Belt and Road Initiative

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI, or B&R[1]), formerly known as One Belt One Road (Chinese: ⼀
带⼀路) or OBOR for short, is a global infrastructure development strategy adopted by the
Chinese government in 2013 to invest in nearly 70 countries and international organizations.[2][3]
It is considered a centerpiece of Communist Party of China general secretary Xi Jinping's foreign
policy,[4] who originally announced the strategy during official visits to Indonesia and Kazakhstan
in 2013.[5][6][7][8]

Belt and Road Initiative

Formation 2013
2017 (Forum)

Purpose Promote economic development and inter-

regional connectivity

Location China

Region served Asia, Africa, Europe, Middle East, Americas

Leader Xi Jinping, Li Keqiang

 The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road

Simplified Chinese 丝绸之路经济带和21世纪海上丝绸之路

Traditional Chinese 絲綢之路經濟帶和21世紀海上絲綢之路

Transcriptions

Standard Mandarin

Hanyu Pinyin Sīchóu zhī lù jīngjìdài hé èrshíyī shìjì hǎishàng sīchóu zhī lù

Yue: Cantonese

Jyutping si1 cau4 zi1 lou6 ging1 zai3 daai3 wo4 ji6 sap6 jat1 sai3 gei2 hoi2 soeng6 si1 cau4 zi1
lou6

Southern Min

Hokkien POJ ̍ sè-kí hái-siōng si-tiû-chi-lo͘

si-tiû-chi-lo͘ keng-chè-tài hô jī-s p-it

One Belt, One Road (OBOR)

Simplified Chinese ⼀带⼀路

Traditional Chinese 一帶一路

Transcriptions

Standard Mandarin

Hanyu Pinyin Yídài yílù

Yue: Cantonese

Jyutping jat1 daai3 jat1 lou6

Southern Min

Hokkien POJ It-tài It-lō͘

"Belt" is short for "Silk Road Economic Belt", referring to the proposed overland routes for road
and rail transportation through the landlocked Central Asia along the famed historical trade
routes of the Western Regions; whereas "road" is short for "21st Century Maritime Silk Road",
referring to the Indo-Pacific sea routes through Southeast Asia to South Asia, Middle East and
Africa.[9]
The initiative was incorporated into the Constitution of the People's Republic of China in 2017.[4]
The Chinese government calls the initiative "a bid to enhance regional connectivity and embrace
a brighter future".[10] Some observers and skeptics, mainly from non-participant countries,
interpret it as a plan for a sinocentric international trade network.[11][12] The project has a target
completion date of 2049,[13] which will coincide with the centennial anniversary of the People's
Republic of China's founding.

Objectives

Background
…
The initiative was unveiled by Chinese paramount leader Xi Jinping in September and October
2013 during visits to Kazakhstan and Indonesia,[14] and was thereafter promoted by Premier Li
Keqiang during state visits to Asia and Europe. The initiative was given intensive coverage by
Chinese state media, and by 2016 often being featured in the People's Daily.[15]

The stated objectives are "to construct a unified large market and make full use of both
international and domestic markets, through cultural exchange and integration, to enhance
mutual understanding and trust of member nations, ending up in an innovative pattern with
capital inflows, talent pool, and technology database."[16] The Belt and Road Initiative addresses
an "infrastructure gap" and thus has potential to accelerate economic growth across the Asia
Pacific area, Africa and Central and Eastern Europe. A report from the World Pensions Council
(WPC) estimates that Asia, excluding China, requires up to US$900 billion of infrastructure
investments per year over the next decade, mostly in debt instruments, 50% above current
infrastructure spending rates.[17] The gaping need for long term capital explains why many Asian
and Eastern European heads of state "gladly expressed their interest to join this new
international financial institution focusing solely on 'real assets' and infrastructure-driven
economic growth".[18]

The initial focus has been infrastructure investment, education, construction materials, railway
and highway, automobile, real estate, power grid, and iron and steel.[19] Already, some estimates
list the Belt and Road Initiative as one of the largest infrastructure and investment projects in
history, covering more than 68 countries, including 65% of the world's population and 40% of the
global gross domestic product as of 2017.[20][21] The project builds on the old trade routes that
once connected China to the west, Marco Polo and Ibn Battuta's routes in the north and the
maritime expedition routes of Ming dynasty admiral Zheng He in the south. The Belt and Road
Initiative now refers to the entire geographical area of the historic "Silk Road" trade route, which
has been continuously used in antiquity.[22] Development of the Renminbi as a currency of
international transactions, development of the infrastructures of Asian countries, strengthening
diplomatic relations whilst reducing dependency on the US and creating new markets for
Chinese products, exporting surplus industrial capacity, and integrating commodities-rich
countries more closely into the Chinese economy are all objectives of the BRI.[23]

While some countries view the project critically because of possible Chinese influence, others
point to the creation of a new global growth engine by connecting and moving Asia, Europe and
Africa closer together.

The G7 industrial country Italy has been a partner in the development of the project since March
2019. According to estimates, the entire project today affects more than 60% of the world's
population and approximately 35% of the global economy. Trade along the Silk Road could soon
account for almost 40% of total world trade, with a large part being by sea. The land route of the
Silk Road also appears to remain a niche project in terms of transport volume in the future.[24]

In the maritime silk road, which is already the route for more than half of all containers in the
world, deepwater ports are being expanded, logistical hubs are being built and new traffic routes
are being created in the hinterland. The maritime silk road runs with its connections from the
Chinese coast to the south via Hanoi to Jakarta, Singapore and Kuala Lumpur through the Strait
of Malacca via the Sri Lankan Colombo towards the southern tip of India via Malé, the capital of
the Maldives, to the East African Mombasa, from there to Djibouti, then through the Red Sea via
the Suez Canal to the Mediterranean, there via Haifa, Istanbul and Athens to the Upper Adriatic
region to the northern Italian hub of Trieste with its international free port and its rail connections
to Central Europe and the North Sea.[25][26][27][28]

As a result, Poland, the Baltic States, Northern Europe and Central Europe are also connected to
the maritime silk road and logistically linked to East Africa, India and China via the Adriatic ports
and Piraeus. All in all, the ship connections for container transports between Asia and Europe
will be reorganized. In contrast to the longer East Asian traffic via north-west Europe, the
southern sea route through the Suez Canal towards the junction Trieste shortens the goods
transport by at least four days.[29][30][31]

In connection with the Silk Road project, China is also trying to network worldwide research
activities.[32]

Project name
…
The official name for the initiative is the Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime
Silk Road Development Strategy ( 丝绸之路经济带和21世纪海上丝绸之路发展战略). , which [33]

was initially abbreviated as the One Belt One Road (Chinese: ⼀带⼀路) or the OBOR strategy.
The English translation has been changed to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) since 2016, when
the Chinese government considered the emphasis on the words "one" and "strategy" were prone
to misinterpretation so they opted for the more inclusive term "initiative" in its translation.[34][35]
However, "One Belt One Road" is still the reference term in Chinese-language media.[36]
International relations
…
The Belt and Road Initiative is believed by some analysts to be a way to extend Chinese
economic and political influence.[21][37] Some geopolitical analysts have couched the Belt and
Road Initiative in the context of Halford Mackinder's heartland theory.[38][39][40] Scholars have
noted that official PRC media attempts to mask any strategic dimensions of the Belt and Road
Initiative as a motivation.[41] China has already invested billions of dollars in several South Asian
countries like Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Afghanistan to improve their basic
infrastructure, with implications for China's trade regime as well as its military influence. China
has emerged as one of the fastest-growing sources of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into India
– it was the 17th largest in 2016, up from the 28th rank in 2014 and 35th in 2011, according to
India's official ranking of FDI inflows.

Western regions
…
BRI's goals include internal state-building and stabilisation of ethnic unrest for its vast inland
western regions such as Xinjiang and Yunnan, linking these less developed regions, with
increased flows of international trade facilitating closer economic integration with China's inland
core.[42]

Leadership

A leading group was formed sometime in late 2014, and its leadership line-up publicized on 1
February 2015. This steering committee reports directly into the State Council of the People's
Republic of China and is composed of several political heavyweights, evidence of the importance
of the program to the government. Then Vice-Premier Zhang Gaoli, who was also a member of
the 7-man Politburo Standing Committee, was named leader of the group, and Wang Huning,
Wang Yang, Yang Jing, and Yang Jiechi named deputy leaders.[43]

On 28 March 2015, China's State Council outlined the principles, framework, key areas of
cooperation and cooperation mechanisms with regard to the initiative.[44] The BRI is considered
a strategic element within the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China, and was
incorporated into its constitution in 2017.[4]

Financing

Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB)

…
 Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank

   Prospective members (regional)

   Members (regional)
   Prospective members (non-regional)
   Members (non-regional)

The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, first proposed in October 2013, is a development bank
dedicated to lending for infrastructure projects. As of 2015, China announced that over one
trillion yuan (US$160 billion) of infrastructure related projects were in planning or
construction.[45]

The primary goals of AIIB are to address the expanding infrastructure needs across Asia,
enhance regional integration, promote economic development and improve public access to
social services.[46]

The Articles of Agreement (the legal framework) of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank
(AIIB) were signed in Beijing on 29 June 2015. The proposed bank has an authorized capital of
$100 billion, 75% of which will come from Asia and Oceania. China will be the single largest
stakeholder, holding 26.63% of voting rights. The board of governors is AIIB's highest decision-
making body.[47] The bank began operation on 16 January 2016, and approved its first four loans
in June.[48]

Silk Road Fund

…
In November 2014, Xi Jinping announced a US$40 billion development fund, which would be
separate from the banks and not part of the CPEC investment. The Silk Road Fund would invest
in businesses rather than lend money to the projects. The Karot Hydropower Project, 50 km
(31 mi) from Islamabad, Pakistan is the first project.[49] The Chinese government has promised
to provide Pakistan with at least US$350 million by 2030 to finance this station. The Sanxia
Construction Corporation commenced work in January 2016.

Debt sustainability
…
According to Carmen Reinhart, the World Bank's chief economist, 60% of the lending from
Chinese banks is to developing countries where sovereign loans are negotiated bilaterally, and in
secret. Loans are backed by collateral such as rights to a mine, a port or money.[4] Critics use the
term debt trap diplomacy to claim China intentionally extends excessive credit to a debtor
country with the alleged intention of extracting economic or political concessions from the
debtor country when it becomes unable to honor its debt obligations (often asset-based lending,
with assets including infrastructure). The conditions of the loans are often not made public and
the loaned money is typically used to pay contractors from the creditor country.

For China itself, a report from Fitch Ratings doubts Chinese banks' ability to control risks, as they
do not have a good record of allocating resources efficiently at home. This may lead to new
asset quality problems for Chinese banks where most funding is likely to originate.[50]

It has been suggested by some scholars that critical discussions about an evolving BRI and its
financing needs transcend the "debt-trap" meme. This concerns the networked nature of financial
centers and the vital role of advanced business services (e.g. law and accounting) that bring
agents and sites into view (such as law firms, financial regulators, and offshore centers) that are
generally less visible in geopolitical analysis, but vital in the financing of BRI.[51]

The COVID-19 pandemic has stopped work on some projects, while some have been scrapped;
focus has been brought on projects that were already of questionable economic viability before
the pandemic. Many of the loans agreed upon are in or nearing technical default, as many debtor
countries reliant on exporting commodities have seen a slump in demand for them. Some debtor
countries have started to negotiate to defer payments falling due.[4] In particular, the African
continent owes an estimated $145 billion, much of which involves BRI projects, with $8bn falling
due in 2020. Many leaders on the continent are demanding debt forgiveness, and The Economist
forecasts a wave of defaults on these loans.[4]

Infrastructure networks

The Belt and Road Initiative is about improving the physical infrastructure through land corridors
that roughly equate to the old Silk Road. These are the belts in the name, and there is also a
maritime silk road.[52] Infrastructure corridors spanning some 60 countries, primarily in Asia and
Europe but also including Oceania and East Africa, will cost an estimated US$4–8 trillion.[53][54]
The initiative has been contrasted with the two US-centric trading arrangements, the Trans-
Pacific Partnership and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership.[54] The initiative
projects receive financial support from the Silk Road Fund and the Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank while they are technically coordinated by the B&R Summit Forum. The land
corridors include:[52]
 The New Eurasian Land Bridge, which runs from Western China to Western Russia through
Kazakhstan, and includes the Silk Road Railway through China's Xinjiang Autonomous Region,
Kazakhstan, Russia, Belarus, Poland and Germany.

Another corridor will run from Northern China through Mongolia to the Russian Far East. The
Russian government-established Russian Direct Investment Fund and China's China
Investment Corporation, a Chinese government investment agency, partnered in 2012 to create
the Russia-China Investment Fund, which concentrates on opportunities in bilateral
integration.[55][56]

The China–Central Asia–West Asia Corridor, which will run from Western China to Turkey.

The China–Indochina Peninsula Corridor, which will run from Southern China to Singapore.

The China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) (Chinese: 中国-巴基斯坦经济⾛廊; Urdu:

‫ﭼﯿﻦ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدی راﮨﺪاری‬-‫ )ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎن‬which is also classified as "closely related to the Belt and Road
Initiative",[57] a US$62 billion collection of infrastructure projects throughout Pakistan[58][59][60]
which aims to rapidly modernize Pakistan's transportation networks, energy infrastructure, and
economy.[59][60][61][62] On 13 November 2016, CPEC became partly operational when Chinese
cargo was transported overland to Gwadar Port for onward maritime shipment to Africa and
West Asia.[63]

Silk Road Economic Belt

…

The Belt and Road Economies from its initial plan[64]

Xi Jinping visited Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan, and Southeast Asia in September and October 2013,
and proposed jointly building a new economic area, the Silk Road Economic Belt (Chinese: 丝绸
之路经济带) [65]
The "belt" includes countries on the original Silk Road through Central Asia, West
Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. The initiative would create a cohesive economic area by
building both hard infrastructure such as rail and road links and soft infrastructure such as trade
agreements and a common commercial legal structure with a court system to police the
agreements.[9] It would increase cultural exchanges and expand trade. Besides a zone largely
analogous to the historical Silk Road, an expansion includes South Asia and Southeast Asia.

Many of the countries in this belt are also members of the China-led Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank (AIIB).

Three belts are proposed. The North belt would go through Central Asia and Russia to Europe.
The Central belt passes through Central Asia and West Asia to the Persian Gulf and the
Mediterranean. The South belt runs from China through Southeast Asia and South Asia and on to
the Indian Ocean through Pakistan. The strategy will integrate China with Central Asia through
Kazakhstan's Nurly Zhol infrastructure program.[66]

21st Century Maritime Silk Road

…
The "21st Century Maritime Silk Road" (Chinese:21 世纪海上丝绸之路), or just the Maritime Silk
Road, is the sea route 'corridor.'[9] It is a complementary initiative aimed at investing and
fostering collaboration in Southeast Asia, Oceania and Africa through several contiguous bodies
of water: the South China Sea, the South Pacific Ocean, and the wider Indian Ocean area.[67][68][69]
It was first proposed in October 2013 by Xi Jinping in a speech to the Indonesian Parliament.[70]
As with the Silk Road Economic Belt initiative, most member countries have joined the Asian
Infrastructure Investment Bank.

Ice Silk Road …

In addition to the Maritime Silk Road, Russia and China are reported to have agreed to jointly
build an 'Ice Silk Road' along the Northern Sea Route in the Arctic, along a maritime route which
Russia considers part of its territorial waters.[71][72]

China COSCO Shipping Corp. has completed several trial trips on Arctic shipping routes, and
Chinese and Russian companies are cooperating on oil and gas exploration in the area and to
advance comprehensive collaboration on infrastructure construction, tourism and scientific
expeditions.[72]

Russia together with China approached the practical discussion of the global infrastructure
project Ice Silk Road. This was stated by representatives of Vnesheconombank at the
International conference Development of the shelf of Russia[73] and the CIS — 2019 (Petroleum
Offshore of Russia), held in Moscow.

The delegates of the conference were representatives of the leadership of Russian and
corporations (Gazprom, Lukoil, Rosatom, Rosgeologiya, Vnesheconombank, Morneftegazproekt,
Murmanshelf, Russian Helicopters, etc.), as well as foreign auditors (Deloitte, member of the
world Big Four) and consulting centers (Norwegian Rystad Energy and others.).[74]
Super grid
…
The super grid project aims to develop six ultra high voltage electrical grids across China, north-
east Asia, Southeast Asia, south Asia, central Asia and west Asia. The wind power resources of
central Asia would form one component of this grid.[75][76]

Additionally proposed
…
The Bangladesh–China–India–Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM) was proposed to run from
southern China to Myanmar and was initially officially classified as "closely related to the Belt
and Road Initiative".[57] Since the second Belt and Road Forum in 2019, BCIM has been dropped
from the list of projects due to India's refusal to participate in the Belt and Road Initiative.[77]

Projects

Countries which signed cooperation documents

related to the Belt and Road Initiative

China has engaged 138 countries and 30 international organisations in the BRI.[78] Infrastructure
projects include ports, railways, highways, power stations, aviation and telecommunications.[79]

BRI by country, $ billion 2014–2018[80][81]

Construction Investment

 Pakistan 31.9  Singapore 24.3

 Nigeria 23.2  Malaysia 14.1

 Bangladesh 17.5  Russian Federation 10.4

 Indonesia 16.8  Indonesia 9.4

 Malaysia 15.8  South Korea 8.1

 Egypt 15.3  Israel 7.9

 UAE 14.7  Pakistan 7.6

Ecological issues
…
Ecological concerns are problematic for many BRI opponents including deforestation along the
Pan Borneo Highway – which spans Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei – which can cause
landslides, floods and other disaster mitigation concerns.[82] Coal-fired power stations, such as
Emba Hunutlu power station in Turkey, are being built, thus increasing greenhouse gas
emissions and global warming.[83] Glacier melting as a result of excess greenhouse gas
emissions, endangered species preservation, desertification and soil erosion as a result of
overgrazing and over farming, mining practices, water resource management, and air and water
pollution as a result of poorly planned infrastructure projects are some of the ongoing concerns
as they relate to Central Asian nations.[84]

The development of port infrastructure and increasing shipping associated with the maritime
Belt and Road Initiative could impact sensitive species and marine habitats like coral reefs,
mangroves, seagrass meadows and saltmarsh.

During the 2nd Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation (in April 2019), the Belt and
Road Initiative International Green Development Coalition (BRIGC) was launched. It brings
together the environmental expertise of all partners to ensure that the Belt and Road brings long-
term green and sustainable development to all concerned countries in support of the 2030
Agenda for Sustainable Development.[85][86][87]

Reactions and criticism

Support
…
To date, more than 130 countries have issued endorsements.[4] Moscow has been an early
partner of China, and Russia and China now have altogether 150 common projects including
natural gas pipelines and the Polar Silk Road.[88] In March 2015, Russia's First Deputy Prime
Minister Igor Shuvalov asserted that "Russia should not view the Silk Road Economic Belt as a
threat to its traditional, regional sphere of influence […] but as an opportunity for the Eurasian
Economic Union".

Singapore does not need massive external financing or technical assistance for domestic
infrastructure building, but repeatedly endorsed the BRI and cooperated in related projects in a
quest for global relevance and to strengthen economic ties with BRI recipients. Furthermore,
there is a strategic defensive factor: making sure China is not the single dominant factor in Asian
economics.[89]

While the Philippines historically have been closely tied to the United States, China has sought its
support for the BRI in terms of the quest for dominance in the South China Sea. The Philippines
has adjusted its policy in favor of Chinese claims in the South China Sea under Philippines
President Rodrigo Roa Duterte who expects support of his plans for massive infrastructure
expansion.[90]

In April 2019 and during the second Arab Forum on Reform and Development, China engaged in
an array of partnerships called "Build the Belt and Road, Share Development and Prosperity" with
18 Arab countries. The general stand of African countries sees BRI as a tremendous opportunity
for independence from foreign aid and influence.[91]

Greece, Croatia and 14 other Eastern European countries are already dealing with China within
the framework of the BRI. In March 2019, Italy was the first member of the Group of Seven
nations to join the BRI. The new partners signed a Memorandum of Understanding worth
€2.5 billion across an array of sectors such as transport, logistics and port infrastructure.[92]

Opposition
…
The United States proposes a counter-initiative called the "Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy"
(FOIP). US officials have articulated the strategy as having three pillars – security, economics,
and governance.[93] At the beginning of June 2019, there has been a redefinition of the general
definitions of "free" and "open" into four stated principles – respect for sovereignty and
independence; peaceful resolution of disputes; free, fair, and reciprocal trade; and adherence to
international rules and norms.[94]

Government officials in India have repeatedly objected to China's Belt and Road Initiative,
specifically because they believe the "China–Pakistan Economic Corridor" (CPEC) project
ignores New Delhi's essential concerns on sovereignty and territorial integrity.[95]

Accusations of neocolonialism and debt-trap

…

There has been concern over the project being a form of neocolonialism. Some Western
governments have accused the Belt and Road Initiative of being neocolonial due to what they
allege is China's practice of debt trap diplomacy to fund the initiative's infrastructure projects.[96]
China contends that the initiative has provided markets for commodities, improved prices of
resources and thereby reduced inequalities in exchange, improved infrastructure, created
employment, stimulated industrialization, and expanded technology transfer, thereby benefiting
host countries.[97] However, studies of economic experts in the practices of China found the
patterns of China's bank lending purposefully trap governments to gain strategic opportunities
for China.[98] According to Chellaney, this "clearly part of China's geostrategic vision".[99] China's
overseas development policy has been called debt-trap diplomacy because once indebted
economies fail to service their loans, they are said to be pressured to support China's
geostrategic interests.[100][101]
BRI dept trap is considered economic dimension of China's salami slice strategy.[102] China's
sovereignty slicing tactic dilutes the sovereignty of the target nations mainly using the debt trap,
Beijing pressured a debt trapped Tajikistan to handover 1,158 sq km territory which still owes
China US$1.2b out of total $2.9b debt. Other nation at the similar risk of sovereignty slicing are
Pakistan, Madagascar, Mongolia, Maldives, Kyrgyzstan Montenegro and Laos which are heavily
in Chinese debt trap.[102]

In 2018, Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad cancelled China-funded projects and
warns "there is a new version of colonialism happening", which he later clarified as not being
about China and its Belt and Road Initiative in an interview with the BBC HARDtalk.[103][104]

Mixed
…
Vietnam historically has been at odds with China, so it has been indecisive about supporting or
opposing BRI.[105]

South Korea has tried to develop the "Eurasia Initiative" (EAI) as its own vision for an east–west
connection. In calling for a revival of the ancient Silk Road, the main goal of President Park Geun-
hye was to encourage a flow of economic, political, and social interaction from Europe through
the Korean Peninsula. Her successor, President Moon Jae-in announced his own foreign policy
initiative, the "New Southern Policy" (NSP), which seeks to strengthen relations with Southeast
Asia.[106]

While Italy and Greece have joined the Belt and Road Initiative, European leaders have voiced
ambivalent opinions. German chancellor Angela Merkel declared that the BRI "must lead to a
certain reciprocity, and we are still wrangling over that bit". In January 2019 French president
Emmanuel Macron said: "the ancient Silk Roads were never just Chinese … New roads cannot go
just one way."[92] European Commission Chief Jean-Claude Juncker and Japanese Prime
Minister Shinzo Abe signed an infrastructure agreement in Brussels in September 2019 to
counter China's Belt and Road Initiative and link Europe and Asia to coordinate infrastructure,
transport and digital projects.[107][108]

In 2018, the premier of the southeastern Australian state of Victoria, Daniel Andrews, signed a
memorandum of understanding on the Belt and Road Initiative to establish infastructure ties and
further relations with China.[109][110] Home Affairs minister Peter Dutton described BRI as "a
propaganda initiative from China" that brings an "enormous amount of foreign interference" and
"Victoria needs to explain why it is the only state in the country that has entered into this
agreement". Prime minister Scott Morrison said Victoria was stepping into federal government
policy territory, "We didn’t support that decision at the time they made [the agreement]. And
national interest issues on foreign affairs are determined by the federal government, and I
respect their jurisdiction when it comes to the issues they’re responsible for and it’s always been
the usual practice for states to respect and recognise the role of the federal government in
setting foreign policy".[110][111]

Research institutions

The University Alliance of the Silk Road centered at Xi'an Jiaotong University aims to support the
Belt and Road initiative with research and engineering, and to foster understanding and
academic exchange.[112][113] A French think tank, Fondation France Chine (France-China
Foundation), focused on the study of the New Silk Roads, was launched in 2018. It is described
as pro–Belt and Road Initiative and pro-China.[114][115]

See also

Asian Highway Network

Eurasian Land Bridge

Foreign policy of China

Indo-Pacific

List of the largest trading partners of China

Trans-Asian Railway

International North–South Transport Corridor

Asia-Africa Growth Corridor

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我委等有关部⻔规范"⼀带⼀路"倡议英⽂译法"
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12. Compare: "Getting lost in 'One Belt, One Road' " . Hong Kong Economic Journal. 12 April
2016. Archived from the original on 14 April 2016. Retrieved 13 April 2016. "Simply put,
China is trying to buy friendship and political influence by investing massive amounts of
money on infrastructure in countries along the 'One Belt, One Road'."

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One Road Forum" . PR.com. 25 March 2019. Archived from the original on 30 April 2019.
Retrieved 30 April 2019.

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Further reading

Cai, Peter. Understanding China's belt and road initiative (Lowy Institute 2017) online .

Calabrese, L. (2019): Making the Belt and Road Initiative work for Africa . London: Overseas
Development Institute.

Calabrese, L. (2019): China and global development: what to read ahead of the Belt and Road
Forum . London: Overseas Development Institute.

Chansok, L. (2019): The Belt and Road Initiative and Cambodia's Infrastructure Connectivity
Development: A Cambodian Perspective. In: Cheung FM and Hong Y-Y (eds) Regional
Connection under the Belt and Road Initiative. The prospects for Economic and Financial
Cooperation. London: Routledge, pp.134–163.

Chen, Yaowen, et al. "Does the Connectivity of the Belt and Road Initiative Contribute to the
Economic Growth of the Belt and Road Countries?." Emerging Markets Finance and Trade 55.14
(2019): 3227–3240.
Contessi, Nicola P. (2016). "Central Asia in Asia: Charting Growing Transregional Linkages" .
Journal of Eurasian Studies. 7: 3–13. doi:10.1016/j.euras.2015.11.001 .

Griffiths, Richard T. Revitalising the Silk Road—China's Belt and Road Initiative (2017)
doi:10.1177/0009445518761158 online review.

He, Baogang. "Chinese expanded perceptions of the region and its changing attitudes toward
the Indo-Pacific: A hybrid vision of the institutionalization of the Indo-Pacific." East Asia 35.2
(2018): 117–132.

Ito, Asei. "China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Japan’s Response: from Non-participation to
Conditional Engagement." East Asia 36.2 (2019): 115–128.

Jones, Lee, and Jinghan Zeng. "Understanding China’s ‘Belt and Road Initiative’: beyond ‘grand
strategy’ to a state transformation analysis." Third World Quarterly 40.8 (2019): 1415–1439
online .

Kohli, Harinder S., Johannes F. Linn, and Leo M. Zucker, eds. China's Belt and Road Initiative:
Potential Transformation of Central Asia and the South Caucasus (Sage, 2019).

Lai, Karen P.Y., Shaun Lin and James D. Sidaway. "Financing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI):
Research agendas beyond the “debt-trap” discourse." Eurasian Geography and Economics61.2
(2020): 109–124.

Liu, Hong, and Guanie Lim. "The political economy of a rising China in Southeast Asia:
Malaysia’s response to the Belt and Road Initiative." Journal of Contemporary China 28.116
(2019): 216–231. online

Lin, Shaun and Carl Grundy-Warr. “Navigating Sino-Thai ‘rocky’ bilateral ties: The geopolitics of
riverine trade in the Greater Mekong Subregion.” Environment and Planning C: Politics and
Space 38.5 (2020): 826-833.

Lin, Shaun, James D. Sidaway and Woon Chih Yuan. "Reordering China, respacing the world:
Belt and Road Initiative (⼀带⼀路) as an emergent geopolitical culture." The Professional
Geographer 71.3 (2019): 507–522.

Park, Albert. Which Countries Have Benefited the Most from China's Belt and Road Initiative?.
(No. 2019-32. HKUST Institute for Emerging Market Studies, 2019) online .

Scissors, Derek. "The Belt and Road is Overhyped, Commercially." AEI Paper & Studies
(American Enterprise Institute, 2019) online

Shah, Abdur Rehman. "China's Belt and Road Initiative: The Way to the Modern Silk Road and
the Perils of Overdependence." Asian Survey 59.3 (2019): 407–428. DOI:
10.1525/as.2019.59.3.407

Sidaway, James D., Simon C. Rowedder, Chih Yuan Woon, Weiqiang Lin and Vattana Pholsena.
“Introduction: Research agendas raised by the Belt and Road Initiative.” Environment and
 Planning C: Politics and Space 38.5 (2020): 795-802 doi:10.1177/2399654420911410

Tjia, Yin-nor Linda. "The Unintended Consequences of Politicization of the Belt and Road’s
China-Europe Freight Train Initiative." The China Journal 83.1 (2020): 58–78
doi:10.1086/706743

Vakulchuk, Roman and Indra Overland (2019): China's Belt and Road Initiative through the Lens
of Central Asia, in Fanny M. Cheung and Ying-yi Hong (eds) Regional Connection under the Belt
and Road Initiative. The prospects for Economic and Financial Cooperation. London: Routledge,
115–133. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/329310641

Winter, Tim. "Geocultural Power: China’s Belt and Road Initiative." Geopolitics (2020): 1–24.
doi:10.1080/14650045.2020.1718656

World Pensions Council (WPC) policy paper: Chinese Revolution Could Lure Overseas
Investment , Dow Jones Financial News, 12 October 2015.

The New York Times – "Behind China's $1 Trillion Plan" , 13 May 2017.

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to One Belt, One Road.

Official website by State Council

Official website by Office of the Leading Group for the Belt and Road Initiative

Belt and Road Initiative – Hong Kong

Belt and Road Initiative – South China Morning Post