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Having, Being and Higher Education - The Marketisation of The University and The Transformation of The Student Into Consumer
Having, Being and Higher Education - The Marketisation of The University and The Transformation of The Student Into Consumer
To cite this article: Mike Molesworth , Elizabeth Nixon & Richard Scullion (2009) Having, being and
higher education: the marketisation of the university and the transformation of the student into
consumer, Teaching in Higher Education, 14:3, 277-287, DOI: 10.1080/13562510902898841
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Teaching in Higher Education
Vol. 14, No. 3, June 2009, 277287
Centre for Excellence in Media Practice, The Media School at Bournemouth University,
Poole, UK
education that has accompanied its expansion has resulted in some sections
becoming pedagogically limited. We draw from Fromm’s humanist philosophy
based on having to argue that the current higher education (HE) market discourse
promotes a mode of existence, where students seek to ‘have a degree’ rather than
‘be learners’. This connects pedagogic theory to a critique of consumer culture.
We argue that a ‘market-led’ university responds to consumer calls by focusing on
the content students want at a market rate. It may decrease intellectual complexity
if this is not in demand, and increase connections with the workplace if this is
desired. Once, under the guidance of the academic, the undergraduate had the
potential to be transformed into a scholar, someone who thinks critically, but in
our consumer society such ‘transformation’ is denied and ‘confirmation’ of the
student as consumer is favoured. We further argue that there is a danger that the
new HE’s link to business through the expansion of vocational courses in
business, marketing and related offerings, inevitably embeds expanded HE in a
culture of having. This erodes other possible roles for education because a
consumer society is unlikely to support a widened HE sector that may work to
undermine its core ideology.
Keywords: Fromm; marketisation; student as consumer; vocational education;
transformation
Introduction
In September 2006 a brochure is sent to staff at a post-1992 British university
claiming that ‘Higher Education is changing . . . and so must we’. It goes on to warn
that ‘competition is increasing’, ‘students are becoming more demanding’ and that
‘we need to communicate in a consistent and engaging way’. It presents a new
corporate logo, positioning statement and institutional ‘core values’. It concludes
that ‘it is up to all of us to deliver on the brand’ and to ‘bring the brand to life in
everything we do’. The overall message is that the higher education institution (HEI)
is now a business, promoting services via its brand. To further confirm this, the Vice-
Chancellor sends a solicitous message to staff, ‘[the university] . . . will now be
competing for students, staff, research and enterprise support, rankings and various
measures of prestige in ways that must seem alien to those who see higher education
as being above the marketplace throng’.
Our concern is that parts of British higher education (BHE) are pedagogically
constrained by the marketisation that has accompanied its expansion. Given that
universities once aimed to change the student’s intellectual perspective on the world,
we use Fromm’s humanist philosophy to argue that the current market discourse
promotes a mode of existence where students seek to ‘have a degree’ rather than ‘be
learners’. There has long been a tension between ‘idealised’ notions of the purpose of
a university and the reality of students’ experiences. Rothblatt (1993) offers a
compelling history of constant tensions between liberal education and HE. However,
we believe that the purposes and activities of a university are worth debating
frequently and we do so now because of recent radical changes in BHE. With the
degree of marketisation seen in many HEIs, students and the institutions they attend
look only to satisfy a consumer culture which negates even the possibility that higher
education changes the individual’s outlook. Instead many HEIs prepare the student
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on universities. In the USA some say this position has become a form of academic
orthodoxy (Potts 2005).
Evidence of increased market orientation in UK HE is easy to find. Some
universities are using sales techniques to attract students with free laptops, whilst
advertisements for HE courses feature job and career prospects very prominently
(Ford 2007; Lacey 2006; and see Education Guardian 19 August 2006). Our own
institution is currently running an MA recruitment poster campaign claiming, ‘Get a
better job, get a Masters’. The Times Higher chronicles this market influence with
articles reporting, for example, the potential introduction of business executives with
no teaching experience into school senior management levels (Meikle 2007). The
economic imperative driving the expansion of HE has also instigated an increase in
the uptake of vocational degrees (UCAS 2007) which, coupled with the employ-
ability agenda, prioritises the needs of industry for such universities and this is
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being mode of living to notions of ‘good’ education. Fromm’s work may also be
inherently elitist, idealist and essentialist: ‘optimal realisation of one’s species
nature . . . is the goal of life’ he claims (Fromm 1976, 77). Yet we consider Fromm
in this context because of the marketisation of education that positions it as another
aspect of a problematic consumer culture.
literature that privileges deep learning and with Fromm’s being mode of living. So it
is not merely that engendering deep approaches to learning may be discordant with
vocational students’ orientations to study, our concern is that the opportunity for an
‘education for being’ is being eliminated in some HEIs by the discourse of ‘good
business’, and that to many ‘good business’ and ‘good education’ are now
synonymous. For example, industry placements have become more popular (Naudé
and Ivy 1999) but contribute to the instrumentality of students’ approaches by
emphasising the acquisition of proficiencies in order to ‘hit the ground running’ in a
graduate’s first job. In confirming that the role of a degree is to get a job, a placement
undermines other potential aims for HE. The vocational tag is largely decoded as a
sales device: as the south coast institution’s internal propaganda puts it, ‘[the
institution] prides itself on its strong connections with the professions and the real
world’. The real world, it seems, is the commercial one and education that deals with
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abstraction, critical thought and theory, is placed outside of a student’s ‘real life’. It
may be particularly ironic in the context of an agenda for lifelong learning that
learning is dismissed in this way by a vocational focus.
The desire to secure a professional job on graduation tends to increase the
importance attributed to assessment. Becker et al.’s US research in the 1960s found
students’ life at university was dominated by assessment demands even when this was
at odds with the espoused curriculum (Entwistle 1997). The ‘hidden’ curriculum of
this environment, the messages received by students implicitly but strongly about the
values of the institution and so-called ‘success’, obliterates sophisticated forms of
learning that we understand as indicators of a being orientation. Some students in
this study believed that attempting to ‘really’ learn something, being a learner, would
‘handicap you as far as getting a grade goes’ (Entwistle 1997, 147). Without
discussion between staff and students of what might constitute ‘success’ in the
academic environment, getting a degree by achieving a certain mark dominates, and
the tutor is at least complicit in allowing this to emerge and persist.
For Fromm then, an education system based on having recreates the subject to fit
closely into existing consumer culture. But the university experience can and should
offer a self-reflective space in which a student comes to challenge how we think and
live and in so doing becomes intellectually more complex.
the consumer their purchase. And if low grades or high failure rates as published in
league tables translate into fewer applications, a direct link may be established
between high numbers of passes and the economic success of the institution, further
reducing difficult material and inflating academic policy that maximises pass rates.
For example, course regulations may allow for lower pass marks, more compensation
for failed work, more assessment resubmissions, and greater discretion in marginal
cases; all things that we have witnessed at our institution. Similar issues have been
reported this year (BBC 2008a; Gill 2008). Another report (Coughlan 2008b) claims
that overseas students are ‘buying’ masters degrees even from ‘top’ UK universities
without the necessary language and academic skills. The ideology of the market
justifies these practices by focusing on financial success. And if an institution does
not meet student expectations, then students will simply find another supplier who
will. Although some institutions may maintain a ‘premium’ position in the market,
for others this may cause a competitive urge to secure students and their fees through
increasing promises of high grades and easy workloads.
To maximise their connections with industry and reassure potential student
customers, marketised institutions may also recruit teaching staff directly from
industry the very market space that the institution now serves to further ensure
that industry relevant skills, rather than critical reflections, are the focus of delivery.
Again, Fromm raised concerns on such issues but Ron Barnett’s work (1997, 2004)
for example, also highlights why students and now staff may reject the idea of
intellectual transformation. For Barnett, education should disturb human ‘being’ in
order to prepare students to cope and thrive in a world of increasing complexity. He
asserts that the task of education should be to question our existence and that the
transition towards a being mode can be an uncomfortable experience. Fromm implies
that a having mode of existence on the other hand, gives an illusion of security and
only a temporary sense of meaningfulness, that is ultimately empty and futile.
Tutors need to recognise the complexity of the mentoring process and it is
debatable whether industry experience is suitable preparation since it is rooted in the
having mode. Academic training based on being a scholar may be better preparation
for future mentoring, yet academics are increasingly invited to focus on a having
mode. They are not scholars, but ‘employees’ who have publications, an RAE score,
high ‘teaching scores’ and consultancy work. If they have enough, they receive better
job titles and performance-related pay. Our own institution’s strategic plan details
the necessity to have a certain percentage of staff with higher qualifications, contacts
284 M. Molesworth et al.
in industry and enterprise projects through competitive bidding. The critical voices
of academics that resist the totalising logic of the market are dismissed as idealistic
and impractical.
are affected by the broader societal debates about their utility in terms of knowledge,
research, professionalisation and economic growth but crucially, that universities
participate and make a major contribution to that debate. Our concern is that once
HEIs are subsumed within the discourse of the market, their ability to comment is
reduced. Furthermore, we argue that the marketisation of HE, specifically in our
case though vocational degrees, has undermined the case for HE even to attempt to
transform students into a being orientation. The most desirable outcome of
vocational HE is now accepted (potentially by tutors, students and the management
of institutions) as the fulfilment of a having mode of living. Such an educational
ideology one that captures it within the market is potentially totalising. It may
stifle the potential for further debate because the criteria for evaluating the purpose
of HE becomes determined by the market. The role of a university is driven by
market desires rather than a negotiation with broader society.
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Conclusion
A being orientation within education requires academic professionals to act as
sovereign but a market orientation a having mode must satisfy the desires of
student customers. Thus a marketised HE environment prevents those who have the
capacity to co-create a pedagogically sound experience from doing so. Markets
whose service personnel may persistently and deliberately ignore the most vocal
wants of their customers and then set them a difficult task that is neither desired nor
requested are considered failures. Incorporating marketing mechanics into HE thus
inevitably transforms pedagogic practice from being to having, from a learning
experience of challenge, risk and potential transformation to one where we mistake
such experiences as skills to acquire, ‘things’ to possess. Yet as Rothblatt (1993, 72)
concludes, one tradition of liberal education is to recognise that ‘we are greater than
the sum of our proficiencies’.
Fromm’s call for education that directs the individual away from the having of
consumer culture combined with the call of educationalists for HE to develop
critical and reflective thinkers consistent with a being orientation may be
fundamentally at odds with vocational HE. At its heart, the tension is between the
conception of HE as a financial investment and those who believe it ought to be
understood in terms of intellectual development. What would be the value of a
vocational degree in public relations, advertising, media production or leisure
management, that produced students who may become largely critical of the raison
d’être of the very industries that they are preparing to join? Such reflective students
might gain employment but perhaps their critical abilities would limit their ability to
do these jobs without angst about their value or the purpose of the commodities that
their salaries allow them to buy? Might an education for being produce individuals
who may come to see no worth in these industries? Might it result in their rejection of
many of the prevailing dominant norms of society? From this perspective we suspect
that our consumer society would never knowingly pay for a system that effectively
encouraged its deconstruction/reconstruction. Calls for a ‘good’ education therefore
fail to recognise that such education is at some fundamental levels at odds with our
consumer society, here articulated through using Fromm’s theory of having and being
modes of living. In this sense the expansion of HE has changed one of its core roles
for many new institutions, from a source of innovation and critique of existing
286 M. Molesworth et al.
culture and norms (albeit a rather elitist one in terms of access), to a source of
socialisation into existing culture and norms.
At one level this may represent only a minor concern revolving around the notion
of public accountability and the lack of transparency in the pedagogic provision of
some HEIs. Equally, this paper may be seen as simply highlighting how market-
isation is creating more divergence in the learning experience offered between various
sections of HE. More cynically, we suggest that the original role still exists in elite
HEIs, and that expansion of HE now simply masks this, whilst producing a more
confident and content mass who remain a willing workforce.
So we conclude with a question: can an expanded vocational HE system that is
set up for a having mode of living still fulfil the educational promise of personal
transformation? This is consistent with Shankar and Fitchett’s (2002, 513) call for
marketing for being, ‘Marketing efforts need to be geared towards helping consumers
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achieve and maintain viable and rewarding states of being’. If this is true for
marketing in general, it is especially true for a marketised HE. Yet as Caru and Cova
(2003) point out, the experiential marketing approach that Shankar and Fitchett
propose for a ‘marketing for being’ contains a particularly narrow definition of
experience. More marketing theory applied to HE is probably not the answer.
Instead tutors must critically reflect on their role in maintaining education as
personal transformation and therefore resist the pressures from both managers and
students. A step towards this is to vocalise and theorise these concerns, as we do here,
but ultimately these concerns must be turned into action that resist the current
dominant discourse of the neo-liberal HEI. We recognise that deliberation on
practice is demanding and that many of the pressures currently being placed on those
who work in HE are to ‘work smarter’ nearly always a euphemism for market-
oriented efficiencies. The prime purpose of this paper has been to ask readers to
engage in the intellectual challenge of reflecting on the role of tutors, students and
managers within changing HE, using Fromm’s having and being thesis as illumina-
tion, and in doing so, we aim to reinstate other purposes especially the intellectual
transformation of the student within their practice.
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