Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Baumrind's Contribution
Baumrind's (1971) authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive typolo-
gies are currently widely employed models of parenting styles. Baumrind
also conceptuahzed other types of parents including rejecting-neglecting, non-
conforming, authoritative nonconforming, authoritarian-rejecting-neglecting,
etc. Baumrind (1991) later discussed sex-role traditional as an additional
type of parent. For the purposes of this paper we address the three main
types of parenting styles commonly studied (authoritative, authoritarian, per-
missive). Over the past two decades, research in the United States based on
Baumrind's three major prototypes has yielded a consistent picture of the
types of parenting thought to enhance or mitigate the successful socialization
of middle-class children. For example, authoritative parenting style has been
shown to assist young children and adolescents develop instrumental compe-
tence which is characterized by psychosocial maturity, cooperation with peers
and adults, responsible independence, and academic success (for reviews, see
Baumrind, 197 1, 1989, 1991). Many methodological strategies currently used
to derive Baumrind's three main typologies are limited in many respects.
The purpose of this report is to introduce findings regarding a new measure
designed to assess empirically these typologies for parents of preschool and
school-age children.
Methodological Strategies and Limitations
Baurnrind's conceptualization encompasses parents' attitudes and values
'Requests for reprints should be sent to Clyde C. Robinson, Department of Family Sciences,
Brigham Young University, Provo, UT 84604.
820 C. C. ROBINSON, E T A .
about parenting, their beliefs about the nature of children as well as the spe-
cific practices they employ to socialize their children. Baurnrind used a mul-
timethod approach to assess parenting styles that included parents' rating
scales, psychologists' Q-sorts, and behavioral observations. For research on
socialization, however, Baumrind's approach has several disadvantages. For
example, because observations and interviewing are extensive, fewer subjects
can be included in studies. In addition, the cost for the approach is high in
terms of special training required for data-gathering personnel and the time
required for collecting data.
A common strategy in assessing Baumrind's three main typologies has
been to obtain adolescents' reports of parents' parenting styles (e.g., Buri,
1991; Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987; Green-
berger, 1988; Steinberg, Elmen, & Mounts, 1989; Steinberg, Larnborn, Dorn-
busch, & Darling, 1992; Steinberg, Mounts, Lamborn, & Dornbusch, 1991).
These indirect parenting measures, completed by adolescents and used in as-
sessing adolescent outcomes, eliminate several disadvantages of Baumrind's
approach; however, these particular methods may be unsatisfactory for use
with younger children since they are designed particularly for adolescents
reporting on how they were parented and academic-related content is often
used in the questionnaire items.
Specifically, the challenge for preadolescent children is that they may
not assess accurately their parents' parenting practices. Thus, a widely used
parenting-practices instrument, developed for parents of young children, has
been Block's (1965) Child-rearing Practices Report, a 91-item Q-sort. Disad-
vantages of this report are that (a) it contains a large number of determined
factors (28 to 33) with moderate to low reliabhties, (b) it does not ade-
quately tap Baurnrind's typology, and (c) it is comprised of many items
which may be outdated or inconsistent with the current literature. Also,
items which tap the parental belief domain, e.g., "I believe that a child
should be seen and not heard," and items which tap the parental practice
domain, e.g., "I don't go out if I have to leave my child with a stranger,"
are incorporated into Block's report without distinguishing between the two
domains. In adhtion, few items in Block's report describe inductive reason-
ing, and few items can be classified into Baumrind's conceptualizations of
authoritative parental behavior of child-centeredness versus parent-centered-
ness. Only one item addresses the issue of democratic give and take. Rickel
and Biasatti (1982) showed that Block's report can be revised into a ques-
tionnaire in which a 6-point scale is employed without decreasing reliability
or affecting the factor structure.
Some attempts have been made by researchers interested in socializa-
tion (Kochanska, Kuczynski, & Radke-Yarrow, 1989; Trickett & Susman,
1988) to reduce the number of factors in the Block report and make them
PARENTING PRACTICES, A MEASURE 82 1
tors with eigenvalues greater than one were extracted from the Authoritative
Items accounting for 47.4% of the variance. These factors were labeled (a)
Warmth and Involvement with 11 items, (b) Reasoninghduction with 7
items, (c) Democratic Participation with 5 items, and (d) Good Natured/
Easy Going with 4 items. Four factors with eigenvalues greater than one
were extracted from the Authoritarian Items accounting for 46.8% of the
variance. These factors were labeled (a) Verbal Hostility with 4 items, (b)
Corporal Punishment with 6 items, (c) Nonreasoning, Punitive Strategies
with 6 items, and (d) Directiveness with 4 items. Three factors with eigenval-
ues greater than one were extracted from the Permissive Items accounting
for 40.3% of the variance. These factors were labeled (a) Lack of Follow
Through with 6 items, (b) Ignoring Misbehavior with 4 items, and (c) Self-
confidence with 5 items. Table 1 presents the means, standard deviations,
factor loadmgs, and descriptions of items within each global typology.
These results suggest that parenting questions consistent with Baum-
rind's three main typologies can be empirically derived. Also, a number of
conceptually coherent factors identified within each typology may prove to
be useful in predicting differential developmental outcomes (cf. D a r h g &
Steinberg, 1993). This measure can be used with both mothers and fathers
who are parents of preschool and/or school-age children. A sample of the
mothers' form of the instrument is found in the Appendix (pp. 829-8301,
The fathers' form is the same except for pronoun changes. This instrument
can also be modified for intergenerational studies. ~ d u l t sreport on how
they were parented by their mothers or fathers as children. Researchers must
investigate the correlations of the factors with both child and family out-
come measures to assess the validity of the inventory.
REFERENCES
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day and tomzorrow. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Pp. 349-378.
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an & M. Hetherington ( ~ 4 . )Family. iratr.rifions.Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Pp. 111-163.
BLOCK,J. H. (1965) The child-rearing practices report: a technique for evaluating parental social-
izafio~zorientations. Berkeley, CA: Univer. of Caltfornia, Institute of Human Develop-
ment.
BURI,J. R. (1991) Parental Authority Questionnaire. ]or,rml of Perso)zaliiy Assessment, 57,
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APPENDIX
QUE.S~ONNAIRE
PARENTINGPRACTICES (MOTHERS'
FORM)
Make two ratings for each item; (1) rate how often your spouse exhibits this behavior with
your child and (2) how often you exhibit this behavior with your child.
Spouse Exhibits Behavior: I Exhibit This Behavior:
I =Never 1 = Never
2 =Once in Awhile 2 =Once in Awhile
3 =About Half of the Time 3 =About Half of the Time
4 =Very Often 4 =Very Often
5 =Always 5 =Always
APPENDIX (Cont'd)
PARENTING
PRACTICES (MOTHERS'
QUESTIONNAIRE FORM)
-- 30. [He isl[I am] afraid that disciplining our child for misbehavior will cause
the child to not like hisher parents.
31. [He takesl[I takel our child's desires into account before a s h g the child
to do something.
32. [He explodesl[I explode] in anger towards our child.
33. [He isl[I am1 aware of problems or concerns about our child in school.
34. [He threatensl[I threaten] our child with punishmenr more often chan
actually giving it.
35. [He ex ressesl[I express] affection by hugging, kissing, and holding our
chil!
[He ignores] [I ignore] our child's misbehavior.
[He usesl[I use1 physical punishmenr as a way of disciplining our child.
[He carriesl[I carry] out discipline after our child misbehaves.
[He apologizesl[I apologize] to our child when making a mistake in parent-
L"P
[He tellsl[I cell] our child what to do.
[He givesl[I give1 into our child when the child causes a commotion about
something.
[He talks it over and reasonsl[I talk it over and reason] with our child
when the child misbehaves.
[He slapsl[I slap] our child when the child misbehaves.
[He disagreesl[I disagree] with our child.
[He allowsl[I allow] our child to interrupt others.
[He hasl[I have1 warm and intimate times together with our child.
When two children are fighting, [he disciplinesl[I discipline] the children
first and asks questions later.
[He encouragesl[I encourage] our child to freely express (himself)(herself)
even when dsagreeing with parents.
[He bribesl[I bribe] our child with rewards to bring about compliance.
[He scolds or criticizes][I scold or criucize] when our child's behavior
doesn't meet our expectations.
[He showsl[I show] respect for our child's opinions by encouraging our
child to express them.
[He setsIlI set] strict well-established rules for our child.
[He ex lainsl[I explainl to our child how we feel about the child's good
and %ad behavior.
[He usesl[I use] threats as punishmenr with little or no jusufication.
[He takesl[I takel into account our child's preferences in making plans for
the family.
When our child asks why (he)(she) has to conform, [he statesl[I state]: be-
cause 1said so, or I am your parent and I want you to.
[He appearsl[I appear] unsure on how to solve our child's misbehavior.
[He explainsl[I explain] the consequences of the child's behavior.
[He demands] [I demand] that our child does/do chings.
[He channels][I channel] our child's misbehavior into a more acceptable
activity.
61. [He shovesl[I shovel our child when the child is disobedient.
-- 62. [He emphasizesl[I emphasize] the reasons for rules.