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Individual and Organizational
Consequences of Job Insecurity:
A European Study
Antonio Chirumbolo
University of Rome
Johnny Hellgren
Stockholm University
Introduction
Over the last few decades, the labour market has undergone many
rapid and dramatic changes in nearly all industrialized western
countries. Since the end of the early 1980s, economic recessions,
industrial restructuring, rapid technological growth and increased
Economic and Industrial Democracy & 2003 (SAGE, London, Thousand Oaks and
New Delhi), Vol. 24(2): 217±240.
[0143±831X(200305)24:2;217±240;032967]
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218 Economic and Industrial Democracy 24(2)
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Chirumbolo and Hellgren: Consequences of Job Insecurity 219
cal studies show that feelings of job insecurity can also emerge in
situations that are objectively non-threatening (Rosenblatt and
Ruvio, 1996). For instance, O'Quin and Lo Tempio (1998) com-
pared two different service agencies, one of which enjoyed relative
stability while the other had recently carried out personnel restruc-
turing. In both agencies, regardless of whether perceived as stable
or unstable, those who experienced higher levels of uncertainty
judged the future of their organizations far more pessimistically
and had greater intentions of changing company.
Clearly, changes in the labour market have serious consequences
for those who lose their jobs. However, research also highlights the
negative effects of these changes on those who get to keep their jobs
(Latack and Dozier, 1986). Job insecurity actually works as a stress
agent. Research on stress shows how the psychological anticipation
of a stressful situation (in this case, the risk of losing one's job) is a
more intense source of anxiety than the event itself (Lazarus and
Folkman, 1984). In line with this, job insecurity may have as nega-
tive consequences for the individual as actual job loss (Latack and
Dozier, 1986). A growing body of research shows that job insecurity
is linked to physical and mental health problems (Ashford et al.,
1989; Barling and Kelloway, 1996; Heaney et al., 1994; Hellgren et
al., 1999; Lim, 1996; Noer, 1993; for reviews, see De Witte, 1999;
Platt et al., 1999) as well as to impaired emotional and family
relations (Fox and Chancey, 1998; Larson et al., 1994; Wilson et
al., 1993).
However, job insecurity can have effects not only on the worker's
well-being but also on his or her work-related attitudes. Indeed,
numerous studies suggest that job insecurity can result in decreased
job satisfaction and organizational commitment (Ashford et al.,
1989; Davy et al., 1991, 1997; Rosenblatt and Ruvio, 1996). Job
insecurity also appears to be associated with employees' work-
related behaviour. For instance, research suggests that job insecurity
is negatively related to performance at work (Abramis, 1994), and
positively related to turnover intentions (Arnold and Feldman,
1982; Brockner, 1988; Dekker and Schaufeli, 1995). Thus, research
conducted over the last decades shows how job insecurity can be
generally harmful to both the individual and the organization.
In their recent meta-analysis on consequences of job insecurity,
Sverke et al. (2002) distinguished between short-term and long-
term reactions, and reactions that are primarily oriented towards
the individual as opposed to the organization. Certain types of
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220 Economic and Industrial Democracy 24(2)
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Chirumbolo and Hellgren: Consequences of Job Insecurity 221
Method
Participants
Belgium. The data used in the present study were part of a larger
questionnaire focusing on health and repetitive strain injuries, admi-
nistered as a postal survey in the period of November±December
1998. The study used a two-stage selection procedure. First, a repre-
sentative sample of private sector companies with at least ®ve
employees was drawn. The personnel manager of each of the 439
sampled companies was interviewed by phone and asked whether
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222 Economic and Industrial Democracy 24(2)
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Chirumbolo and Hellgren: Consequences of Job Insecurity 223
Measures
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TABLE 1
224
Belgium
1. Job insecurity 1 2.26 .89 .89
2. Job satisfaction .32* 1 3.70 .80 .85
3. Organizational commitment .20* .76* 1 3.39 .84 .86
4. Mental health .22* .37* .21* 1 1.25 .27 .77
5. Turnover intention .13* .54* .44* .36* 1 1.28 .36 .73
Italy
1. Job insecurity 1 2.61 .87 .76
2. Job satisfaction .25* 1 3.60 .94 .87
3. Organizational commitment .16* .72* 1 3.20 1.02 .88
4. Mental health .28* .40* .31* 1 2.08 .37 .74
5. Turnover intention .33* .45* .42* .33* 1 2.63 1.01 .68
The Netherlands
1. Job insecurity 1 1.85 .69 .91
2. Job satisfaction .23* 1 3.79 .63 .96
3. Organizational commitment .17* .65* 1 3.52 .65 .97
4. Mental health .14* .33* .17* 1 1.58 .42 .82
5. Turnover intention .10* .33* .37* .16* 1 2.85 1.20 ±
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Sweden
1. Job insecurity 1 2.09 1.06 .89
2. Job satisfaction .11* 1 3.68 .88 .82
3. Organizational commitment .05* .41* 1 2.54 .93 .86
4. Mental health .21* .35* .12* 1 1.99 .46 .84
Economic and Industrial Democracy 24(2)
Results
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226
TABLE 2
Tests for Direct and Indirect Effects of Job Insecurity after Controlling for Age, Gender, Part-Time Work and Contingent Work: Belgium
(Standardized Regression Coef®cients)
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Economic and Industrial Democracy 24(2)
Chirumbolo and Hellgren: Consequences of Job Insecurity 227
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228
TABLE 3
Tests for Direct and Indirect Effects of Job Insecurity after Controlling for Age, Gender, Part-Time Work and Contingent Work: Italy
(Standardized Regression Coef®cients)
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Economic and Industrial Democracy 24(2)
Chirumbolo and Hellgren: Consequences of Job Insecurity 229
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230
TABLE 4
Tests for Direct and Indirect Effects of Job Insecurity after Controlling for Age, Gender, Part-Time Work and Contingent Work: the Netherlands
(Standardized Regression Coef®cients)
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Economic and Industrial Democracy 24(2)
TABLE 5
Tests for Direct and Indirect Effects of Job Insecurity after Controlling for Age, Gender, Part-Time Work and Contingent Work: Sweden
(Standardized Regression Coef®cients)
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* p < :05; ** p < :01:
231
232 Economic and Industrial Democracy 24(2)
Discussion
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Chirumbolo and Hellgren: Consequences of Job Insecurity 233
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234 Economic and Industrial Democracy 24(2)
here, namely the intention to withdraw from one's job. This result
was almost consistent across countries, the only exception being
Italy where the effect of job insecurity was partially mediated by
work attitudes. In contrast, our results indicate that job insecurity
had a partially mediated effect on the long-term individual outcome
(mental health complaints), but still had a direct effect that was not
mediated by job and organizational attitudes. This result was consis-
tent across all four countries.
Other studies have investigated the role of work attitudes in medi-
ating the detrimental effects of job insecurity for the organization
and the individual (see Davy et al., 1991, 1997; Probst, 2002). Never-
theless, the present study adds to the literature in the following
respects. First of all, the results presented here show that the
mediated effects of job insecurity hold across four different Euro-
pean countries with diverse cultures, whereas previous studies used
only North American data (Davy et al., 1991, 1997; Probst, 2002).
Second, other studies have undoubtedly demonstrated that job satis-
faction and organizational commitment mediate the effect of job
(in)security on behavioural intentions to withdraw from the organi-
zation (Davy et al., 1991), or on withdrawal cognitions (Davy et al.,
1997). However, the hypothesis that job satisfaction and organiza-
tional commitment mediate also the effect of job insecurity on
mental health complaints remained to some degree not adequately
tested (Probst, 2002). In this respect, our study replicates previous
results across different European countries by showing that organi-
zational consequences (i.e. turnover intentions) of job insecurity are
mediated through job satisfaction and organizational commitment
(Davy et al., 1997). Moreover, it further extends those results by
showing also that individual consequences of job insecurity (i.e.
mental health complaints) are partially mediated by job satisfaction
and organizational commitment, and that this effect holds consis-
tently across different European countries. Finally, these hypotheses
were supported after having controlled the in¯uence of sociodemo-
graphic variables such as age, gender, part-time work and contin-
gent work, whereas the role of these demographic variables has
been overlooked in previous studies.
There are several plausible explanations to the ®nding that job
satisfaction and organizational commitment mediated the effect of
job insecurity on turnover intention and partially on mental health
complaints. The reasons for the negative consequences of job
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Chirumbolo and Hellgren: Consequences of Job Insecurity 235
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236 Economic and Industrial Democracy 24(2)
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Chirumbolo and Hellgren: Consequences of Job Insecurity 237
Note
The research reported in this article is ®nanced by a grant to Magnus Sverke from the
Swedish National Institute for Working Life through the Joint Programme for Work-
ing Life Research in Europe (SALTSA). Data collections in the participating coun-
tries were made possible through ®nancial support as follows: Belgium: the
Christian Labour Union (ACV) and the Hoger Instituut voor De Arbeid (HIVA) ±
KU Leuven; Italy: CGIL-Nazionale; the Netherlands: the National Christian Trade
Union Federation (CNV); Sweden: the Swedish Council for Work Life Research.
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Antonio Chirumbolo
is researcher at the University of Rome `La
Sapienza'. He is also currently teaching
`Psychometrics' (University of Florence) and
`Techniques of Marketing Research'
(LUMSA, University of Rome). His
principal research interests include job
insecurity; consequences of epistemic
motivation on group creativity and on
political attitudes; and authoritarianism and
prejudice.
Johnny Hellgren
is working as a research assistant and teacher
at the Department of Psychology, Stockholm
University. His main interests concern
organizational change, job insecurity, health
and the role of the union.
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