continent’s AD 1000-1400 AD 1100-1320
western coast and bringing a whole new ecosystem and Chimú
weather pattern with them (Cane 1983, 1986; Dillehay AD 1320-1470
2001, 278; Sandweiss and Quilter 2008). Non-local Late Horizon Chimú-Inka
species of marine life accompany the warmer current, AD 1400-1532 AD 1470-1532
while native cold-water species can be pushed nearly to
extinction (Billman and Huckleberry 2008; Maasch 2008). Table 1: Comparison of Andean and Jequetepeque chronologies
The unpredictable weather patterns cause torrential rain
storms on the coast that destroy settlements and disrupt
both agricultural and maritime lifeways, while droughts of the Moche as a single expansive state centered in the
under La Niña conditions can be almost as devastating to Moche and Chicama valleys, which predicted that the
the coastal region (Billman and Huckleberry 2008; Moseley ceramic sequence would be similar throughout the territory
and Deeds 1982). Strong ENSO events have been identified incorporated into the state (Castillo and Quilter 2010). The
during both the Moche and Chimú periods and may have chronological sequence, however, did not work for many of
resulted in ideological and cultural changes seen in the art the northern valleys, leading scholars to divide the Moche
and iconography during these periods (Shimada et al. 1991; sphere into northern and southern regions at the Pampa
McClelland 1997; Moore 1991). de Paiján (Castillo and Donnan 1994). The southern area
broadly conforms to Larco’s chronological sequence, while
Chronology the northern territory is characterized by three stylistic
“periods”: Early Moche (AD 200-400), Middle Moche (AD
The cultural-historical trajectory of the Jequetepeque 400-600), and Late Moche (AD 600-800; Castillo 2001,
Valley overlaps with the general Andean sequence at some 2003; see review in Quilter 2002).
points but diverges at others, necessitating the development
of a chronology specific to the region and, at times, the More extensive research over the past decade, however, has
valley itself (Table 1). As with most regions of the Andes, made it apparent that the Jequetepeque Valley cannot be
this chronological system is based primarily on changes simply lumped into a larger “northern Moche” chronology,
in ceramic forms and iconography, architectural styles, but rather must be analyzed and understood within the
settlement patterns, and mortuary behavior, stylistic particular context of the valley (Castillo 2010). In the
transformations believed to reflect cultural and political Jequetepeque, the Early Moche Period is associated with
change (Rowe 1962). Phase I and II pottery (Figure 2). However, sites with
Early Moche ceramics are problematic because some have
The Moche period occupation of the Jequetepeque Valley is yielded dates that are significantly later than Early Moche
a prime example of the distinctive nature of Jequetepeque sites in other valleys. For example, the Moche occupation
chronology, as it does not align absolutely with any other at the site of Dos Cabezas continued until it was abandoned
valley on the North Coast. Early research conducted in around AD 600, well into the Middle Moche Period, yet
the Moche region relied upon the chronological sequence contains only Phase I/II style stirrup-spout vessels (Donnan
devised by Raphael Larco Hoyle (1948), which divided 2007, 7). Most sites in the Jequetepeque Valley dated to
Moche ceramics into five phases based on the shape of the Middle Moche Period are associated with Phase III
the stirrup-spout (see Donnan and McClelland 1991, pottery, and despite coinciding with a period of expansion
Figure 1.19). This chronology reflected Larco’s view and fluorescence for the southern Moche region, are

3
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
Figure 2: Early Moche vessel from Dos Cabezas (image
courtesy of Christopher Donnan)
perplexingly rare. Phase IV ceramics are almost completely
absent from the valley.
Finally, the Late Moche Period is associated with Phase V
pottery, but is marked by the sudden appearance of ceramic
vessels with fineline decorations, a style not previously seen
in the valley (McClelland et al. 2007). This culminated in
the development of a form of Moche pottery distinctive to
the Jequetepeque Valley, called Moro-style, characterized
by stirrup-spout vessels with ornate and densely detailed
fineline images (McClelland et al. 2007). In addition to
Moro fineline wares, some Jequetepeque sites with Late
Moche occupations, such as Pacatnamú, have yielded
fineline pottery similar to powerful centers in neighboring
valleys, such as Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque drainage
or Galindo in the Moche Valley, suggesting important
political and economic ties outside of the valley during this
period (Johnson 2010; Lockard 2005).
Any discussion of Moche chronology would be incomplete
without mention of the Gallinazo. Gallinazo-style ceramics
are modeled domestic wares—frequently face-necked
jars— which have traditionally been used to identify the
presence of a Gallinazo political entity in the valleys of
the North Coast. Early investigators of the Moche (e.g.
Bennett 1939; Ford 1949; Strong and Evans 1952; Willey
1953) suggested that an incipient Moche state conquered
and incorporated previously Gallinazo settlements, while
later models posited that Moche and Gallinazo communities
co-inhabited the same valleys in a parallel and possibly
competitive fashion (Shimada and Maguiña 1994).
4
In the Jequetepeque Valley, Gallinazo-style ceramics have
been identified at numerous sites, including Pacatnamú,
Dos Cabezas, Masanca, and San José de Moro, where
they occur in many contexts in combination with Moche
style ceramics and artifacts (Figures 3 and 4; Del Carpio
2009; Donnan 2006, 2009; Donnan and Cock 1997). The
view of the Gallinazo as a distinctive cultural or political
phenomenon has recently been challenged by leading
researchers in the field (see papers in Millaire and Morlion
[eds] 2009). We now recognize that this ceramic style was
the product of a long-standing shared artistic tradition that
Millaire (2009, 2) has defined as the tradición norcosteña.
It served as domestic ware along the extent of the North
Coast between approximately AD 200-800, and was used
by the same populations of people in conjunction with
contemporaneous styles of finewares identified as Moche,
Vicús, and Virú (Donnan 2009; Gamarra and Gayoso 2008;
Millaire 2009).
After the collapse of the Moche culture sometime after
AD 800, the coastal valleys entered into a period of
local development that differed from valley to valley.
In the Jequetepeque Valley, this time is known as the
Transitional period. It is marked by an artifact assemblage
that is a distinctive amalgamation of cultural influences,
incorporating stylistic elements from the developing
Lambayeque/Sicán polity to the north and imported
goods from Cajamarca, Casma, and Wari, as well as the
continuation of some features of the Moche ceramic style,
such as platform rims and face-neck jars (Donnan 1997a;
Castillo 2001a; Mauricio and Castro 2008; Rucabado
and Castillo 2003; Castillo and Wirtz 2003; Prieto et al.
2008). There were also many local innovations at this time,
including new vessel forms and decorative elements (see
below). The key cultural elements of this period have been
identified in several impressive tombs at San José de Moro
and likely correspond with the Early Sicán Period in the
Lambayeque Valley (Prieto 2009; Rucabado and Castillo
2003).
The subsequent Lambayeque period in the Jequetepeque
Valley is marked by the adoption of artistic elements and
burial practices that have their origin in the Lambayeque
Valley (J. Bernuy 2008; Prieto 2009, 2010).1 Based on
his research there, Izumi Shimada (1990) proposes a
ceramic chronology that divides the Sicán period into
Early, Middle, and Late phases (see Shimada 1990, his
Figure 18 for illustration). The Early Sicán Period (AD
800-900) in the Lambayeque Valley is marked by the
disappearance of stirrup-spout bottles characteristic of
Moche and the introduction of domestic wares decorated
using paleteada, or paddle-stamped, designs. New elements
1
The terms Lambayeque and Sicán are often used interchangeably in
the literature to refer to the same cultural features, although there is often
a distinction made between the Sicán polity that rose to power in the
Lambayeque Valley following the demise of the Moche, and Lambayeque
culture which stemmed from the Sicán and can be seen in other valleys of
the North Coast. Researchers in the Jequetepeque Valley typically use the
term Lambayeque to refer to the artistic style and political development
of this time period, which have cultural links to the Sicán polity from the
north.

Figure 3 – Gallinazo vessel from Masanka cemetery (image
courtesy of Christopher Donnan)
Figure 4: Gallinazo vessel from Masanka cemetery (image
courtesy of Christopher Donnan)
5
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
from the highlands were also incorporated into the ceramic
repertoire, such as Wari double-spout-and-bridge vessels
and Cajamarca platform bowls and plates. Precursors of
the Sicán lord, one of the most prevalent figures depicted
in Sicán art, can be seen on some vessels. The earliest
depictions include human-bird faces with enlarged ears
on single spout bottles, followed by bird-like faces with
Wari-style four cornered hats on the bridge of double-spout-
and-bridge vessels (Shimada 1990, 316, 320). This phase
is poorly understood archaeologically, but, as noted above,
is likely contemporaneous with the Transitional period in
the Jequetepeque Valley (Prieto 2009, 2010).
The Middle Sicán Period (AD 900-1100) marks the
height of the Lambayeque culture, and its influence can
be seen throughout the North Coast in the presence of
highly burnished blackware vessels with key Lambayeque
iconography. This period corresponds with Early and
Middle Lambayeque in the Jequetepeque Valley (Prieto
2009, 2010; see also Nelson et al. 2000; Sapp 2002).
Images of the Sicán lord saturate the art of this period, and
are found on murals, textiles, ceramics, and metal objects
(Shimada 1990, 321). This figure is usually shown with
comma-shaped eyes, large pointed ears with pierced lower
lobes and tiered earrings, and avian features such as wings
and talons (Cleland and Shimada 1992). The Sicán lord is
also frequently depicted with a crescent-shaped headdress,
similar to that typically seen on copper and gold tumi
knives.
Major shifts in political organization occurred in the
Lambayeque Valley during the Late Sicán Period (AD
1100-1350). After the intentional burning of the temples
crowning the pyramids at the site of Batán Grande, the seat
of Sicán political power was moved to Túcume, located
at the northern edge of the Lambayeque Valley, and the
Sicán lord almost completely disappeared from the state
iconography (Shimada 1990). Blackware vessels declined
in popularity, the stirrup-spout bottle form reappeared, and
bands of geometric designs similar to those seen in Moche
V became the most common type of decoration. This
period corresponds with the Late Lambayeque Period in the
Jequetepeque Valley, where Prieto (2010) has documented
a similar pattern of the deliberate incineration of an elite
Lambayeque residence at San José de Moro and the
apparent shift of political power from the site of Huaca las
Estacas to Pacatnamú. These changes mark the transition to
the Late Lambayeque Period in the Jequetepeque, a period
that continued until the valley was conquered by the Chimú
in the early 14th century.
Scholars divide the period of Chimú influence on the North
Coast into Early (ca. AD 1000-1200), Middle (ca. AD
1200-1300) and Late Chimú (ca. AD 1300-1470) periods.
Concurrently with the fluorescence of the Lambayeque
federation to the north, the incipient Chimú state began
to consolidate control over its heartland territory of the
Moche and Chicama valleys between approximately AD
1000-1200 (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990; Rowe 1948;
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

Topic 1990; see Moore and Mackey 2008 for review). The
transition from Middle Chimú to Late Chimú is marked by
a series of expansionist campaigns that incorporated first the
Jequetepeque Valley around AD 1320, and subsequently the
Casma Valley in ca. AD 1350 and the Lambayeque Valley
sometime between AD 1360-1400 (Mackey 2009).

The Chimú period in the Jequetepeque Valley— at the cusp

between the Middle Chimú and the Late Chimú periods
in terms of the chronology of the entire North Coast— is
characterized by the imposition of distinctive forms of
administrative architecture similar to those of the capital
of Chan Chan at a number of sites in the valley (see below,
and Mackey, this volume). Some outlying communities in
the valley appear to have emulated Chimú architectural
styles (see Swenson, this volume). The Chimú period is
also marked by the appearance and production of polished
blackware ceramics that incorporate both modeled and
press-molded depictions of humans, animals, supernatural
figures, and deities. Many of these images harken back
to elements of earlier Moche and contemporaneous
Lambayeque styles, including the Staff Deity, the goddess/
Priestess, and the crested animal (Burger 1976; Moore and
Mackey 2008), while vessel forms such as stirrup-spout
and double-spout-and-bridge bottles similarly echo earlier
regional ceramic traditions. Figure 5: Blackware Provincial Inka style aribola with appliqué
serpent from Cemetery J at Farfán (drawing by Jorge Gamboa,
courtesy of Carol Mackey)
In the general Andean chronology, the Late Horizon
constitutes the period in which the Inka expanded out
of their heartland in the Cuzco Basin, generally thought
to begin with the reign of the emperor Pachacuti and History of Archaeological Research in the Valley
continue until the fall of the Inka empire with the arrival of
Europeans in the 16th century (AD 1438—1532; D’Altroy Almost a century of archaeological investigations in the
2002). Because the Late Horizon is defined as commencing Jequetepeque Valley has yielded a complex and nuanced
with a region’s conquest and subsequent incorporation into picture of the valley’s prehistory. Alfred Kroeber (1930) was
the empire, the absolute dates for the period vary by area one of the first archaeologists to conduct extensive survey
throughout the Andes. Although there is still some debate of the Pacasmayo region. He identified many of the valley’s
about the sequence of military campaigns, the majority important sites, including the large and well-preserved
of scholars accept the date of AD 1470 as marking Inka city of Pacatnamú, located on an ocean bluff on the north
victory over the Chimú and the beginning of the Late side of the Jequetepeque River. The site was subsequently
Horizon on the North Coast (Rowe 1948). During the Inka excavated by Heinrich Ubbelohde-Doering (1951, 1967,
period in the Jequetepeque Valley, a limited repertoire of 1983) and later Christopher Donnan and Guillermo Cock
Provincial Inka style vessels were produced alongside (1986, 1997). Another informative survey was conducted in
Chimú- and Lambayeque-style ceramics at workshops 1965 by Paul Kosok, who investigated many of the canals in
(Donnan 1997b) and administrative centers co-opted by the lower valley. He made important connections between
the empire, such as Farfán (Mackey 2009, 2010a). At the the irrigation system and the development of urbanism
same time, hybrid styles of pottery incorporating both and state societies in the valley, as well as identifying the
Chimú and Inka forms, iconography, decorative elements, importance of the Jequetepeque Valley as a major route to
and production techniques were found throughout the the highlands.
valley (Figure 5; Levine, this volume; see also Hayashida
1999). Similarly, architectural manifestations of the Inka The 1970’s and 1980’s ushered in a new era of
at administrative centers in the valley combined Inka and archaeological investigation in the Jequetepeque Valley,
both Chimú and Lambayeque features (see below, and with several extensive surveys conducted by Herbert
Mackey 2003, 2009, 2010a, 2010b, this volume). Inka rule Eling (1978, 1986, 1987), Wolfgang and Giesela Hecker
was brought to an end in AD 1532 with the capture of the (1985, 1990), and Rogger Ravines (1982, 1985). Eling
Inka emperor Atahualpa by Francisco Pizarro and his men reconstructed the chronology of hydraulic development in
at the imperial administrative center of Cajamarca in the the valley and linked the extension of the irrigation system
highlands adjacent to the Jequetepeque Valley. with political development and complexity. The Heckers
focused on the lower valley, where they identified numerous

6

urban and domestic sites, roads, irrigation canals, and other
cultural features. Ravines carried out a survey of the middle
portion of the valley and recorded many sites from the
Formative and Late Intermediate periods. Most recently, a
full-coverage survey of the lower Jequetepeque Valley was
conducted by Tom Dillehay, Alan Kolata, and colleagues
(1999, 2004, 2009, 2010), who documented over 900 new
sites ranging from monumental centers to small hinterland
hamlets.
Systematic archaeological excavations at several key sites
during the final decades of the 20th century contributed
greatly to our understanding of the political developments
in the Jequetepeque Valley. Early excavations at Pacatnamú
by Ubbelohde-Doering (1967, 1983) yielded elaborate
Moche fineware pottery that was distinct from other Moche
sites to the south and showed clear links with styles from
the north. Pacatnamú is believed to have been an important
ritual center in the Moche and Lambayeque periods and
boasts impressive earthen pyramids and burials with
spectacular organic preservation (Donnan and Cock 1986,
1997; Gumerman 1997). Preliminary work at the sites of
Farfán and Talambo by Richard Keatinge and Geoffrey
Conrad (1983) shed light on the Chimú administration of
land and water in the valley.
Beginning in the mid-1990’s and continuing into the new
millennium, broad-exposure excavations at the site of San
José de Moro have documented an occupational sequence
focused on mortuary and ritual activities spanning from
the Middle Moche to Chimú periods (J. Bernuy 2008; K.
Bernuy and Bernal 2008; Castillo 2000a, 2000b, 2001; del
Carpio 2008; Donley 2004, 2008; Prieto 2009; Rucabado
2008; Rucabado and Castillo 2003; Castillo and Wirtz
2003). In particular, work there has greatly increased our
understanding of the Late Moche Period and the role of
women in the Moche political and religious realms (Castillo
1993, 2001; Castillo and Donnan 1994; Donnan and Castillo
1994). Three impressive burials uncovered at the site have
clear links with iconography of the Sacrifice Ceremony
and were constructed in honor of female priestesses who
clearly held high status at San José de Moro. The site has
additionally yielded a large quantity of vessels decorated
with intricate and elaborate fineline images, providing
researchers a window into many aspects of Moche life,
death, and religion (Donnan and McClelland 1979, 1999;
McClelland et al. 2007).
Contemporaneously, investigations at the site of Dos
Cabezas have shed light on the Early Moche Period,
particularly the sumptuous mortuary practices of early
Moche-affiliated elites (Donnan 2007). Meanwhile, a
number of Japanese-led projects have investigated the
ceremonial architecture of Formative Period sites in the
southern part of the lower valley, such as Limoncarro (Sakai
and Martínez 2008), as well as the middle and upper valley,
including Pampa de las Hamacas, Tembladera and Kuntar
Wasi (Inokuchi 2008; Onuki 2008; Tsurumi 2008).
7
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
Until the 1990’s, many researchers on the coast were
unaware of the presence of two distinct Late Intermediate
Period cultural forces at work in the Jequetepeque Valley.
Most assumed the Chimú had conquered the Jequetepeque
not long after the fall of the Moche. Recognition that at
least some communities of the Jequetepeque interacted with
and adopted the material culture and architecture of the
Lambayeque culture came from excavations at Pacatnamú
(see papers in Donnan and Cock [eds] 1997) and Farfán
(Mackey 2003, 2006, 2009, 2010a, 2010b, this volume).
William Sapp conducted extensive excavations at Cabur,
the palace of a local lord who maintained his power,
influence, and Lambayeque ethnic identity despite the
various political changes that occurred in the valley during
final centuries before Spanish conquest (Sapp 2002, this
volume). Archaeologists working at the ceremonial site of
San José de Moro have also traced the changes in mortuary
patterns that occurred during the Lambayeque period in the
valley (J. Bernuy 2008; Prieto 2009, 2010).
In the last decade, a new generation of researchers has
emerged in the Jequetepeque Valley, and recent work
has focused on previously unexplored sites and topics.
Several researchers have examined the cultural changes
that occurred at the end of the Late Moche Period and
nature of interactions between the valley and the highlands
following the disappearance of Moche as the dominant
ideology. Marco Rosas Rintel (2007, 2010) excavated the
highland-style settlement of Cerro Chepen and Howard
Tsai (2007) investigated the site of Las Varas, a site in the
valley neck with clear ties to both the highland polity of
Cajamarca and the coast (see also K. Bernuy and Bernal
2008). Edward Swenson (2004, 2007, 2008, this volume)
conducted mapping and excavations at several hinterland
settlements from both the Moche and Chimú periods and
explored the role of ritual and violence in the development
of small political entities with ties to states and empires.
Robyn Cutright (2009, 2010) explored the changes in the
processing, preparation, and consumption of food that
occurred as the valley was incorporated into the Chimú
empire, while John Warner (2010) investigated the use of
architecture during the poorly understood Formative Period
in the Jequetepeque Valley. On-going work by Swenson and
Warner is addressing copper production and ritual practices
at the secondary Late Moche center of Huaca Colorada
(Swenson et al. 2010, 2011; Roach 2010).
Early Political Developments in the Jequetepeque
Valley
The Jequetepeque Valley has been inhabited for millennia,
but there is limited archaeological evidence of the very
earliest periods. Some sites have indication of occupation
as early as the Preceramic Period (1800-1000 BC; Donnan
2007). In addition, the Pampa de Cupisnique (or Pampa
de Los Fósiles) has yielded many Initial Period and Early
Horizon ceramics and lithic scatters (Chauchat 1992).
Some of the earliest monumental construction in the
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

Jequetepeque Valley can be seen at the site of Monte

Grande, located in the middle portion of the valley (Ravines
1985; see our Figure 6). The large huaca complex at the site
is surrounded by an extensive residential area with at least
160 dwellings of different sizes and configurations oriented
along a northeast-southwest axis (Tellenbach 1986). The
huaca complex displays some typical highland Formative
Period architectural features, such as terraced platforms
and sunken courts. A sector of apparently elite architecture,
coupled with the fact that houses were smaller in size and
less elaborate further away from the huaca complex, led
Michael Tellenbach (1986) to conclude that Monte Grande
was inhabited by a stratified community with centralized
leadership whose power was closely tied to religion and
ritual.

Early evidence of cultural convergence on the north coast

of Peru can be seen in the development of the Cupisnique
cultural tradition (Alva 1986). It is believed that Cupisnique
was an art style coeval with the development of the highland
cult center of Chavín, elements of which were adopted by
elites and incipient leaders in various regions throughout
the Andes. The prominence of religious architecture such
as mounds and U-shaped buildings highlights the role that
ritual played in early sociopolitical development in the
Jequetepeque Valley (Tellenbach 1986). The Cupisnique
culture is also important to understanding the development
of social and technological complexity on the North Coast
because metalworking technology appeared in the region
during this time (Donnan and Mackey 1978, 21).
The presence of numerous small Cupisnique-affiliated sites
and several larger centers with monumental architecture
reflects a multi-tiered settlement pattern during the
Formative Period (Dillehay et al. 2009). One such site,
Limoncarro, contains public architecture of the Cupisnique
style, comprised of low platforms with stairways and
rectangular courts (Elera 1997; Sakai and Martínez 2008).
The site has a central U-shaped mound with a three-tiered
platform approximately five meters high, two smaller
lateral mounds, and a large open plaza. The site is also the
likely origin of an intricate carved bowl depicting a spider/
jaguar deity holding a severed head in one hand and a net
bag with ten decapitated heads in the other hand (Marcus
2007), as well as many other Cupisnique-style fineware
ceramics currently found in museum collections (Burger
1996; Salazar-Burger and Burger 1983).
Another impressive Cupisnique site in the lower
Jequetepeque Valley is Puémape, a 20 ha site located
on the south bank of the Jequetepeque River near the
Pacific Ocean (see Figure 6). Radiocarbon dates from
the site range from 2400-300 BC, indicating a long-lived
occupation (Elera 1998). The site yielded several stirrup-
spout vessels in the Cupisnique style that had been fired
in a reduced environment and highly burnished. Mortuary
remains associated with Puémape provide evidence of
social stratification, while analyses of botanical and
faunal materials from the site attest to the residents’ mixed
Figure 6: Formative and Early Horizon sites in the
Jequetepeque Valley
subsistence base of agricultural goods and marine resources
(Elera 1994). A large stone structure believed to have had
ritual significance was uncovered at the site, and further
contains evidence for craft production and the processing
of hematite. The Cupisnique phase of occupation at the site
came to an end with an El Niño event that destroyed and
buried the temple (Elera 1998).
Following the abandonment of Puémape, settlement shifted
to the site of Jatanca2, located in the southern portion of
the Jequetepeque Valley. Over the next four centuries of
the Late Formative Period (500 BC-100 AD), the site was
inhabited by local lineage-based groups who cooperated to
construct several monumental compounds and an expansive
irrigation system in the neighboring Pampa de Mojucape.
Several of the architectural compounds have been mapped
and partially excavated, revealing that each complex was
accessed via a single entrance and contained internal nested
ritual areas. This planned and replicated layout may have
been governed by dualistic organizational elements (Warner
2010, 543). Compounds I-IV were mostly contemporaneous
and none was more elaborate or richly provisioned than
the others, suggesting that the site was not hierarchically
organized but was rather occupied by autonomous groups
sharing dispersed political control.
State-level Societies in the Jequetepeque Valley
During the Early Intermediate Period (AD 100-600),
2
Jatanca is part of the Cañoncillo Archaeological Complex, which also
includes the sites of Huaca Colorada and Tecapa, and was first investigated
by Ubbelode-Doering (1967).

8

numerous complex political entities developed along the
North Coast that shared a set of cultural icons, religious
beliefs, and artistic traditions known as Moche (Donnan
2010). Since the earliest investigations, there has been an
underlying view that the Moche were a somewhat static
and uniformly integrated state-level society with a strict
noble-commoner social structure based on exploitation and
theocracy (Shimada 2010). It is now clear that this was
only true at a few sites, and even at those sites, for only
limited moments in time. Research over the last decade
has challenged the long-standing view of the Moche as a
unified expansive state centered at the Pyramids of Moche
(see review in Quilter 2002, 158-161, and papers in Quilter
and Castillo [eds.] 2010). We now know that the Moche
consisted of many dynamic valley-polities with several
major city-centers, some of which were autonomous and
others of which were periodically allied and/or engaged in
relations of dominance over other valley-polities. Political
connections and the degree of integration within and
between valleys fluctuated markedly through time.
Despite the apparent absence of an overarching political
structure, there are a number of aspects of Moche culture
that seem to have been present throughout the North Coast.
The Moche built monumental adobe pyramids that were the
focal point of political and religious life. At Moche centers,
there was a high degree of social stratification with elite
exerting control over many aspects of society, including
subsistence resources, state and religious media, and the
production of wealth items (Shimada 1994a). These elites
maintained their positions of power through elaborate
religious displays and control over the production of the
highest quality prestige goods (Shimada 1994a). The Moche
did not have a two-tier commoner/elite social division, but
rather had a multi-class society of at least four tiers (Millaire
2002). There was an extensive noble class that served as
bureaucrats and religious officials. The middle class grew
with time as centers became larger and more urbanized,
and Moche cities became centers of interaction, production,
and economic prosperity (Chapdelaine 2002; Johnson 2010;
Shimada 1994a). Moche sites in the Jequetepeque Valley,
however, lack clear evidence of increasing urbanization and
a large middle class existed at San José de Moro from the
Middle Moche Period onward (Castillo 2001; Del Carpio
2008).
Although artistic styles varied throughout the different
coastal valleys in the Moche territory, craft production
became increasingly sophisticated through time and artifacts
produced by the Moche share many elements of a common
culture and art style. The culture is perhaps best known for
their ceramics, which include three-dimensional naturalistic
representations of humans and animals, as well as vessels
decorated with images in low relief or fineline painting
(Donnan 1992). The complex iconography displayed on
these ceramic vessels provides insights into many facets
of Moche life, including daily activities, craft production,
warfare, and ritual (Donnan and McClelland 1999).
9
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
One of the unifying features of the Moche culture was
religion, with key rituals incorporating combat and human
sacrifice in a sequence known as the Warrior Narrative
and the Sacrifice Ceremony (Donnan 1975, 1978, 2010;
Hocquenghem and Lyon 1980). Although there is a great
deal of variation in the iconographic depictions found
at Moche sites, three important symbols of this shared
religious tradition— the weapon bundle, the eared serpent,
and the spider decapitator— can be found ubiquitously in
the art on ceramics, murals, and metal artifacts dating to the
Early and Middle Moche periods (Donnan 2010).
During the Late Moche Period, however, we see the
discontinued use of these icons at many sites, and geometric
designs became the dominant artistic form at Pampa
Grande, Galindo and many sites in the Chicama, Santa and
Chao Valleys (Johnson 2010; Lockard 2005, 2009; Pimentel
and Paredes 2003). Nonetheless, some of the key Moche
elements of the earlier periods were retained and redefined
in the Late Moche iconography of San José de Moro in the
Jequetepeque Valley (Castillo 2001). It is now apparent that
these two artistic styles coexisted on the North Coast during
the Late Moche Period and reflect the factionalization and
increased autonomy of political centers during this time
period. Several sites, such as Huaca Colorada, Pacatnamú,
and San José de Moro, have yielded both ceramic styles,
suggesting the formation of complex political ties across
the Late Moche landscape (McClelland 1997; Swenson et
al. 2010, 2011).
Perspectives on the Moche are in the process of changing.
Continued research has revealed that Moche political
organization was exceptionally varied across both time
and geographic space, with each valley following its
own trajectory of social and political change (Bourget
2003; Castillo 2010; Castillo and Quilter 2010). The
Moche occupation of the North Coast was “dynamic,
multiethnic, and variable from one valley to the next”
from its inception to its dissolution (Shimada 2010, 72).
Archaeological evidence indicates that Moche was not an
expansionist polity, but rather an attractive sociopolitical
and religious ideology that was voluntarily adopted by
local leaders and valley inhabitants throughout the North
Coast. At different moments in time, each valley contained
one or more complex chiefdoms or small states that were
linked to the cultural pulse of the North Coast through a
shared religion and intricate political networks (Shimada
1994b). The Jequetepeque Valley is a prime example of the
complexities of generalizing cultural development across
both time and geographic space, which is one of the reasons
we have chosen to explore it in detail in this edited volume.
Moche Centers in the Jequetepeque
In the Jequetepeque Valley, the Moche culture developed
as an elite and ritual ideology centered on warfare,
monumental construction, and conspicuous consumption.
Through time, the material objects and cultural ideals of the
elites were adopted and embraced by people of the other
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
Figure 7: Moche sites in the Jequetepeque Valley
socioeconomic classes (Castillo and Quilter 2010). By
the Middle and Late Moche periods, we see Moche-style
ceramics and copper items found in cultural contexts of all
degrees of wealth but the poorest (see e.g. Donley 2004,
2008; Donnan 1995; Donnan and McClelland 1997).
The Moche in the Jequetepeque were politically segmented
in a nested hierarchy based around canals and agricultural
land, with smaller and larger political entities linked by
religion and culture and cyclically integrated through
rituals at major centers like San José de Moro (Castillo
2010). This has led Luis Jaime Castillo to interpret the
Moche of the Jequetepeque Valley as an “opportunistic
state” characterized by centralization only under certain
circumstances (Castillo 2010, 85).
The earliest evidence of Moche material culture in the
Jequetepeque Valley, appearing around AD 300, has been
found at the sites of La Mina, Masanca, and Dos Cabezas
(Figure 7). La Mina contains domestic and mortuary
remains dating to the Preceramic, Moche, and Chimú
periods (Narváez 1994, 61-62). The Moche presence at the
site is known through an elaborate, high-status burial that
was excavated in a salvage operation in the late 1980’s after
it was found by looters (Donnan 1990; Narváez 1994). The
burial was a large chamber tomb containing five individuals
interred with elaborate ceramic vessels and numerous
ornaments of gold and silver.
The cemetery site of Masanca is probably contemporary
with the La Mina tomb. The 21 burials excavated there
contained a population that used Moche style ceramics
10
similar to those found at La Mina and Dos Cabezas
(Donnan 2006). Although it is currently unknown where
the commoners buried at the site actually lived, the
cemetery of Masanca likely played an important role in
the construction and maintenance of group identity for the
community burying there (Zori, this volume). By contrast,
differentiation of family groups and display of individual
status were relatively minimal at the site. Zori suggests
that the cemetery as a whole may have served to legitimize
community claims to agricultural land nearby.
Perhaps the most impressive example of political
centralization and the mobilization of resources during the
Early and Middle Moche Periods is the site of Dos Cabezas,
located in the southwestern portion of the valley at the delta
of the Jequetepeque River. The large monumental settlement
boasts a massive adobe pyramid and civic-ceremonial
core surrounded by residential structures (Donnan 2007).
Archaeological evidence suggests that Early Moche elites
at the site derived much of their power from compelling
and frequently violent rituals, including ceremonial
decapitation. An adobe structure near the main pyramid
yielded eighteen skulls with cut-marks on the cervical
vertebrae, while another structure had a tomb containing a
high-status individual holding a crescent-shaped tumi knife
in his hand (Cordy-Collins 2001).
Dos Cabezas is also noteworthy for the elaborate burials
of several unusually tall Moche individuals. These men
were interred with stunning gilded copper and shell-
inlayed masks, weapons, and shields, while copies of the
tombs were recreated in miniature adjacent to the principal
chambers (Cordy-Collins 2003; Donnan 2001, 2007).
Small copper figurines, thought to represent the primary
individuals of the full-size tombs, may reflect an attempt to
balance the abnormality of their condition by replicating the
burial on a smaller scale (Donnan 2007). These elite tombs
also contained elegant Early Moche pottery, including
intricate vessels of the crested animal (Figure 8; Donnan
2007).
The Middle Moche Period saw a significant expansion of
the canal system, connecting the Jequetepeque and Chaman
Rivers and opening up the northern section of the valley
for cultivation and occupation (Castillo 2010). Several
Middle Moche sites recently identified in the hilly region
between the two rivers testify to the rapid settlement of
this new landscape (del Carpio 2008). The two largest sites
in the valley during this period were Pacatnamú and San
José de Moro, although late dates at sites like Dos Cabezas
indicate the continued occupation and importance of this
Early Moche center.
As evidenced by the large number of ceremonial buildings
at the site, as well as its long and continuous occupation,
Pacatnamú was one of the most important settlements in
the prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley (Donnan 1997a; papers
in Donnan and Cock [eds] 1997; see our Figure 7). The
most intensive Moche occupation at Pacatnamú was during

Figure 8: Vessel depicting the crested animal found at Dos
Cabezas (image courtesy of Christopher Donnan)
the Middle Moche Period and is associated with Phase III
ceramics.3 During this period, the inhabitants constructed
several adobe pyramids and occupied a large domestic
settlement. Burials at Pacatnamú are exquisitely preserved
and have allowed researchers to reconstruct the variety of
mortuary practices employed by the residents and how these
traditions reflected stratification, group membership, and
other aspects of social identity (Donnan and McClelland
1997; see also Zori, this volume).
San José de Moro appears to have been an important
ceremonial center for the population inhabiting the northern
portion of the Jequetepeque Valley during both the Middle
and Late Moche periods. The majority of excavations
at the site have focused on an extensive cemetery zone
surrounding a number of adobe huacas, many of which date
to the Chimú period occupation of the site. Unfortunately,
large portions of the site have been destroyed by agricultural
activity, so it is difficult to determine the extent of the
settlement or the degree of urban or residential habitation
in the surrounding area (Luis Jaime Castillo, personal
communication 2006).
The bulk of the remains excavated at San José de Moro
pertain to ritual activities and feasting in association with
mortuary rites. In these ceremonies, tomb form, the burial
goods included, and the positioning and spatial associations
of the grave made important statements about the identity
3
Although one Phase I Moche ceramic vessel has also been found
at Pacatnamu, it was associated with a Late Moche tomb (Ubbelohde-
Doering 1967, 1983).
11
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
and social status of the deceased. Adobe structures with
remains of very large storage vessels used for chicha
production have been found in several parts of the site
(Delibes and Barragán 2008). Chicha, or corn beer, served
as a daily staple and was used extensively in feasts and
celebrations throughout the Andes (Delibes and Barragán
2008; Moore 1989). In addition to evidence for large
scale chicha production, osteological analysis revealed
that some of the bodies interred at the site were curated
elsewhere and subsequently transported to San José de
Moro (Nelson 1998). This suggests that the site served as
a ritual pilgrimage center for groups living nearby, who
came to the site to engage in feasting and celebration while
interring their dead (Castillo 2001, 2003; Nelson 1998).
The Middle Moche Period occupation at San José de Moro
is known primarily from the excavation of numerous boot-
shaped tombs, found with moderate levels of grave goods
(del Carpio 2008). A small number of low-status pit tombs
and elite burials with elaborate sumptuary goods also date
to this period (Donley 2004, 2008; Ruiz 2008; Ruiz et al.
2008). The boot-shaped tombs likely represent the middle-
class inhabitants of the site or other settlements in the
valley, as evidenced by the inclusion a few ceramics, copper
artifacts, and other utilitarian items, such as spindle whorls,
needles, knives, and lithics. Several of the vessels recovered
from the boot-shaped tombs are identical to ceramics found
at Pacatnamú, suggesting a common workshop for the
production of Middle Moche finewares and socioeconomic
links between the two sites during this period (del Carpio
2008). One elite burial contained over 200 ceramic vessels
and a shell bead pectoral similar to those found at Sipán
(Ruiz 2008; Ruiz et al. 2008).
Archaeological data from San José de Moro attest to the
increased wealth and prominence of this valley-polity
during the Late Moche Period, as well what appears to be a
greater disparity between the various social strata in Moche
society. Simple pit tombs, in which members of the lower
socioeconomic classes were interred, increased in frequency
during this period (Donley 2004, 2008). These graves have
limited to no grave goods and reflect a lack of coherence
with the other burials in the cemetery, particularly in terms
of orientation and groupings based on kinship. Zori (this
volume) argues that these pit tombs do not constitute a
“cemetery” in the same way as the chamber and boot-
shaped tombs at San José de Moro or the pit tombs found
at the other Moche cemeteries at Masanca and Pacatnamú.
During the Late Moche Period, the majority of tombs at
San José de Moro were of upper-class individuals buried
in boot-shaped graves with a range of high quality goods,
including fineline ceramics (Castillo 2001, 315; del Carpio
2008). Individuals of the highest social echelon at San
José de Moro were buried in adobe-lined chamber tombs.
The site is probably best known for the elaborate chamber
tombs of several women and a child, each of whom was
buried with the paraphernalia traditionally associated with
the Priestess of the Sacrifice Ceremony (Castillo 2008;
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

Donnan and Castillo 1994; Mauricio and Castro 2008).

These tombs included individuals that had been sacrificed
to accompany the primary occupant, as well as elaborate
fineline vessels and ceramics from other polities both near
and far, including groups from further south along the coast,
such as Nivería, and highland cultures such as Cajamarca
and Wari (Donnan and Castillo 1994; Castillo 2005). In
addition, valuable goods, such as Spondylus shell, lapis
lazuli, obsidian, and copper were mobilized through far-
reaching trade networks and interred in the opulent burials
of the Priestesses (Donnan and Castillo 1994), attesting
to the network of political and/or social connections that
Moche leaders maintained with distant peoples.

This expansion of political contacts also can be seen in

numerous other aspects of Moche society during the Late
Moche Period. The appearance of novel clothing styles,
iconographic elements, musical instruments, and animal
species—particularly the hairless dog— on the North Coast
may be linked to economic ties established with groups to
the north, including what is now Ecuador and perhaps even
western Mexico (Cordy-Collins, this volume). Although
these trade relationships first developed to bring higher
quality and quantities of Spondylus shell to the Moche
region for use in rituals and burials (Cordy-Collins 2001),
they may have ultimately transformed aspects of Moche
art and culture.

Iconography on Late Moche fineline vessels found at

San José de Moro demonstrates the profound alteration
of Moche political and ritual beliefs that occurred at the
transition between the Middle and Late periods. The
Burial Theme became a central motif on Late Moche
fineline vessels from San José de Moro (Donnan and
McClelland 1979, 1999) and likely represents a new
emphasis on elaborate mortuary rituals in which members
of the larger valley community participated (Castillo et
al. 1997). Archaeological and mortuary data lend support
to this theory through the presence of abundant feasting
remains (Delibes and Barragán 2008) and evidence of burial
procession in the exterior decoration of the Priestess coffins
(Christopher Donnan, personal communication 2006).
We also see a strong focus on marine themes at this time
(McClelland 1990), which may coincide with a series of
severe El Niño events that occurred at the transition from the
Middle to Late Moche periods (Shimada et al. 1991). The
Priestess is often featured very prominently in these images,
shown riding in a reed boat, which has jars with ropes
around the necks thought to symbolize prisoner capture.
These depictions are related to the Warrior Narrative from
earlier periods but represent a dramatic alteration of their
meaning, with several key elements omitted and the setting
shifted to the ocean (Figure 9; McClelland 1990). These
depictions are echoed in the Priestess tombs, which have
coffins that appeared similar to the boats in which the
Priestesses were shown, and had copper cut-outs of jars
with ropes on the necks attached to the sides (Donnan and
Castillo 1994).
Figure 9: Moro-style fineline vessel depicting Wrinkle Face
in a supernatural confrontation with various marine elements
(image courtesy of Christopher Donnan)
Other important Late Moche centers in the Jequetepeque
Valley include the monumental sites of Talambo and
Huaca Colorada (Eling 1987; Swenson et al. 2010, 2011;
Ubbelohde-Doering 1967). Talambo was a key settlement
in the valley due to its strategic location at the valley neck.
By this time, the Jequetepeque had already been divided
into distinct territories, each associated with a different
canal. The principle intakes of this irrigation system were
located near Talambo, creating the potential for control over
access to water for the entire valley (Castillo 2010; Shimada
1994a).
Recent excavations by Edward Swenson and John Warner
at Huaca Colorada have revealed a large elite occupation
at the site, indicating that it was the primary Late Moche
center in the southern portion of the valley (Swenson et
al. 2010, 2011). High-status architecture atop the huaca
comprises multifunctional spaces where domestic, religious
and political activities took place, including feasting,
rituals, food storage, and craft production. The residents
of the site also maintained wide-ranging regional political

12
 Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori

connections, as evidenced by a varied ceramic assemblage

with vessels bearing iconography linked to San José de
Moro, the Chicama Valley, and highland groups, such as
the Cajamarca.

Occupation at Pacatnamú continued into the Late Moche

Period, although in a more limited fashion than in the
preceding Middle Moche Period. Despite the relative
proximity of the two sites, very few Moro-style ceramics
have been found at Pacatnamú. Instead, Late Moche
contexts at the site yielded ceramics similar to centers
outside of the Jequetepeque Valley, such as Pampa Grande
and Galindo. The nature of Late Moche occupation at the
site remains unclear, but suggests that Pacatnamú and
San José de Moro were autonomous political entities that
coexisted in the Jequetepeque for hundreds of years and
maintained distinct sets of political and economic ties with
the adjacent coastal valleys.

During the Late Moche Period, we also see an extensive and

decentralized hinterland population living in small hamlets
in the hills and plains of the northern portion of the valley.
Sites like San Idelfonso and Portachuelo de Charcape were
built at the edges of irrigable land in defensive locations, but
maintained cultural ties with other Moche centers (Johnson
2008; Swenson 2004, 2008). The site of Portachuelo de
Charcape had both Moro-style utilitarian and fineware
ceramics (Johnson, this volume) and U-shaped adobe
structures similar to models found in tombs at San José de
Moro (Mauricio 2008; Swenson 2004), suggesting political
and economic ties between hinterland and ceremonial sites.
Nevertheless, communities in the Late Moche Period were
choosing autonomy and forming small, self-sufficient
settlements that were highly concerned with safety and
Figure 10: Stirrup spout vessel with Moche-style polychrome
protection (Castillo 2010), indicative of a rising level of designs
factionalization and economic stress during the Late Moche
Period (Johnson, this volume).

A Period of Transition and Change
Towards the end of the Late Moche Period (ca. AD 750-
800), many of the urban Moche centers throughout the
North Coast were abandoned. In some cases, such as Pampa
Grande in the Lambayeque Valley, this was accompanied
by violence, as evidenced by the selective torching of elite
and administrative structures at the site (Shimada 1994a).
Others, like Galindo in the Moche Valley, appear to have
been abandoned rapidly but in relative peace (Bawden 1982;
Lockard 2005, 2009). The dissolution of these urban centers
is indicative of greater processes of political collapse on
the North Coast, eventually leading to the alteration and
ultimate disappearance of the Moche culture.
In the Jequetepeque Valley, this era of change is known as
the Transitional period (AD 800-900), and is best known
from the relatively uninterrupted occupational sequence at
the site of San José de Moro. This site does not appear
to have experienced the dramatic upheaval observed at
other Moche centers, and ritual practices continued under
a powerful and enduring, although much changed, Priestess
cult (Castillo 2001, 2008; Castillo and Wirtz 2003, Mauricio
and Castro 2008). Elaborate female burials dating to the
Transitional period contain unique artifact assemblages
while simultaneously retaining elements characteristic of the
Moche period, including the traditional form and orientation
of the tombs, as well as niches, maquetas (architectural
models; Mauricio and Castro 2008; McClelland 2010),
and crisoles (small modeled jars; Bernuy and Bernal 2008;
Rucabado 2008). This suggests that core elements of the
Priestess phenomenon continued, although the particular
details pertaining to art, and possibly religious practice,
may have changed dramatically (Castillo and Wirtz 2003).
During this period in the Jequetepeque Valley, we see
a distinctive combination of ceramic styles not found
anywhere else in the region. Some Late Moche features
remained, such as platform-rim ollas and face-neck jars, and
new post-Moche styles arose, such as vessels incorporating
both Moche and Wari elements and jars with faces on the
body (Figure 10; Rucabado and Castillo 2003: 23). New

13
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
Figure 11: Double-spout-and-bridge vessel with polychrome
designs in the Moche style
ceramic styles from contemporary highland polities played
an increasingly large role in funerary contexts, including
imported polychrome keros (drinking vessels; Castillo
2001a, 2008; Prieto et al. 2008) and Cajamarca bowls and
spoons (Bernuy and Bernal 2008). The Cajamarca vessels
were made of white clay with geometric decorations.
Valley potters produced a local version of Cajamarca
pottery known as Cajamarca Costeño that was molded out
of reddish clay and then slipped in white clay (Bernuy and
Bernal 2008). Similarly, numerous vessels display Wari
artistic canons, such as red slip, chevrons, and the double-
spout-and-bridge vessel form, but appear to have been
manufactured locally (Figure 11; Donnan and McClelland
1999; Prieto et al. 2008).
Transitional ceramics in the Jequetepeque Valley also
include artistic elements from northern and central coastal
polities. Artistic features from the Lambayeque culture to
the north were slowly adopted by the valley inhabitants,
as seen in the conversion from the almond-shaped Moche
eye to the dramatically pointed Lambayeque eye (Castillo
2008).4 In addition, black-ware vessels characteristic of
the Sicán polity appear in tombs alongside Cajamarca and
Transitional ceramics (Rucabado and Castillo 2003, 27).
Vessel forms and artistic elements from the Casma polity
of the central coast, such as a jar with a narrow neck and
mold-impressed images on the body, also appear at this
time, but are mixed with local Moche features. This style,
termed Local Casma Impressed, also appears to have been
produced by Jequetepeque Valley potters (Rucabado and
Castillo 2003, 29)
In addition to the influx of new stylistic influences, the
4
Although see Prieto (2010: 231), who suggests that rather than a
gradual adoption of Lambayeque stylistic features, the “Lambayeque
arrived in the Jequetepeque Valley as a stylistic unit and a consolidated
political entity”.
14
Figure 12: Transitional and Lambayeque sites in the
Jequetepeque Valley
inhabitants of the Jequetepeque Valley may have had to
cope with the ingress of people from outside the valley
during the Transitional period. The complexities of these
relationships are reflected at the site of Cerro Chepen
(Figure 12). Originally built during the Moche Period,
this highly defensible site comprises a dense residential
occupation along the northern slope and an elite sector
encircled by an elaborate stonemasonry wall located in the
uppermost portion of the site (Rosas Rintel 2010). Cerro
Chepen’s high-status sector yielded a mixture of local
and highland cultural elements, including Late Moche
platform-rim ollas, Moche face-neck jars, highland forms
such as keros and tazones, and Cajamarca-style fineware
ceramics (Rosas Rintel 2007, 235). The presence of two-
story architecture and highland-style masonry strongly
suggests ethnic connections with the highlands, or possibly
even population relocation, rather than simply political or
economic ties (Rosas Rintel 2007, 2010).
The Transitional period was a time of dramatic change, as
well as organic cultural development in the Jequetepeque
Valley. The valley does not appear to have been united into a
single centralized political entity, but was rather comprised
of several independent polities with varying alliances
with outside groups (Prieto 2009). Hinterland sites from
the Late Moche and Transitional periods were frequently
located in defensive positions and fortified, attesting to
the social and political tension present at the time. During
this period, local leaders in the valley strategically adopted
practices and material culture from a variety of different
groups as they seemed relevant or desirable (Bernuy and
Bernal 2008). Several powerful polities surrounded the

Jequetepeque Valley at this time and local leaders found
themselves at the center of an expansive network of cultural
contact and trade. Some settlements, such as Cerro Chepen,
had ties to a single outside polity, while sites like San José
de Moro appears to have maintained elaborate networks of
connections with several powerful entities in the north and
central coast and adjacent highlands.
The Emergence of Lambayeque (Sicán)
The subsequent period of cultural development in the
Jequetepeque Valley was characterized by an attenuation of
Wari and highland influence, and more extensive interaction
within the sphere of the coastal Lambayeque polity, leading
some valley communities to adopt Lambayeque-style
architecture, pottery, and burial practices.
The Sicán polity developed in the Lambayeque-La Leche
Valley following the collapse of the Moche urban center
of Pampa Grande around AD 800. Survey of the north
bank of the Lambayeque drainage documented a four-
tiered settlement hierarchy with a high degree of political
integration and cultural continuity during the Middle
Sicán Period (Tschauner 2001). Agricultural production
intensified in the Lambayeque Valley during this period,
as farm lands were expanded into previously uncultivated
areas (Hayashida 2006). These data suggest that by the
Middle Sicán Period, the Lambayeque Valley was home
to a powerful, centralized polity. During its period of
greatest fluorescence, the Sicán polity established political,
economic, and religious connections over a 400 km stretch
of the coast from the Chira Valley to the Chicama Valley
(Shimada et al. 2004), although the precise nature of Sicán
political organization and its relationship with communities
in other valleys of the North Coast are still under debate
(Conlee et al. 2004; Heyerdahl et al. 1995).
One of the most common icons associated with the
Lambayeque culture is the Sicán lord. This image, along
with other elements of the Middle Sicán artistic and
architectural canon, can be seen throughout the northern
North Coast, but is found primarily in high-status contexts
such as religious structures and elite burials. The ubiquity
and homogeneity of icons such as the Sicán lord and the
widespread construction of Lambayeque-style monumental
architecture underlines the central role that religion played
in social and economic integration of new territories
(Shimada et al. 2000, 30).
The Moche tradition of elaborate, high-status burials
continued into the Lambayeque/Sicán period in the
Lambayeque Valley. Tombs from the Lambayeque Valley
contained large quantities of metal objects, including gold
and tumbaga (an alloy of gold, silver and copper) head
ornaments, gold feathers, a gold crown with “sockets” for
the head ornaments, gold masks and earspools, shafts with
tumi shaped ornaments at the end, and tunics with gold foil
squares sewn to the front. Imported items include Spondylus
shell and turquoise beaded bracelets (Shimada et al. 2000).
15
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
Middle Sicán grave goods from the nearby site of Poma
also contained exotic goods from outside the valley, such
as lapis lazuli, pearls, emeralds, and cinnabar (Cleland and
Shimada 1992).
The end of the Middle Sicán Period was marked by
large-scale burning and abandonment of the monumental
adobe pyramids at Batán Grande and the almost complete
disappearance of ideologically charged motifs such as the
Sicán lord, and is contemporaneous with a severe 31-year
drought and a major flood event (Shimada 1990). A similar
pattern was found in the elite residential compound at
San José de Moro, which indicates that the social turmoil
affecting the Lambayeque Valley at this time also affected
political enclaves in the Jequetepeque Valley (Prieto 2010).
This suggests a fate similar to that of some earlier Moche
centers, where inhabitants violently rejected the ruling
hegemony and their associated iconographic images in
times of environmental crisis (Shimada 1994a).
The subsequent Late Sicán polity was centered at El
Purgatorio, or Túcume, located on the La Leche drainage,
until it was conquered by the Chimú between AD 1360-
1400 (Moore and Mackey 2008; Shimada et al. 2000). The
site was built in a strategic location at the north end of the
valley, and may represent the retrenchment of elite lineages
into a more centralized and consolidated state (Shimada
2000). During this period, Late Sicán ceramics can be found
as far north as Piura (Shimada 2000) and to the south in
the Jequetepeque (Bernuy 2008; Prieto, this volume) and
Chicama Valleys (Franco and Galvez 2005), but it remains
unclear whether these are the result of trade networks or
some degree of direct political control by the Late Sicán
polity.
Lambayeque Centers in the Jequetepeque
Although Lambayeque-style artifacts are found throughout
the northern North Coast, it is difficult to ascertain the
precise degree and nature of Sicán political control outside
of the Lambayeque Valley. While some have suggested that
Sicán was an expansionist state that directly conquered and
subsequently ruled the Jequetepeque Valley (Castillo 2001;
Prieto 2009, 2010), others argue that Lambayeque control
over the valley was limited and that trade, kinship, and
alliances likely played the most prominent roles in political
interaction between communities in the two valleys (see
Conlee et al. 2004; Shimada 1990). An extension of this
view is advocated by Sapp in Chapter 6 of this volume.
Sapp compares Lambayeque architecture and ceramic
styles between the Jequetepeque and Lambayeque-Leche
valleys, and argues for the development of a politically
autonomous Lambayeque polity in the Jequetepeque
Valley—the Lambayeque Sur—that engaged in extensive
interactions with the Lambayeque Norte polity to the north.
Sapp provides a timely, empirical re-assessment of the
nature of the Lambayeque period political organization in
the Jequetepeque Valley.
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
Lambayeque-style ceramics and architecture are found at
several prominent sites in the Jequetepeque Valley, such as
Pacatnamú, Farfán, La Mesa, and San José de Moro, as well
as some smaller sites like Cabur, Ventanillas, Las Varas,
and Pedregal (Figure 12). Prieto (2010) has also identified
Lambayeque material correlates at San Idelfonso, Cerro
Chepen, Huaca Las Estacas, Potrero de Santa Rosa, Cerro
Calera, Huaca Mala, Huaca Rosa, Huaca Ventanilla, and
El Salvador. Given the extent of Lambayeque influence on
architectural and artistic styles in the Jequetepeque Valley
during the Lambayeque period, some have suggested the
direct political and cultural incorporation of the valley by
the Sicán polity to the north (Prieto 2010).
La Mesa, a truncated pyramid at the site of Dos Cabezas,
and Huaca las Estacas, found just to the northwest of
San José de Moro, appear to have been the primary
Lambayeque-affiliated sites during the Early and Middle
Lambayeque periods (Figure 12). In the Late Lambayeque
Period, after some form of sociopolitical turmoil resulting
in the selective burning of an elite Lambayeque residence
at San José de Moro, the seat of ritual and civic authority
shifted to Pacatnamú, which became the largest and most
important Lambayeque center in the valley (Donnan 1986a;
Prieto 2009, 2010). Some fifty platform mounds in the
Lambayeque style were constructed at the site. The most
prominent architectural feature at the site was the Huaca 1
Complex, comprised of Huaca 1 and adjoining courtyards,
the East Pyramid, and the Major Quadrangle, which was
made up of smaller rooms, corridors, and courtyards
(Donnan 1986a). The restricted access, monumental scale,
and architectural elaboration of this compound, coupled
with the altars and open courtyard spaces, suggest that
the activities carried out here were largely ceremonial.
Numerous other huaca complexes of similar grandeur have
been identified at Pacatnamú (Donnan 1986a).
Notwithstanding the primarily ritual nature of the
monumental architecture at the site, Lambayeque period
Pacatnamú had an extensive domestic occupation. Elites
resided in formally-organized adobe compounds, while
commoners built dwellings of adobe and quincha (cane and
plaster) walls attached to cobble foundations (Gumerman
1991). Faunal and botanical remains demonstrate additional
class differences in access to certain types of food: higher
status residents enjoyed greater access to camelid meat,
coca, and spices, such as aji peppers, while the commoners
relied more heavily on corn and wild collected foods
(Gumerman 1991).
The Lambayeque occupation of Pacatnamú is also
characterized by the construction of several massive
defensive walls and trenches, suggesting a desire to restrict
access to the city and/or protect it from outside aggressors
(Donnan 1986b). Fourteen young males, found with ropes
binding their ankles and stab wounds or fractures to their
skulls, ribs, vertebrae, pelvis and limbs, were deposited
in the deep defensive trench just outside the entrance to
the Huaca 1 Complex (Verano 1986, 2007). Their age/
16
sex profile, well-developed musculature, and prevalence
of healed wounds, as well as the way in which they
appear to have been brutally tortured and then executed
and left exposed without formal burial, suggest that these
individuals may have been enemy warriors who were
captured and subsequently sacrificed (Verano 1986). This
is supported by isotopic analysis of the bones, which
documented that over half of the victims were not local
to the valley and may therefore have been captives taken
during battles between local inhabitants and forces from the
Chimú heartland (Verano 2007: 108).
By contrast, mainstream burial practices at Pacatnamú
are consistent with Lambayeque mortuary patterns, in
which individuals were interred in the flexed position
with ceramics, copper objects, and textiles (Verano and
Cordy-Collins 1986). One of the more elaborate rooms in
the Huaca 1 Complex resembled a Chimú audencia and
contained three sumptuous burial chambers with multiple
interments (Bruce 1986). Three highly burnished blackware
double-spout-and-bridge vessels were uncovered, as well as
many colorful textile fragments. Several of the burials also
contained miniature loincloths (Verano and Cordy-Collins
1986) in a style not found in South America until the end of
the Moche period (Cordy-Collins, this volume).
The site of Farfán, located in a strategic position at the
crossroads of the main north-south route along the coast
and the eastern road to the highlands, was first built
and occupied during the Lambayeque period and may
have filled a complementary administrative role to the
primarily ritual functioning of Pacatnamú (Mackey 2006,
this volume). Three large Lambayeque-style compounds
were built during this period. The presence of residential
architecture, a ceramic workshop, and a large cemetery
suggests a large supporting population of laborers lived
at the site. The ceramic workshop produced ring-based
bowls typical of the Lambayeque style, and which are found
associated primarily with middle status burials at the site
and elsewhere in the valley (Mackey 2006).
Lambayeque period burial contexts at Farfán contain
individuals in both extended and flexed positions with
offerings of ceramics and food. The highest status burials
at the site were in the extended position and contained
fineware Lambayeque pottery and copper tumi knives
(Mackey 2006, this volume). Typical botanical offerings
included cooked beans, beans and maize, or maize and
small fish (Cutright 2005, 2009, this volume). Ollas were
the most common vessel type to be included in the mortuary
contexts, and were the only type of vessel that contained
food remains. These ollas were simply decorated with a
band or white paint on the neck and paleteada designs on
the sides and base (Cutright 2005). Ceramic bowls also
increased in importance during the Lambayeque period
at Farfán. The bowls typically had a ring base or taller
pedestal base and were decorated simply with white or red
paint on the rim (Cutright 2009).

Although the nature of Sicán political control at the site of
San José de Moro during the Lambayeque period is still
under debate, there is clear evidence for the adoption of
Lambayeque cultural elements by the site’s inhabitants.
Feasting and other ritual activities appear to have taken
place at a Lambayeque-style elite residence, while 60 tombs
at the site contain Early, Middle and Late Lambayeque
ceramics (Bernuy 2008; Prieto 2009, 2010). Indications of
status differences and both social and ethnic identities can
be observed within the mortuary population. Approximately
half of the burials were in the seated and flexed position,
while the remainder followed the earlier Moche practice
of extended dorsal burials. A number of the burials
also showed evidence of bi-lobed cranial deformation,
suggesting a desire by some inhabitants to visibly mark
ethnic affiliation during life (Prieto 2009, 261). Several
high-status female interments have been excavated, each of
which contained artifacts associated with textile production,
such as spindle whorls and needles, as well as high quality
ceramics, metal masks, rattles, beaded necklaces, and
Spondylus shell (Bernuy 2008; see also Nelson et al. 2000).
It is tempting to see these women as the Lambayeque
heiresses of the earlier Priestess cult at the site, suggesting
that the Lambayeque leaders in the Jequetepeque Valley
kept the position and symbolism of the Priestess, albeit with
somewhat diminished power and autonomy, for political
purposes (Prieto 2010).
The site of Cabur was home to successive Lambayeque-
affiliated lords who built and remodeled a series of elite
domestic compounds during the Lambayeque, Chimú,
and Chimú-Inka periods (Sapp 2002, this volume). The
site contained a prominent Huaca Quadrangle, similar
to those of Pacatnamú, characterized by a single baffled
entry indicative of highly restricted access. The site also
contained a large Ceremonial Precinct where the rulers
likely held public events and rituals. A large kitchen facility
in the West Quadrangle suggests the production of food
and beverages on a large scale for feasts and other events
sponsored by the elites (Sapp 2002). Cabur is located near
two prominent irrigation canals, and the rulers may have
derived some of their authority from controlling access to
this valuable resource (Sapp 2002).
Hinterland sites from the middle portion of the valley
also attest to the complexity of sociopolitical organization
during this time period. The up-valley site of Las Varas was
occupied around 1000 AD, just following the Transitional
period, as evidenced by the presence of both Cajamarca
Costeña and Lambayeque pottery (Tsai 2007). Although
these are both coastal ceramic styles, the settlement has
highland-style stone construction and circular cist tombs
not typically found on the coast, indicative of clear ethnic
ties to highland communities. Las Varas was situated in
a key location between highland and coastal centers and
likely represents a highland enclave settled to facilitate
trade between these groups (Tsai 2007, 49).
A number of small residential sites, cemeteries, and
17
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
quadrangular compounds that likely date to the Late
Lambayeque Period are located in the pampa separating
Pacatnamú and Farfán (Cutright 2009). The site of Pedregal
consists of a large residential area, two small platform
mounds, and a cemetery. Lambayeque ceramics were found
in looted tombs from the cemetery and adobe brick seriation
of the two platform mounds show that they were first built
during the Late Lambayeque Period, although occupation
continued into the Chimú and Chimú-Inka periods (Cutright
2009). Large quantities of serving ceramics and dense
botanical remains indicate that feasting activities occurred
around the platform mounds. This suggests that, like the
local lords at sites like Cabur, leaders of communities like
Pedregal enjoyed a certain amount of political and religious
autonomy (Cutright 2009).
Experiencing Empire in the Jequetepeque
The Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon saw the
Jequetepeque Valley come under the direct political control
of imperial powers based outside of the valley for the first
time in its history. Both the Chimú and the Inka were drawn
by the valley’s considerable agricultural potential and dense
population, as well as its strategic location and economic
ties to the highlands. Nonetheless, the two empires differed
in the strategies applied in their efforts to incorporate
the valley’s communities into their respective imperial
structures.
The Chimú empire conquered the Jequetepeque Valley
in one of its earliest waves of expansion, shifting the
seat of power in the valley from the Lambayeque center
of Pacatnamú to that of Farfán by the early 14th century.
The Chimú governed the valley using a combination of
direct rule via imperial officials located at Farfán and
other administrative centers, and indirect rule under the
aegis of local valley lords. Inhabitants of the Jequetepeque
would have experienced domination by this outside polity
to varying degrees and in a diversity of ways, but were
certainly not passive in these interactions, and papers in this
volume provide insights into the myriad relationships that
existed between imperial officials, valley elites, and local
communities. Prieto’s work examines the production of
chicha at the site of San José de Moro and its role in events
of state-sponsored hospitality (Chapter 7). At the outlying
site of Cerro Serrano, Swenson traces the transformation
of a Chimú-affiliated lord’s private residence into a more
public ritual platform, documenting the continued autonomy
of valley communities in the production and use of ritual
spaces, even under imperial rule (Chapter 8). In the first
half of her paper, Mackey analyzes the relationship between
imperial officials and Lambayeque-affiliated local elites
at the site of Farfán to address the nature of Chimú rule,
arguing that the Lambayeque were systematically excluded
from governance at the site (Chapter 9).
Chimú consolidation and rule of the Jequetepeque set the
stage for conquest by the Inka empire, which occurred
sometime around AD 1470. Traditional views of the Inka
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
administration of the North Coast posit that the Inka merely
eliminated the top levels of Chimú administration and
ruled indirectly through the intact echelon of valley-level
elites, with minimal impact on extant social or economic
structures (D’Altroy 2002; Hyslop 1984, 1990; Netherly
1990; Ramírez 1990; Rowe 1948). Recent research—
some of which is presented here—has begun revising this
interpretation. In the second half of her paper, Mackey
(Chapter 9) presents evidence that the Inka had a direct
presence in the valley and ruled from the co-opted Chimú
center of Farfán, where imperial policy incorporated
indigenous Lambayeque elites into the administration and
perhaps even encouraged the persistence of the Lambayeque
ethnic identity. In Chapter 10, Levine examines the nature
of ceramic production in the Jequetepeque during the Late
Horizon, arguing that hybrid Chimú-Inka style vessels
were manufactured by specialized craftspeople using
local technologies for use in state-sanctioned contexts at
Farfán. Finally, Kremkau documents the penetration of
Inka influence in Late Horizon sites outside of the primary
administrative centers, even those maintaining outward
appearances of local architecture and organization (Chapter
11).
Chimú Conquest and Imperial Rule on the North Coast
Coalescing out of the fragmented political landscape left
behind in the wake of Moche collapse, the Chimú began to
extend political control out of the Moche Valley in several
phases of conquest beginning around AD 1300. The four-
tiered administrative hierarchy of their empire eventually
encompassed the vast area between the Leche and Casma
valleys, with Chimú influence extending to the north of
Piura and as far south as the Chillón Valley (see Figure 1).
Although this was the first time that the northern coastal
valleys had been incorporated under a single administrative
hierarchy, communities in each valley experienced different
manifestations of Chimú authority. Imperial efforts aimed
primarily at maximizing control over human labor,
agricultural lands, irrigation systems, and prehistoric
roads and trade routes were tempered by factors such as
the pre-existing sociopolitical organization and degree of
local resistance or accommodation in each valley, creating
distinct constellations of Chimú rule throughout the North
Coast (Mackey 2009).
In combination with other lines of evidence, archaeologists
have frequently relied on architectural analysis to
investigate the nature Chimú provincial rule and the
relationships between local communities and the empire
(see e.g. Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 1987, 2003,
2006, 2009, 2010a; Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990; Swenson
2004, 2007; Tschauner 2001). The paramount center of
Chan Chan serves as a model for the archetypal features of
Chimú imperial architecture. The direct imposition of Chan
Chan-like architectural layouts and features is frequently
interpreted as a similarly direct imposition of imperial rule,
carried out by representatives from the Chimú heartland
(see Mackey, this volume). By contrast, incorporation of
18
local architectural elements in Chimú sites and structures—
or the reverse: inclusion of Chimú structural features in
provincial centers or hinterland sites (see Swenson,
this volume)— is used to argue for a range of different
relationships in which local factions had greater autonomy
and share in governance. Provincial centers are also
frequently compared to Chan Chan on the basis of evidence
for storage capacity and craft production, evaluating the
economic activities in the provinces in relation to those of
the imperial capital. Following in this tradition, analysis
of the Chimú occupation of the Jequetepeque Valley can
best be understood when juxtaposed against the imperial
capital of Chan Chan and the other centers of Chimú rule
in the provinces, including Manchán in the Casma Valley
and Túcume in the Lambayeque Valley.
The 6 km2 urban core of Chan Chan is visually dominated
by ten monumental rectangular palace compounds,
known as ciudadelas, each built by successive imperial
rulers. Encircled entirely by adobe walls as tall as 10 m
in height and entered through a single baffled entryway,
ciudadelas were divided into three increasingly restricted
sections that include entry courts, large plazas served by
adjacent kitchens, administrative and storage areas, and
walk-in wells. All but one of the ciudadelas contains a
large adobe platform mound that served as a tomb and
mortuary monument to the individual Chimú ruler after
death (Conrad 1982; Pillsbury and Leonard 2004). Internal
plazas were important loci of feasting and ritual activities,
but the high compound walls and limited entrances indicate
that both physical and visual access to the festivities was
strictly controlled (Moore 1996, 2004). Each ciudadela
incorporated extensive storage facilities, where agricultural
produce, non-perishable staples, raw materials, and crafted
prestige goods extracted as tribute would have been stored.
Bureaucratic activities and oversight of these storage
facilities took place in U-shaped structures with niched
walls known as audiencias (Andrews 1974; Day 1982;
Klymyshyn 1987; Mackey 1987; but see also Moore 1992;
Topic 2003). These structures are a key hallmark of Chimú
administration and political authority in outlying provincial
sites (Mackey 1987).
Chan Chan’s ciudadelas are surrounded by a number of
smaller rectilinear compounds that were occupied by the
non-royal Chimú elite. Following many of the architectural
conventions of the royal ciudadelas, they differ primarily
in their smaller scale and absence of a funerary mound
(Klymyshyn 1982). The elite that occupied these structures
likely played important administrative roles, most probably
in overseeing craft production carried out by the city’s
commoner populace. Chan Chan is unique among Chimú
centers for the immense scale at which utilitarian and
prestige craft goods were produced, as well as its extensive
storage facilities, both of which testify to the highly
centralized nature of the Chimú imperial economy.
Early construction at the paramount center of Chan Chan
and the consolidation of control over the Moche Valley

Figure 13: Lambayeque style vessel from La Mesa (image
courtesy of Christopher Donnan)
heartland began concurrently between AD 900 and 1000,
with suzerainty over the adjacent Chicama and Virú valleys
established by AD 1200 (Collier 1955; Moore and Mackey
2008; Topic 1990). Just over a century later, expansionist
aspirations motivated the Chimú to extend political and
economic control to more distant areas of the coast. After
campaigning to the north and annexing the Jequetepeque
and Zaña valleys by AD 1320 (see below), the Chimú
empire began to expand southwards. The Casma Valley was
incorporated by AD 1350, when the Chimú established the
intrusive secondary administrative center of Manchan at
the juncture of the primary north-south coastal road and
an important route into the Ancash highlands.5 This 63
ha site incorporates elite architecture of both Chimú and
local styles, which has been used to argue that elites of
the Casma polity were involved in jointly ruling the valley
alongside the Chimú governors (Conlee et al. 2004; Mackey
2009; Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990). Five freestanding
rectangular compounds exhibit strong similarities to
Chan Chan’s ciudadelas, although the absence of a burial
platform suggests that it was administered by non-royal
Chimú officials (Mackey 1987, 2009; Mackey and
Klymyshyn 1990). Elites of the Casma polity constructed
a number of agglutinated rectilinear enclosures following
local architectural traditions adjacent those of the Chimú
administrators.
Chimú interference in the political, economic, and
settlement systems of the Casma Valley was minimal and
5
Oddly, although it is presumed that the Chimú exerted at least some
degree of political control in these valleys, there is currently no evidence
for the establishment of Chimú administrative centers in the intervening
valleys of Chao, Santa, and Nepeña (Moore and Mackey 2008: 792; see
Figure 14 in Pillsbury and Leonard 2004).
19
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
directed almost exclusively at the extraction of agricultural
resources. This is embodied most clearly by the site of
Quebrada Santa Cristina, an agricultural camp built by the
Chimú to house laborers responsible for constructing and
farming some 439 ha of raised fields near the mouth of the
valley (Moore 1988, 1991). Although some of the maize
was used to brew chicha subsequently consumed at events
of state-sponsored hospitality at Manchan (Mackey 2009;
Moore 1989; see also Prieto, this volume), the small amount
of storage at the center suggests that the majority of the
valley’s agricultural surplus was directed back towards the
capital of Chan Chan.
Expansion of the Chimú empire northwards to incorporate
the Lambayeque polity did not take place until sometime
between AD 1360-1400, decades after the Chimú
established control over the Jequetepeque and Zaña
valleys. Although there considerable conflict between the
Lambayeque and Chimú polities in the intervening period
(Cieza de León 1984 [1553]), political relationships appear
to have normalized by the time that the Chimú annexed
the Lambayeque and Leche valleys (Mackey 2010b).
This is suggested by the negotiated character of the
Chimú occupation at the paramount Lambayeque center
of Túcume. There, local Lambayeque elites continued to
occupy the majority of the site’s platform mounds, while the
Chimú presence was limited primarily to the remodeling of
a compound atop the largest of these mounds to resemble a
ciudadela (Narváez 1995). Sandweiss and Narváez (1995,
192) view this structure as “a synthesis of Chimú and
Lambayeque forms. Chimú architects apparently combined
imperial Chimú design concepts with the Lambayeque
pattern of high platforms to display power in the local
idiom”. Although a small burial mound indicates that
the Chimú administrator was of the royal lineage, it does
not appear that the Chimú constructed any audiencias in
their Túcume ciudadela (Mackey 2009). As suggested by
Conlee and colleagues (2004, 217), “[a]fter so many years
of détente with this northern North Coast region, the Chimú
may have placated local rulers at Túcume by not using overt
political symbols”.
By contrast, more explicit statements of Chimú control
were documented by Tschauner (2001) on the north
bank of the Lambayeque Valley, where the dominance of
imperial authority was physically and visually manifest
in the construction of several ciudadela-like compounds
on a hilltop above the pre-existing Lambayeque center of
Pátapo. The comparatively autocratic nature of the imposed
Chimú rule at Pátapo is underlined by the construction of a
number of audiencias within these compounds. Tschauner
(2001, 114) suggests that at this site at least, “Chimú
‘indirect rule’ may have been more akin to holding the
paramount local lords hostage and under close scrutiny”.
Beyond this and other intermediate centers, however, the
local settlement structure was left largely intact and Chimú
imperial policies carried out via the hierarchy of the valley’s
indigenous elites.
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
The Chimú in the Jequetepeque Valley
Ethnohistoric sources, including the Historia Anónima
of Trujillo [1604] and Antonio Calancha (1977 [1638]),
indicate that Chimú conquest of the Jequetepeque Valley
was undertaken by the military leader Pacatnamú at the
direction of Ñançenpinco, the Chimú emperor and grandson
of the founder of the ruling dynasty. This conquest likely
took place by AD 1320 (Mackey 2009), after which General
Pacatnamú was reportedly installed as the local regional
governor at a site subsequently identified as Farfán (Conrad
1990; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 2003). The
fierceness of local opposition to the imposition of Chimú
political control chronicled in the ethnohistoric documents
is corroborated archaeologically by fortifications and spent
slingstones at the sites of Talambo and Cerro Faclo, but
the Jequetepequeños were defeated in the end (Topic 1990,
186-7). Dillehay and Kolata suggest that the fragmentation
and internal conflicts characteristic of the post-Moche
sociopolitical landscape may have precluded the valley
population from mounting a unified campaign of resistance
(2004, 4329; see also Castillo 2001; Dillehay 2001).
Given the availability of rich agricultural land in the
Jequetepeque Valley system, it is not surprising that Chimú
imperial rule was aimed at expanding, integrating, and
managing the valley’s agricultural infrastructure of canals
and field systems, as well as the requisite human labor
(Conlee et al. 2004; Cutright 2009, 2010; Dillehay and
Kolata 2004; Mackey 2006). An additional goal of Chimú
conquest may have been to assume control of economic
interactions with highland groups that were channeled
through the Jequetepeque Valley. These relationships would
have been critical in gaining access to the raw materials—
copper, silver, gold, and camelid fiber— necessary for
the imperial prestige goods economy based at Chan Chan
(Mackey 2009; Shimada 1995). The Chimú accomplished
these goals by developing a centralized administrative
hierarchy with direct imperial rule at Farfán and a number
of subordinate intermediate centers, coupled with indirect
rule by local leaders at the valley’s smaller centers, creating
a mosaic of imperial control and local autonomy throughout
the valley (Mackey 2009; Swenson 2004).
The Chimú chose the site of Farfán for their principle
center in the Jequetepeque Valley, in part because it was
strategically positioned to control the extensive agricultural
fields in the northwestern sector of the valley and because
it was located at the crossroads of the primary north-south
coastal road and a key route to the highlands of Cajamarca
(Conlee et al. 2004; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey
2006, 2009). Of the three secondary centers —Manchan,
Túcume, and Farfán— below Chan Chan in the Chimú
administrative hierarchy, Farfán displays the greatest
architectural similarities to the imperial capital. Three
large adobe-walled compounds show the tripartite division
of space typical of Chan Chan’s ciudadelas, and contain
plazas, a walk-in well, and audiencias in association with
a modest number of storage facilities (Mackey 2006, 2009).
20
Plazas likely served as forums for ceremonies and events
of state-sponsored hospitality, although, as at Chan Chan,
attendance was likely restricted and closely controlled.
Hosting such feasts appears to have been a primary
function of the Chimú administrators, given that there is
little evidence for long-term storage, crafting, or other
productive activities that would have demanded Chimú
oversight (Mackey 2006, 2009). Two of the compounds
include a funerary platform, suggesting that the site was
governed by royal Chimú administrators.
Although it was previously believed that occupation of
Farfán dated exclusively to the Chimú period (Keatinge
and Conrad 1983), recent investigations have revealed
that the site was first used as an administrative center by
the Lambayeque polity during the early Late Intermediate
Period before being taken over by the Chimú around AD
1320 (see above and Mackey 2003, 2006, 2009, 2010a,
this volume). In the first half of Chapter 9, Mackey details
the Lambayeque occupation at Farfán and then analyzes
the significant architectural modifications and shifts in
burial practices and material culture that occurred as
Farfán changed political hands from the Lambayeque to the
Chimú. Imperial appropriation of the site was apparently
quite violent, as suggested by the fact that the Chimú razed
the Lambayeque compounds to the ground and built their
own imperial style structures atop these foundations, after
first depositing a number of Lambayeque-affiliated females
who had been sacrificed (Mackey 2009, this volume).
Mackey goes on to demonstrate that local elites of the
Lambayeque ethnic identity were then systematically
excluded from governance at Farfán during the Chimú
occupation, a strategy that contrasts markedly with the
policy of joint rule with local elites employed by the empire
in the Casma and Lambayeque valleys (Mackey 2009,
2010b, this volume). Meanwhile, local lords in at least some
outlying centers in the Jequetepeque, such as Cabur (Sapp
2002, this volume), maintained a relatively high degree
of autonomy and persisted in their use of Lambayeque
styles of architecture, mortuary customs, and ceramics.
Mackey suggests numerous factors that may account for
the perpetuation of this ethnic identity throughout the Late
Intermediate Period. These include a sense of lingering
animosity in the wake of the brutal conquest of the valley,
continued ties between valley elites and the Lambayeque
polity to the north, and the Chimú policy of leaving local
lords in power in outlying communities.
Outside of Farfán, the Chimú established a number of
intermediate administrative centers, integrating and
centralizing the Jequetepeque Valley to a degree that
the inhabitants had never before experienced (Dillehay
and Kolata 2004; Mackey 2009). Rather than founding
completely new administrative sites, the Chimú instead
constructed one or more imperial-style compounds at
a number of important settlements with pre-existing
occupations, sites that were likely the centers of the various
valley polities whose origins date back to at least the Moche

Figure 14: Chimú and Chimú-Inka sites in the Jequetepeque
Valley
period (see Castillo 2010, and above). Those that have been
investigated archaeologically include Talambo, Tecapa,
and the San José de Moro/Algorrobal de Moro complex
(Figure 14; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 2004;
Swenson 2004; Ubbelohde-Doering 1963; Warner 2010).
As the Jequetepeque Valley polities were defined in respect
to the valley’s canals and the lands that they irrigated (Cock
1986; Netherly 1984), the co-option of these particular sites
further reflects Chimú interest in controlling agricultural
production in the valley. Talambo’s position at the valley
neck, overlooking the intake point for the Talambo Canal
responsible for watering the entire northeastern sector of
the valley, provided strategic control over a large portion
of the valley’s water supply (Keatinge and Conrad 1983).
Tecapa, located in the southern portion of the valley system
(Figure 14), was ideally positioned to exert control over
the canal delivering water to the Pampa Mojucape and to
take advantage of pre-existing irrigation and field systems
that had been abandoned after the Moche collapse (Warner
2010). The Chimú complex at the Algorrobal de Moro
appears to be one of the last Chimú sites established in
the valley, some 150 years after Farfán, with the principle
goal of expanding Chimú control over the surrounding field
systems in the northeastern sector of the valley (Mackey
2004).
In contrast to Farfán, the Chimú compounds at the outlying
administrative sites typically incorporate local architectural
features, construction techniques and/or building materials
(Swenson 2004; Ubbelohde-Doering 1963; Warner 2010).
The accommodation of local architectural traditions
suggests that valley elites retained some degree of political
21
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
influence and authority over local labor, and that, with the
exception of Farfán, Chimú rule in the Jequetepeque Valley
was probably realized in conjunction with valley elites at
intermediate-level administrative sites.
Sponsorship of communal work-party feasts featuring
the consumption of prodigious quantities of chicha was
likely an important component in Chimú efforts to extract
agricultural surplus in the provinces (Mackey 2009; Moore
1989; Pozorski 1982). Chicha also played a role in more
exclusive feasts vital in the negotiation and on-going
maintenance of relationships between imperial lords and
the local elites responsible for enacting Chimú policies
outside of the primary imperial centers. In Chapter 7 of
this volume, Prieto presents the excavation of a specialized
chicha production facility at San José de Moro, the
residential counterpart to the administrative Algarrobal de
Moro during the Chimú period. The detailed documentation
of the architectural spaces of this facility and its many in
situ tools and vessels provides invaluable insights into the
spatial organization, technology, and ritual associations
of chicha manufacture in the Late Intermediate Period.
Equally importantly, Prieto also tackles the significant roles
of this chicha in the imperial political economy, arguing that
at least some of the massive quantities of alcoholic drink
produced here was at the behest of the Chimú administration
and subsequently consumed in state-sponsored feasting
activities conducted at the Algarrobal de Moro.
Outside of the valley’s major centers, smaller communities
in the Jequetepeque Valley retained a considerably degree
of independence, although life in the hinterlands was
not unaffected by the incorporation of the valley into
the Chimú empire (Cutright 2009, 2010; Swenson 2004,
2007). As in the larger administrative sites, architectural
spaces of these outlying settlements remained critical
arenas for daily social, political, and ritual interactions
that would have taken place largely outside of the purview
of Chimú authority but which nonetheless referenced the
new sociopolitical dynamics created by imperial rule. In
Chapter 8 of this volume, Swenson documents a series
of architectural transformations of a mound structure at
the site of Cerro Serrano that took place during the Late
Intermediate Period. In the earliest phase of construction,
buildings atop the platform mound served as the private
residence of a local lord, whose high status and affiliation
with the imperial Chimú is signified by a number of Chimú
architectural features, including baffled entryways and
pilastered doorways. In subsequent events of architectural
renovation, however, the residence was covered over and
transformed into a terraced mound strongly reminiscent
of local traditions of ritual architecture dating to earlier
periods in the valley. Swenson’s study provides important
insights into the role of social memory and architectural
remodeling in local responses to Chimú domination, and
suggests that the inhabitants of Cerro Serrano and other
outlying settlements in the valley retained a considerable
degree of autonomy in the production of ritual spaces and
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
concomitant social and political ideologies, even when
under Chimú rule.
The complexities of the relationships between Jequetepeque
Valley elites and communities and the officials representing
the Chimú empire had little more than a century and a half
to play out before the valley was conquered yet again.
This time—and for the first time— the people of the
Jequetepeque Valley came under the control of a polity
originating in the Andean highlands: the Inka.
The North Coast under Inka Rule
The Inka state emerged in the Cuzco basin of the central
Andes towards the end of the 1300’s, and developed into one
of the world’s largest empires over the course of the next 150
years (Bauer 1992; Covey 2003, 2006, 2008). By the time of
Spanish conquest in AD 1532, the Inka had extended their
political control across 4,000 km of western South America,
incorporating the distinct environmental zones of the Pacific
coast, the Andean highlands, and the Amazonian jungle under
a single political entity for the first time in South American
prehistory. The Inka ruled over some 11-14 million subjects,
integrating countless ethnic groups and polities of different
levels of sociopolitical complexity (D’Altroy 2002; Hyslop
1990).
The Chimú empire represented the most sophisticated and
geographically extensive power encountered by the Inka.
Conquest of Chinchasuyu, the northwestern quadrant of
the Inka’s vast territory that encompassed the valleys of
Peru’s north coast under Chimú control, was conducted
under Thupa Inka Yupanki in the middle- to late-15th
century. Ethnohistoric sources provide somewhat conflicting
accounts of the precise sequence of events in these military
campaigns (see e.g. Davies 1995, 65-72 for comparison
of various ethnohistoric sources; Rowe 1948), although it
appears multiple assaults were mounted on the Chimú empire
before its eventual downfall around AD 1470. Subjugation
of the Cajamarca polity, a key Chimú economic partner
in the highlands, appears to have been a factor in the Inka
victory, as were subsequent threats to cut off vital irrigation
water to the coastal valleys (Cabello 1951 [1586], 320-1;
Rowe 1948). After an attempted rebellion, the Chimú
emperor, Minchançaman, was taken to Cuzco as a royal
hostage, and his son installed as a puppet king ruling in
the name of the Inka (Rowe 1948, 45). The coastal valleys,
once united under Chimú control, were broken down into
smaller administrative units along the lines of pre-exiting
hierarchies of local lords, who were then responsible for the
organization of labor and collection of tribute to be passed
along to the new imperial overlords from Cuzco.
This strategy of replacing the leadership at the top of the
administrative hierarchy, while leaving intact the lower
links in the chain of command, was a key feature of Inka
administrative policy on the North Coast (Netherly 1988;
Ramírez 1996). New research throughout the region,
however, has begun to challenge the assumption that
22
indirect rule necessarily meant little Inka presence or
impact on coastal societies. A brief review of archaeological
evidence for changes in settlement patterns, architecture,
and economic activities in the Moche/Chicama and
Lambayeque valleys during the Late Horizon provides
comparative data pivotal to understanding the impacts of
Inka conquest in the Jequetepeque Valley (see below).
In the heartland of the former Chimú empire, the
Inka appear to have made significant changes aimed
at decentralizing Chimú political and economic clout
(Netherly 1988; Ramírez 1996). Chan Chan was reduced
to a shadow of its former self when the Inka relocated
thousands of the city’s skilled artisans to other regions
of the empire, including the Titicaca Basin, Cuzco, and
Machu Picchu (Pease 1982; Rowe 1982; Salazar 2007).
Further diverting control away from the Chimú capital,
the Inka founded the new administrative site of Chiquitoy
Viejo, some 25 km from Chan Chan in the Chicama
Valley. Located directly on the coastal trunk road of the
Qhapaq Ñan, or imperial road system, officials at this site
were responsible for monitoring shipments of high-status
tribute goods in transit towards Cuzco (Conrad 1977).
Although the large, high-walled rectangular compound at
this site clearly reflects the influence of Chimú architectural
canons, including a burial platform and U-shaped structures
reminiscent of audiencias, this compound represents a
departure from earlier traditions and was neither wholly
coastal or Inka in style. Meanwhile, excavations at El
Brujo in the Chicama Valley indicate that the power of
local lords increased in the Late Horizon relative to their
prior position under the Chimú, most likely through the
sponsorship of craft production that had previously been
the prerogative of imperial elites based at Chan Chan (Tate
2006). At both Chiquitoy Viejo and El Brujo, the majority
of the ceramics, textiles, and other artifact continued to
be produced in the local Chimú styles, although locally-
manufactured Inka ceramics or those combining Inka and
Chimú features indicate that Inka incorporation also had
important impacts on craft production and artistic style
during the Late Horizon (Conrad 1977; Tate 2006).
Inka rule on the northern North Coast manifests in a manner
distinct from that observed in the Moche and Chicama
valleys. In contrast to Chan Chan, Túcume continued to
be occupied during the Late Horizon, and Sandweiss and
Narváez (1995, 193) suggest that investment in monumental
construction may have been even greater during this period
than under Chimú rule. Inka administration at Túcume
was likely carried out directly by one or more imperial
officials, who occupied the compound atop Huaca Larga
that had originally been modified by the Chimú (Narváez
1995). Huaca Larga also appears to have served as an
acllawasi, or house for the imperial Chosen Women
responsible for producing chicha and textiles for use in
political and ceremonial interactions with local elites and
subjects (Sandweiss and Narváez 1995, 194; Toyne 2002).
The identification of Inka shaft tombs at the site further
suggests that a contingent of imperial officials resided,
 Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori

and were subsequently buried, at the site. Even under Inka

rule, however, local Lambayeque lords retained a significant
degree of power alongside the Inka administrators and
continued to inhabit the majority of the platform mounds
at the site and at centers throughout the valley (Hayashida
1999, 2006; Sandweiss and Narváez 1995; Shimada 1981).

Although the lower levels of administration were left in

the hands of local elites, the Inka nonetheless wrought
significant changes in economic activities on the northern
North Coast. In her analysis of canals and field systems
in the Pampa de Chaparrí, Hayashida (2006) suggests that
the Inka followed their Chimú predecessors in controlling
and intensifying agricultural production in the region. At
the crossroads of several important routes in the area, the
Inka established a small tampu, or way-station site, which
controlled access to the irrigated lands nearby and further
served to monitor traffic on these roads (see also Kremkau,
this volume). Although local architecture was used at the
site, an unusually high percentage of the serving and storage
wares were Inka or Chimú-Inka in design. Much of this
pottery was probably manufactured locally in the valley
at the behest of the empire (see also Levine, this volume).
Production of several Inka vessel forms alongside local
style ceramics has been documented at the sites of Tambo
Real and La Viña, Inka-built tampus located directly on the
coastal trunk road that also served administrative functions
(Hayashida 1999). The Inka also assumed control over the
production of copper at the metallurgical site of Cerro
Huaringa (Epstein 1993; Shimada et al. 1982).
The Inka in the Jequetepeque Valley
As with the other valleys on the North Coast, the
Jequetepeque Valley underwent significant sociopolitical
and economic transformations during the Late Horizon
that belie the supposedly indirect nature of Inka imperial
rule there. Recent investigations have established that the
valley was directly administered by representatives of the
Inka empire residing at Farfán, in part because the site
was strategically located to funnel vital agricultural and
coastal products towards the Inka center of Cajamarca in
the highlands (Mackey 2010b).
Imperial policies of the Inka resulted in important changes
in the political, ritual, and economic activities carried out
at Farfán (Mackey 2003, 2006, 2010a, this volume). Earlier
Chimú compounds were remodeled into residences for at
least three tiers of administrators, using a style that Mackey
has described as “conciliatory or diplomatic architecture”
(Mackey 2003). Distinct from both coastal and imperial
antecedents, this nonetheless monumental and impressive
architecture served Inka purposes while simultaneously
placating powerful local elites that may have been otherwise
alienated by the imposition of foreign imperial architecture
(Mackey 2010a). The construction of an ushnu, a stepped
platform of political and ceremonial function frequently
found in the plazas of Inka provincial centers, does convey
the ultimate hegemony of Inka civic and ritual authority,
Figure 15: Blackware Provincial Inka style goblet from
Cemetery J at Farfán (drawing by Jorge Gamboa, courtesy of
Carol Mackey)
but its location in a smaller plaza with more limited access
suggests that overt messages of control were not part of the
Inka strategy at Farfán.
Although ethnic Inka officials probably occupied the top
tiers of the site’s decision-making hierarchy, Mackey (this
volume) uses architectural features, construction techniques,
and mortuary data to argue that the Inka administration also
strategically incorporated local elites who had maintained
their Lambayeque ethnic identity through the period when
they had been excluded from Chimú governance at Farfán.
Preference for elites of Lambayeque ethnic affiliation
occurred at the expense of those more closely tied to the
Chimú empire, possibly because of the significant Chimú
resistance mounted against incorporation by the Inka.
Additional Inka policies, such as the mandate for local
populations to maintain their style of dress and the practice
of leaving local elites in power outside of the major centers,
may have further bolstered the preservation of Lambayeque
ethnic identity in the valley throughout the Late Horizon
(Mackey, this volume).
Local Lambayeque lords appear to have been responsible
for overseeing various forms of craft production at Farfán,
which, in contrast with the Chimú period, constituted a
significant component of the Inka occupation of the site.
Excavation of numerous women interred with quantities of
weaving tools suggests that, similar to Túcume, the site may
have had a resident population of acllakuna (Mackey 2010a,
2010b). These women would have produced textiles and
chicha integral to the events of state-sponsored hospitality
hosted at Farfán. The fact that these fetes took place in
large open plazas indicates that they were significantly more

23
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
inclusive than those held by the Chimú (see also Moore
1996). Enormous ceramic vessels, produced in a portion of
the site under apparent Lambayeque control and providing
further evidence of the crafting activities that took place at
the site under the Inka, would have stored chicha used in
these commensal events.
Both Provincial Inka and hybrid Chimú-Inka ceramics
have been found in significant quantities in residential and
mortuary contexts at Farfán (Figure 15). In Chapter 10,
Levine uses a sample of Chimú-Inka vessels drawn from two
different types of state-sanctioned burial contexts at Farfán
to address the production and subsequent consumption of
pottery during the Late Horizon. Standardization within
the Farfán sample suggests that the monkey effigy vessels
were produced by specialized craftspeople, probably under
the sponsorship of the Inka state. These artisans used local
techniques and technology in manufacturing ceramics of
this hybrid Chimú and Inka style. As noted by Mackey
(2010a, 237), “acceptance of some Chimú stylistic and
technological traits may reflect Inka diplomatic strategy,
or… the Inkas may have found it cost effective to continue
using Chimú ceramic forms and technology since to do
so required little retraining of potters”. These Chimú-Inka
vessels were subsequently interred with the acllakuna,
as well as in the tombs of mid-level bureaucrats, which
speaks to the role of these vessels in ceremonies of both
ritual and political significance. Comparison of formal
attributes between the Farfán assemblage and a sample
of similar vessels from Túcume confirms that, as has
been observed for imperial Inka style ceramics in other
provincial areas (Costin 1986; D’Altroy and Bishop 1990),
vessels of hybrid local/imperial styles were also produced
and subsequently consumed primarily within the individual
valleys where they were produced. Additional studies of
ceramic production in the valley, including a workshop at
Cañoncillo (Tecapa) (Donnan 1997b), suggest that a limited
repertoire of purely Inka-style vessels were produced at
workshops alongside those of the Chimú style.
Outside of Farfán, the Inka appear to have made a number
of architectural modifications appropriating the authority
of the intermediate level Chimú administrative centers.
This is best illustrated at the Algorrobal de Moro, where
the Chimú audiencias were sealed up by the Inka, and
new administrative quarters constructed (Mackey 2004).
Trapezoidal niches and gabled roofs, classic attributes of
Inka architectural style, have additionally been identified
at the site of Tecapa (Warner 2010; see also Dillehay,
this volume, his Figure 1). Like the Chimú before them,
however, the Inka did little to interfere with the autonomy
of the local lords at the smaller valley centers. Elites at
Cabur, for instance, appear to have continued in their use
of Lambayeque material culture, architectural styles, and
ritual traditions throughout the Late Horizon (Sapp 2002).
Although Inka material culture is relatively scarce at
outlying sites in the Jequetepeque Valley, recent studies
have shed light on a number of important transformations
24
that occurred in the hinterlands when the valley was
incorporated into the empire. Kremkau (2010) documents
the establishment of numerous new settlements in the
Chaman drainage of the valley, an area where the Inka
promoted the expansion of agricultural production into
areas not formerly under cultivation. These may have
served as state farms, possibly supplying the Cajamarca
center in the highlands (see Ramírez 199, 523). In Chapter
11 of this volume, Kremkau describes one of these Late
Horizon settlements—Sitio 46— in detail. Although
architectural style and material culture were notably local
in character, Kremkau makes the argument that the site was
part of the imperial infrastructure in the valley, serving as a
tampu responsible for monitoring the movement of people
and providing support to travelers along a road through
the northern portion of the valley. With this case study,
Kremkau raises the intriguing possibility that the relative
sparseness of Inka material culture in the valley is not
the product of the empire’s indirect approach to rule, but
rather a conscious strategy to mask Inka presence while
still accomplishing imperial goals. He further illustrates
the attention to detail and analysis at a valley-wide
scale necessary to identify the role of local communities
in carrying out the policies implemented by the Inka to
consolidate their control over the North Coast.
As with the Chimú, the Inka were fated to have but a short
tenure in the Jequetepeque Valley. Although their hold
over the North Coast appears to have been stronger than
previously believed, the Inka were not able to withstand
the successive waves of incursion by Old World diseases
and finally Europeans themselves. However dramatic the
political, social and demographic transitions brought about
in the Colonial Period, it is perhaps not surprising that many
of the political divisions instituted by the Spaniards also
appear to follow those established earlier in the valley’s
history (Cock 1986). Indigenous leaders and communities in
the valley used whatever means at their disposal—including
the Spanish legal system—to assert their claims to lands,
water, and other resources, with the lasting legacy of the
Chimú and Inka conquests that the valley inhabitants were
far from novices in dealing with outside political powers.
Conclusions
The prehispanic Jequetepeque Valley constituted an
important crossroads, both geographically and culturally,
between valleys of the northern and southern North
Coast and between the highlands and the coast. The final
millennium of the valley’s prehistory bore witness to the
successive influence of numerous outside political entities:
the Moche and Chimú to the south, the Lambayeque to
the north, Cajamarca to the east, and finally the Inka of
the southern central highlands. The Jequetepeque Valley is
therefore a linchpin in constructing a holistic understanding
of the development and functioning of states and empires in
this region, and by extension, the Andes in general.
Almost a century of archaeological research in the valley,

however, has made it increasingly clear that the sequence
and nature of these cultural changes were neither uniform
nor homogeneous across the many communities of the
Jequetepeque drainage. The case studies presented in this
volume highlight the diversity of local social and political
processes at work in the valley and how such forces mingled
with those from outside the valley to manifest in the
material signatures of every-day life. These articles tackle
numerous issues germane to the study of ancient states and
empires, across a number of different categories of data and
scales of analysis. By re-evaluating previous research and
adding to the corpus of primary data, the contributions in
this volume support, challenge, and add nuance to current
models of the transformations accompanying the transition
from state to empire in the Jequetepeque Valley.
Acknowledgements: The authors wish to thank all of the
archaeologists who have devoted their time and energy
to exploring the Jequetepeque Valley throughout the
previous century and into the present one, contributing to
our increasingly detailed understanding of sociopolitical
developments in the region. This volume would never have
come to fruition if not for the mentorship and generosity
of Charles Stanish, Christopher Donnan, and Luis Jaime
Castillo. We are especially thankful for comments and
recommendations on earlier drafts of this introduction by
Chris Donnan, Carol Mackey, and Gabriel Prieto Burméster.
We would also like express our gratitude to all of the
participants for their meticulous and fascinating research.
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