VISUAL TYPOLOGIES FROM THE EARLY MODERN TO THE CONTEMPORARY Local Contexts and Global Practices >) nN he TARA ZANARDI AND LYNDA KLICH ___ ROUTLEDGE RESEARCH IN ART HISTORY aVisual Typologies from the Early Modern to the Contemporary Local Contexts and Global Practices Edited by Tara Zanardi and Lynda Klich Q Routledge Tyler Fran Group [NEW YORK AND LONDONFirst published 2019 by Routledge TI Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX 14 4RN Routledge isan ienprine of the Taylor & Francis Group. ar informa bousiaess © 2019 Tara Zanardi and Lynda Klich “The right of the editors to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chaprers, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced of utilised in any farm or by any electronic, mecha ical, other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, oF in any information storage or retrieval system, without pettnission in writing fram the publishers, Trademark notice: Product or crposate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging-in Publication Data A-eatalogue record for this book is available from che Beitish Libraey ISBN: 978-1-138-20013.5 thbk} ISBN: 978-1-315-51513-7 febk) ‘Typeset én Sabon by Que of Flouse PublishingContents List of Pigitres Contributor Biographies Acknowledgments Introduction: Visual Typologies from the Early Modern to the Contemporary: Local Contexts and Global Practices TARA ZANARBI AND IYNDA KLICH PARTI Repeating, Scrializing, and Borrowing the Type 1 Fashion, Nation, and Morality in English Allegorical Costume Prints, ca. 1620-40 HGATHER A, HUGHES 2 Bodies of Work in the ancien régime: The Costumes Grotesques by Nicolas I de Larmessin SARAIL E, BUCK 3 The Color of the Orient: On Ottoman Costume Albums, European Print Culture, and Cross-Cultural Exchange ELISABETH FRASER 4 On and Off the Tram: Contemporary Types and Customs in Madrid's Illustrated and Satirical Press (1874-1898) VANESA RODRIGUTZ-GALINDO PART I Staging Place 5 Venice: City of Fashion and Power it como Franco's Habiti Chuomini et donne venetiane (ca.1610) PUGRNEA PAULICELL 13 31 45 78 77vi Comtents 6 Costuming the Empire: A Study on the Production of Tributary Paintings at the Qianlong Court in Fighteenth-Century China YU-CHIE Lat 7 Enrique Diaz’s Parade of Progress: Toward a Streamlined Mexican Future DENISE BIRKHOFER PART TL Performing the Documentary 8 “True Types of the London Poor”: Street Life in London’s Transitional Typology EMILY KATHRYN MORGAN © The Myth of the Baiana in Nineteenth-Century Portrait Photography MAYA JIMENEZ 1 S Circulating lo mexicano in Mauricio Yaiicz’s Postcards LYNDA KLICIE 11 It is Written in Their Faces: Seri Women and Facial Painting in Photography DEBORAH DOROTINSKY PARTIV The Materials of Typology 12 Fashioning a Nation: Military Dress in Peruvian Independence, 1821-1822 NATALIA MAJLUE 13 From Global Traveler to Costumbrista Motif: The Manton de Manila and the Appropriation of the Exotic TARA ZANARDI 14 Cloth, Clothing, and Colonial Power: France and West Africa at the Expositions VICTORIA L, ROVINE 90 104 119 121 135 150 166 183 185 200 214Contents vii 15 Against “Fashion-Time”: Bernhard Willhelm, Regional Folk Dress and the Contemporary 229 CARLENE K. LAU PART V Unmasking Stereotypes 245 16 Ambassadors 4 la turque: Assimilation and Dissimulation in Eightcenth-Century Images of French-Ottoman Diplomacy 247 ASHLEY BRUCK BAUER 17 The Transmediterranean Routes of Fashion: Between Material Expression and Artistic Representation 262 LEYLA BELKAID-NERI 18 Julio Galén and the Type: Fashioning a “Border” Aesthetic 277 TERESA ECKMANN Index 291Figures 1 1.2 13 1.5 1.6 24 22 23 Robert Vaughan, “April” from The XII Mounthes of the Yeare it the Habits of Severall Nations, ca, 1620-23. Engraving. First state, published by Hester (?) Holland. 1931,1114.625.4. British Museum, London, Image © The Trustees of the British Museum Robert Vaughan, “September” from The XII Mounthes of the Yeare in the Habits of Severall Nations, ca. 1620-23. Engraving, First state, published by Hester (?) Holland, 1931,1114.625.9. British Museum, London. Image © The Trustees of the British Museum Crispijn van de Passe I1,“September” from The Twelve Months in Costiemes of Various Nations, ca. 1615-1620. Engraving. RP-P-2002-694. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, John Goddard, The Seaven Deadly Sins, ca. 1640. Engraving, Second (2) stare, published by Thomas Jenner. 479697. The Huntington Library, San Marino, nia William Marshall, “Melancholy” from The Foure Complexions, ca. 1630-40. Engraving. Second state, published by John Garrett. 1863,0808.87. British Muscum, London. Image © The Trustees of the British Museum, William Marshall, Charles I and Family, ca. 1637-40. Engraving RCIN 601889. Royal Collection Trust/@ Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth 12017 Nicolas [ de Larmessin, Habit de Paticier, ca. 1688-1694. Ftd engraving. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, Reserves du Bibliothtque Musée de POpéra Library, RES 926 (11). Photo © Bibliothéque nationale de France Jean-Baptiste Bonnart, Le Patissier, after 1685. Hand-colored engraving, ‘on paper. Los Angeles County Museum of Art, M.2002.57.176 (plate 176 of the Recueil des modes de la cour de France, bound 1703-)4). Photo © Museum Associates/LACMA Nicolas I de Larmessin, Habit de Musicien, ca. 1688-1694. Etching and engraving. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, Reserves du Bibliotheque Musée de POpéra Library, RES 926 (11). 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Il gioco del calcia (The Game of soccer}, by Giacomo Franco. The General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University 5A Dogaressa Morosini sul Bucintoro, by Giacomo Franco. The General Collection, Beinceke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University 5.5 Sebastiano Venier, Habiti, 1609, by Giacomo Franco. The General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University 6.1 Xie Sui, Imperial Qing Hlustrations uf Tributary Peoples. National Palace Museum, Taipei 6.2. Top: Attributed to Gu Degian of the Southern Tang dynasty (937-975), After Emperor Yuan (SO8-555)'s Barbarian Guests Sending Tributes to the Court (Gu Degian mo Liang Yuandi fanke ru chao tu. National Palace Museum, Taipei Bottom: Attributed to Yan Liben (601-673), Tributary Painting. National Palace Museum, Taipei 6.3 Joan Blaeu, Americae nova tabula, 1635. New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed November 6, 2017. hetp://digitalcollections.nyplorgfitems/4b3986c0-£8c8-01 32-3233- 58d 385a7bbd0 6.4 a: “Barbarian people governed by the town of Songfan in Sichuan province,” lmages of Barbarians. First Historical Archives of China, Beijing b: “Barbarian people governed by the town of Songfan in Sichuan, province,” Illustrations of Tributary Peoples. 2011 Spring Auction Catalogue of Beijing Hanhai Auction Co., Ltd, Beijing : “Barbarian people governed by the town of Songfan in Sichuan province,” in Xie Sui, Imperial Qing Illustrations of Tributary Peoples. National Palace Museum, Taipei d; “Barbarian people governed by the town of Songfan in Sichuan province,” in Imperial Qing Ilustrations of Tributary Peoples, Palace Museum, Beijing 6.5. Left: Anonymous, Ten Thousand Cosmtries Coming to Court (Wanguo laichao tn). Palace Museum, Beijing (accession no. 0006273) Right: Anonymous, Ten Thousand Countries Coming ta Cowert (Wanguo laichao tw). Palace Museum, Beijing (accession no. 0006274) 6.6 ‘Top: Envoys depicted in ‘Ten Thousand Countries Coming to Court. Palace Museum, Beijing (accession no. 0006273) Bottom: Male Figures from Imperial Qing Illustrations of Tributary Peoples. National Palace Museum, Taipei 7.1 Women in regional dress pose in front of Streamliners at the General ‘Motors Parade of Progress in Mexico City, 1938. Photograph by ‘nrique Diaz, Archivo Gencral de la Nacién. Fondo Diaz, Delgado, ‘arcia y 7.2 Article on the General Motors Parade of Progeess in Hoy, January 15, 1938, with photographs by Enrique Diaz. Photo by the author 82 83 85 a1 9S 96 oF 97 97 ar 99 100 100 105 107 a os . * aList of Figures xi 7.3. A model in‘Tehuana costume poses with a General Motors Streamfiner at the Parade of Progress, Mexico City, 1938. Photograph by Enrigue Diaz, Archivo General de la Nacién, Fondo Diaz, Delgado, y Garcia ‘A model in Hueyapan costume poses with a General Motors Streamliner at the Parade of Progress, Mexico City, 1938. Photograph by Enrique Diaz. Archivo General de la Nacién. Fondo Diaz, Delgado, y Garcia Juan Carreito de Miranda, The Virgin of Atocha, ca. 1680. Oil on. canvas, Museo Nacional del Prado A model in Huichol costume poses in the “modern kitchen” at the Parade of Progress, Mexico City, 1938. Photograph by Enrique Diaz. Archive General de la Nacién, Fondo Diaz, Delgado, sarcia tela Ruiz in Tehuana costume at the New York World's Fair, Queens, New York, 1940, Photograph by Luis Marquez Romay. Archivo Fotografico “Manuel Toussaint” del Instituto de Investigaciones Escéticas-UNAM John Thomson, “London Cabmen,” from Adolphe Smith and John Thomson, Street Life it London (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, 1877-78). Woodburytype. From the Collections of the London School of Economies (LSE) Library ‘Marcellus Laroon, “New River Water,” from The Cryes of the city of London drawne after the life, London, 1711, pl. 61. Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC-USZ62-78104 John Thomson, “Recruiting Sergeants at Westminster,” from Adolphe Smith and John Thomson, Street Life in London (London; Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, 1877-78}. Woodburytype. From the Collections of the LSE Library John Thomson, “London Boardmen,” from Adolphe Smith and John. Thomson, Street Life in London (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, 1877-78}. Woodburytype. From the Collections of the LSE Library $5 John Thomson, “Flying Dustmen,” from Adolphe Smith and John Thomson, Street Life in London (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, 1877-78). Woodburytype. From the Collections of the LSE Library Mare Ferree, Sister of lrmandade Boa Morte, 1885, from Bahia, Brazil Ethnologisches Museum, Staatliche Museen, Berlin, Germany. Albert Eelchout, African Woman, 1641, oil on canvas. National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen Unidentified Artist, Woman from Babia, Brazil, mid 19th., oil on canvas. Collection of the Paulista Museum of the University of Sao Paulo ‘Christiano Junior, Cartes de visite, 1860. Museu Historico Nacional, Rio de Janciro9.5 10.4 10.5 10.6 11.2 11.3 11.6 W 12.1 List of Figures Marc Ferrez, Woman from Bahia ca. 1885, from Bahia, Brazil Ethnologisches Muscum, Staatliche Museen, Berlin, Germany Alberto Henschel, Negra da Babia, ca, 1869, albumen print. Leibniz Institute for Regional Geography, Archive for Geography, $Am021-0062 Mauricio Yaiiez, Jarros (Pitchers), México, late 1920s. Real photogeaph on postcard stock, 512" x 314". Angel Lopez, Collection, New York Mauricio Yates, El jarabe tapatio, México, 1937. Real photograph on postcard stack, 5%" x 34%". Angel Lopes Gollection, New York Hesiquio Iriarte, Cargador. Color lithograph from Los mexicanos pintados por si mismos: tipos y costumbres nacionales, 1854-5. Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection, The University of Texas at Austin Mauricio Yaiiex, Vendedores de canastos, Mex. (Basket vendors, Mex{ico}), late 1920s. Real photograph on postcard stock, 34" x 54", Collection of Leonard A. Lauder, New York Casasola Archive, Mexico City Street, ca. 1920. Fotoreca Nacional, INAH, SINAFO, inv. 5812. Reproduction authorized by the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia ¢ Historia, Mexico Mauricio Yaitez, Charro, Charra y China Poblana, Mex., 1937. Real photograph on postcard stock, 514" x 344". Angel Lopez Collection, New York Seri women, with self-portrait of Gracicla Iturbide. In Arnulfo Embriz, Osorio (coord.}. México Indigena México Plariculraral, 2004 “Yndios Seri” Bernal Estudio Fotografico, Hermosillo Sonora, ca. 1892. © 465760 Secretaria de cultura, INAH.SINAFO.FN.MX. Reproduction authorized by the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia © Historia “Seri Belle,” from William John MeGee, The Seri. Extract from the Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureax of American Ethnology, 1898. Courtesy of the AMNH Library Raiil Estrada Discua, image of page from “Brown Albums”, Fotoreca Constantino Reyes-Valerio, Coordinacion Nacional de Monumentos Historicos-INAH. Reproduction authorized by the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia ¢ Historia Luis Marquez (1899-1978), Indigenas Seris de la Ista Tiburdn, Sonora, México, cat, #08730193 “Archivo Fotografico Manuel Toussaint”, Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, UNAM *Congeaae, la tribu que agoniza”, Martana, October 1958. Bibl “Ruben Bonifaz Nuio”, Instituto de Investigaciones Filolégicas, UNAM ca 7 Mujer Angel, 1979, Sonora Desert. @ Graciela Tturbide José Gil de Castro, José Bernardo de Tagle y Portocarrero, 1822, coil on canvas, 107 x 83.5 cm, Museo Histérico Nacional, Ministerio de Gultura, Buenos Aires, 1615, Photo: Instituto de Investigaciones sobre Patrimonio Cultural, Universidad Nacional de San Martin, Buenos Aires 156 157 158 161 167 169 171 173 175 176 178 186 ms ™List of Figures xiii 12.2 Tailcoat of the uniform worn by José de San Martin as Caprain General and Protector of Peru, ea. 1821-1822, Musco Histérico Nacional, Buenos Aires, n. 1319, Photo: Gustavo Lowry for Museo. de Arte de Lima 189 12.3 Taileoat of the Peruvian uniform of Chilean officer Luis de la Cruz (front), ca. 1821-1822, Museo Histérico Nacional, Santiago, Chile, Photo: Museo Histérico Nacional, Santiago 190 12.4 Tailcoat of the Peruvian uniform of Chilean officer Luis de la Crux (back), ca, 1821-1822, Museo Hist6rico Nacional, Santiago. Photo: Museo Hist6rico Nacional, Santiago 191 12.5 José Gil de Castro, Portrait of Simon Bolivar, 1825, oil on canvas, 208 x 134 cm, Casa de la Libertad, Sucre. Phot: Daniel Giannoni for Museo de Arte de Lima 194 13.1 Chinese Shawl, 1885-1910, silk, metal, 88 x 91 in. (223.5 x 231.1 em) with Fringe. Brooklyn Muscum Costume Collection at The Metropo Museum of Art, Gilt of the Brooklyn Museum, 2009 Gift of Pratt Institute, 1934, Accession Number: 2009,300,3011 203 13.2 Manuel Cabral Aguado Bejarano, El puesto de bufiuelos, ea. 1854, oil on canvas, 63.5 x 50 cm, CTB.2002. 1. © Coleccién Carmen Thyssen-Bornemisza 206 13.3 Manuel Cabral Aguado Bejarano, En la Romerfa de Torrijos, 1883, oil on canvas, 69 x 99 em, CTB.2003.14. © Coleccion Carmen Thyssen-Bornemisza 208 13.4 Mary Cassatt, On the Balcony, 1872-1873, oil on canvas, 101 x 82.5 em, Accession Number: W1906-1~7. Photo Credit: The Philadelphia Muscum of ArtiArt Resource, NY 210 14.1 The front page of the June 26, 1936 issue of the arts and culture newspaper Comerdia. Archives Nationales d°Outre Mer, Aix, France 215 14.2 Postcard: Les Colonies Frangaises. La Guinée. Publisher: Chocolats & Thé de la Cie Coloniale. Leonard A. Lauder Archive Postcard Archive—Gift of Leonard A, Lauder 2012.5320 216 14.3 Cover set of 12 postcards: Mission Jean Thomas, Afrique Equatorial Frangaise Types. Publisher: Braun et Cie Bditeurs. M. Leonard A. Lauder Archive Posteard Archive—Gift of Leonard A, Lauder 2012.5881.1 219 14.4 Afrique Occidentale Fra stand, Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels Moderne, Paris, 1925. Archives Nationales du Mali, Bamako, Mali. Dossier 1G 1282 220 14.8 Exposition Coloniale de Marseille 1922—Palais de I'AOF. Plate 3: “1922-Exposition Coloniale de Marseille-Afrique Occidentale Frangaise—Groupe des Tisserands.” Les Archives Nationales du Sénégal, Document biJIL-4°.2301 224 15.1 Look featuring lederhosen with floral print of edelweiss, gentian and Alpine roses, and crossbar suspenders, Bernhard Willhelm Spring/ Summer 2007 womenswear collection, Phato: Fahosemicl 23011 It is Written in Their Faces Seri Women and Facial Painting in Photography Deborah Dorotinsky In 2004, the Comision Nacional para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indigenas (CDI). published México Indigena, México Pluricultiral.' It presents readers with the ethnic diversity that encompasses Indian Mexico mostly through the use of photographic portraits. In the Scri Indian group section, the editors mistakenly intermingled a self portrait of Mexican photographer Graciela [turbide [Fig. 11.1, lower right]? The tension between documentation and experimentation in this photograph, and it beins mistaken as an ethnographic document, brings to fore the complexities of the com struction of Mexican indigenous identity through photography. lturbide photographed indigenous peoples for the Instituto Nacional Indigenist= (IND) during her career, as did other photographers belonging to the upper and middle lasses in Mexico, such as Pedro Meyer and Mariana Yampolsky. They carried our documentary projects that implied aesthetic experimentation and often offered ver. satile ways of representing and seeing cultural identity, thus expanding the visual languages available to represent Indian ethnicities. In 1981 Ieurbide photographed the Seri Indians of the state of Sonora and published her images in the book Los que viven en la arena (Those who live in the sand) with texts by Luis Barjau.) When Iturbide and Barjau visited Punta Chucca, there was already i= the popular national imagination a set pattern for picturing Seri Indians: rall and lea tong black hair waving under the sun and the wind, the sea before them, the arid dunes of the coast to their backs, the glittering sand supporting their figures, women proudly displaying their face decorations. Iturbide’s self-portrait photograph as a Seti India= displaying facial painting, plays into this invented construction and visualizes the ways in which Seri Indian feminine identity has been fashioned through the photograph portrait and emphasizes thar this identity has been shaped by non-Scri that gender offers important symbolic capital for national indigen What was undoubtedly an error in the photographic selection made by the editor: of México Indigena, México Plericulweral, becomes an opportunity for histor ical thinking. This chapter articulates three different moments (between 1892. and 1980) in the construction of photographic images of the Seri or Comeaac, tracing key developments in the way their “identity® was fashioned through photographic image: and written texts.‘ This chapter is not abost the Seri, but rather about these three spe cific episodes in their photographic and literary construction. This abridged gencalogs of Seri images charts how constructed cthnic identity is, how complex connections among photographers, ethnologists, and theit anthropological subjects are, and how: much is atstake in the invention of identity. Italso brings forth the important exchange ons in the elaboration of such identities: Fig. 11.1 Source: In Anthropo which scien Photograph invite us tot and to reflec ation happe shotograph of testimony Sexi, these ) ements us ever ninety of seeing” t men and we ef the ethni The visu oer more s eatury. The -ssicis diffi scample th soeak of so)It is Written in Their Faces 167 Fig. 11.1 Seri women, with self-portrait of Graciela Ieurbide: Source: In Amalfo Embriz Osorio (coord.), México Indigena México Plurieultural, 2004, ath century, a most fertile ground in Anthropology has offered, since the nine ¢ cultural objects which science, portraiture, and landscape construct very p Photography is also, | might add, such an epistemological enterprise. That is, images savite us to think—when they are being made as well as when they are being viewed— ced to reflect upon what we think and write, in particular when the object of consider- Sion happens to be someone che’s culture, Lam convinced that to the extent that the hotographie portrait image is part of the field of anthropology, itis at once a form SF testimony—more or less truthful—and an aesthetic experiment. With regard to the Seri, these visual constructions present three main issues for analysis: iconographic Gements used to consolidate a photographic “type” discrete type varieties that span Geer ninety yeaes and the epistemological consequences they imply in shaping a “way ‘cr seeing” this particular ethnic group; and che differentiated representation of Seri sen and women that resulted in the fixing of Seri women as metonymiic representatives ef the ethnic group as a whole. The visual portrayal of ethnic groups living in Mexico wasan enterprise that acquired “cece more specific characteristics and differentiated strategies throughout the ewentieth Soonury, The imagery conceived for each ethnic group has its own historicity in so much “n itis difficult ro ascertain “general” characteristics. In this respect, formal decisions, for le the distance berween the photographer and the main subjectin the foreground, ‘eof social distance, as is the case of * popular type” photographs.‘ In the ease of the “an typological photographs, attire and other cultural markers often aequire such168 Deborah Dorotinsky metonymic value, as happens with Seri women's facial painting, that modern/contem porary indigenist authorities immediately pass off a woman’s face as Seri, whenever this ethnic marker is present, even if this subject is the photographer Graciela Iturbide and not a “real” Seri woman, thus ereating cases of “mistaken identities."* Together, photographic representations of Indianness fashion what I term “scopic regimes of ethnicity,” regime understood as a means of organizing and managing Ways: of seving, that is, a system of representations of ethnicity. In this respect, Graciele lturbide’s self-portrait locared on the page where portraits of Seri Indians are presented unsettles the visual regime for these who can recognize her. What does it mean, par ticularly for art historians, that a renowned contemporary, non-Indian Mexican pho tographer like Graciela Iturbide has been confused with her photographic subjects And, what does that confusion communicate? What can it tell us about the social uses of photographic portraiture, and about the fallacies of physiognomy and the fashioning of Indian identities? I Colonial historiography dating from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries briefly. registers information on Spanish incursions into the land of the Seri, and the failure of Jesuit missionaries to pacify this nomadic people.’ Prejudice against aomadic peoples implied mistreatment of Seri Indians, first by the Spanish and then by the Mexicas: authorities. During the nineteenth century, sporadic violent encounters between Indians and settlers turned into full-fledged war and resistance by Seri and Piss Indians, who fled to the Cerro Prieto Mountains. After Mexican Independence (1810. 1821}, and aided by the perforation of water wells, non-Indian ranchers moved into Seri territory. The Seri appropriated the cattle that ventured into their Lands, leading. to numerous violent attacks between Indians and ranchers (Gueras de Encinas. 1850-1860). Progressively violent confrontations and diseases decimated Seri pope lation. Toward the turn of the century, with a terribly diminished population, the band structure of Seri society collapsed, and the different factions coalesced into one and retreated to the last bastion on Tiburén Island.’ In 1892, the Bernal photographic studio in Hermosillo Sonora began marketing: a carte de visite identified as “Indios Seri” (Fig. 11.2]. It is a staged portrait of six men with indigenous physiognomies posing and staring at the camera. The strac ture of the portrait responds to established photographic conventions for group: portraiture: three men sit in front while the other three stand behind them. The fore= ground contains dry vegetation, so profuse that it is hard to tell ifitis.a staged studio interior that simulares an outdoor setting, or a painted backdrop of quiet skies pre cariously set outdoers to mimic a studio's attrezzo and mise en scéne. The men gaze at the photographer, the two men at left especially distrusting and stern, Though all the men are barefoot and covered in ragged clothes, the image’s picturesque quality serves as a palliative for their poverty. Hats, arches and a quiver, all iconic elements, allow for a reading of the subjects’ “indigenousness.” The photograph moves between the popular carte de visite type—with its debt to costumbrista graphic works—and nincteenth-century ethnographic photography. Women are absent from this image of “tough Indianness,” which often depicted romantic ideals of glorified males, as im hunting scenes. Fig. 11 Source Dena Huntin ‘aimeteenth See white Essroriogr Sen (1850 SRoyore Ig Escenas di [er conque Besorical | semained | ‘well be the Ber conte sche Indian; ef “over-a pecturesqu Studio | leertify the ‘aspects bel They alsoIt is Written in Their Faces 169 Fig. 1.2 “Yndios Seri” Bernal Fstudlio Fotogrdfico, Hermosillo Sonora, ca. 1892. Source: © 465760 scoretaria de cultura.INAH.SINAFO.FN.MX. Reproduction authorized by the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. Hunting parties, skirmishes, or even full-fledged malones (Indian raids) in ninetcenth-century Latin American history painting also neglected Indian women but not white women, often shown being taken captives by ruthless Indians." In Mexican historiography of the Seri, a legend dated to the time of the Encinas Wars against the Seti (1850s) told the story of the abduction of Dolores “Lola” Casanova by Seri Indian Coyote Iguana." Mexican history paintings of the period, in particular Felix Parra’s Escenas de la eonguista (1877) and Fray Bartolomé de las Casas (1875) display dead or conquered Indians, reminders of their existence as historical specters. It was this historical Indian who would enter nationalist discourse, while living, fighting Indians remained problematic to nationalist discourses, This history of representation may well be the reason why the living Indians depicted in the 1892 Bernal portrait contra- dict contemporary literary tropes of the malin, which emphasized the fierceness of the Indians. In the Seri phocograph, the savage from the Casanova tale feared because of “overactivity” or “drive,” has his masculinity tamed, as he turns into a pastoral, picturesque photographic subject Studio images catering to the taste for exotic peoples served as documents to certify the existence of the ethnic group they presented. They summarized certain aspects belonging to Indian material culture that became deictie of the specific group. They also had an aesthetic intention, presenting Indian groups through conventions170 Deborah Doratinsky associated with civilized studio portraiture. Studios thus made such portraits more easily acceptable to a public already well versed in looking at human diversity through photogeaphs. The title of che image and the attire worn by the subjects as ethnic markers help us distinguish this photograph as Seri and establish the distinct icono- graphic markers of the Seri for future photographers. Another key aspect of this first moment of Seri photography came in 1898, when USS. anthropologist W J McGee published The Seri Indians, an ethnographic account profusely illustrated with hand-colored photographs that, I argue, established the canon for representing Seri women and their facial decoration that ultimately led to Iturbide’s mistaken classification as Seri."? MeGee adhered to evolutionist ideas of his time, considering the Seri a “lowly” tribe in comparison with other Amerindian peoples.'* He found the aesthetics of their appearance extremely poor, except for face decoration, which he proceeded to deem their “most conspicuous custom,” though practically confined to women." McGice had some of the images in the book hand- colored, as in the “Seri Belle bare-breasted, with a pelican-skin skirt, her facial dec- oration accentuated by an undiluted paint cctouch applied on cop of the black and white photograph [Fig. 11.3]. McGee stated that the different designs sported by women on their faces exhibit family connections, possibly “insignia of rotemic character” and perhaps due to their “strictly maternal” form of social organization: the tribe is made up of clans defined by consanguinity reckoned only in female line; each clan is headed by an elderwoman (sic), and comprises a hierarchy of daughters, granddaughters, and (sometimes) great-granddaughters, collectively incarnating that purity of uncontaminated blood which is the pride of the tribes and this female element is supplemented by a masculine clement in the persons of brothers |...| Thus the females alone are the blood carriers of the clan; they alone require ready and certain identification in order that their institutional theory and practice may be maintained, and hence they alone need to become bearers of the sacred blood-standards,'* According to anthropologist Margarita Nolasco, McGee's work established a series of misconceptions regarding Seri social structure that were repeated by later researchers. McGee ventures that there were tribes, and tribe subdivisions, formed from clans or totemic matrilineal sibs. Thirty years after McGee was in the area, California anthro- pologist Alfred Krocber denied thar there was tribal organization, and ascribed the idea to mere fantasies on McGee's part." Regardless of Krocber's views, McGee's work set out the influential belief in Seri women as bearers of the “purity of blood,” and connected their social role to their facial designs. ‘These designs became “demotic” ‘of the entire ethnic group.!7 Like the Bernal photograph, MeGee’s image contains both ethnographic sonnotations (supported by the text) and aesthetic ones (the pose, the hand-coloring).. Such studio portrait aestheties—either in a carte de visite or in an ethnographic boak—hecame the first mode through which iconographic elements of Seri ethnicity sirculated and where the parameters for their representation were fixed. From 1890 to roughly 1930, iconographic elements detected stress hows, arrows, pelican skins, and Seri women’s use of facial decoration as characteristic of their culture. Fig. SourSeventeenth172 Deborah Dorotinsky Deborah Poole defines “visual economy” as the resulting system of photographs that inceract in a series or inside an album. This visual economy, as far as it is a system, is also established among images inside archives, and within printed illustrated ethno- graphic books.'* A second moment in the development of the visual economy of the Seri can be traced to the 1930s, which saw the roots of photographic archives of Indigenous Mexico. Itis linked with the presidency of Lizaro Cardenas and the devel- opment of fishing cooperatives in Sonora. Photographing ethnic groups at this time was an act of bearing witness to “vanishing races,” as much as a documentary enter- prise of national institutions in the construction of complex ethnic imagery systems. By the 1930s, some Seri families had moved to Kino Bay on the Sonora coast to take part in the booming fishing industry of rosoaba fish. Negative aspects of this migra- tion back to the mainland included conflicts between Mexican and Seri fishermen, the employment of crooked scales so that Seri fisherman received lower prices, racial discrimination, and the introduction of alcoholic beverages, marijuana, and prostitu- tion into Seri daily life. These destructive practices tore at the Seri cultural fabric, as David Burckhalter explains."” By 1938, according to that author, Jestis Solérzano, a fisherman and entrepreneur from Colima, together with fifty Seri fishermen, set up the Seri Tribal Fishing Cooperative, a legally constituted group that took advantage of postrevolutionary policics regarding industrial cooperatives. In 1939 president Lazaro Cirdenas legalized the cooperative, which, to avoid ongoing conflicts with Mexican fishermen, was transferred fifty miles north of Kino Bay to New Desemboque, closer to Tiburdn Island. Between 1939 and 1946 the Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales in the National Autonomous University (IIS-UNAM) carried out an extensive registry of Mexico’s population that decades later became the “México Indigena” photographic -e. For this enterprise, the director of the IS, Dr. Lucio Mendieta y Niiiez, commissioned photographer Radl Estrada Discua, to travel throughout the Republic. The first number of the Instituro’s journal in 1939, Revisia Mexicana de Sociologia presented these images as the foundation for a major ethnographic exhibition to make Indian peoples in Mexico known to non-Indians..” This documentary project cmerged from postrevolutionary integrationist indigenismo, which in part regarded the indigenous element as a way to enhance national identity after the Revolution and established material culture and ethnic markers—crafts, clothes, body decoration, and housing—as meronyms of certain Indian groups. Racist perspectives, many of them very much linked £0 criminalist approaches following Cesare Lombroso’s work, and 4 positivist anthropology still rinted with evolutionist ideas, informed such project Nationalist artistic images, painterly or photographic, stood apart from documen- tary images in their social usc, circulation, and visual innovation. But in cases like the “México Indigena” archive, aesthetic experimentation also affected the scientific registry. Repertoires of ethnic markers were deployed in ethnographic images as.a way of avoiding the more problematic issues regarding Indian peoples’ interaction with mestizos (white non-Indians), and issues such as land tenure, health, and education that continued to trouble Indigenous life. If such issues were documented by the press or stored in classified police archives, projects like “ México Indigena" sought to elide them in favor of a narrative that promoted a varied and redeemable indigenous life, symbolic of national rejuvenation, The them 4 center Inthe group photos on pho decora Fac to wor Photog appear in Mey de Mésleis Written in Their Faces 173 Fig. 11.4 Rail Estrada Diseua, image of page from “Brown Albur Source: Fororeca Constantino Reyes-Valerio, Coordinacién Nacional de Monumentos Histéricos INAH. Reproduction authorized by the Instituto Nacional de Ancropalogia ¢ Historia. The Seri bore the peculiar stigma of not being agriculturalise. This fact rendered them as a backward indigenous group in Mexican postrevolutionary discourse, which centered on land reform and the vindication of a peasant Communist/Marxist agenda. In the Seri case, basket weaving and fishing thus became key practices in signifying the group in a positive manner and as economically productive [Fig, 11.4], Estrada Discua photographed Seri Indiansin many different activities, including fishing, but concentrated on photographing Seri women, paying particular attention to basket weaving and facial decoration as a distinct sign of gender identity within the ethnic group. Facial painting occupied a fundamental role in the rite of passage from girlhood to womanhood. It was also the element that survived into the indigenist imaginary. Photographic documentation af the Seri taken for the “México Indigena” archive appeared in a large ethnographic exposition held in 1946 at the Palacio de Bellas Artes, in Mexico City. Later, some of the photographs also illustrated the book Etnografia de México (1957), which speaks of the Seri ina manner clearly influenced by McGee:a 24 2 ya v roalpe pojst juipey oda ION, ay smyyn> 1odun 1uonb oSeUN d s 1 PAIe|NDUTD ssaad UeDKCPY ap “Yoo] puv afr] se Yons sautze¥eu ur ssoydesFoI04d Sd Aq so¥ewn isiwapow jo voneaqnd ayy yZnomp pue sseak uarssaudsq op Suuinp Guoaod jo Susewn uesuauy ayn yam Sudooy uy -oSpojmouy sydessouyz pur jeoojodoxpue jo uONeZeF|NA ay) JJ areds svndod v suMeD>q sourzeseat PaIeAISH]]! WEDINDHY “SOE6 | AY) JO SUONLIT|gnd uEadomNY pu ULSLIAWY IIye poPpoyy, “purury pue Kopy oxy] sourzedeur-oioyd paresssnypasddy ayp Ayperoodsa ‘ssaad pest -porrad ay2 sem stononnsuo) s1yderso104d Jo UOMLUIWASSIp >4f1 36] d5eds soyouY dl Jt JO aatnoadsiad pozpnoipsoe sou & fed ur Sumand smyp ‘isearuo> Sun ysy aoypiry pue asara jo uted UE sogueyp duipnpour AydesBo.0yd wopow yo xewAs ays padojduns ,enosiq epeasg pue siy ayy] sydesdoioyg ‘paremadiod pur poreunuossip sem (somiruyz9 s910 pur) 119 otp jo ad.goaanas onydessoroud oy yorjas ur souuew suo smoys Ystueds pur ystsing Ul yooq-oroyd szanbIPWA JO UORESgNd oY, -TeNeY eAMIEL,, ap UF Woy FurZzen “axaquoo snyy adesspue] uasap v ur Waya sooeid os[e 9} “Au]eUIWAUOU Jo 9UO st 1DaIg9 Ay, ‘Suonsodwuos jearaia4 o9 [eNO LHOY URE J9y2e4 sUY| NDI] GO Ssamus O4 EIMURED at) sofdue pur sureniod dn-asoja siooys isesnuo> suas pur xeyK sIysYBIY oy Es.9olqns sty sazipuvsdde maga ao uum szanbieyy 2/8040] peMaLtds 310 onayisae ue pue sfuyjooy ‘suonipess sina ‘asta ssouifoad wiopous e “roya0 amp Uy [g* | Bia] puey ue uF si9y{seg stays sMIP]OY SOps 21ydessorwuDUD e isuede UOIsUDIXD p>riasop pu ApuLs v UO ‘Sossoap UDys-uEDod UL parpog-y[ry pueis Kays au Uf "syBMOA Lag Fo sydesOIOYd ONG ay UT UDdS sv ‘MOIA jo Suiod apaez-ueae jo asm ays ysnowp Aydestionoyd sod. se[ndod Aanauea-yaunar “SUIL pazopoUr ZaNbavyy ,."Z9PULUAD| OUNSHE UELOISsIY UL UEDIKAPY hq UORLIM aoujard & yim ‘anbupyy se] ap soyfeuBoqo] GO] souvrxxayy auopyjog poystiqnd 24 {0S61 UL Aopsm o20UN SHayasae Hg parepdn sip porenoa eI aloud paruate Aye SDTPSIe I10W “HOUR Uo payseq siqy, -paumed ase soysour s pEYD ay Jo aso+p Sv sandy ouReS ata Uasp]IYD Jo sooUy ay UC “aXdU d47 02 UOSIad aUO WO SIOJEP Sunured sip jo woy ay] “Hues Soyqui9so4 yor “BunUIEd jEDEy s9sn ey A101 “891 [euoneU sno Sung ey asoy1 SuoULL uO [uO aq) st dnoad snows pUr sty | Aysunotog yoga pLAIt is Written in Their Faces 175 Fig. 11.5 Luis Mérquez. (1899-1978), Indigenas Seris de la Isla Tiburcin, Sonora, Méxicn, Source: Cat. #8730193 “Archive, Fotogeifico Manuel Toussaint”, Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, UNAM, images of destitution and ethnicity.» Though such representations became infre- quent as the thirties and forties wore on, these photo-journalistic essays offered an important venue for the popularization of ethnographic knowledge of indigenous cultures, leading to the third important moment for Scri representation. Ac the beginning of October 1958, a year that saw significant union repression in Mexico, Masiana published a three-part photo-essay on the Seri, photographed and reported by José Luis Contreras, entitled “Congeaac, the dying tribe. The Seri race is fading away in the inferno of Tiburon Island,” [Fig. 11.6]. This feature attests to the melodramatic thetoric in use since the previous decades, when the excessive use of adjectives is prominent: A stubborn fog has clouded for them the mirror of memory. They have lost the thread of history and can only feel their present, which is hunger. Hunger and thirst before the wide sea, Seti life is restless pilgrimage; from the arid Continent to the desolate Island from the bitter encampments of the desert in the Sonora coast, where the white exploits them, to the rocky island, where the sharks lurk looking for human prey2176 Deborah Dorotinsky AULA TRIBU QUE AGONIZA te anagn en of iliro de ts isc Tibarén Fig. 11.6 “Congcaac, la tribu que agoniza”, Mariana, October 1958, Source: Biblioteca “Rubén Bonifaz Nuvi”, Instituto de Investigaciones Filoligicas, UNAM. According to the ceporter, in 1858 there had been three thousand Seri and by 1958 only evo hundred remained, most of them living in the Desemboque fishermen’s camp. Contreras assured readers that by 1958 all Seri belong to the same band and notes that so few of them remained that they resorted fo marrying their own relatives. This practice was exterminating them, Contreras argued, because “without fresh blood their physiology degenerates [...| with no way out from ailments and vices, the strength declines and flesh dies away.” litheabovediscourse points to degeneration and extinction, Contreras’s photographs head in another direction. They insist on appreciating Seri life by grounding, them- selves in women’s facial painting and on the evident aesthetic value allotted these Indians’ lean and tall figures. The pictures also passess a candid, snapshot quality as few are actually posed. They draw the viewer's attention in their insistence on these women’s beauty, and by the photographer's reflections on facial painting: Seri woman maintains her regal beauty. The markings on her face are in order of her rank. She is the vigorous companion of the inhabitant of Tiburon Island ‘Women paint their faces with brightly colored chalk, leaving the flac surfaces of their faces bare and concentrating on the salient eheckbones, in order to make their almond eyes stand out. Red, of course, carefully covers their beautifully molded lips.2* As wit their f The but ar decor. story: the gr Th modit lighti which Th photo or ac “suc the in and ¢ atten Cone Graci repres diose She ging \ depict she hi Indian the vi with | done of thi asear tation orati In Indi play. regiIt is Written in Their Faces. 177 As with “Seri Belle,” photographed for Meee some sixty years earlier, Seri women and their faces are once again framed by the text in relation to.a non-Indian masculline gaze. ‘The Mariana photo essay thus communicates that Seri Indians adapt to civilized life, but are exploited and decimated by the evils of civilization. The persistence of facial decoration appears, then, possibly as a form of resistance to their disappearance as a differentiated ethnicity, even as this exoticization masks their terrible living conditions and serves as an ambivalent way to symbolically distance and attract non-Seri Indians. When this three-part stary appeared, many other North American researchers had already gone 0 Seriland,”* According to Burekhalte, during the 1950s the Mexican Adventist Missionaries of the Iglesia Apostélica de la Fe discouraged Seri women from continuing to use daily face painting, arguing that it was “uncivilized,” thus driving this practice to its near disappearance."’ That view differs from the 1958 Maitana story on the Seri, and its photographic elaboration of face painting as fundamental to the group’s vitality. The formal structure of images for the press during the 1950s demonstrates relevant modifications, notably the use of color photography. Other changes—composition, lighting, and selection of scenes—suggest the mediation of the “snapshot” aesthetic which differentiates these photos from the ethnographic pictorial style of the 1890s. The snapshot aesthetic, strongly evident among photojournalists and some photographs produced by anthropologists during their ficld trips, suggests inovement, or activity as a key characteristic in expressing a living culture. In the magazines, moreover, the meanings of photographs were severely altered by the way they were “sutured” to the text. In the case of this cover story from Marana, through the texts, the image is brought back co bear the weight of wo centuries of misconceptions and the urge for Indigenous integeation into national life, remaining steeped in the attendant racial biases of this endeavor, Conclusion Graciela Iturbide offered a point of departure in the visual regime of Seri photographic representation. In her 1981 book she transformed Seri women into hieratic and gran- diose figures that rise from the sand, emphasizing the ancient meaning of their name: She carefully composed her images, however, to convey the ambience of the chan= ging world that surrounds the Seri. One of her most accomplished Seri photographs depicts a woman hurriedly walking away from che camera, amid the desert landseapes she holds a portable cassette player in one hand as a reminder that technology and Indianness are coeval [Fig. 11.7]. The figure’s turned back not only distances her from the viewer, bur also denies the particular marker of facial painting. The image breaks with the established stereotypes and markers of ethnicity—something Iturbide has done repeatedly through the years when photographing indigenous peoples. Because of this distancing, her works seem less invasive than do their predecessors, and suggest a search for, and encounter with, her sitters’ and their complicity in their own represen tation. The Seri women she photographed even helped her stage her self-portrait, dec- rating her face and lending her a kerchief, In presenting, living Indian diversity to non-Indian Mexicans, the CDI's México Indigena, México Pluricultural put photographs with such newer approaches into play with images from existing ethnogeaphie archives, and thus mixed old visual regimes with other perspectives. The appearance of Iturbide’s face among Seri Indians,178 Deborah Dorotinsky Fig. 11.7, Gracicla lturbide, Mujer Angel, 1979, Sonora Desert. Sources © iraciela leurbicle though a mistake, was a fortunate one, as it points to the unfixed nature of cultural identity, its stare of flux, and the artificial nature of its “fixity” by means of written records, photographs, and film. This editorial faux pas created a rejoinder to the long history of Seri photography as a reminder that culture cannot remain static, but is a living thing that changes imperceptibly each day. ‘The years between 1890 and 1958 saw the consolidation of an ethnic photographic type for the Seris a system of signs or ethnic markers repeated in the long duré of the Seri ethnographic archive. Among these markers, women’s facial decoration stands ut as. relevant sign, a metonymic device, for fixing a way of seeing the Seri through a gendered key. By 2004, this gendered code worked in such a way that when placed ‘on any body, no matter whose, it would be read as “Seri Indian” or “Seri Ethnic” by viewers. This case of “mistaken identity,", where Graciela Inurbide becomes Seri Indian, confirms nor only how ambivalent photography is for displaying identity, but also how effective it is for displaying the way identity can be structured, promoted, and disseminated. Photographic fictions, it appears, are profoundly revealing about the stubbornness of stereotypes, which, for the Seri women, is written in their faces. Notes T thank the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia ¢ Historia, Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas-UNAM, Biblioteca “Rubén Bonilaz Nuio" Institato de Investigaciones oldgicas, UNAM, American Muscum of Natural History. Thanks also to my colleagues18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 It is Written in Their Faces 179 Isabel Mastinez and Emilic Carrién for critical comments, and to photographer Graciela Iturbide. Research for this article was possible through UNAM-DGAPA project PAPIIT IN 4006 13. Embriz Osorio 2004. ‘The CDI is the successor af the old Instituto Nacional Incligenista (INJ}, Portraits of Graciela in Embrix. Osorio 2004, 247, Seri of the state of Sonora. tturbide’s image also appeared on p. 127, in the section Kikapiis of the state of Coahuila, a circum- stance not elaborated here but that could be subjected to similar analysis. Tearbide and Barjau 1981. A selection of these images on line at: www.gracielaiturbide.org! enicategoryflos-que-viven-enelararena/ (22/05/2015) The term Seri means “those who live in the sand.” Comcaac is the self-denomination meaning “the people,” Felger and Moser 1985, Present day Seri territory comprises a small strip of continental coastal land in front of Tiburdn Island with ewo main setelements, Punta Chueca (municipality of Hermosillo) and EI Desemboque (municipality of Piquitito). Renteria Valencia 2007, 5-6 and Bowen 1983. Francois Aubert’s photographs made in Mexico City during the French Intervention (1862— 67) are good examples. See Dorotinsky 2004. Indigenismo is a twentieth-century practice centered on the study of Indian Mexico aimed at the integeation af indigenous cultures into a mestézo national culture. Di Peso and Matson 1965. Gilg is credited with the first visual representations of Seri Indians, Sce wwwitapress.arizona.edu/onlinebks/SERISIHISTORY.HTM (24/05/2015); Renterta Valencia 2007: 10-11; Nolasco 1980- offers an excellent historiographical revision of sources on Seti history and ethnography. Renterfa Valencia 2007: 13 Malis: Mapuche word for “unexpected Indian attack”. Real Academia Espaiiola hepsi! lema.rae.es/deae/?val=mal%C3%B3n (12/06/2015) Burckhalter 1999, 85-87. McGee 1898. herps:/archive.org/stream/seriindiansOOhewigoog#page/n26/mode!2up, McGee 1898: 175. MeGee 1898: 175, 164. McGee 1898: 167 and 169. Moser 1963, 14-27. Moser reconstructs the band organization, which was already non-existent when he was in the field, but that corrects misconceptions derived from McGee's 1898 work, most notably the wrong impression of matrilineal affiliation Nolasco 1980,X1, On Krocher see Jacknis 1926, Other anthropologists from American institutions doing research in Mexico during the 18905 were Frederick Starr and Carl Lumholtz. See Poole and Zamorano 2012 and Macias 2011. Poole 1997. Burckhalter 2013, 2, “La exposicién Etnagrifica de la Universidad Nacional,” Revista Mexicana de Sociologia 1{1939): 63-65. ‘The article is not signed but was most likely written by Mendieta y Nie On eugenics in Mexico, see Dorotinsky 2012 and Stern 1999. On the exposition, see Dorotinsky 2016. Mendieta y Niiicz 1957, 36. Marquez 1950, The Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas-UNAM holds Luis Marquee’s photographie archive. Seri photographs in the book are numbers 3 and 4. Justino Fernandez, “Prefacio,” in Marquez. 1950. Finnegan 2003. Contreras 1958, 34 Contreras 1958, 35-36,180 Deborah Dorotinsky 29 Charles Sheldon and Edward H. Davis in the 1920s, A. Keocber, Dane and Mary Coolidge in the 1930s, Julian Hayden, Gwynech Harrington (and her husband, O'odham Juan Xavier) in the 1940s, a time when William Neil Smith was also there. The most renowned Seri researchers the linguists (and Christian missionaries} Edward and Mary Beck Maser worked with the Seri during the second half of the twentieth century, beginning in 1952. 30. Burckhalter 1999, 102, Bibliography Bowen, Thomas. “Seri.” In Alfonso Ortiz (ed.) Handbook of North American Indians. Washington: Smithsonian Institution: 1983. Vol, 10, 230-249, Buzekhalter, David, “William Neil Smith and the Seri Indians: Photographs, Letters and Field Notes." In Journal of the Senatewest 55,0, 1 (2013): 1-118. Among Tubtle Hunters and Basket Makers. Adventures with the Seri Indians. Tacson, Arizona: Treasure Chest Books, 1999. 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