Professional Documents
Culture Documents
3RD Edition
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
CHAPTER 1
CHAPTER 2
CHAPTER 3
CHAPTER 4
THE DIRECTORY
CHAPTER 5
CHAPTER 6
CONSERVATIVE RESTORATION
CHAPTER 7
METTERNICH SYSTEM
CHAPTER 8
CHAPTER 10
UNIFICATION OF ITALY
UNIFICATION GERMANY
CHAPTER 11
CHAPTER 12
IMPERIALISM
CHAPTER 13
CHAPTER 14
CHAPTER 15
CHAPTER 16
CHAPTER 17
FASCIST ITALY
CHAPTER 19
NAZI GERMANY
CHAPTER 20
CHAPTER 21
CHAPTER 22
CHAPTER 23
COLD WAR
CHAPTER 24
USSR UP TO 1964
METTERNICH SYSTEM
CHAPTER 42
CHAPTER 43
CHAPTER 44
THE RISE OF MASS NATIONALISM 1950 – 1965
CHAPTER 45
CHAPTER 46
CHAPTER 47
CHAPTER 48
CHAPTER 49
CHAPTER 50
CHAPTER 51
The key issue is the analysis of the grievances of 1789. The question allows
candidates to explain the background to 1789 but a discrimination factor in
reaching the 18 – 26 or 21 – 25 mark bands will be the ability to concentrate
on the situation immediately before and at the outbreak of the French
Revolution. Answers in these top bands will also clearly focus on the “most
important” factors as they analyze the deteriorating situation in France in
1789. The grievances of the Third Estate, expressed in the cahiers, were
predominantly economic. They demanded reforms of the fiscal system to
end the unfair proportion of taxes that they had to bear. This reflected wider
dissatisfaction with the privileges of the First and Second Estates.
The key issue is an assessment of the reasons for the calling of the Estates
General and its failure to solve his problems.
Candidates will be quick to note that the Estates General had last met in
1614. Therefore, the convening of the Estates General after over 120 years
was certainly not a voluntary move on the part of Louis XVI. His hand was
forced by events. In fact, this meeting was long overdue. The major reason
was that the long-term problems facing France had reached unacceptable
proportions. Most of these problems dated back to the reigns of Louis XIV
and Louis XV. For instance, on the eve of the revolution, France was so
deeply indebted, so deeply as to be effectively bankrupt. Extravagant
expenditures had created a financial crisis which needed a national rather
than an individual solution. The influence of the ideas of the philosophers on
the third estate had made them politically conscious and dangerous. Louis
XVI could not afford to ignore them and their grievances. These problems
were all compounded by a great scarcity of food in the 1780s. A series of
crop failures caused a shortage of grain, consequently raising the price of
bread. Because bread was the main source of nutrition for poor peasants this
led to starvation. This starvation led to bread riots,” which put pressure on
the King to convene the Estates General. Louis XVI gave way to pressure.
He recalled Necker as director general of finance and ruled that the Estates –
General should meet at Versailles in May 1789. The Estates General could
not solve the problems presented to it or the grievances because of its
composition. The first and second estates still stuck to the old tradition or
procedure of voting by estate. This would have advantaged them and would
render any drastic reforms impossible. The tow privileged estates failed to
appreciate the social and economic development which the bourgeoisie and
even the masses had undergone in the previous 150 years. The King himself
was not committed to seeing drastic solutions to the problems, as he
supported the traditional procedure of voting by estate, separately. The
nature of the problems, themselves, would have required drastic solutions
which would have meant the sweeping away of the system of ancient
regime, which the first two privilege estates were not prepared to accept.
The key issue is an assessment of the reasons for the deteriorating financial
situation in France under Louis XVI Louis XVI inherited an unstable
financial situation which, instead of improving, he actually worsened. This
was mainly due to his character, which saw him making some very costly
decisions. The financial crisis was characterized by a heavy debt and budget
deficit. Waste and extravagance at the royal court, coupled with gross
financial mismanagement and corruption played their role in worsening the
financial crisis during Louis XVI‟s reign. Marie Antoinette, the queen, was a
big financial liability to the state due to her expensive lifestyle. The system
of privilege, in which the rich nobility and clergy were not taxed, did not
help the financial situation. The King‟s failure to stand by his decisions
worsened the financial situation. He had appointed able ministers such as
Turgot and Necker to stabilize the French finances. In fact – Louis XVI had
the ability to identify the right people for the right jobs, but failed to support
them when pressure was put on his by the royal court, especially Marie
Antoinette, to dismiss them. This inability to pursue a determined course
was a serious character defect which worsened the financial crisis. It was
France‟s aggressive foreign policy in particular which set the country on its
road to bankruptcy. The wars were continued after Louis XIV. Between
1733 and 1783, France waged four wars, which cost, in total, about 4 000
000 lives. All the major wars were financed by enormous loans, until the
interest on the debt amounted to more than half of the royal expenses by
1788. it was particularly Louis XVI‟s decision to have France participate in
the American Revolution which was the last straw since it doubled the
national debt.
3. „The harvest failures (1788 – 89) were the most important cause of
the French Revolution‟
The key issue is the failure of Louis XVI to satisfy the demands of the
revolutionaries, from the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789 to his
execution in 1793. The question asks “Why …?” and the highest marks to be
awarded to the answers should focus on analysis of reasons rather than mere
description or narrative. Answers that are awarded 11 – 13 marks should
demonstration a basic understanding of the development of the Revolution
throughout most of the relevant period but they might be vague about the
particular role of the King. The discrimination factor between answers worth
18 – 20 maars and those worth 21 – 25 will be a range of arguments. The
best answers should consider the context in which Louis XVI found himself.
Right from the Estates General Meeting when revolutionaries began to
demand potion to be done by head, Louis XVI lost the opportunity to
institute a revolution from above. The declaration of the Rights of Man and
of the citizen which he initially refused to sign literally destroyed the basis
of royal absolution which French Kings had enjoyed since time immoral. He
just could not willingly be on sides with the revolutionaries when his royal
authority was so badly eroded.
This brought a lot of friction with the revolutionaries. His attempted flight to
Varennes (1791) confirmed suspicions of his insincerity. The war against
foreign monarchies and demands such as the Brunswick Manifesto made
people doubt the King‟s adherence to the revolutionary cause. The best
answers (21 – 25) should be able to point out other actors which harmed the
King. Counter – revolutionary risings within France and the growing
tensions between moderate and more extreme revolutionaries (leading to the
split in the Grondins) led to the triumph of Robespierre and the Jacobins.
Hence from the days of the September Massacres, the King lost his royal
prerogative and the country was run byan Executive Council whilst he
remained as a prisoner until his execution in January 1793.
The key issue is the dangers to the French Revolution. Candidates should
note that the question ends in 1799 with the Coup d‟etat of Brumaire, the
end of the Directory, and Napoleon‟s accession to the Consulate. Incomplete
answers which end in 1794 – 5 with the fall of the Jacobins would normal be
worth one band lower than would otherwise be awarded. Answers that
discuss only one aspect - either internal or external threats would normally
have a ceiling of 16 marks. Examiners will look of ran even balance in the
best essays, a reasonable balance but on that is weighted to one side can
expect a ceiling of 19 marks. The quality of the argument will be of prime
importance. Internal enemies included the king and the court, which lasted
up to January 1793 when Louis XVI was executed. His recognition of the
Revolution and the concessions that he agreed to were half – hearted.
Royalists within France and those who left the country (émigrés) continued
the agitate and collaborate with the king. The influential Catholic Church
was hostile to the Revolution. Conservative regions of France such as the
rural areas for example the La Vendee, were hostile to the changes and in the
end were hostile to the change a dwere as such involved in a major anti-
revolutionary rebellion. However, the best answers should be able to note
that the Jacobins, when they continued to use terror on a wholesale scale
against the revolutionary gains of equality, fraternity and most importantly,
Liberty became internal enemies. France had to face foreign enemies from
the inception of the Revolution and open war broke out in 1792 against
Austria and Prussia. The danger of the over – whelming defeat and the all of
the revolution seemed very real. Foreign enemies later included Britain
Holland and Spain. The most successful answers are expected to be
analytical, focused on assessment and supported by appropriate factual
knowledge. It will be profitable for candidates to note that whilst the internal
threats were themselves very grievous, external threats were even worse
because they were primarily aimed at overturning the newly – established
governments of France and then reverse the revolutionary gains.
The key issue is the extent of change in the aims of the French
revolutionaries from 1789. Answers in the 21-25 band will show a clear
understanding of developments in this period. They will focus on analysis
and explanation and come to clear judgment about the extent of change. The
answers in the 18 – 21 band will also be analytical and explanatory by they
will lack thoroughness in their discussion. 16 – 17 band usually get answers
which tend to narrate or describe events whilst making comments in the
introductions of conclusions. These will be different levels of description. A
characteristic of the weaker answers is that they effectively stop in 1789,
describing the background to the events of that year but showing an
insufficient knowledge and understanding of developments to 1793. Some
vague descriptions of the ancient regime that do not get beyond 1789 will
not be worth 11 marks, but analyses of the events of 1789 alone might be
worth 11 – 13 marks. The better answers will explain the move from
comparatively moderate reform the move from comparatively moderate
reform to hard – line republicanism. The primary aims of the revolutionaries
of 1789 were economic and social reforms, especially in the fiscal system.
They initially viewed them as their ally in setting up a constitutional
monarchy. In ensuing years their targets changed. Having obtained a
constitutional monarchy through the establishment of the Declaration of the
Rights of Man and the Citizen, third criticism of the Church became more
extreme. They became more extreme and intolerant of those who opposed
them such as émigrés and royalist provinces. Louis XVI‟s suspected
dealings with the foreign powers and his refusal to endorse the constitution
of 1791 worsened fears of counter – revolutionary defeat and led to his
rejection by the revolutionaries. The advent of the Jacobins and their victor
over more moderated groups, in conjunction with the King‟s own actions
such as the flight to Varennes, led to his execution. Some candidates might
deserve credit for explaining the wider programme of the Jacobins in their
attempts to introduce thorough change to France. Answers can either end
with the execution of Louis XVI or the rule of the Jacobins.
4. WHY WERE THE SUCCESSIVE REVOLUTIONARY
GOVERNMENTS IN FRANCE BETWEEN (1789) AND (1799)
SO SHORT-LIVED?
The key issue is an assessment of the reasons for short life of the
revolutionary governments in France.
1. What can be learned from the Directory (1797 – 99) about the
achievements and problems of the revolution in France?
Candidates will need to note that the Directory was the last regime of the
Revolution in France. It did have its problems as well as achievements. The
history of the Directory clearly shows that the revolution in France was
characterized by both strengths and weaknesses. “From the Directory rule,
one can learn that the revolution in its last four or so years was bedeviled by
socio-political and financial problems. Most of these were inherited from the
Convention. Social problems included corruption, which was a perennial
problem among the directors, especially Barras and poverty, especially in
the rural areas. Unemployment was rife in the urban areas. Financial
problems persisted, especially inflation, although genuine efforts were made
to normalize the situation. Politically, the Directory introduced a constitution
which benefited the upper – middle class, leaving the peasants and workers
out in the cold. There were threats to the revolution both internally and
externally. The Directory rule therefore shows the threats to the revolution.
Directory rule also shows that the revolution achieved something in its last
four years. In fact, Directory rule also shows that arguably, the last four
years of the revolution were the most successful. Directory rule was the
longest of the revolutionary period. It was a period of political stability and
territorial expansion. Therefore, the achievements and problems of Directory
reflected the progress made by the revolution so far.
2. How accurate is the view that the Directory added nothing to the
achievements of the French Revolution?
The key issue is an assessment of the contribution of the Directory to the
achievements of the French Revolution.
Candidates are likely to argue that the view is rather too harsh on the
Directory, and certainly inaccurate. The Directory has sometimes been
acclaimed as the „most successful‟ of the revolutionary governments. This
statement shows that the Directory did have some notable achievements to
its credit. The Directory inherited most of its problems from the Convention.
As it could not altogether solve these problems, it is sometimes judged
somewhat harshly. Yet the Directory had a fair amount of success. Many of
the reforms Napoleon was to make later were made possible by her
preliminary work of the directory. Financially, the Directory made efforts to
solve the problem of inflation. Although the directory was not successful in
this regard, Ramel, the controller-general of finance, managed to balance the
budget for the first time. In addition, the revised taxation system functioned
better than ever before. So-far, it is clear that the Directory added something
to what had already been achieved by previous governments. Compared to
the National Convention, where there was the Reign of Terror, there was
more political stability and personal security during the Directory rule. The
Directory, through the efforts of Napoleon Bonaparte, was able to achieve
general peace in Europe. This was through the Italian campaign. Through
this campaign, France obtained territory in the form of Belgium and the
Rhineland. Therefore, the above view does not accurately represent
Directory rule.
CHAPTER 5
THE NAPOLEONIC ERA
The key issue is that reasons for Napoleon Bonaparte‟s foreign adventures.
The most successful answers will be able to explore a variety of reasons why
the foreign adventures were carried out. More importantly, an evaluation of
the varying intentions should be projected. Napoleon‟s foreign adventures
could easily be divided into two segments: 1799 – 1807, and 1807 – 1815.
The earlier part which included the Peace of Amiens (1802), the Battle of
Trafalgar (1805), the Battle of Austerity (Dec 1805) the Berlin Decrees and
Milan Decrees of 1806 and 1807 respectively. With the exception of the
Battle of Trafalgar (1805) Napoleon‟s earlier campaigns were quite
successful and he was able to introduce populist reforms at home which
include the Banking Act, (1802), the concordat with the Papacy (1801),
Napoleonic Code. Beautification of Paris, Careers open to Talent, Public
works‟ schemes etc. however, following his failure to shut Britain out of
Europe through the Continental System (1806 – 0 7), Napoleon launched an
aggressive campaign against he defaulters of sanctions against Britain. This
led to the Peninsular Campaign (1808 -12) and the “Spanish Ulcer” – so
called because it drained French resources and morale. Within such wars
came the ill – fated Moscow Campaign (1812). Strong candidates should be
able to indicate that such wars were mainly punitive in nature. However, it is
important to note that as Napoleon become less successful in his foreign
adventures he introduced highly unfavourable and largely oppressive
reforms at home – which included censorship of the press, speech,
association etc. basically all personal freedoms were eliminated in order to
keep France peaceful whilst foreign enemies were being pursued. It must be
noted that a police state under Joseph Fouche (before 1810) and under
Savary (after 1810) mostly resulted from Napoleon‟s growing paranoia due
to losing grip on Europe. However, it is interesting to note that Napoleon‟s
dynastic policy in Italy was more his personal greed for power and
recognition than with exerting control over France. Although French laws,
customs, language were passed on to the conquered territories, the object
was usually the Napoleonic legend than just the French. Accounts which just
highlight Napoleon‟s foreign adventured without linking to the situation at
home would have missed the key issue, and would achieve a ceiling of 13
marks, for basic descriptions.
The key issue is an assessment of the role played by Russia and Britain in
the defeat of Napoleon I.
According to Irene Collins, Britain and Russia played the most crucial roles
in bringing about the downfall of Napoleon I, with Britain arguably having
an edge over Russia. Britain was instrumental in resisting Napoleon from
1802 to his final defeat in 1815. it was Wellington who led the final defeat
of Napoleon. Earlier on, at the battle of Trafalgar in 1805, Britain‟s mastery
of the seas was confirmed when Nelson destroyed the combined French and
Spanish fleets. This enabled her to make war on Napoleon for a further ten
years. Britain was also instrumental in foiling Napoleon I‟s continental
system which was essentially an economic blockade against Britain.
Because of her sea power, Britain found it easier to implement her orders –
in – council against Napoleon than Napoleon his imperial decrees. Besides,
Britain was also able to prop up her allies during this period. Equally serious
was the dissatisfaction amongst the nations controlled by France and
regarded as her allies. No imperial decree could suppress the demand for
familiar and expensive British goods, and hence there was increasing
opposition to Napoleon‟s economic tyranny throughout Europe. Finally, the
British also took part in the Fourth Coalition, which defeated Napoleon at
Leipzig (1813). Russia, on the other hand, had fought gallantly, first in the
battles of Eylau and friendland. Although she was defeated, she had inflicted
some casualties on Napoleon‟s forces. Then ether was the more successful
Muscow campaign of 1812. This campaign damped the morale of
Napoleon‟s soldiers as many of them were killed by the Russian Winter, and
this contributed immensely to his final defeat. Russia also participated in the
fourth coalition which finally defeated Napoleon Bonaparte.
CHAPTER 6
CONSERVATIVE RESTORATION
This is another open question where candidates need to argue with evidence.
It is only by assessing the terms of the Congress of Vienna that one can
determine its success or failure. The success or failure of the Congress of
Vienna can be measured according to what it purported to do, that is, its
aims. The statement at Vienna aimed to, among other things, achieve a
balance of power, and prevent the resurgence of another Napoleon, and to
ensure and maintain peace in Europe. All the terms of the Congress of
Vienna were meant to achieve one or other of the above aims. It is against
this background that candidates can argue for or against the Verdict. The
successes of the Congress of Vienna are as follows: The balance of power
was largely achieved though territorial adjustments and rewarding the Allies
who had fought Napoleon. The Allies commitment to the fair balance of
power can be seen in the Polish Saxony issue when Russia and Prussia made
extravagant demands which were likely to upset the balance. The other
powers, namely Britain, Austria and France were prepared to go to war
against such claims, and the two had to back down. This was a successful
defence of the balance of power. The issue of preventing future French
aggression was also generally successful, although this was temporally
interrupted by Napoleon‟s escape from Elba the so-called 100 days). He
was, however successfully defeated by the Allies, which was a noble
success. The creation of barrier states around France was meant to prevent
future aggression from her, and this worked to a large extent. The fact that
there was no major war for over 40 years until the Crimean war is evidence
of the success of the policies to the dynamism of nationalism and liberalism,
especially by bringing people of different nationality together, for example
uniting Belgium and Holland, and Lombardy and Venetia under Austrian
foreign rule. However, it can be argued that nationalism was indeed
frustrated, this was not deliberate, and in any case, in 1815, nationalism in
those countries concerned had not yet become an issue. Another criticism
was that the Congress of Vienna was that it was dominated by the four major
decisions. In other words, the fate of small states was determined for them
by the big powers. So candidates must weigh the evidence and come to a
reasonable conclusion.
The key issue is an assessment of the aims and conduct of the Congress
systems.
The idea of a concert of Europe was Casltereagh‟s. In this system the great
powers, namely Britain, Austria, Russia and Prussia pledged themselves to
meet in Congresses to promote their common interest and discuss and
important matters affecting Europe. The Congress system also aimed at
upholding the terms of the Congress of Vienna for the next 20 years, they
also agreed to prevent a Bonaparte from ascending the throne of France and
to work together to prevent future French aggression. However, the congress
system had a short life because it soon became clear that the powers differed
as to its purpose. It soon became clear than the powers had few, if any,
common interests. Instead, each power was after furthering its own interests.
Hence it is largely true that self – interest dominated the congress system
and not common interest. This caused division and suspicion from the onset.
This division became more apparent as the danger of another Napoleon
receded. The Holy Alliance powers, who happened to be absolute monarchs,
Austria, Russia and Prussia differed with Britain, a constitutional monarchy.
The Holly Alliance powers wanted to use the system to suppress revolution
in any country for their own benefit. The British were opposed to unilateral
intervention in the domestic affairs of other nations. They feared that
revolution in other countries would affect their own empires where absolute
and repressive rule was common. The differences can be seen in the
following congresses: Aix la-Chappelle, (1818). Troppau (1820), Laibach
(1821) Verona (1822) and St Petersburg (1825). Self-interest was also seen
on the issues of the Barbary Pirates and slave trade. Alexander I was
apposed by Castlereagh on his suggestion that an international fleet be
stationed in the Mediterranean Sea to stamp out piracy. Castlereagh was also
apposed by other powers on his proposal that a naval force be formed to
search ships for slaves. Britain apposed intervention in Spain by the Holly
Alliance owners because she had vested economic interests there. Thus, self
– interest was the guiding principle in the congress system rather than
common interest.
To a large extent, one can argue that no better settlement could have
possibly addressed the interests of all parties involved. One major critism
which has been leveled against the settlement is that the interests of the
smaller countries were ignored and that the dynamic forces of nationalism
and liberalism were underestimated. However, on the issue of small
countries being ignored, and the great powers, namely Russia, Prussia,
Austria and Britain dominating the proceeding s, this was expected. It was
these great powers who had worked hard to defeat Napoleon. Therefore it
was only fair that they assume a leading role at the congress. On the issue of
ignoring the forces of liberalism and nationalism, it should be kept in mind
that the new forces, unleashed by her Napoleonic wars, largely passed them
by. It was their task to restore order in Europe, and it was only natural that
they should be guided by the stability of the old regime with which they
were familiar. In defence of the Vienna congress, it can be argued that few
people realized and understood the real extent of the forces of nationalism
and liberalism in 1815. The period of peace which Europe enjoyed up to
1854, until the beginning of the Crimean War, can be ascribed chiefly to the
fact that the peace arrangements, did not bear in them the seeds of a further
war, like the later Versailles Treaty. However, the congress was not without
its flaws. Through the principle of legitimacy, it restored some of the worst
rulers such as the Ferdinands of Spain and Naples. On the whole, however,
the congress of Vienna was indeed the best settlement that was possible. To
a large extent, a balance of power was achieved.
The key issue is an assessment of the ways by which, and the degree of
success with which the Vienna congress achieved a balance of power.
Candidates should note that the period covered in this question is 1815 to
1830. The desire to restore the shattered balance of power was central at the
congress of Vienna of 1815. to achieve this balance, the powers created
buffer states around France, to prevent future aggression from her and they
also distributed territory amongst themselves to ensure that no one country
would dominate Europe again. The principle of legitimacy was one way the
powers hoped could be used to ensure balance of power. The arrangements
in regard to France and its neighbouring territories may will have been based
on an exaggerated estimate of France‟s ability once more to disrupt the
peace of Europe, and so can arguably be seen as a plan to establish a balance
of power. To achieve this, Belgium was merged with Holland. Austria was
given Lombardly and Venetia and Prussia gained the Rhineland states. The
principle of compensation was also used to ensure a balance of power.
Countries which lost territories as a result of the arrangements at Vienna
were compensated elsewhere. The principle of legitimacy, where deposed
rulers were restored in Spain, Italy and France; Habsburgs in Modena and
Tusacany, while the Papal States were restored to the Pope. The Congress
System (1815 – 1825) was another way which was used to ensure a balance
of power in Europe. The Vienna statement realized that certain means had to
be created to ensure the permanency, of the balance of power achieved at
Vienna and to forestall future wars, hence the Quadruple Alliance, which in
turn gave birth to the Congress System. To a large extent, the Vienna
congress succeeded through its arrangements to achieve a balance of power
by 1830. No major war was fought until 1854. There was general peace and
stability in Europe.
There is a lot of validity in the above assertion. However, that was not the
purpose of the congress System. Castlereagh, the British Foreign Secretary,
was the brains behind the Congress System, which was born out of the
Quadruple Alliance of 1815. It sintered purpose was to uphold the terms of
the Vienna Settlement, and preventing the resurgence of another Napoleon.
However, the validity of the assertion is seen in the actions of the Holy
Alliance powers, namely Russia, Prussia and Austria who wanted to misuse
the system for their own selfish ends. So the assertion is true of the holy
alliance powers, not of Britain Being absolute monarchs, and with vast
empires, these Holy alliance powers, wanted to crush revolution wherever it
raised its head. This led to their plants to intervene in Spain, Portugal,
Naples and Greece to suppress internal evolutions there. They feared that
any succeeded revolution in Europe was likely to affect their own empires.
In that case, the strong were really after oppressing the weaker small states.
However, Britain, through the state paper of May 1820 was opposed to the
unilateral intervention in the domestic affairs of small states. She followed a
policy of non – intervention. She was supported by the Mumnroe doctrine of
1823, which protected the ex-Spanish colonies against European re-
occupation. Thus, the Holy Alliance powers wanted to turn the Congress
System into a „trade union of monarchs for the suppression of revolution‟.
This, however, was not to be, thanks to the timely intervention of the British
and the Americans
CHAPTER 7
METTERNICH SYSTEM
Metternich once remarked that, „I have ruled Europe, but I have never
governed Austria this statement shows that Metternich was more effective in
his endeavours outside the Austrian Empire than within. Paradoxically, it
was within the Austrian Empire itself the Metternich had to improvise most.
His projects for administrative and financial reform to streamline the
government of this vast conglomerate were consistently frustrated by an
Emperor who took too literally his role as an autocrat. He insisted that all
major issues should receive his personal attention, which frequently reduced
administration to chaos. The succession of the weak – minded Ferdinand in
1835 merely substituted court intrigue for personal interference. Increasingly
Metternich came to rely upon the most disreputable methods to contain
problems that he could not solve. He dominated the state police system,
exercised direct control over press censorship, maintained a complex spy
network and distributed bribes and subsidies where they might aid his work.
Few major Hungarian leaders escaped substantial periods of imprisonment.
All possible allies were exploited. Thus, the period of Austrian history
between 1815 and 1848 has been described by H Kohn as „an era of
stagnation‟. Those years had witnessed some half – hearted attempts by
Metternich at political and fiscal reform. Economically, the Austrian Empire
had produced nothing to rival Prussia‟s policy of tariff reform and industrial
modernization. Yetif Metternich could not defeat nationalism in Hungary
and Austria, and if he could not definitively silence constitutional demands,
he prevented these forces from making any significant progress in the
Austrian Empire for there decades. It was colossal conservative
achievement, and the force of he outburst in 1858 bore witness to the
frustration caused by his success. More important, Metternich create done of
the distinctive international features of the 1815 – 1848 period. He was large
part responsible for the essential government al stability of the great
territorial mass of central Europe.
The key issue is an assessment of the lessons learnt from the 1848 – 49
Revolutions about the strengths and weaknesses of the Habsburgs.
The key is an assessment of the extent to which the Ultras were responsible
for the overthrow of the Bourbon monarchy in France.
The key issue is comparative assessment of the reigns of Louis XVIII and
Charles X.
It is an established fact that Louis XVIII was more successful than Charles X
in retaining his throne because his reign did not end in revolution as that of
Charles X. Louis XVIII‟s successful retention of his throne was mainly due
to his personality and his integrity. He was wise enough to realize that he
could not turn back the hand of time to the pre- 1789 – era. He appreciated
the complex nature of the political landscape in France, which was
characterized by a number of political affiliations. Hence he committed
himself to ruling according to the Charter, recommended by the Allies. The
Charter had terms which recognized many of the gains of the revolution,
especially land acquired during the revolution. This was confirmed in the
hands of those who possessed it. Louis also followed a compromise policy,
commonly known as the middle – of – the road policy. In this policy he
wanted all groups to be represented in parliament. He dissolved the 1815
Chamber or Assembly because it was dominated by the Ultras, and
appointed a moderate one, led by the moderate Decazes (1816 – 20). This
move by Louis XVIII probably played a key role in his successful retention
of his throne. His regime was therefore acceptable to enough Frenchmen to
ensure its survival. He was assisted not only by good harvests and general
economic recovery, but by his own good sense in limiting, so far as he was
able, the excesses of the restoration of the Bourbon regime. He was also
assisted by the exhaustion and the apathy brought on by the appalling cost,
in lives and taxes of Napoleon‟s ventures. On the other hand, Charles X was
the direct opposite of his brother. He was an Ultra – Royalist. Charles X‟s
early policies were foolish and provocative. He wanted to turn the clock
back to the pre – 1789 period. This can be seen in his coronation in the
ancient religious form, the dramatic increase in the powers of the Catholic
Church, the generous compensation for the returning nobility, who had lost
their lands, his appointment of reactionary ministers like Polignac and his
repressive measures such as the Ordinances of St Cloud. Such measures
made him to be violently overthrown through a revolution.
The key issue is an assessment of the reasons for the fall from power of
Charles X.
The fall from power by Charles X in 1830 may simply be explained in the
suggestion that in his eagerness to restore the full glory of the Ancient
Regime, Charles‟ early policies were foolish and provocative. For instance,
the coronation in the ancient religious form, the dramatic increase in the
powers of the Catholic Church, for example, its being given control of
education and the generous compensation of the returning nobility who had
lost their lands, all aroused the suspicions of the urban middle class, who
were further outraged by reductions in the interest paid on their government
investments. In all this, Charles had dangerously narrowed the basis of his
support, but had not yet endangered his throne. Indeed all might have been
well, with the appointment in 1828, of the moderate Martignac as Chief
Minister, for sensible moderation might have kept him the support of the
middle – classes. In 1829, however, Charles turned his back on any attempt
to hold the loyalty of the New France when he appointed the arch – symbol
of the old reactionary regime, prince Polignac, as his Chief Minister. Much
of the blame of what followed must rest with Charles for; when even the
narrowly based Assembly called for Polignac to be dismissed, Charles
dissolved the Assembly. In the Ordinances of St Cloud, Charles narrowed
the franchise, resulting in less than one in a thousand of the population being
able to vote. Unlike his brother, Charles had not been prepared to
compromise with the new forces in post – Revolutionary France. His fall
was largely engineered by the working classes of Paris, who had been made
desperate by worsening economic times. It might be argued that Charles lost
his throne because he failed to secure the loyalty and availability of the army
before he embarked on a deliberately provocative series of policies. With
equal validity it could be argued that the regime‟s failure to ease the
economic plight of those outside the political system and especially the
Parisian working class did more to bring about his domestic than any of his
reactionary political proposals.
CHAPTER 9
THE ORLEANIST MONARCHY (JULY MONARCHY)
The reign of Louis Philippe was characterized more failure than by notable
achievements. Louis Philippe seemed to have failed in both domestic and
foreign policy. His reign was weak from the beginning as his Kingship was
not based on either divine right or election. The bourgeoisie reign was,
moreover, not acceptable to all the Ultra Royalists, Republicans,
Bonapartists and socialists. The Legitimists, mainly the Ultra – Royalists
refused to recognize the new King‟s claim to the throne due to his common
personality; the Republicans wanted a full-blown republic, while the
Bonapartists wanted a revival of the glorious days of Napoleon Bonaparte.
Louis Philippe‟s domestic policy was characterized by deterioration in the
standard of leaving of the lower classes. Louis Philippe‟s government failed
to cope with the effects of industrialization. The government failed to
improve the working conditions such as long working hours, child and
women labour as well as low wages. There was no legislation to regulate
these except, the 1839 Factory Act and 1841 Labour Law, which fell far
short of workers expectations. There was a narrow oligarchy in charge of the
regime. A number of public scandals alienated the public from Louis
Philippe‟s government. He failed to control the corruption of his ministers,
particularly Guizot, who manipulated elections by means of bribery. Louis
Philippe had an extremely cautions foreign policy. The people resented
Frances‟s subservience to Britain, for example, Louis Philippe‟s foreign
policy stood in shrill contrast tot the glory of the Napoleonic era. The
Spanish marriages turned out to be a disaster. However, Louis Philippe‟s
government tried to reduce illiteracy in France which can be described as a
credit. A primary education Law of 1833 and the development of a cheaper
press extended the reading public. In 1825 there were only 60 00 subscribers
in Paris. By 1846 there were 180 000. Another educational act was passed in
1839. However, the failures out-weigh whatever one would call an
achievement.
This claim is valid to a large extent. Louis Philippe knew what to do but did
not do it. He was a man of modest personal tastes, and seemed to be middle
– class citizen rather than an aristocrat. The major criticism of Louis
Philippe‟s reign is that nothing was done. Inspite of the economic crisis and
the criticisms of home and foreign policy, Louis Philippe made no attempt to
meet his opponents half way. An Opposition Deputy in 1847 remarked that
the government had done nothing in the last seven years. Louis Philippe
never put himself at the head of a royalist party. He failed to make enough
political concessions to the middle classes to win even their tolerance of his
regime. The fatal weakness of Louis Philippe was that he failed to prevent
danger by broadening the electoral basis and by timely social reform.
Crowded and insanitary living conditions gave a free field to terrible
epidemics such as cholera, which caused a heavy mortality among the
French. These conditions, together with the uncontrolled exploitation of
female Child Labour and long hours of work, led to widespread tuberculosis,
immortality and drunkenness. Louis Philippe did nothing to improve the
living and working conditions of the working class, despite being aware of
the necessity to do so. In fact, apart from the first Factory Act of 1841,
which restricted the use of child Labour, there had been no social legislation
of any significance. In other words, Louis Philippe‟s government was
unwilling to interfere with free trade by introducing legislation which would
have protected the working classes. The above claim, however, should not
blind one to the facts that during the eighteen years form 1830 to 1848,
Louis Philippe presided over and witnessed great material changes which
did much to transform the conditions of life of large numbers of the French
people.
3. WHY WAS THE FALL OF LOUIS PHILIPPE IN 1848
FOLLOWED BY THE ESTABLISHMENT OF AN
AUTHORITARIAN REGIME IN FRANCE IN 1851?
Candidates will note that the fall of Louis Philippe was not immediately
followed by an empire. It was followed by the establishment of the Second
Republic, which in turn was replaced by the Second Empire. So candidates
need to discuss the transition from Louis Philippe‟s government, to the
Second Republic, and finally to the Second Empire in 1851. The main
reason why a Republic took over in 1848 was simply because the people of
Paris wanted a republic. They had also wanted a republic in 1830, but had
been outwitted by middleclass politicians into agreeing on a compromise
with Louis Philippe, the so-called „citizen king‟. In 1848, however, the
politicians had to accept a republic that they hoped would avoid the excess
of 1793 to 1794. But the Second Republic was short-lived. It was soon
replaced by an authoritan Empire in 1851. a number of reasons explain this
scenario. The second Empire came into being because the president of the
Second Republic, Louis Napoleon destroyed it. He was the enemy within.
Not only did he have imperial ambitions that were by definition anti-
republican, but he also made no secnet of them. The second reason is that
most of the deputies of the Second Republic were more anti-republican than
anti-imperial, preferring strong to democratic government. The Assembly
itself was deeply divided and never presented a united front against Louis
Napoleon. The deputies of the Second Republic argued among themselves,
and this only strengthened Louis Napoleon‟s contention that he was the only
true representative of the people. Moreover, the rising that led to the „June
Days‟ had reinforce the memories of the Reign of Terror of 1794, which
made deputies feared might recur. The other major reason was that the
people themselves accepted the establishment of a dictatorship through a
plebiscite. Indeed, Louis Napoleon was anew phenomenon: a democratically
elected emperor. Finally, the principle of manhood suffrage had dealt the
final blow to the claim of Paris to speak for the people of France. With the
Paris mob out of the way, it became easier for a dictatorship or authoritarian
government to be established. His association with the Napoleonic legend,
which was popular in France, won him the support of the people.
CHAPTER 10
UNIFICATION OF ITALY
The key issue is an assessment of the reasons for the failure of the 1848
Revolution s in Germany and Italy.
Although the histories of Germany and Italy are unique, it is possible for
students to draw parallels between the two states, especially on the
unification. In both cases, the 1848 Revolutions can be taken as part and
parcel of the unification process. There are some reasons for the failure of
the Revolutions which are common to both. For instance, the biggest
obstacle to the liberal aspirations in both states was Austria. In Germany, the
failure of the Frankfurt parliament was due to Austrian influence. From the
onset the Germany nationalists were divided on the constitutional framework
of a future united Germany. They were divided between those who wanted a
monarchy and those who wanted a republic. They were also divided on the
future of Austria in a united German state. There were those who wanted a
purely German state without Austria, the advocates of a „Lesser Germany‟
(Kleindeutch). There were also those who wanted Austria to be included in a
future Germany, the „Greater Germany‟ (Grossdeutshch). These divisions
eventually led to the collapse of the 1848 Revolutions. The same can be said
of Italy. Mazzini and other leaders advocated for a republic, while, Cavour
and other nationalists preferred a constitutional monarchy. This weakened
the nationalist cause, leading to the triumph of Austrian troops, who
suppressed the revolutions. Without an army of its own, the Frankfurt
parliament in Germany was bound to depend upon the goodwill of the
German princes and volunteers. This eventually led to the collapse of the
revolutionaries in both Germany and Italy. In Italy the republicans were also
easily dealt with by the Austrian army. The dominance of the Revolutions by
the peasants and working class robed them of middle-class support and the
growing fear of working class violence paved the way for the triumph of
conservatism. In Italy, the lack of concerted and united leadership saw the
Revolutions of 1848 being easily suppressed by Austrian forces.
The key issue is an assessment of the reasons why Piedmont became the
focus of Italian Unification.
1. „The Statesman knows his general direction but not his exact
path‟. Consider Bismarck‟s policies between either 1862 and 1827
or 1871 and 1890 in light of this judgment.
Most candidates are likely to consider the period 1862 to 1871. the question
requires candidates to discuss whether Bismarck was a „master planner‟ or
an opportunist. The British statesman Benjamin Disraeli recounted in later
years a conversation that he claimed to have had with Bismarck in 1862.
according to Disraeli, the then Prussian ambassador to Paris laid down a
clear program. According to Disraeli, Bismarck stated that, „As soon as the
army shall have been brought to such a condition as to inspire respect, I
shall seize the first best pretext to declare war against Austria, dissolve the
German diet and give national unity to Germany under Prussia leadership.‟
Because of this claim by Disraeli, earlier historians then coined out the
concept of a „master – plan‟ which Bismarck was to follow to the letter to
achieve unification. This master plan implied that Bismarck knew what he
wanted and how exactly he would achieve it years before events themselves
started unfolding. Recent historians, such as AJP Taylor‟s reactions to this
have either been to dismiss the conversation as an elaboration by Disraeli or
to minimize it as the barest outline of long term aims by a man as yet
unaware of the complexities of politics at the highest level. They have
argued that Bismarck had plans, but these were not for the unification of the
whole of Germany – but that of Germany north of the river Main. The
subjection of Austria at least in northern Germany, and the destruction of the
Confederation probably represent Bismarck‟s ultimate hopes well enough. In
power, however, Bismarck found piecemeal exploitation of external events.
In the 1860s he became the supreme realist and pragmatists. He even
declared later in life that „man cannot create the current of events. He can
only float with it and steer‟. In other words, he was a shrewd opportunist. He
took advantage of events as they happened. The three wars, namely the
Danish war (1864), the Franco-Prussia wars (1870 -71) and the Austro-
Prussian war (1866) should be seen in that light. Bismarck‟s attitude to the
Polish Revolt is evidence of opportunism rather than a master-plan. He also
took advantage of the situation surrounding the Spanish succession issue of
1870. His altering of the Ems telegram shows opportunism rather than
master – planning.
2. How far did the supremacy which Prussia gained over other
German states from 1849 to 1871 depend on military force?
CONSERVATISM CONSOLIDATED IN
RUSSIA 1848 – 94
The most important of these stated that future annexation and claims to
territories must be preceded by effective occupation of the territory by the
power concerned. This conference and its decisions were the final stimulus
to over a decade of frantic activity by many European powers and by 1900
most of the African continent had been parceled out to the various powers.
Candidates who identify the „chain of events‟ between 1875 and 1885 which
explain why the partition developed into a scramble, and explain with
examples, some of the main annexations between 1885 and 1900 which
constitute the scramble will deserve up to 17 marks. Those who, in addition,
show that they are aware of the views of different historians for example
Robinson Gallagher (Africa and the Victorians), Jean Strangers etc, -
especially about the „accelerating factors‟ will undoubtedly deserve a mark
in band I (21 – 25 marks). Candidates who mention none of the accelerating
factors and whose answers merely list, in general terms, the various motives
– economic strategic, philanthropic etc – that led European powers to
partition Africa will hardly have answered the set question and struggle to
reach 8 – 10 marks.
This question requires candidates to argue their cases with evidence. The
only way Alexander II would have benefited from his own reforms would be
if those reforms increase his popularity and strengthened his support base. If
these reforms had made people accept his autocracy, then he would have
benefited more. Alexander II had in 1856 state that it was better to abolish
serfdom from above than to wait for the time when it would begin to abolish
itself from below. In other words, his reforms were aimed at preventing a
revolution by the serfs demanding their freedom. One can argue that the fact
that Alexander II was eventually assassinated in 1881 shows that he did not
benefit from his reforms. Besides, there had been previous unsuccessful
attempts at his life, showing that he had become unpopular. His reforms,
useful as they were, of not seem to have strengthened his hold on Russia. On
the other had, the people of Russia seem to have benefited more than their
leader from his reforms. According to Seton Watsona, with the possible
exception of Khrushcheve, no Russian ruler brought so much relief to so
many of his people as did Alexander II, autocratic and conservative though
he was. Many a scholar has argued that the Russian people benefited in the
long – run, not in the short – term form Alexander II‟s reforms. His reforms
have been described as useful but in exhaustive. The reforming period was
comparatively short. Serf – emancipation (1861), which was seen as
necessary to improve the economy and relive social tensions only evoked
more anger and frustration from the freed serfs as this reform failed to
improve the economic lot of the hard pressed peasants. The Zemstva were
introduced and censorship was eased but only temporarily. Secret courts and
authoritarian measures continued. Educational reforms were too cosmetic
and simply whetted the appetite for more reforms. This resulted in
disillusionment that was reflected by the emergence of extremist violent
groups such as the “People‟s Will, Nililists and Anarchists. Therefore,
Alexander II‟s reforms, so far from strengthening and stabilizing his regime
and earning universal acclaim for the „Tsar Liberator,‟ drew fierce criticism
from most sections of the political spectrum.
The key issue is an assessment of the Tsarist policies between 1815 and
1855 and their effectiveness in addressing the problems of the day.
These were the westerners, who wanted Russia to emulate the West
politically, socially, and economically and the slovophiles, who argued that
Russian culture was superior to the west. Both Tsars did not want to
dispense with autocracy, which limited their ability to elene effectively with
the socio – political problems they faced.
This question requires candidates to determine the extent to which the events
of 1905 actually constituted a revolution. Candidates will also be expected to
find out whether the 1905 revolution and the constitutional monarchy that
followed set Russia on an evolutionary or revolutionary path? This short
period 1906 – 14, is a subject of great historical debate. Broadly speaking,
there are two views. The first is that the 1905 Revolution and its aftermath
represented a real break form Russia‟s past and, with it, hope of rapid
evolution along western lines. In other words, the 1905 Revolution
represented a turning point in the reign of Nicholas II. The second is that the
changes in this period were superficial and simply emphasized how difficult
it was for the Tsarist regime to modernize. Marxist historians take the
second view further and attempt to prove that Russia‟s problems simply
became worse and revolution was inevitable. Historian Geoffrey Hosking
(1973) points out that, „The constitutional monarchy which emerged from
the 1905 Revolution carried within itself, the marks of the complex and
violent conflict of which it was born‟. This meant that there was much that
was backward – looking about the „new‟ regime. For instance, the monarch
continued to be described as „autocrat‟ and to avoid the liberal connotations
of the word „constitution‟, „fundamental laws‟ were used instead. Orlando
Figes (1997) comment s that, after 1906, „the newly won freedoms of the
socialist parties were now lost and old police regime as restored‟. According
to Lenin, the 1905 Revolution was merely a „dress rehearsal‟ of 1917 and
not a revolution in its own right. Those historians who broadly agree with
Leon Trotsky stress the fact that the Tsar retained most of his power, and
that in the last twelve years of the monarchy, Nicholas II strove hard and
often successfully to recover that lost power. Where the 1905 Revolution
stands on the scale of modern revolutions, one
CHAPTER 12
IMPERIALISM
The key issue is a comparative assessment of the causes of the „Scramble for
Africa or general motives for imperial expansion. Most candidates are likely
to argue that the economic self – interest better explains imperial expansion.
It should also be noted that continental Europe excludes Britain, except in
passing and not in detail. The following factors need to be considered. The
Christian crusade is humanitarian factor. It had been argued that the need to
spread Christianity was one of the causes of imperial expansion. Of example
Catholic missionaries helped to spread French influence, for example in
North Africa, there were Belgian missionaries in the Congo. Economic self –
interest can be seen in the following: There was the question of investment
and trade. Germany and France were industrializing and therefore there was
the search for raw materials. They protected their trade to force Britain out.
This created competition especially in West Africa. There were also
opportunities for overseas investment. This led to the need for markets for
European products. In this topic, candidates often refer to vies of historians
and commentators, such as Hobson and Lenin in a mechanical manner. This
will deserve some credit but higher credit will be given when the answers
discuss these views, assess their validity and link them to specific
developments. Other factors such as Political rivalries and public opinion
can also be discussed, but only after the ones mentioned in the question have
been exhausted.
CHAPTER 13
The key issue is an assessment of Kaiser Wilhelm II‟s policies. The best
answers will produce a balanced analysis of the aims and policies especially
between 1900 and 1914. He aimed to build the German navy which would
match the best in the world. It was hoped that a strong German navy would
encourage Britain to opt for neutrality in any future European war. He also
aimed to make Germany a major imperial power, which implied territorial
expansion overseas. He also hoped to use his aggressive foreign policy
issues to increase support for authoritarian rule at home. This would weaken
the appeal to socialism and democracy. Once the home political environment
was stable, he would concentrate on imposing Germany‟s image on Europe
and the world (Weltpolitik). Key consideration should be on the impact of
the Anglo – Boer War (1899), the First and Second Moroccan Crisis (1905,
1911), Bosnian Crisis (1908), Naval Race (1898 onwards), the Balkan Wars
(1912 -13), the July Crisis following the assassination of Archduke Franz
Ferdinand. The strongest answers will specifically comment on the two –
sided nature oaf the “blank chaque” issued to Austria prior to Austrian
demands upon Serbia – that it encouraged Austria to behave irresponsibly
but also to argue that the Kaiser realized the Germany faced isolation in
Europe because Austria was the only reliable ally she had on her side. On
the other hand, war came to Europe not just because of the role played by
the Kaiser William II but also due to Russian mobilization and the naval race
– to which other powers apart from just Germany also should the blame. A
characteristic of good answers is the ability to provide a broad analysis but at
the same time concluding that Germany‟s William II was largely to blame
for the outbreak of World War I.
CHAPTER 14
The key issue is determination of the stage at which, and the reasons when
the defeat of Germany became inevitable.
The key issue is an assessment of the effect of US entry in the First World
War.
Most candidates are likely to agree that the involvement of the USA in the
First World War in 1917 marked a turning point in the fortunes of the Allied
powers. However, there are other factors which determined the outcome of
the war. Candidates need to discuss the impact of US involvement before
making reference to other factors the isolationism that had so far
characterized America‟s attitude to the war was ultimately overcome by two
German errors. The first was the decision to wage unlimited submarine
warfare from February 1917, which inevitably involved attacks upon
American ships and the loss of American lives. The second was the dispatch
of the so – called „Zimmermann Telegram‟ in which the German Secretary
of State authorized his minister in Mexico to offer that country German
support in an attack upon the USA. This led to American entry into the war.
Her entry was decisive for the following reasons. She poured in fresh troops
and equipment, with the first American troops landing in France in June
1917. Their arrival greatly encouraged the Allies and had a depressing effect
on the war – weary Germans. American troops began to arrive on the
Western front in sufficient numbers and influenced the fighting in favour of
the Allies. The USA also brought new supplies, in the form of food, credit
and merchant ships. American producer said deals to provide copper, cotton,
wheat and other commodities, and her banks forwarded substantial loans to
the Allies. The vast American economy, which had not suffered the strain of
war, was able to sustain and revive the morale of the Allies. However, a part
from USA intervention, there was also the residence of eh Allies. Allied sea
power was also decisive. It enforced the deadly blockade which caused
desperated food shortages for the Central powers. The failure of the
Schlieffen plan also led, eventually to the defeat of Germany. This
committed Germany to a war on two fronts which ultimately it could
probably not win.
The key issue is the assessment of the extent to which and the reasons why
the aims of the European powers changed between 1914 and 1918.
Candidates need to know the aims of those European participants when the
war started in 1914, before discussing the reasons and extent of change. It is
also important to note that different European participants might have had
different aims when they entered the war. What is clear, however, is that,
whatever aims these European participants had in waging war, none had
expected a lengthy war. The aims of the European participants really did not
change, but the participants realized that they could not easily be achieved.
The British did not change their war aims form start to finish. Their major
aim was to prevent one country, namely Germany form dominating the
world. Throughout the war, they maintained this focus. They wanted also to
prevent any hostile country from occupying Belgium, which was important
economically and strategically to Britain. For the French, what began as a
defensive war against German invasion became a war to recover lost
territory. They now aimed t o regain Alsace and Lorraine which they had
lost to Germany in 1871. This they achieved after the war. The Germans had
four main aims in 1914 when the First World War began. Firstly, they
wanted to weaken France to such an extent as to make its revival as a great
power „impossible for all time‟, to break Russian dominance in eastern
Europe by bringing all non – Russian areas under German domination, to
achieve German economic dominance in Europe through the creation of a
vast common market and to establish a large central – African German
empire. The Germans fought hard to achieve these aims, but were foiled by
the determined Allied powers. So it was not so much the changing of aims as
the failure to achieve them during the course of the war.
The key issue is an assessment of the timing and reasons for the defeat of
Germany.
A lot has been said about American declaration of war on Germany on April
6 1917. Many believe that this event was the turning point which signified
the defeat of Germany. However, while the entry of the USA boosted the
morale of the Allies psychologically, it did not have any immediate impact
on German success in the war. At the point, it was far form clear whether or
not Germany would lose the war. If anything, the Germans were yet to score
more success against their opponents. The decisive point came in 1918 with
the repulsion of Germany‟s four tremendous attacks, and the appointment of
Foch, the French Commander – in – Chief, to a post of supreme authority
over all Allied forces in the field. When on August 8, 1918, a colossal
British attack on Villers – Bretonneux, in front of Amiens, the so – called
„black day of German Army‟, broke both the plans and spirit of Ludendorff,
who had been the mainspring since 1916 of every German effort in the
West, German defeat became certain. The Germans had shot their bolt. Their
reserves were at last exhausted, whereas the Americans were now
reinforcing the Allies at the rate of 250 000 men every month. Even then, it
was only when the Hindenburg line had been pierced, a the end of
September, 1918, that Ludendorff, who knew that Germany‟s allies were
breaking up even faster than Germany herself, finally advised his
government to get peace at any price. It was also at that point that the
situation in Germany itself deteriorated, with rioting and demonstrations
against the continuation of the war. Therefore, it was after a full year that
American entry into the war on the side of the allies began to bear fruit.
CHAPTER 15
TREATIES
The key issue is an assessment of the reasons and extent of the criticism of
the Peace Settlement.
Candidates will note that the Peace Settlement included five treaties, namely
the Treaty of Versailles, that of St Germain, Trianon, Neuilly and Sevres /
Lausanne. This is not a question on the Treaty of Versailles only. The
critism of the settlement emerged as soon as it was concluded. The
settlement emerged as a whole, and the terms of the Treaty Versailles, in
particular remain controversial issues. The critics of the settlement have, on
the one hand, maintained that the treaties were too harsh, that it was, in fact
a Carthaginian peace (that is the treaties were excessively severe on the
defeated contestants). On the other hand, it has been claimed that the treaty
was not severe enough. If virtually all Germans resented the terms, it should
be remembered that many Frenchmen, who had twice within forty years
experienced the might of German militarism, believed that it was not
stringent enough in providing safeguards against a recurrence of an attack
from their powerful neighbour. The treaty of Versailles has been criticized
for being a dictated peace (Diktat). No opportunity was created for
negotiations with representatives of the treaty of St German and article 161
of the Treaty of Trianon with Hungary. The „war guilt‟ clause had been
criticized for absolving the Allies for causing the war and putting all the
blame on the central powers. The clause relating to reparations have often
been criticized, but not only for being too harsh, but also for being quite
unrealistic. The treaty of Sevres with Turkey proved quite impossible to
implement from the beginning. Bulgaria probably received the most lenient
treatment of all the defeated powers partly as a result of influential British
sympathy. However, one serious criticism of the Treaty of Neuilly was that
the small peace – keeping force which Bulgaria was allowed to have proved
inadequate to maintain order in that turbulent state. The peace settlement
was also blamed for ignoring the principle of nationalism. This can be seen
in Germany‟s eastern frontier where vast numbers of Germans came under
Polish rule. This was to be a major cause of the Second World War. Another
criticism of the settlement was that the victorious powers did not disarm,
even though the defeated powers had been disarmed to the lowest level.
CHAPTER 16
There is a lot of validity in the above claim. However, candidates are free to
accept or reject the claim as long as they do so with relevant evidence. It is
important for candidates to identify who the major powers were at that time.
The great powers at that time included Britain, France, USA, USSR, Italy,
Japan and later Germany. The first major evidence of the lack of
international cooperation or collective security was the absence from the
League of some of the powers. This itself showed that not all great powers
were committed to the ideas of the League. Thy were more concerned with
their own domestic affairs. For example the USA never joined and the USSR
only joined in 1934. Other powers withdrew from the League when their
actions were condemned by the League, for example, Japan in 1933 and
Italy in 1937. This showed that the major Powers were committed more to
their own interests than to international cooperation. The major Powers were
committed more to their armed force to enforce League regulations since the
Organization did not have an armed force of its own. Economic sanctions,
which were the most severe measure that league could implement short
military action were difficult to enforce and had no great impact on the
targeted country, they could simply trade with those outside the League. The
League‟s two must important members, Poritain and France were reluctant
to use sanctions and even were reluctant to resort to military action on behalf
of the League. So soon after World War I, the populations and government s
of the two countries over pacifist. Ultimately, France and Britain both
abandoned the concept of collective security infavour of appeasement in the
face of growing German militarism under Adolf Hitler. The failure of
disarmament showed that the major powers were concerned with their
respective nationalist interests. The Polish, for instance due to their own
moral interest, in 1935 signed a moral agreement with Germany, thus
rendering ineffective any efforts to achieve disarmament. Japanese invasion
of Manchuria, invasion of Abyssinia (1935), occupation of Corfu (1923),
and involvement in the Spanish Civil War by Italy, Germany and the Soviet
Union, all showed more concern with self – interest than international
cooperation.
CHAPTER 17
Candidates can argue that both factors were important in the weakening and
eventual collapse of the Weimar Republic. The stigma of the Versailles
Treaty was a long term cause of the collapse of the Weimar Republic, while
the Great Depression was a short term one. It can be argued that the Great
Depression did more because it had immediate and more devastating effects
on the population, which worsened the unpopularity of the Weimar
Republic. It led to the recalling of the short term loans on which the
Weimar‟s brief history of relative prosperity had been based. There was also
the closure of banks and factories, as well as the reduction of common
exports because of the reduced markets. Unemployment rose from 4 million
in 1931 to 6 million in 1932. These developments caused criticism from all
groups in society, especially the industrialists and working class who
demanded more decisive action by government. The loss of working class
support because of increasing unemployment and the reduction of
unemployment benefits was a serious blow to the Republic. Stable
conditions became impossible during this time. The greatest beneficiaries of
the period were the opponents of the Republic, namely extreme left and right
wing parties that are the Communists and Nazi‟s respectively. The Versailles
Treaty also helped to weaken the Weimar Republic. The news of the treaty
came as a complete shock to the non government and to the German the
treaty. It was known as the Diktat, as Germany had been forced to sign the
treaty. Germans were outraged at the loss of her colonies her territory and
population to France, Belgium and Poland. She also resented the ban on an
air force and tanks and the demilitanation of the Rhineland. One effect of the
Treaty was an immediate lack of confidence in the politicians that had
signed it and the Weimar Republic as a whole. This as reflected in the poor
performance of the parties that supported the republic in the elections of
1920.
The key issue is an assessment of the reasons why the reign of the Weimar
was followed by dictatorship.
FASCIST ITALY
NAZI GERMANY
The key issue is an assessment of the nature of Hitler‟s foreign policy and
the policy of appeasement.
The key issue assessment of the achievement of Nazi power and its timing.
The failure to achieve power by Hitler and the Nazis in the 1920s was due to
a number of reasons. First and foremost, it had to do with their methods of
achieving power. They wanted to achieve power through a coup, the so –
called Beer hall Putsch (1923). This revolt was suppressed and Hitler was
jailed. At this stage the National Socialists were an insignificant little rightist
group. Therefore, the Nazis could not achieve power in the 1920s because
they still needed to build their support bases. The other thing which
prevented achievement of power in the 1920s was that the rise of Hitler and
the Nazis was linked to the state of the German economy. After their initial
widespread publicity, the party once again sank into the background. This
can be attributed to the stability and prosperity that the Weimar Republic
had at last established in Germany. The period 1924 – 29 is known as the
Stressmann period, during which Germany experienced prosperity. Due to
the fact that the Nazis thrived when there was economic instability, the
prosperous 1920s saw their support base dwingling. The other issue is that
once released from prison, Hitler decided to achieve power legally that is
through constitutional means rather than by force of arms. This would take
time. Between 1924 and 1928, when the economy was stable, the Nazi
number of seats fell from 32 in 1924 to 14 in 1928. The other factor which
prevented the take over of power in the 1920s was an internal struggle. The
party split to the left and right. It took Hitler until 1927 to persuade
influential supporters of the left wing such as Joseph Goebbles and Greogor
Strasser to accept reconciliation. The reconciliation of Hitler and Goebbels
contributed a lot to the achievement of power by Hitler and the Nazis in the
1930s. Hitler‟s ultimate assumption of power is usually explained in terms
of the world – wide depression of the 1930s. During this period of economic
instability, the Nazi seats increased from 107 in 1930 to 230 in 1932.
Obviously, the depression and the inability of the Weimar regime to solve
the resulting problems, such as unemployment and inflation, helped the
Nazis to come to power. By the 1930s the Nazis had also become more
organized and more united than in the 1920s.
The key issue is an assessment of the factors leading to the rise of Hitler.
Candidates can take each factor in turn and indicate how it is relevant or led
to the rise to the Nazis. Outraged nationalism can be seen in how the terms
of the Versailles Treaty annoyed the German people and how Hitler was
able to the exploit it. Candidates can comment on the fact that the German
people had been betrayed by the Weimar Republic and how Hitler was able
to exploit that. The Weimar Republic were called “the November Criminals”
for signing the hated Versailles Treaty, this unpopularity of the Weimar
Republic gave the Nazi‟s the sympathies of the nationalist and conservative
forces in German society. Anti – Marxism was also an important factor in
the rise of the Nazi‟s. The fear of communalism was so strong among many
groups Germany. The communists were blamed for all the ills of Germany.
The Nazis‟ use of propaganda worked well for them. Their street fighters
gave the impression that thee middle class (industrialists) who provided
funds for the Nazi‟s as a result. The Marxists were portrayed as perpetrators
of workers rights, and hence a danger to the property of the industrialists and
businessmen. Economic collapse during the Weimar Republic needs to be
explained. This was particularly important from 1929 with the setting of the
Great Depression. It can be argued that of all the three factors, it was this
which most aided the Nazi rise. This can be illustrated by reference to their
weak support before 1929 and how this rosed framatically after the
economic collapse. It made the anti – Marxist propaganda, especially the
later years to strengthen as fears of a communist resurgence revived.
CHAPTER 20
The key issue is the relative contributions of the USSR and its Allies to the
defeat of Nazi Germany. The answers should be reasonably balanced.
Candidates should consider a wide range of factors, supporting them with
sound historical references.
The USSR imposed the first significant defeats on Germany, for example at
Stalingrad and Leningrad (1942 – 43) and in the battle of Kursk (1943).
From 1943 the Soviet forces were better equipped and better organized and
began to throw back the Germans. In the ensuing advance through Eastern
Europe the German army was almost destroyed and this weakened its ability
to resist the landings in France. Candidates can assess the effects of the
support in supplies and equipment to the USSR from its western Allies.
These expelled Germany and its Italian Allies from Italy and then exerted
increasing pressure through Italy and in the Mediterranean. Air supremacy
was established and the German naval threat was countered. From 1944, the
advances from Normandy destroyed the German army in the west. It is
possible to make valid claims about the respective importance of both
groups in the alliance. It can be argued that the USSR had strengthened
Germany by the pact with Germany whilst British and American supplies
helped to sustain the Soviet – war effort until the USSR could harness its
won resources. On the other hand, the destruction of the German army and
the sheer extent of Soviet advance through eastern and central Europe is
strong evidence of the contribution of the USSR. In terms of causalities and
physical destruction, the Soviet contribution was much greater.
2. Which factors encouraged and which discouraged changes in the
status of women in continental Europe after the Second World
War?
The key issue is an assessment of the factors for and against the changes in
the status of women after 1945.
(UNO)
The key issue is an assessment of the validity of the claim that the UNO was
used as a tool by the USA to contain communism.
Candidates are likely to argue that the above statement is largely valid. The
containment of communism was in essence, the main objective of the
Truman doctrine. The Truman. Doctrine, spelled out the policy of
containment which was designed to curb Russian expansionism and to resist
the spread of communism. This was further underlined by the strengthening
of the West European countries by Marshal aid and the creation of NATO.
Due to her dominance, economically the US was able to use the UNO to
achieve her goal of curbing the spread of communism. The Truman doctrine
sprang from events in Greece where communists were trying to overthrow
the monarchy. Truman, the USA president, then announced in March 1947
that the USA would „support free people who are resisting subjugation by
armed minorities or by outside pressures.‟ Greece immediately received
massive amounts of arms and other supplies.
By 1949, the communists were defeated. Turkey which also seemed under
threat, received aid worth about two million dollars. The „Truman Doctrine‟
made it clear that the US had no intention of returning to isolation as she had
after the First World War. She was committed to a policy of containing the
spread of communism, not just in Europe but throughout the world,
including Korea and Vietnam.
1. How stable was the internal condition of the USSR to the end of
the 1960s?
Candidates will note that the question requires them to focus on the reigns of
Khrushchev and power sharing of Brezhnev and Kosygin. It can be noted
that domestically, the Soviet Union was stable, socially, economically and
politically, especially during the early years of Khrushcheve‟s rule.
Destalinization was the guiding principle. Under Khrushcheve, living
standards rose considerably. Wages increased and working hours were
shortened Maternity leave, old age pensions and disability payments were all
increased, and taxes were cut. Improved medical and educational facilities
and larger housing subsidies were also among the benefits explaining the
social stability obtaining during the late 1950s and early 1960s. The
loosening of controls on the theatre, films, broadcasting, music and literature
produced a more liberal atmosphere in which criticism of the Soviet
government and society became possible once again. Strict controls on
broadcasting remained in force, however. Despite the move by Brezhnev
and Kosygin, the new Russian leaders after 1963, to undo what Khrushchev
had done, internal stability continued. The new leaders replaced
Khrushchev‟s decentralization with centralization. Economic policies
maintained wage differentials and profit incentives. Economic growth was
registered after 1963, but the rate was slow. Politically, stability continued
for the whole period. No strikes or rebellions against the government were
recorded. There was also a return to party control instead of Stalin‟s
personality cult. There was also a reduction in secret police activities and
more freedom of ordinary Russians. Deposed politicians and officials retired
into obscurity instead of being tortured and executed. Thus, the internal
condition of Russia was much more stable compared to the previous Stalin
era.
The key issue is an assessment of the reasons for policy changes in the
government of Russia between 1953 and 1963.
The period between 1953 and 1964 was dominated by the reign of
Khrushchev. It was a period of de-stalinization. There were three main
reasons why there were changes in the government of Russia after the death
of Stalin in 1953. Firstly, there was the need to do away with the rigid over –
centralization of industrial planning, which had made for much inefficiency
and waste. Secondly, the need to solve the old problem of providing
sufficient food for an increasingly urbanized society. Thirdly, the need to
raise the living standards of the people, which had fallen drastically during
Stalin‟s era. Stalin‟s rule had been repressive and lacking in transparency.
The spread of Western Ideas of democracy and transparency influenced
Khrushchev to undertake drastic policy changes in the Soviet government.
These changes in the government of Russia included the domination of
Stalin‟s leadership by exposing his repressive policies. Other changes
included the repudiation of the reign of terror, reshuffling the government
with ministries being changed and reduced, increasing prices of agricultural
procurements, reduction of taxes, relaxation of central control over
collective farms, changing the whole wage structure, slowing down of
labour camps, and the resuscitation of the labour movements. These changes
were a reflection of the thawing in the relations between Khrushchev and the
Western leaders, particularly the USA. In place of a policy of confrontation
with the West, Khrushchev brought in a policy of peaceful co – existence.
This policy of de – stalinization succeeded to a large extent.
CHAPTER 23
COLD WAR
The key issue is the reasons why communism failed to make headway in
Western Europe then it was in Eastern Europe. The main thrust of the
question is on Western Europe and answers which solely focus on this
region should be awarded marks in any band. As early as 1946 Churchill had
urged the nations of Europe to bind together to form a stronger alliance
against any external threat. He was referring to the growing danger from the
communist countries of Eastern Europe, especially the USSR herself when
he mentioned that an iron curtain was spreading right across the continent.
Hence there were Western – European based initiatives to forestall the
spread of Soviet Communism. These included the Dunkirk Treaty (1947)
signed by Britain and France to prevent the revival of German military
aggression. Although Germany was named in this treaty, the real object and
danger was the USSR. The Brussels Treaty (1948) soon followed and
expanded the Dunkirk Treaty by including the Benelux (Belgium,
Netherlands, and Luxembourg) countries. The treaty centrally focused on
unity and defence against the communist threat. Following the crisis of
Berlin (Berlin Blockade and Airlift) 1948, East Germany fell to communism
as she came under soviet administration. This encouraged the Western
European countries to adopt a much broader and stronger bond of unity
against the spread of communism. With the assistance of the USA, North
Atlantic Treaty Organization was formed in 1949 and it included the USA,
Canada and all of Western Europe.
It must be emphasized that the new American policy after 1945 played a
more prominent role in saving Western Europe from the scourge of
communism. America decided to shift from a policy of isolationism to one
of active involvement in European affairs as well as one of containment of
communism. In this vein, George Marshall, the American Secretary of State
developed a European Recovery Programme based on US aid in 1947. the
package became known as the Marshall Plan, and it was issued to all
countries of Europe, including communist countries to aid them in post –
war reconstruction programmes. The programme ran for five years, 1947 –
1952 but was bitterly opposed by the Soviet Union which viewed the
schemes a way of bringing all European nations saved Western Europe from
begging for recovery loans from the Soviets, thus preventing the spread of
communism.
Strong answers will find it pertinent to point out that the strong and decisive
US presence in the Berlin Blockade and Airlift rescued Western Germany
from equally falling under the axe of communism.
The key issue is an assessment of the responsibility for the beginning and
subsequent spread of the „Cold War.‟ This question involves a discussion of
scholarly views on how was to blame. Many western historians still believe,
as they did at the time, that Stalin‟s foreign policies contributed to the
tensions that became known as the „Cold War‟ They argue that this aim was
to take advantage of the military situation to strengthen Russian influence in
Europe. This involved occupying as much of Germany as possible as the
Nazi armies collapsed and acquiring as much territory as he could get away
from other states such as Finland, Poland and Rumania. In this he was
successful, but the West was alarmed at what seemed to be Russian
aggression. The motives behind Stalin‟s aims are still a subject of
controversy among historians. The Russians themselves and since the mid –
1960‟s some western historians as well, claim that Stalin‟s motives were
purely defensive: he wanted a wider buffer zone to protect Russia from any
further invasion from the capitalist west. The delay in opening the second
front against the Germans in France during the Second World War seemed
deliberately calculated to keep most of the pressure on the Russians and
bring them to exhaustion. Stalin was not informed about the existence of the
atomic bomb until shortly before its use on Japan, and his request that
Russia should share in the occupation of Japan use the rejected. Above all,
the west had the atomic bomb and Russia did not. Candidates should use the
available evidence to come to a conclusion. However, the conclusion has to
be that both sides were to some extent to blame for the Cold War. If
somehow mutual confidence could have been created between the two sides,
the conflict might have been avoided. Both the USSR and the West carry the
blame for the spread of the Cold War. The following developments need to
be noted. By the end of the 1940s, NATO had been formed and Warsaw
Pact emerged in 1955. Problems increased with the invasion of Hungary
(1956) and the building of the Berlin Wall (1961). The Cuban missile crisis
of 1962 needs mentioning, as well as the Marshall aid and COMECON
systems.
The key issue is the extent to which peace was threatened by the “Cold
War”. Candidates should be appreciative of the dangers and the limits of the
danger. They should also explain why the crises were contained.
Although an introduction might trace the origins of the Cold War in the
immediate post – war period, the focus must be on the 1950s and 1960s. by
the end of the 1940s, NATO had been formed and the War – saw Pact
emerged in 1955. Although the Geneva Summit (1955) represented some
easing of tension, problems increased with the invasion of Hungary (1956)
and the building of the Berlin Wall (1961). References can be made to the
wider aspects of the Cold war for example the implications of the Suez
Canal (1956) and the Cuban missile crisis of 1962, but these should be
subordinate to the key issue and should not be regarded as necessary parts of
the arguments. The Korean war (1950 – 53) was another incident which
threatened peace as the crisis directly involved the interests of the great
powers, namely the USA and the USSR. The arms race also threatened
world peace, with the Russians continuing to build up nuclear armaments.
By 1957, they had successfully tested an intercontinental ballistic missile
and had also launched the first space satellite; Sputnik I, none of which
made the west fell any more secure. The shooting down in 1960 of the
American U – 2 spy plane over a thousand miles inside Russian territory
hightened tension between the two superpowers.
CHAPTER 24
USSR UP TO 1964
The key issue in this question is the survival of Stalinist policies in the
USSR to 1964. Candidates should be aware of not only the changes that
were implemented after Stalin but their short comings and their impact on
the party, the economy and political organization of the USSR.
Desalinization was evidenced by the freeing of political prisoners, fewer
political arrests and the relaxation of press, censorship which had been
severely tightened under Stalin.
Stalin‟s isolation from the West was ended with the adoption of a more
flexible diplomatic position. Above all was the public condemnation of
Stalin‟s policies and his personality. It also involved the loosening of the
doctrinal rigidity, the reduction of police rule, the reintroduction of worker
management in industry and the abandonment of collectivization. Khruschev
eventually turned his policies around to consolidate his position, in the party
as well as in the country. By 1958, Khruschev became the supreme ruler as
head of the party and the government. In the years that followed, he went on
to follow the footsteps of Stalin by creating for himself the „cult of
personality.‟
CHAPTER 25
DECOLONISATION
The key issue in this question are the reasons why continental European
powers pursued policies of decolonization after 1945. Candidates should
also note that continental Europe usually excludes Britain. Decolonization
took place both in Africa and Asia. In Africa, only five states were
independent in 1955, thirty in 1965 and by 1975, only three were yet to gain
independence. In the Far East, decolonization received impetus from the
collapse of Japanese power. Post – war demands by Africans who were more
conscious of their rights led to Europe giving up the colonies. Over 400 000
Africans had served outside their own countries and seen conditions
elsewhere. Some of them had been to England, where they had been treated
as equals by Englishmen, only to return to their homelands and be exposed
to racial discrimination. This led them to demand independence. Another
point is that, the American and British forces, who had liberated North
Africa had preached an anti – colonial view of life that had found a
welcoming echo from the Africans, Besides, even before the war ended the
French, the Dutch and Belgians had realized that they would not simply be
able to resume form where they had left off in 1939. The Second World War
had been too costly to their own economies. Maintaining the colonial empire
was considered a heavy burden. Bitter struggles also forced European
powers to give up their colonies. This was true in the case of France in
Algeria. Criticism at home of the colonial policy also had an impact in
causing decolonization. Some countries gained independence through
revolution and guerrilla warfare, while others achieved it peacefully without
armed conflict. The influence of the two super – powers was also important
in the decolonization process. Both super – powers, the USA and USSR,
threw their weight behind the nationalist leaders who were attempting to cast
off the colonial yoke. The African nationalist leaders also kept a close watch
on developments in Asia. The way in which the Japanese, a non – white
race, had overrun and sent the British, French and Dutch packing in Asia,
had an effect on colonial peoples in Africa as well as Asia. The myth of
white invincibility had been destroyed.
The question clearly centers on analysis not description and narration of the
transition from the slave trade to legitimate commerce in the Niger Delta. It
is important to note, however, that some of the producers were also
middlemen, and competent answers should easily pick this up. In illustrating
the degree of success, some candidates may choose to give statistics which
showed an upward trend in the production of vegetable oils in the Niger
Delta. However, the general approach would be to show the thriving House
System under the leadership of “new men” such as Jaja, Nana, pepple,
Olonu and many numerous others. Certainly in this region the success was
unprecedented. However, it will be valid arguments were soon displaced by
the British through the Royal Niger Company. Of course this was part of
imperial take – over but it is squarely relevant to the topic. Answers which
concentrate on the reasons for abolition should achieve a ceiling of 9 marks
since they would have missed the key issue of the question.
Their main fields of activity were education and scholarship, the church
including mission work, administration, commerce, literature, medicine, and
the law. Specific examples should be given in the various fields. Where such
examples are missing, 8 – 10 will be the maximum marks given. Names of
the outstanding individuals and the areas in which they affected should be
given in order to achieve marks above 20, for example, John Thorpe become
the First African bishop in 1864 and lawyer in 1850, J.B. Horton the first
Western medicine doctor (1859), SA Crowther – First African bishop in
1864, Samuel Lewis, the first knight in 1896 as well as the first editor of a
newspaper, owner, and first to be granted Cambridge and Oxford degrees. In
1872 Creoles held almost half of the senior civil service posts in Sierra
Leone. In 1893 Freetown was made a municipality with its own Creole
Mayor. By the end of the century Creoles formed an educated society proud
of their achievements, who voiced their views in a vigorous and flourship
press and took part in religion and government administration as well.
Candidates‟ answers should clearly identity and explain the basic factors on
which the speed and success of the transition depended. These included:
CHAPTER 27
Most candidates will probably accept fully the view expressed in the title.
Mutesa succeeded to the Kabakaship on the death of Suna II who had
brought Buganda to its greatest territorial extent. Mutesa neither gained nor
lost any territory. Bunyoro, the old rival was still a threat and Egypt posed a
new threat when General Gordon was Governor of Equatorial. Neither threat
came to anything in Mutesa‟s reign. Economically Buganda certainly
became stronger as Mutesa encouraged relations with outside traders from
whom Buganda obtained cloth, firearms and new crops like maize, cassava
and rice. Her military position became stronger. The most controversial
aspect of Mutesa‟s policies was probably the welcome he gave first to
Muslims and later to Christian missionaries. This policy was not prompted
by religious motives but by expectations of other benefits he hoped to gain
from them. He, himself was never converted to either Islam or Christianity,
but many of his subjects, some in influential positions, were Conversions to
Christianity could have led to the Kabaka‟s absolute authority being
challenged, but as long as Mutesa ruled this did not happen. During his reign
the Kabaka‟s power actually increased at the expense of hereditary chiefs.
Under Mwanga, his less able son, the presence and impact of these religious
influences had serious consequences for the Bugandan State and the
Kabaka‟s role within it.
Tewodros‟ aims should be briefly described at the outset: the unification and
modernization of Ethiopia after a century of turmoil and disunity during the
„era of Princes, and the preservation of the country‟s independence. Other
aims, associated with the broad ones above included:-
The vision of a united and partly modernized Ethiopia had, however, been
briefly achieved in the early years of his reign and was never forgotten. It
was revived by his successors, who learned from his mistakes and succeeded
in achieving most of his aims. Answers on these lines, adequately supported
with some accurate, detailed knowledge will deserve a mark in one of the
two top bands, (18-20; 21 – 25 marks). Omission of a definition of his vision
would reduce the marks to a ceiling of 17, and failure to respond to the key
phrase – “How far, and why, did he fail …” would limit the mark to the 8 –
10 band.
CHAPTER 29
The key issue is the positive and negative contributions of any of the two
statesmen listed above. The critical success factor will be analysis and
explanation as opposed to a general descriptive and narrative outline of
someone‟s career.
Khalifa Abdullah (1885 – 1898) His rule marked the transformation of the
Mahdist state from a theocracy into a complex and centralized
administrative unit. Order was restored over a vast area which had been
ravaged by four years of war – an achievement that could only have been
secured by the bureaucracy Abdullah created. He also created a system of
provincial rule. The Omdurman was the heart of the administration of the
Mahdist State. The surrounding areas were under the command of military
governors who were mostly elected from the Ta‟aisha group of the Baggara,
his ethnic minority. He also instituted financial reforms, legal changes, put
down revolts and continued the jihad against Ethiopia (Christian) and Egypt
(unreformed Islam). However, his foreign policy brought him low because
the Ethiopians under Johannes IV drove him off and so did the exacting
defeat at the hands of the Anglo – Egyptian army at Tuslaki in 1889.
Mkwawa – he had considerably expanded the Hehe power before 1880 and
continued to do so during the late 1880s. He increased the tribute – paying
area which directly came under his control. Initially, he attempted to strike
some understanding with the Germans but this all failed. The first
confrontation was a success, although Mkwawa suffered heavy casualties.
However, a second more powerful German expedition captured Mkwawa‟s
capital at Kalenga and destroyed most of his troops. This led to the loss of
his independence. The answers would, in addition to an explanatory
approach display an acceptable level of balanced focus - between the
negative and positive success and failures.
The Ndebele and Mandinka economic systems were largely similar. They
both had mixed and diversified economies. The two economies shared many
similarities. They both were agricultural states, growing a variety of crops.
However, the Mandinka agricultural system was more planned than the
Mandinka although both states kept large herds of cattle. Both states relied
heavily on raiding other states for survival. Trade was common to both.
However, it is clear that the Mandinka were more experienced traders than
the Ndebele. In fact, the Mandinka leader Samori Toure was a reoriented
trader by profession. Therefore, trade did not play as important a part in the
Ndebele state as it did in the Mandinka empire. Both economic systems were
characterized by hunting and gathering. These, however, were not major
activities. Tribute payment was also common to both economic systems.
Tribute was paid in the form of grain, gold, silver, and other metals. Mining
was also common to both states, although it was more pronounced in the
Mandinka Empire than in the Ndebele state. The cottage system, industries
was also practiced. More economic activities such as the different forms of
blacksmithing were practiced by both.
The major difference between the two kings in their responses to European
encroachment was that Lobengula resisted while Lewanika collaborated
with the Europeans. Both men however did sign treaties with these
dangerous outsiders. Both men wanted to preserve their kingdoms; they only
differed in the way to do it. The historical record shows that Lobengula did
everything he reasonably could to avoid war with Cecil Rhodes. Lobengula
had followed a policy of diplomatic contact with the Europeans long before
the appearance of Rhodes. In his efforts to cope with the pressure from
European concession seaters, Lobengula received no help from missionaries.
This was in contrast to his neigbouring rulers, Khama and Lewanika who
had received that assistance. While Lewanika was prepared to accept British
protection on their own terms Lobengula was not. Lobengula was aware of
the military strength of the Europeans and knew that any war with them
would lead to the destruction of his kingdom. Had it not been for his
overzealous young soldiers who wanted war, Lobengula would have settled
for peaceful coexistence. However, what he was not prepared to do was to
accept a subservient position in his own kingdom, which is what Lewanika
did. Lewanika did not resist European occupation, but instead cooperated
with the colonialists. By negotiations and treaties with the British, he
preserved both this Kingdom and his position as King into the colonial
period. Lobengula‟s treaties could not save him and his Kingdom because
the Ndebele were generally hostile to the British, while the Lozi of
Lewanika had established friendly relations with the British in the pre –
colonial period. Lobengula had signed the Grobler Treaty (1889) with the
Boers Moffat Treaty (1888) and Rudd Concession with the British.
Lewanika signed the Lochner Treaty (1890) and another one in 1900. While
Lobengula‟s response led to the destruction of his Kingdom and Lewanika‟s
was preserved, both Kingdoms in the end, came British control. Both the
Ndebele and the Lozi were later exposed to various forms of British
exploitation.
CHAPTER 30
The key words in the title are „why‟ and efficient‟ and the best answers will
focus on the reasons which made Dahomey an efficient state. Given the
wording of the question candidates should not be expected to argue about
whether she was the most efficient state or not. They are to give reasons why
this was the case.
Dahomey‟s efficiency owed much to the ability of her two great rulers in the
19th century. King Gezo (1818 – 1858) and Glele (1859 – 1889). Since most
of Gezo‟s reign lies outside the syllabus only a few basic references should
be made to his contributions to his country‟s efficiency. Nevertheless it was
Gezo who laid the foundations of Dahomey‟s efficiency. Early in his reign,
he proclaimed its independence from the weak and increasingly inefficient
Oyo Empire. It was he who decided in the 1840s that Dahomey should base
its economy on legitimate trade and abandon its dependence on the slave
trade. The decision was a wise one and by 1870 palm oil was providing
Dahomey with three times the revenue was earned from the export of slaves
in 1840.
Both monarchs recognized the need for a strong standing army for defence
and for acquiring slaves who would provide the labour required to cultivate
palm oil trees in Dahomey‟s poor soil. The army was not strong enough to
defeat the mosre powerful Yoruba States like Abedula and Egba but able to
defeat her weaker neighbours like Ketu and enslave many of their people.
The main reasons for Dahomey‟s efficiency lay in its well organized,
centralized system of administration. The King was at its head though he
was not an arbitrary despot. A group of officials and ministers, each in
charge of a particular department, formed a cabinet or council which advised
the King. The most important ministers were the meu (head of the financial
system and taxation), the Mingi (Chief magistrate and head of police),
Tokpe (minister of agriculture), the Yevogan (foreign and trade Minster).
Almost as important as the Ministers were the Naye or Kings‟s wives. One
was attached to each Minister and was responsible for checking and
overseeing the efficient conduct of the work of his department. There was
also an official in charge of every province. All officials and ministers were
chosen on merit. Perhaps the strongest, most efficient element in the whole
system was the planned economy under the direction of the Tokpe.
Production of each crop and numbers of all livestock, palm trees etc were all
known and carefully, monitored.
The basic causes of the violence and instability in Yorubaland have their
roots earlier than 1855 in the results of the decline and fall of the powerful
military empire of Oyo which took place in the early 19 th century. As Oyo‟s
stabilizing power declined, states like Nupe, Egba and Borgawa became
independent, whilst llorin rebelled and became part of the Sokoto Caliphate.
The Fulani in the Sokoto Calophat invaded Yorubaland. Ibadan and Egba
who emerged from this warfare in 1839 as the two most powerful states in
Yorubaland became rivals for control of the palm oil with the Europeans.
They fought for land, slaves and dominance of the oil trade. Ibadan was a
disadvantage by being out off from direct access to the coast.
Two major periods of warfare followed. The first was the Ijave War (1860 –
1864), the second was the Sixteen Years War (1877 – 1893), both of which
were fuelled by Ibadan‟s aim to trade directly with the Europeans at the
coast. Ibadan emerged from this war as the largest state in Yorubaland put
peace was not restored until the British conquest of the region between 1893
and 1896.
For a mark between 20 – 25, candidates must explain the basic causes of
ware in the early 19th century and focus on the key part played by Ibadan in
the wars between 1840 and 1893.
This is a two – part question but answers may not always be written in two
separate parts because it will be difficult to avoid links and cross reference
between the two.
The means:
Samori built on the foundations laid by Dyula traders with whom he had
close links. (See Tidy Leeming. Voll, pp62 – 65) Preference to his military
skills and experience, especially after he broke away from the Sese army and
became an independent warlord in 1857. Military conquest was the main
means by which he built his empire between 1867 and 1881, and added to it
further conquests until 1881. His failure to defeat Sikasso ended the process.
Other means included a sound economic base, dependent mainly on trade,
efficient government and administration, religion (Islam used as a unifying
factor) and Samori‟s personal charisma and leadership qualities.
Economic
Samori never forgot his origins as a trader and he was indebted to his close
links with the Dyla traders in many ways. In return the traders were
guaranteed free trade, throughout the empire, in secure conditions. Gold,
horses and firearms were amongst the main items of trade. Agriculture was
highly organized. The Almami‟s fields were a feature on every village and
provided the basis for the supply of food to the army.
For a mark in the 18 – 20, 21 – 25 mark bands, Samori‟s main features must
both be analyzed and illustrated. Material on Samori‟s struggle with the
French is not relevant in this question.
The House System developed in the city states of the Niger Delta and they
were essentially co-operative companies whose main function was the
organization and promotion of trade in the 19th century. Though houses
existed before the abolition of the slave trade, they became more numerous
and more important in response to the changing conditions created by the
abolition of the slave trade and the challenges resulting from the need to
switch from the slave trade to legitimate trade.
The emergency of the houses brought about political, economic and social
change throughout the area. Increased economic competition emphasized the
importance of having men with real ability, economic and military skill to
run their affairs. Traditional rulers did not always possess such skills and by
the mid – 19th century Houses head were often more important than Kings to
the economic well – being of rival societies. Houses were also composed of
ordinary members of society and in some cases ex – slaves rose by merit to
become house heads. Such leaders became known as “new men” and
outstanding examples were Alali, an ex – slave in Bonny, and Jaja, also an
ex – slave who succeeded Alali in 1863. He ended up setting up his own
„kingdom‟ of Opobo in a position east of Bonny where he cut off bonny
from most of its trade. He obtained slaves and palm oil, and his military
skills enabled him to dominate the trade of a wide area. Soon he was joined
by most of the other House Heads from Bonny.
Jaja‟s importance also lay in his ability to preserve African culture and
traditions whilst taking advantage of Western technology and education. He
refused to allow missionaries into his Kingdom and he increasingly posed a
threat to the British who finally removed him from power. In a sense he was
so successful that he and others like him in the House System stimulated the
imperialist aims of the British. Missionaries and traders pressed the British
government to intervene and colonize parts of West Africa whose rulers
stood in the way of their objectives.
Answers should shoe accurate knowledge about the emergence of the House
System and give specific illustrations of the importance of the system in
operation in the second half of the 19th century in order to score above 20
marks.
The key issue is an assessment of the reigns of Glele of Dahomey and Jaja of
Opobo and their importance in African history.
Jaja of Opobo
Jaja personified the rise of the “new men” who successfully responded to the
economic and political conditions of the nineteenth century. His career
illustrates the struggle of Africans to utilize the benefits of Western
technology without surrendering their cultural heritage. One of his clear
achievements is that, while he might not have created the economic
prosperity of Opobo, he inherited and consolidated it successfully. He
conducted direct trade with Europe and built European style houses. Jaja
extended his political control to many parts of the lme valley and also
established trading alliances with the Aro traders of Igboland. In 1884 at the
time of the European Partition he secured a favourable treaty which allowed
him a monopoly of trade. Jaja‟s real significance in African history is that he
personalized perhaps better than any other example on the continent, the rise
of new men who successfully responded to the new economic and political
conditions of the nineteenth century. Jaja was also utterly opposed to
Christianity and refused to allow missionaries into Opobo. He believed that
African religion was compatible with Westernization. His example shows an
enlightened traditionalist who epitomizes the attempts of pre-colonial Africa
to modernize, before cultural and psychological dependence on Europe had
taken a grip on the African continent.
Glele of Dahomey
Glele ruled Dahomey form 1859 – 1889.he took over from his father Gezo.
Under Glele Dahomey benefited from a well – organized and centralized
administration. Glele can be credited in his domestic policy for maintaining
an efficient administration. Under him, the senior civil service posts were
filled on merit with able men from the commoner class. Economically Glele
continued the prosperity which he inherited from his father, Gozo. The
economy was diversified and characterized by agriculture, cattle rearing and
trade. Revenue was obtained from an efficient taxation system. However,
Glele was not that successful in foreign policy. He failed, like his father to
destroy Abeokuta, suffering a crashing defeat in 1864. Glele was not as
successful in defending his state against the French as Samori Toure. Glele
was unwilling to fight France. He believed that “he who makes the powder
must win the battle”. He allowed France to strengthen its position at the
coast unchanged. In 1889 he even conceded his Kingdom‟s claims to the
port of Cotonoll, after the French had sent a threatening mission to Abomey,
his capital. Glele was so ashamed of his weakness that he committed suicide
by poisoning.
They key issue is the assessment of the role played by the Egyptian question
in the scramble for Africa. Analysis for the Egyptian crisis alone will
achieve a ceiling of 16 marks. British intervention in Egypt both angered and
embarrassed France which immediately moved to ratify the deBrazza –
Makoko Treaty in the same year. There can be no doubt that the event also
led the French into moving and consolidating their ground in North and
West Africa. However, some historians such as Jean Strangers have argued
that by the time the Egyptian crisis took place in 1882, events in the Congo
had already brought the scramble to a head. Belgian King Leopold II had
already sucked in Bismarck, (Germany), Portugal, USA, Britain, France and
Italy. Moreover, the Berlin West African Conference (1884 – 85), whilst it
did more to speed up the rate at which the partition of Africa would take
place, also accelerated the scramble to feverish and bloody levels. The most
successful answers will be competent in analyzing and variety of factors, not
just one.
CHAPTER 32
RESPONSE TO COLONIAL
Good candidates here will avoid a crude contrast between Lobengula, the
„resister‟ and Lewanika, the “collaborator.” They will make it clear that, for
many years, Lobengula, realizing that the result of using force against
Europeans was likely to mean defeat, tried hard to avoid confrontation with
European concession seekers. He turned to armed resistance reluctantly and
only when nothing else could prevent loss of sovereignty.
Both leaders lost their independence, but the path to this ultimate outcome
was much less unpleasant and violent for Lewanika and the Lozi than for
Lobengula and the Ndebele. Lewanika did retain a measure of authority and
control over his subjects and country until his death. The best answers will
be consistently analytical, explanatory and balanced.
2. ANALYSE THE MAIN FEATURES OF POST PACIFICATION
PRIMARY RESISTANCE WITH REFERENCE TO THE
NDEBELE – SHONA AND THE MAJI – MAJI RISING.
COMPARE AND CONTRAST THE RESULTS OF THESE
TWO RISINGS.
RESULTS:
Candidates are required to compare and contrast the results of the two
risings and this will be most effectively done by analyzing similarities and
differences, point by point. For example, in both risings the Africans were
defeated with heavy loss of life and without achieving their main objective
of driving out the colonial power.
In both risings, spirit mediums were discredited and Africans turned as never
before to Christian missionaries to listen to their message and to acquire the
skills and knowledge they possessed. The Shona did this to a greater extent
than the Ndebele, whilst the Ndebele got better peace terms after the risings.
Britain and Germany moved in to reduce the risk of any such recurrence of
the revolts. The Germans did more of this than the British. They appointed a
new Governor, Rechenberginho who introduced significant changes –
Africans encouraged to grow cash crops, and forced labour was banned.
A mark above 20 – will be awarded to answers which accurately identify the
similarities and differences in the results of the two risings. A balanced
discussion of the two risings only will have a ceiling of 17 marks.
3. ANALYSE AND EXPLAIN, WITH SPECIFIC EXAMPLES,
THE VARIOUS WAYS IN WHICH AFRICANS SHOWED
THEIR OPPOSITION TO BRITISH RULE BETWEEN 1895
AND 1914
Prempheh‟s aims:
At his accession in 1888 Prempeh‟s aims were to undo the results of the
Asante War of 1873 – 74:
- To revive the Asante Confederacy.
- To revive the Asante Empire
- To avoid military confrontation with the British
- To preserve the independence of his country and his own
sovereignty.
The core reason for Prempeh‟s failure lay in the clash between Britain and
Prempeh‟s ambitions and attitudes. Britain regarded Asanted as an
aggressive and barbaric military power and was determined to prevent her
gaining direct access to the coast. Unfortunately for Prempeh, his accession
coincided with the peak period of the European scramble for Africa. Hence,
Britain‟s military supremacy was bound to lead to Prempeh‟s defeat. In the
end therefore, Prempeh failed to achieve his aims. A consistently analytical
answer on Prempeh‟s aims, methods, and results of his interaction with the
British should be given a mark above 21.
5. EXPLAIN THE RESPONSE OF TWO OF THE FOLLOWING
TO THE ENCROACHMENT OF EUROPEANS ON THEIR
TERRITORY:
MKWAWA OF THE HEHE; MWANGA; KABAKA OF
BUGANDA; LOBENGULA, KING OF THE NDEBELE:
LEWANIKA, KING OF THE LOZI.
The rulers listed represent a wide range of the possible responses of Africans
to Europeans. Some might be labeled „resisters‟ for example Lobengula,
Mkwawa and Mwanga, while Lewanika‟s might be described as
„collaboration‟. The best answers will avoid such „bald‟ classifications and
show that they are too simplistic. The response of all four changed with
changing circumstance. For example, Lobengula tried very had to negotiate
with Europeans who visited his court and was prepared to meet their
demands so long as this did not lead to loss of sovereignty. More
sophisticated explanations which reveal a clearer understanding of the rulers
chosen and their varying responses will be awarded marks in the 18 – 20; 21
– 25 bands. Of course the underlying reasons were that the rulers hoped
initially, to accommodate European demands thereby safeguarding their
independence having to lessen the impact of colonial take – over.
Lwewanika achieved the latter.
6. Why did the Shona rise against the British in 1896 but not before
that date?
The key issue is the reasons for the timing of the Shona rising.
Candidates will need to show their awareness that the Shona rising started
only in June of 1896, after the Ndebele had begun theirs in March of the
same year. Therefore, it should be noted that the initiative for the risings
came from the Ndebele and Shona simply joined in. the Shona resented
company rule as much as the Ndebele. However the Shona did not rise
before 1896 because, at first they believed that the Europeans had come for a
short period and would soon leave. However, when they found that they had
come to stay and to rule, they greatly resented their loss of independence.
The other reason is that the Shona were not conquered and at the same time,
they did not sign any treaty with agents of their sovereignty to that company.
In other words the Shona were legally not subjects of the BSAC until after
their defeat in 1897. Apart from that, the Shona, being an agricultural
community were cautions not to disrupt their natural rhythm of life. The
timing of June 1896 can be explained by the fact that they had finished their
harvest and could then concentrate on the rising. The shona rose in June
1896 and not before as they took advantage of the concentration of company
troops in Matabeleland. Therefore the Shona joined the Rising in June partly
due to opportunism as it appeared that the Ndebele might be succeeding. The
British were besieged in Bulawayo and the British relief force sent from the
Cape had not yet arrived. The Shona also joined in 1896 and not before due
to the influence of the traditional religious leaders, such as Mkwati. Mkwati
not only gave his blessing to the Ndebele rising but encouraged the Shona to
join in.
7. WHY WERE THE NDEBELE – SHONA RISINGS IN 1896 – 97?
ANALYSE THEIR COURSE AND RESULTS.
The key issue is the assessment of the reasons / causes, course and results of
the Ndebele – Shona Risings.
The causes of the Risings were common to both the Shona and Ndebele.
Both groups resented the loss of their independence. They both resented the
loss of their large herds of cattle, especially the Ndebele whose economy and
livelihood was based on cattle rearing. The BSAC practiced forced labour in
both, but was practiced first in Mashonaland. The introduction of hut tax
which was to be paid in cash was also resented as it forced the Africans to
work for a wage in order to pay tax. The creation of the inhospitable
reserves, first in Matebeleland, and then in the rest of the country was
apposed by the Ndebele and Shona. The natural disasters such as locusts and
rinderpest were associated with the coming of the whites. So to stop these
calamities the whites had to go. The abuse of Ndebele women and the loss of
chiefly authority were resented by the Ndebele. This also included the use of
Shona policemen in Matabeleland, which was resented by the Ndebele, who
had considered the Shona as their subjects. On the course of the risings,
candidates will be aware that the Ndebele Rising began in March, while the
Shona one began in June. It begun with attacks on Europeans in isolated
farms. The settlers then retreated into the cities which were besieged by
Ndebele. The influence of spirit mediums and traditional priests such as
Mkwati, Nehanda and Kaguvi was important. Both Ndebele and Shona used
natural defences such as the mountains. The Ndebele had retreated into the
Matopo Hills while the Shona retreated into the caves in the hislls where
they applied their skill of defence in rocky and wooden country. At the end
of 1896, the Ndebele resistance was broken, while the Shona continued.
Many Ndebele and Shona were killed in the Rising. Trade and agriculture
were disrupted. The defeat also led to the establishment of the colonial
economy. The exploitation of the Africans was intensified. Many of the
Shona turned to the missionaries after 1897 in an attempt to master
European methods and perhaps turn them to advantage later. The Ndevle3
leaders became salaried officials and spokes men for their people within the
colonial administration. A regular system of procedures was also established
to check ill-treatment of Africans.
The key issue is an assessment of the causes, nature and but come of the
Maji – Maji Rising.
The Maji – Maji was the most important anti – colonial rising in East Africa
between the initial European occupation and the Mau Mau war of the 1950s.
this Rising united many separate ethnic communications in a single
movement. It was a mass revolt, involving, not only old societies, but new
ones as well. It was a mass revolt, involving, not only soldiers of old
societies, but new ones as well. It was a mass revolt, involving, not only
soldiers of old traditional societies and armies but the whole people,
including women and children who supplied food to the soldiers, gave them
shelter and acted as a courier service between them. In fact, the Maji Maji
was also a forward looking revolt dominated by a new kind of leadership
consisting of charismatic and religious revolutionary prophets rather tan
hereditary and traditional political leaders. It is also true for Tanganyika that
the Maji maji was the last Rising. Some of the causes of this revolt included
forced labour on plantations, textile industries and farm houses. Low wages
and ruthlessness of Masters also caused the rising. Taxation and the
unpopularity of the cotton programme also contributed to the unpopularity
of the Germans. Social and political causes were also important. Brutal
colonial methods such as sever punishment and humiliation were resented
by the people. There was also the undermining of traditional religion and the
abuse of African women by mercenary soldiers. All these factors led to the
Rising. The Maji Maji Rising was finally suppressed with both negative and
positive results. Their defeat was made inventible by some of the following
actors. The tactics used by the Germans were deadly, for example, the
scorched earth policy whereby they burnt down the homes and farms of the
Africans. This caused famine and starvation. The Germans also had modern
weapons like machine guns. The Maji Maji soldiers had no military unity
and no single military strategy. There was little co-ordination between the
Ngoni and other peoples. The Rising did not spread to other areas. Large
powerful groups like the Hehe and Nyamwezi did not join it. Some of the
Hehe fought on the German side in 1905 in gratitude for their help against
Mkwawa in the 1890s.
The key issue is an assessment of the attitude of Lobengula and the Ndebele
society towards European penetration.
Lobengula‟s attitude towards the European menace was more realistic than
that of his army and society in general. Lobengula did not deliberately and
willingly accommodate the Europeans. Faced with a determined group of
whites the only intelligent thing to do was to try and play them against each
other and post porn the inevitable. So Lobengula did not have a choice, and
hence followed a policy of diplomatic contact with Europeans. Lobengula‟s
situation was not helped by the attitude of his own people. It would be
accurate to argue or to describe the Ndebele attitude towards the whites as
rigid and inflexible. The young Ndebele soldiers wanted to drive out all the
Europeans by force. As the Pioneer column was entering Matabeleland, the
warriors had wanted to launch an attack but were restrained by Lobengula.
In fact, after the Pioneers had settled down in Zimbabwe, the young Ndebele
soldiers wanted to drive out all Europeans by force. However, Lobengula
was aware of eh military strength of the Europeans and feared that any war
with them would lead to his own defeat and the conquest of his kingdom.
The king was right because the Ndebele state was eventually destroyed. The
King had hoped to make concessions to the Europeans to appease them and
so avoid the loss of independence, but not so many concessions that these
soldiers would rebel and overthrow him in fact, Lobengula failed to find a
middle way that would satisfy all and this failure led to his downfall. It is
extremely doubtful, however, if such a middle way could ever have been
found. Ndebele society was suspicious of foreign influence. Even
missionaries did not make any progress in trying to proselytize Ndebele
society. Thus, there is a lot of validity in the above assertion.
CHAPTER 33
Candidates who identity the basic differences between the two systems and
explain when and why the change was made will deserve a mark in the 18-
20, 21-25 mark bands.
The switch by Britain from some form of „assimilation‟ to indirect rule came
in the last years of the 19 th century and a brief reference should be made to
the system which preceded indirect rule. The decision to adopt indirect rule
had something to do with the recently expounded racial theories of Social
Darwinism, that Africans, even educated ones, were inferior to Europeans
and that entrusting power to educated (i.e. assimilated) Africans was unwise
and dangerous. Hence the adopting of indirect rule to replace assimilation.
To this extent a degree of principle affected Britain‟s switch to indirect rule.
However, it is difficult to argue persuasively against the view expresses in
the quotation. Most of the evidence suggests that practical and pragmatic
reasons were much more important influences in Britain‟s decision than any
principle.
These reasons included: the lack of British personnel to run the colonial civil
service duties – partly for health / climatic reasons, and above all, for
reasons of cost. Lugard, the „father‟ of indirect rule, argued that it made
practical sense to use traditional African leaders who were available to rule
colonial people. It was likely to promote stability and diminish the risk of
rebellion. He also argued that it was the best way to prepare Africans to
assume responsibility for eventual self – government and independence.
Some specific examples should be given to illustrate indirect rule in action
and these should go beyond the obvious cases of Northern Nigeria. They
should also make clear their awareness of the different forms of indirect rule
– which depended on existing condition. Difficulties encountered should be
highlighted, especially its inflexible character – just the use of traditional
chiefs. Answers which do not go beyond material from Northern Nigeria
will achieve a ceiling of 17 marks.
The key issue is the comparison of the British and French systems of
colonial administration. yes there can be no doubt that the British system of
Indirect Rule differed from the French system of Assimilation. Definitions
will be quite pertinent and relevant to a good answer. However, real
similarities occurred between the British system of Indirect Rule and the
French system of paternalism or „association‟. Under the two systems,
common was the use of chiefs, forced labour and colonial taxation. While
weak answers will describe and assert that association and indirect rule were
just the same, stronger answers will argue that the two systems often differed
quite considerably in practice. The French opposed the very idea of African
Kingship because they viewed Kings as obstacles to colonial despotism.
Kings were often flogged in public, like chief Nileki of Dahommey whom
the French officials beat for failing to supply manpower for forced labour.
Such crude tactics never happened under the British system of Indirect Rule
because African traditional chiefs remained respected. Even when the
British set up warrant chiefs in Southern Nigeria, these may have lost
popularity but they had the backing of British Residents. The British allowed
and even promoted missionary – aided Western education whilst the French
did not. Indeed the French reduced traditional slavery but introduced a new
form of slavery on a massive scale: forced labour. However, there can be no
doubt that neither of the policies aimed at eventual self – government by
Africans.
This is a three part question and when we consider that it is usually covered
within 45 minutes, it therefore appears to be complicated. Another tricky
aspect is that results to be examinied are fofr both Europeans and Africans.
Examiners, in drawing up a marking scheme for such a question, would
allocate respective marks to the three parts of the question. The definitiona
lone would attract up to 5 marks, reasons for the change from assimilation to
association would be given up to 8 marks whilst the results for both Africans
and Europeans would be allocated up to 12 marks. Hence undoing any one
part of the question could lead to a serious loss of credit.
Assimilation was the total absorption of the African into the French political,
economic and social system. The African became accepted as a partner in
politics and business enterprise. The French initially hoped to assimilate all
the Africans in their colonies, but they eventually narrowed their focus to the
four communes (towns) of Senegal – Dakar, S Louis, Goree and Rufisque.
Africans born in these territories automatically became French citizens
enjoying the same privileges as their French counterparts. They could not be
recruited for forced labour and were exempt from the punitive taxation.
Those outside the four communes, in rural Senegal, had to first learn to
speak and write French before they could attain French citizenship.
Reasons for the change to association included fear by French business men
of being overtaken by their African counterparts, the slow pace at which
assimilation was taking place (for example by 1937, only 80 500 out of 15
million had been assimilated,) the French were anxious to maintain a pool of
cheap labour to aid in their colonial exploitation, assimilation was expensive
because the African communities would need to be developed, the French
had no intention to give self – government to the Africans, cultural
differences etc. effects: Africans – one obvious result was that the change to
association brought with it a more rigorous form of exploitation, especially
for Africans living in the interior of Senegal. The “indignant”, the African
who could not be assimilated and was therefore liable to the abuses of
colonial labour – all resulted from French change of policy. Moreover,
disrespect of African leaders, traditional boundaries and even forced labour
became more intense under association. The French – with the change to
association the French openly admitted that their culture was more superior
to that of the Africans, more colonial projects could now be embarked upon
– railway construction, and mining etc. answers in the top two bands (18-20,
21-25) must be able to clearly bring out all the parts of the question and
remain analytical rather than descriptive.
British West Africa: - There were more of these movements in British than
in French West Africa. This was largely because of the change in British
West Africa in the last decade of effect of excluding the educated African
elite from their previously important role in many branches of colonial life.
During the 19th century, educated Africans had come to occupy many
important posts in administration, commerce, medicine, journalism and other
important fields of the civil service. The elite resented the change and began
to organize themselves in an attempt to reform the system of administration
and regain acess to other important roles, and to protect Arican rights and
interests generally. The earliest and best known movement was the
Aborigines Rights Protection Society founded in 1897 in the Gold coast, to
fight the Crown Lands Bill which threatened to make it easy to London and
African land to European. A delegation made up largely of Fante chiefs went
to London and persuaded the colonial secretary to cancel the scheme. This
was one, the ARPs remained vigilant and active for many years and in 1911
succeeded in delaying the implementation of the Forest Bill in 1927. in
Nigerial in 1908, Herbert Macaulay founded the Lagos People‟s Union to
fight against land alienation and against the imposition of a water rate in
Lagos which was designed to provide water fro Europeans.
A form of cultural nationalism also flourished in British territories, triggered
by the land issues referred to above. Casely Hayford, Attoh Ahuma and N.A.
Adaye were amnongst the writes whose aim was to make Africans conscious
of their identity, their cultural heritage and their rights as Africans. From the
1890s onwards, an active press served the same purposes at a less literacy
level, keeping Africans informed about developments relevant to their
interests inside and outside of West Africa.
French West Africa: -Early nationalist activities were less evident in French
West Africa partly because there was a role for the educated elite even after
the system of association began to replace assimilation. This did not mean
that educated French Africans were replaced in the administration by
traditional chiefs as was the case in indirect rule. The French authorities,
unlike the British, preferred to use the educated elite. Blaise Diagne was
elected in 1914 as the representative for Senegal in the French National
Assembly in Paris. He won his seat as a member of the Young Senegalese
Party against six European opponents whose aim was to promote the
interests of French traders. He gained support from the Senegalese in the
communes of Dakar and Rafisque by helping them to resist land alienation.
When first elected he fought for equality between blacks and whites and in
1916 won the rights of French citizenship including exemption from forced
labour and the indegenat,‟ for all Senegalese in the Four Communes. Sadly,
by 1919 he had become a champion of the French establishment and a
supporter of forced labour.
Most answers may tend to show more knowledge about British than French
West Africa. However, the top / best answers will achieve some reasonable
balance in coverage, identifying the movements and their activities,
explaining their emergence and assessing their achievements.
The key issue is an assessment of the ways by which, and explanation of the
reasons for the changing nature of indirect rule.
The system of indirect rule was inspired by the belief that the European and
the African were culturally distinct though not necessarily unequal ant that
the institutions of government most suited to the latter were those which he
had devised for himself. Therefore, the European colonial powers were to
govern their African subjects through their own political institutions. Lugard
the ruler of Northern Nigeria (1900 – 6) and all of Nigeria (1912 – 20), is
generally regarded as the apostle of indirect rule though, he was certainly not
its founder. Indirect Rule as conceived by Lord Lugard was to be a dynamic
system of local government. the two major forms of indirect rule were
interventionist indirect rule as practiced by Lugard and Non- interventionist
indirect rule as practiced by Lugard‟s successors Lugard did not favour a
passive form of indirect rule where there would be stagnation in traditional
ways of life and politics, but wished for a positive reformation of
traditionalism by well – timed and well judged European intervention to
remove the abuses and speed up development. However, Lugard‟s
successors followed a policy of minimal interference in the process of local
government, preferring to let the traditional political institutions develop
along their own lines rather than along lines laid down or suggested by the
European administrator. Indirect rule enjoyed different levels of success
depending on the nature of the communities. It was more successful in
centralized communities with an established hierarchy, such as the Fulani-
House, the Baganda, Lozi and Ngwato. Indirect rule was inapplicable and
unsuccessful in those many communities which lacked centralized
administration, notably the Igbo and TIV in eastern Nigeria and most
Kenyan communities. There were disastrous failures in the attempt to apply
indirect rule in areas without centralized traditional government.
Candidates must make use of specific examples to illustrate the reasons why
Islam spread more rapidly than Christianity. There is a lot of validity is the
above claim. Both Islam and Christianity took advantage of the colonial
peace and improved communications but Islam spread more rapidly because
of the following reasons: In West Africa, Islam was already a predominant
religion so European rule only strengthened it. Islamic leaders presented a
modern form of Islam, for example the Mourides in Senegal developed
groundnut growing as a response to the colonial economy. The Egyptian
cultural revival which combined a national approach with the interpretation
of the Koran also made Islam popular. Colonization led to the break up of
traditional social structures and people turned to religious movements as an
anchor for example the growth of Mouridism. Given a choice between
Christianity and Islam, Africans turned Islam which allowed African
practices such as polygamy. Islam was more comparable with African
traditional religion than Christianity. Islamic missionaries understood
spiritual and social problems of their converts better than Christian
missionaries. It was easy to become a Muslim than a Christian, and Islam
did not identify with colonial masters‟ culture. In some areas like Northern
Nigeria, administrators discouraged Christianity so as not to arouse Muslim
hostility. However, in some areas, Christianity spread more quickly than
Islam. In West Africa Christianity spread more rapidly among coastal
communities. Christianity‟s greatest success before 1914 was in Igbo land,
where local conditions were more congenial to Christian mission work than
elsewhere in West Africa. In East Africa, Christianity spread more rapidly in
Uganda and Kenya than Tanganyika where it had to face competition from
Islam. In Central and southern Africa where rivalry from Islam was
negligible, Christianity made considerable progress. Therefore, the above
statement cannot be generalized to the rest of tropical Africa.
CHAPTER 34
Answers must refer to all of the three forms of religion to earn marks above
20. Answers which just refer to only one form of protest will not get beyond
a third of the marks.
The main reasons for the emergence of the African independent church
movement were linked with the style of management of mission controlled
churches and with certain unpopular aspects of colonial rule in the late 19 th
and early 20th century:
In West Africa: - The main leaders here were Majola Agbedi and William
Wade Harris. Agbedi was associated with several independent churches
including the African Baptist Church (1888), the United Native African
Church 1891, and the African Bethel Church (1901). He was President of
the African Baptist Union of West Africa. Harris, a Liberian Protestant
evangelist, was the most successful in terms of the number of followers and
converts. He moved to the Ivory Coast in 1913 where he enjoyed his greatest
success.
IMPORTANCE
Though reasons for the emergence and growth of independent churches
varied from place to place, there was much commonality in their importance
/ significance. All were examples of protest against colonialism in general
and against foreign control of churches. All were examples of early African
nationalism. Only Chilembwe in Malawi carried protest to the point of open
rebellion. Most leaders were opposed to the used of violence. All were
advocates of more and better education for Africans as a means of
improving living standards and promoting progress and justice. All believed
that Christianity in Africa must come to terms with African culture and the
African personality.
For marks above 18, answers must clearly address both parts of the question.
Vague and inadequate answers can hardly expect to get beyond 7 marks.
CHAPTER 35
COLONIAL ECONOMY
Role before 1914 – The role of these companies which „administered‟ the
territories on behalf of Leopold II or the French Government was a shameful
one. In the Gogo Free State the initial grant was to the Compagnie du Congo
pour le Commerce et I‟ industry i.e. (CCCI) 1886. a railway was build round
the Congo rapids from Matadi to Leopoldville. In return the company was
granted over 3 000 square miles of land. Two other companies were
contracted to build railways to Lake Tanganyika and to Katanga, and many
others to exploit land outwards from the river bank. Leopold and the
companies made enormous profits. Leopold made a personal fortune of 3
million between 1895 and 1905. a vicious regime was operated to exploit
Africans, forced labour, rubber taken as tax, flogging and other forms of
torture for failure to produce the „quota‟ were common. Africans had no
time to cultivate food crops and hence death from starvation was
widespread. Villages and whole areas were depopulated and abandoned.
Forest encroached on formerly cultivated land which marked a return of the
tsetse fly and sleeping sickness, a killer disease. In 1900 – 01 the British
Consul exposed these appalling conditions and in 1908 the Belgian
Government took over the administration of the Congo. Existing contracts,
however, were allowed or continue until they expired.
Equally important is the need for specific information about the economic
activities which the railways promoted and serviced. These would include in
both East and Central Africa, the main agricultural crops that were grown
and mineral wealth which was exploited and the facilities for transport to the
coast of goods for export, and for the distribution of imported goods to the
interior of the regions. The most important cash crops introduced by white
settlers (on plantation basis) were coffee (1899) and Sisal (1904) in Kenya.
In East Africa railway construction brought Indians into the region, initially
as railway builders and later to stay on as retail traders to be joined by
further immigrants. Railways also helped to attract white settlers from
Europe and South Africa into both regions to develop and exploit their
wealth. It should not be forgotten, however, that in British East Africa the
Uganda Railway was made profitable by serving the needs of small African
farmers rather than those of settler farmers. Settler farming on a significant
scale did not begin until after World War One.
Answers need to clearly address the key aspect of the question, “How far”
by clearly highlighting the negative elements as well.
These included forced labour, hut tax and most importantly, land alienation
as well as the creation of impoverished reserves to resettle the displaced
Africans. Such answers which explain both the negative and positive impact
of railways can deserve marks above 20.
The key issue is an assessment of the ways in which the various sources
referred to have contributed to the recovery of pre – colonial history.
Candidates are expected to find out and evaluate each of three sources‟
utility in the recovery of information. Examiners expect candidates to focus
attention on the following sources.
Oral traditions
These are verbal testimonies of people which may refer to King lists,
succession, migrations of people wars etc e.g. the history of Great
Zimbabwe and Mapungumbwe. Oral traditions are recollections of the past
passed by word of mouth for a period beyond the life of the informants.
Information about the origins growth and downfall of states can be gathered
though oral tradition e.g. the trades at Great Zimbabwe, Mapungubwe, Ziwa,
etc are known through this source. It is useful in that it is participative as
historians carryout interviews. Questions can be asked and elaborations can
be made for clarification. It fills the gaps created by both written and
archaeological evidence. Songs and poems make oral traditions a reliable
source of information.
However it has its own limitations for instance it can be greatly hampered by
tendency to forget and exaggerate, high risks of memory loss, or selectivity
and reliability, the interviewer may be influenced by race class, age gender
or ethnicity of the historian hence affects the reliability it fails to give
accurate dates e.g. Mutapa State, origins of Great Zimbabwe.
Archaeology
The scientific study of artifacts e.g. tools, weapons, pottery, axes, hoes and
utensils used by people long ago. They may also be in form of waste
products, pottery, grains; reference is on Gokomere, ziwa, Leopard Kopje,
Zizho and other Iron Age cultures.
However like oral traditions, archaeology also has its own weaknesses.
Accounts can be incomplete and inaccurate especially when it is done by an
amateur archaeologist. Vulnerable to distortion and destruction of original
content of the remains. It can not provide information such as names of
people and religion.
Written documents
-Documentary or reported evidence. This is stored in form of diaries, letters,
books etc produced by Arabs, Portuguese, traders, missionaries, hunters
-Such documents are original and authentic since they are unedited (History
of Mutapa and Rozvi is clear from these documents)
-Information produced can be tested and verified. Documentary information
can survive dangers of alteration and distortion hence in reliable and useful.
However the source is limited to some extent in that the writer selects what
he wants, suffers from bias, distortions etc
C. Architectural controversy
- What purpose did the conical tower and the great enclosure serve?
-P Garlake – Great Zimbabwe was simply a symbol of rulers‟ status,
prestige, honour and privacy
- K. Mufuka – the upright stone were associated with religious beliefs of the
Shona. The religious beliefs of the Shona. The conical tower suggests that
they wanted to be closer to Mwari. It had an alter for religious ceremonies.
- Great Zimbabwe as a defensive structure
- An expression of fertility and success
Answers which demonstrate well supported analysis of the three
controversies should earn marks in the 21 – 25 mark category.
CHAPTER 37
The key issues are the identification and an assessment of the specific
changes which took place. Excellent answers will focus attention on the
social, political and economic changes which took place. Answers to be
analytical and explanatory.
Hunting also became easier through the use of iron implements e.g. hunting
gradually declined as people were becoming more engaged in farming. Food
security triggered a rise in population and establishment of permanent
settlement. Trade also began as people exchanged items they had for those
they did not have. Gold mining began and this mineral was traded with
Swahili and Arab traders on Indian Ocean coast.
Political changes: Formation of villages created the bases for chiefdoms
e.g. Leopard‟s Kopje, Ziwa, Mabvensi, Gomere, Bambadyanalo K2. there
was also the formation of states e.g. mapungumbwe and Great Zimbabwe
and later Mutapa etc. introduction of iron also led to wars arising out of
disputes over political leadership and control of trade e.g. at Great
Zimbabwe and Mutapa State. People moved to distant places resulting in the
wild spread of people in new areas. There arose the struggle for supremacy
and the need to control trade, some aspects which may explain the fall of
great Zimbabwe. The use of Iron also paved way for the formation of
powerful states e.g. Mutapa and Rozvi.
The key issues are the identification of the methods and the assessment of
their utility in recovering pre-colonial history of Zimbabwean States. The
best answers should focus attention on the following sources:
- Oral traditions: these are recollections of the past passed by word
of mouth or a period beyond the life of the informants. The
evidence is transmitted by word of mouth from generation to
generation. Such verbal testimonies of people would normally
refer to King lists succession migrations of peoples wars etc e.g.
Great Zimbabwe, Mutapa, Rozvi States. Oral traditions provide
information about the origins, expansion and fall of states. The
recent, past can also be known by means of life histories or
personal recollections where informants speak about their own
experiences. Oral traditions in view of this background have
considerable advantages which therefore makes it a useful source
in recovering pre-colonial state history. It is a method which is
participative as historians can carry out interviews. They
participate in the creation of documents as questions can be asked
and answered there and there. It reveals absent areas of history
especially aspects of everybody absent from written records. Oral
traditions can be used to verify and elaborate other sources e.g.
archaeology and written records. History of Great Zimbabwe,
Mutapa and Rozvi are some of the examples.
Oral tradition provides more graphic and vivid depictions of events and
personalities. It should however be noted that oral traditions has its own
limitations. For instance, this source is affected by fallibility of memory.
There are high risks of memory loss, selectivity and reliability. Again, it is
prone to distortion and bias. Again an interview may be influenced by social
relations with the interviewer or by race, class, age, gender or ethnicity of
the historian.
However, like any other source, written records are also limited. The writer
can simply selects what he wants and leaves out what he doesn‟t like. The
reporter can produce a one – sided account. The documents can easily be
destroyed especially in a politically unstable government and the natural
disasters such as floods, earthquake and fire.
He moved further North in 1837. in 1838, the group split into tow large
divisions to continue their migration in a more orderly fashion. The first
group compromised the elderly, women and children. The group was under
Gundwane Ndiweni, an entrusted Induna. The groups had most of
Mzilikazi‟s sons e.g. Nkulumane and Lobengula. It followed a relatively
direct short route to a place not far from the present Matopo Hills.
The second group had Mzilikazi as the leader. Some of his senior Indunas
assisted. The problem of obtaining food and water for a long period made it
impossible for the whole group to land as a single body. Eventually
Mzilikazi came back to Matabeleland and he killed Gundwane who had
established Nkulumane as king of Matabeleland. He eventually established
himself at Inyati after defeating the Rozvi State. Following this military
victory, the Ndebele emerged as a permanent feature in Zimbabwe.
The key issue is an analysis of the internal set up of the Ndebele State.
Candidates need to focus on major land marks projected in social, political,
religious and economic life.
Political structure
The structure an organization of the Ndebele State was extremely complex.
There were some geographical divisions and these were: The Ndebele
heartland, the tributary states and the periphery raiding areas. The Ndebele
heartland was directly under Mzilikazi. The people were grouped into larger
units under chiefs (Izinduna). The people in this section were ranked
according to their ethnic origins. At the top of the hierarchy were the Zansi
which was made up of the original Nguni members. Below them were the
Abenhla. These constituted the Sotho and Tswana people embodied within
the state during the 1st 20 ears of Ndebele settlement. The Amahole (hole)
were the indigenous people, the inhabitants of the land which the Ndebele
occupied. Majority of Izinduna and senior lineages groups were drawn from
the Abenhla. The homesteads of the hole groups were the least important in
the state.
The King was the absolute ruler (Nkosi); he had the supreme power and
authority. Kingship was the right of the royal family of the Khumalo Clan
and the position was hereditary and patrilineal. The government was
centralized and everything was reported to the King who also paid regular
visits to the different parts of his domain. The King had powers vested on
him. He was the head of state, chief commander of the army, chief
administrator, judiciary leader, head of religion and his word was law. The
King raised the amabutho, coordinated military campaigns, distributed cattle
and land. Captives were also given land and he got rid of opponents and was
the overseer of the inxwala ceremony. He ruled with the assistance of the
Izikhulu and the Umphakathi.
The Umphakathi consisted of the original Khumalo chiefs, those who came
from Nguni – land. They made important decisions though final decision
was from the King. This chamber represented the people in the King‟s
deliberations and he ruled as the King in Command in major matters e.g. war
and distribution of land. The Izikhulu comprised other chiefs drawn from the
incorporated people into the Ndebele State.
The state had tributary states which surrounded Ndebele heartland. These
were Shona lands and were integrated into the Ndebele. They paid tribute
and attended the inxwala ceremony. The periphery raiding areas were those
regions beyond the tributary area. These were subjected to occasional raids
by the Amabutho. The Ndebele did not control the whole of Mashonaland
since some Shona especially those around Gweru resisted and were never
affected.
Both Mzilikazi and Lobengula were powerful to impose their wills over the
Izikhulu and Umphakathi. These town advisory bodies assisted in decision
making. Majority of Izinduna were tied to the King through marriages.
The army was an important organ. It had four divisions namely amaKhanda,
a Mnyama, aMhlophe and iGabi. The state also had four provinces. The
army defended the state and cattle. They guarded the King‟s Capital and
went for a raid. They were catered for by the state.
Social structure
The Ndebele‟s social system was based on the „caste system‟. It had three
districts social groups- the abeZansi, abenhla and amahole.
Abenhla These were the incorporated tribes who had been conquered on
the way to the North. These included the Sotho, Tswana, Griqua and the
Kora. They constituted 25% of the total population. They occupied the
middle levels and were inferior to the Zansi.
Amahole this was the least important group in the state and constituted of
the Kalanga and Shona people who were conquered on arrival in Zimbabwe.
They were the baggage carriers, herd men and constituted 60% of the whole
Ndebele population. Some became officials in the army after proving their
military genius. Inter – marriages were later legalized and majority lost their
identity and they followed Ndebele language and cultural practices (Moyos,
Sibandas and Ncubes etc).
Economic structure
The European historians deliberately distorted the basis of the Ndebele
economy. They argue that the Ndebele were nomads and their survival
depended solely on raiding. This assertion is not true. Candidates need to
appreciate that raiding was not only an economic system but a political one
and that raiding was a historical practice from Nguniland. They raided for
food and manpower during the migrant period. This became tense during the
early days of Ndebele settlement in Zimbabwe. After settling down, they
became involved in other economic activities such as:
- herding
- crop cultivation
- trade
- mining
- hunting and gathering
- basketry, pottery curving and fishing.
The key issue is an examination of the extent to which results of the Anglo –
Ndebele War can explain the causes of the 1896 – 7 Chimurenga War. Best
answers must be analytical, judgmental and balanced.
Again the Africans resented white domination. Rhodes and Jamson took
necessary steps to introduce the white administrative machine. By 1895 new
colony known as Rhodesia named after Rhodes introduced effective
administrative machinery. They introduced hut tax to force Africans to go
and work on settler farms and mines. Hut tax was to be paid in cash and in
this way they believed would force them to seek employment in farms to
raise cash. Cattle were seized to force Africans work for the Whiteman.
Following the failure of all their tricks, they introduced forced labour in
1894.
Forced labour became a thorn issue and it undoubtedly led to the outbreak
of war. Chiefs were instructed to recruit able – bodied men and hand them
over to the Company where they oppressive act was to be brought to an end.
Taxation system was imposed on both the Shona and the Ndebele for a dual
purpose i.e. to increase company income and to acquire labourers. It was a
burden which hardened Africans‟ hearts hence by 1896 – 7 war broke out.
The African had no choice other than to fight in order to stop white
domination and brutality. There wasn‟t justice in the area even though
magistrates were appointed in various districts to administer justice.
Africans were ill-treated especially in mines and in farms. Whites used
sjambok to assault Africans. This system was heavily resented by Africans.
It should also be noted that other factors than results of the war spearheaded
the outbreak of the war. The natural disasters occurred (drought, rinderpest,
and locust) and these were given a religious interpretation. Spirit mediums
(Mkhati & Nehanda) argued that white presence had angered the ancestors
to an extent of them ending thee disasters. Hence, the only way of stopping
the disaster was by driving the whites away. Hence war was inevitable.
The key issues are an analysis of the causes and nature of the 1 st Chimurenga
War 1896 – 7
Candidates should analyze the causes and nature of the war. Equal attention
should be put on the two parts of the question. The best answer should
identify and assess the causes with the intention to show how each triggered
the outbreak of war. In addition such excellent answer should further show
the nature of the uprisings. Focus on one aspect of the answer would lead
into one-sided answers which in turn will fetch low marks.
CHAPTER 41
The key issue is the analysis and assessment of the various measures taken
to make labour available for the settlers and the company.
(B)
The measures in each case were very successful. Candidates should
comment on each act and assess whether the intended results were achieved.
For example The Land Apportionment Act aggravated African suffering as
shortage of land mounted. Again, Industrial Conciliation Act intensified the
poor working conditions, whites continued to demand passes. Overcrowding
in Reserves also mounted to testify the effectiveness of the reserve system
etc. the assessment should be balanced. The measures had some limitations
e.g. shortage of labour in mines and farms due to absenteeism and desertion,
low production as workers / broke machines, formation of burial societies
and African Independent Churches helped to unite Africans protest
movements were later established etc.
NB. Candidates are expected to demonstrate adequate knowledge
pertaining to company rule meant to frustrate African agriculture.
2. How and with what success was the blacks‟ reaction to settler‟s
repressive laws?
The key issues are the identification of the methods employed by blacks to
demonstrate against the oppressive laws and assess the success and failures
of the unrest in Zimbabwe up to 1960.
Success and failures of each method varied. There was a sharp / acute
shortage of labour in mines and farms.
- Improvement of some working conditions
- Burial societies formed to unite people
- There was then rise of African Independent Churches which united
people.
- Protest movements highlighted problems of workers
- Forged passes, formed trade unions.
Candidates should also demonstrate that these methods were a failure in that
- Poor working conditions remain unabated.
- Accommodation continued to be a problem
- Africans were not allowed to vote
- Whites continued to demand passes from workers
Answers which adequately analyze and demonstrate the extent to which the
response was successful should be awarded marks in the 21 – 25 mark
bands.
CHAPTER 42
NYASALAND
The key issue is the assessment of the motives behind the establishment of
the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Candidates must consider both
economic and political arguments for the federation. Best answers must pass
judgment as to which was fundamental. The answers must be analytical and
balanced.
Political Consideration
- To form a strong union against possible control by the Afrikaners
- To cooperate in order to control Africans
- The three territories were all under settler administration though
there constitutional status differed. Southern Rhodesia hoped to
use her position to perpetuate white supremacy by demanding
dominion status.
- The fear that Africans might revolt against the whites in Central
Africa spearheaded its formation. Africans had already started
forming trade unions and political parties; hence a Federation
would help the British control Africans and monitor their
movements.
- The geographical unity of the three territories (Central territories of
Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland) led to the
formation of Federation (a political union). The fact that the three
were under one colonial master expedites the process.
- Blacks were blinded into believing that federation would promote
partnership between whites and blacks (horse and rider)
The key issue is an examination of the reasons leading to the collapse of the
Federation. The best answers will adequately analyze and explain the
reasons for its collapse
INDEPENDENCE
Failures
- Not able to get independence
- No one man one vote
- Racial discrimination continued
- UDI put in place etc
The economy to a larger extent suffered as lack of oil caused by the oil
embargo, financial difficulties as a result of foreign currency shortages,
restrictions on imports and travel difficulties for Rhodesian citizens were
obvious inconveniences. The tobacco industry was the hardest hit as it
reduced from 244 000 000 pounds in 1965 to 132 000 000 pounds by 1967.
There were factory closures while some factories retrenched their staff.
Again fewer African workers were employed in 1967 than in 1966.
However despite these challenges, the sanctions yielded positive results. The
sanctions spearheaded economy stability. The economic remained basically
sound because by 1968, a sharp rise of about 8.6% in the Gross National
product.
-The economy expanded because of the need for self sufficiency.
-There was also a diversification of secondary industries especially those
concerned with the production of textiles, footwear and various forms of
machinery.
-Sanctions yielded nothing because the import control stimulated import
replacement / substitution. Existing plants were regeared.
-Enterprises were diversified and shops began to fill with Rhodesian mode
of goods of all kinds. By 1974, local sources supplied 90% railway needs.
CHAPTER 44
The key issue is the comparative analysis of the contributions made by these
three different groups. Answers should be reasonably balanced allowing
adequate room for the most responsible aspect. Candidates may include the
following:
a) Peasants
They played a pivotal role. They were at the middle position between the
guerrillas and the settler forces; provided food, shelter, intelligence
information on settlers‟ whereabouts, and organized all essentials necessary.
They were like the water and the guerrillas were like the fish. Fish can not
live / survive without water. Played a crucial role. The young men were
called (Mujibhas) and young ladies (Chimbwidos) provided manpower, and
information as well as morale.
They were also recruited into the army, trained to spy on the enemy – (ears
and eyes of the guerrillas)
-Peasants suffered many hardships e.g. brutality of government agents,
tortured for harboring the enemy, imprisoned for supporting the guerrillas,
put under confinement, lost lives through bombings
-Those who worked together with Smith were killed by guerrillas as sellouts.
b) Workers
Their major contribution was in the area of financial and material support.
They provided the guerrillas with food, boots, money, cigarettes, radios,
transport. (Normally teachers, nurses, agritex officials provided their
vehicles to ferry the guerillas. In towns they were ferried on false pretence
that they were Christians. Workers provided clothes, food, cigarettes etc
through their parents at home.
NB: Guerrillas also contributed strongly till the final victory
Candidates need to be detailed and should provide a balanced assessment in
view of all those who contributed as the final victory was through concerted
effort.
c) International community
-Played a diversity of roles. Assistance ranged from provision of military
training, arms of war, shelter for Zimbabwean refugees to the provision of
food, medical supplies e.g. bandages and medicines.
-countries like China, USSR, Cuba and other Eastern block countries outside
Africa provided military training while in Africa, Tanzania, Egypt,
Mozambique, and Zambia also provided the training and shelter for
guerrillas.
-Mozambique and Zambia had a dual part of play as they also
accommodated Zimbabwean refugees in their camps.
-ZANLA forces got trained in Tanzania, Mozambique and China.
-ZIPRA forces were trained in Zambia, Tanzania, Cuba and Soviet Union
-Both forces received training in the use of guerrilla tactics e.g. use of road
and railway lines for communication, importance of political education and
conscientization of the masses on aims and objectives of the struggle.
-ZANLA forces later used pungwes as platforms to disseminate the political
education
-This education was very important as it had a social and a political binding
effect between the mass and the guerrillas.
The answer should also go further and analyse the contribution of other
various organizations and humanitarian agencies. These included UN
agencies such as UNICEF for refugees, FAO for food and UNESCO for
education in refugee camps. The OAU liberation committee also helped by
providing moral and military support. The assistance also reached they
guerrillas in Mozambique and Zambia.
b) Workers
They provided the much needed support in monitory and material form.
They provided clothes, moneys, food, cigarettes, radios, boots etc.
-Provision of transport – teachers, nurses, agritex officials etc, used their
cars to ferry guerrillas‟ supplies to the required points.
-Individual workers in towns ferried the guerrillas who came to urban areas
disguised as Christians to the designated areas.
-Workers also provided shelter, food, clothes, boots, money etc, to guerrillas
in towns or in rural areas.
CHAPTER 45
The key issue is an assessment of the extent to which the Lancaster House
Constitution was a compromised hence incomplete or unfinished business.
- Land issue
The land distribution and resettlement was agreed upon and the government
of Britain was to meet half the cost of resettlement. The Zimbabwean
government was to find the other half. UK pledged an initial amount of UK
20M by 1980.
-Land was to be exchanged through a willing seller – willing buyer
mechanism with the white farmers who wanted to continue farming being
free to do so.
- White representation
It was agreed that whites had to retain 20 uncontested seats in the New
Assembly
-They agreed on a ceasefire in which ZANLA and ZIPRA guerrillas had to
be put in assembly points and had to disarm
-A free and a fair election based on one man one vote basis were to be held.
-No constitutional amendments of these terms for a period of 10 years.
The key issue is an evaluation of the role played by the masses and the
Nationalist leaders during the liberation war form 1972 to 1979. Excellent
answers should be explanatory and detailed.
The masses (peasants and workers) played pivotal roles. They provided
shelter, food, intelligence on enemy movement and location, logistics,
essential cover i.e. „the masses were the sea and the guerrillas were the fish‟.
Workers on the other hand provided cigarettes, money, radios, boots, clothes
and transport. Teachers, nurses, agritex officers and business people ferried
the guerrillas with their vehicles to designated places.
Individuals in towns ferried the guerrillas who came to town disguising to
the Christians to areas of their operation. The masses bore the brunt of war
between settlers and guerrillas. They were forced to support these two
parties. Mujibhas and Chimbwidos carried supplies to and from the bases in
neighboring countries and within the country. They also provided new
recruits for guerrilla training. Offered support and morale and could
misinform enemy.
-The masses however suffered many hardships e.g. brutality of government
agents, collecting fines for not reporting guerrilla, tortured several for
harboring guerrillas, imprisoned for supporting guerrillas and were put in
protected villages. Died in their thousands due to bombing of guerrilla bases.
i) Getting rid of the King Lobengula whom they considered a dictator and
the greatest obstacle to the spread of Christianity in Matabeleland and
ii) The total destruction of the Ndebele system of government.
Thus they encouraged them and facilitated the colonization of Zimbabwe.
This has led many historians to claim that The Flag followed the cross. They
began to label the Ndebele as savage, hostile, barbarians and blood-thirsty
and uncivilized. Hence the need to convert them to Christianity to stop such
brutal act
- Robert Moffat wrote „Lobengula government is tyrant ----, I feel
melancholy, I often feel willing to suffer anything to die any kind
of death if it could only result in the moral renovation of the
Matebele, their deliverance from their present awfully degraded
conditions…‟
In this case missionaries were therefore praying for a change that would
create a grand opportunity for Christianity. Conquest of the Ndebele was
now considered as pre-requisites for missionary work. Moffat and other
missionaries believed that Europeans were superior and this was in line with
the concept of manifest destiny. Missionaries became imperial agency who
solicited and encouraged the BSACs to dismantle the Ndebele State because
they had resisted Christianity.
It should however be noted that missionaries were not political agents but
they acted in what they believed to be in the best interest of the people and
not to benefit any outside power. Thus in this view point, missionaries
encouraged the idea of colonization in the pretext that occupation would
bring light to civilization, good morality, commerce and Christianity to what
thy saw as a savage continent. It became logical to argue that missionaries
used Christianity as an instrument of fostering imperialist interest. Hence by
encouraging and facilitating colonization of Zimbabwe they inevitably
became agents and this would lead to the claim that „The Flag followed the
Cross‟ as Zimbabwe was eventually colonized largely due to their influence.
Other factors should also be considered.
2. To what extent did the Christian missionaries pave way for the
British colonization of Zimbabwe before 1890?
The key issue is the assessment of the role of missionaries in preparing way
for the British colonization of Zimbabwe. Candidates should show the part
played by different Christian missionaries who came to Zimbabwe during
this period. Candidates are expected to show the extent to wish the
missionaries helped Rhodes colonize both Mashonaland and Matabeleland.
It is also mandatory that the answers be balanced by accommodating other
agents who spearheaded the colonization process. The essays may take the
following pattern:
Missionaries therefore prayed for change that would pave way for Christian
work. Thus the conquest of the Ndebele State was considered a pre-requisite.
Examples of missionaries whose activities were undoubted are John Smith
Moffat, Charles D Helm, David Carnegie and Father Peter Prestige. JS
Moffat and CD Helm became willing instruments of Rhodes in signing the
Moffat Treaty 1888 respectively. Carnegie was also instrumental in
encouraging the destruction of the Ndebele State in the d1893 – 4 war of
dispossession. Apart from Carnegie, Father Prestige also gave his hand to
the destruction of the Ndebele State.
-Missionaries therefore paved way for the ultimate colonization of
Zimbabwe.
CHAPTER 47
The belief in the existence of the Second Rand north of the Limpopo
River
A scramble for the anticipated minerals soon started between the Transvaal
Boers, the British and the Portuguese. However the British eventually won
due to Rhodes‟ active involvement.
- Rhodes‟ ability and shrewdness in bribing
- Rhodes‟ rich financial background played a pivotal role in the
colonization process.
- Rhodes‟ ability to mobilize military support
- The quest for raw materials and new markets
Thus Rhodes who believed in British superiority, an ambitious imperialist,
shrewd, diplomatic and a rich businessman with the undying desire to
promote British imperialism worked tirelessly towards the occupation of
Zimbabwe. He achieved this mainly through the signing of treaties and
concessions.
2. Examine the steps that were taken by the whites which led to the
occupation of Zimbabwe
The key issue is an examination of the various steps that were taken by the
whites leading into the colonization of Zimbabwe. Candidates are expected
to focus on the treaties and concessions of colonizing Zimbabwe.
The treaty undoubtedly set in motion the process that eventually led to the
colonization of Zimbabwe. The treaty inevitably invited other key players
e.g. Rhodes.
Candidates who adequately assess and critically evaluate the steps that were
taken by whites in the process of colonizing Zimbabwe should be awarded
marks in the top two mark bands.
CHAPTER 48
The key issue is an assessment of the evidence for regional and inter-
regional trade involving and articulated by society living at Great
Zimbabwe. Candidates should display understanding of how the
archaeological record is based to show contacts and interactions between
societies in prehistory. The candidates are expected to focus on the
following:
Impact
- Social
- developments of settled communities
- population increase
- division of labour, exploitation of man by man
- emergence of classes
- people now lived in large communities
- Political
- emergence of chieftainship
- state formation
- growth of armies for protection etc
- struggle for supremacy and the need to control trade
- wars arising due to disputes over political leadership
- emergence of powerful states e.g. Mutapa and Rozvi
The origins of the state are a subject of great controversy among many
modern historians. This has given rise to a number of theories being put
forward in a bid to explain its origins. These factors include:
Successful agriculture and pastoral farming – Northern Zimbabwe Plateau
has rich red sols. Availability of minerals – The gold from the Mutapa State
received international fame. Accessibility to International Trade through the
East Coast, individual political ambitious leaders e.g. the Lendary of
Nyatsimba Mutota. The Shona did not leave behind any written records
explains why historians have had to rely on oral traditions and archaeology.
- External factors
- Maravi invasions
- Portuguese interventions in political affairs
- Portuguese trading activities
- The prazo system
- Portuguese‟s mining activities
- Internal factors
- The extent or size of the state promoted insubordination to the
central authority e.g. some refused to pay tribute and promoted
civil wars.
- Rebellions from vassal chiefs e.g. Changa of Mbire and Togwa of
Guruuswa, laying down the basis of what became the Rozvi
Empire later
The answers which adequately analyze the internal and external factors in a
balanced manner should be awarded marks ranging from 18 – 25.
CHAPTER 50
1. The power and glory of the Rozvi Mambos between 1680 and
1830 has been grossly exaggerated. Do you agree?
The key issues are the examination and analysis of the controversies
surrounding the extent of power and glory of the Rozvi rulers from its
inception to its down fall. Candidates are expected to focus on the following:
2. Assess the roles played by trade and religion in the Rozvi State
The key issue is the assessment of the importance of trade and religion in the
Rozvi State. Candidates are expected to focus on the growth of the state as
impacted by trade and religion.
Trade:
Trade played a variety of functions in the Rozvi State. The king was the
heard of state. Trade was based on items produced locally. Items were
exchanged with those one did not have at local level. The king who received
tribute in various items was able to use these in long distance trade from
which he obtained foreign goods e.g. beads, cowrie‟s shells, cloth gums, etc.
the exchanged these with gold and ivory. Trade added to the nation‟s
prosperity without which expansion could not have occurred. Some of the
items obtained were given to vassals as rewards. As a result trade was
responsible for the expansion of the state wealth generated by gold and ivory
was reinvested in the construction of elaborate stone building such as
Naletale, Dhlodhlo, and Zinjanja etc. The Rozvi managed to restore the pre -
17th century trading patterns involving Vashambadzi which the Portuguese
had tried or destroy.
Religion
The Rozvi religion was not generally different from that of the rest of the
Shona. Two systems of religion operated in the Shona states. Rozvi religious
authority centered on Matopos, Manyanga and Matonjeni hence it was
exported to new conquered areas e.g. Buhera, Bocha, and Hungwe.
The Mwari cult: Mwari was believed to manifest himself in lightning. His
messages could only be understood by his servants among them the Rozvi.
An elaborate apparatus of priests existed. They interpreted his commands.
- Religion had the role of supporting the ruling class in power and
making exploitation acceptable to masses.
- People acceptance was reinforced by the mediums of the High God
who advised the ruler. Mwari was approached through mediums,
men and women who claimed to be possessed by the spirits of the
founding fathers – Dzivaguru, Nehanda, and Chaminuka. Ruling
lineages created royal cults where the veneration of the ancestors
of the rulers became a national duty.
- This helped to create unity in the state and a common sense of
purpose.
- Religion was instrumental to the acceptability of rulers
- These two complimentary systems reinforced the political position
of the ruler. They intervened in the case of political disputes over
succession. Even rulers regarded themselves as divinely appointed.
Therefore religion acted as a stabilizing factor in the Rozvi State.
The relationship between politics and religion was enhanced by a
number of rituals which clustered around the Rozvi Mambo.
IN ZIMBABWE
Attempted solutions
- Land redistribution and resettlement was major focus
- Free health care was made available for the low income groups
- Health facilities were extended to all parts of the country
- Free primary education was made compulsory
- More schools were built both at primary and secondary levels
- University enrolment increased five fold between 1980 and 1991
- Existing teacher training facilities were expanded (ZINTECT)
- Industries expanded but wasn‟t sufficient enough to curb
unemployment problem
- A minimum wage was decreed
- Selected items were price controlled
- Rights of women were recognized, promoted and protected.
- Discrimination in all its manifestations was outlawed
- The country witnessed a vast expansion of agriculture – communal
farmers became significant contributors to national agricultural
production. However expansion in agriculture was not able to
provide enough employment for thousands of school leavers
- Although the country did well economically, it did not entirely
escape the problems of neo-colonialism
- Foreign aid and loans forced local authorities to modify their
programmes inline with conditions imposed by donors
- ESAP was introduced but it yielded nothing and was soon
abandoned
- Shortage of foreign currency remained a major obstacle to
economic development
- Government abandoned socialism and embarked on trade
liberalism
- Land reform succeeded but later failed.
2. Explain the role played by music and art during the political
campaign periods.
Key issue is to identify the main function of music and art (mass media) in
Zimbabwe and assess them accordingly. Candidates are expected to examine
the following:
- National building by creating awareness of past development in
relation to the present e.g. the struggle for independence.
- Promotion of common culture
- Informing the public of the latest development
- Inspiring the public on the national vision, objectives and goals
- Educating the public of their rights
- Entertainment
- Propaganda
- Mobilization e.g. liberation war songs
- Intimidation e.g. the speeches given to the mob shown in support
of a certain candidate.
- Candidates are required to analyze and assess the extent to which
the above purpose function of music and art have positively and
negatively affected people of Zimbabwe
The land programme has been the country‟s major focus since
independence. It was initially based on the stipulations of the Lancaster
House constitution. Land had to be acquired from white farmers on a willing
seller – willing buyer system
- It was to be done emicably
- 1981 – 84 land Acquisition Act No 21: this enforced he
constitutional provision of land for resettlement. Government
acquired farms leading to the establishment of some resettlement.
Government acquired farms leading to the establishment of some
resettlement sites and irrigation schemes
- Some farms were leased to the people
- There was to be prompt and adequate payment as compensation for
the farms.
- Schemes not as successful because reserves remained as crowded
as ever before
- Resettlements had no hospitals, schools and were not even linked
to major roads or towns.
- Production remained low and the new resettlement areas‟
environment deteriorated
- 1990 – constitutional Amendment Act No30 – This denied the
power of the court to declare as unconstitutional any compensation
decisions
- 1992 – 93 – Land Acquisition Act (Amendment to section 10 of
chapter 20)
- The right of first refusal was abolished. The white farmers had
remained unaffected until 2000 when Mugabe officially supported
the invasion of white farmlands by war veterans and others.
- By 1989 a number of blacks had been resettled.
- However the programme turned from being an economic issue into
a political one. Land issue became a political gemic. Election
campaign and government promises of land in 1985, 1990, 1995,
1996 into the 2000 – 2002 elections.
- A designation provision was introduced enabling addition of
compulsory acquisition to willing – settler – willing buyer
arrangement
- 2000 Constitutional Amendment Act No 16.
- In February 2000 occupation of farmlands campaign: this gave rise
to the genesis of the 3rd Chimurenga.
- Land Acquisition Act amended through Presidential powers
- The government through this Act was redeemed from paying
compensation for the lands. The bill also refused the people from
buying land which was too expensive.
- A number of people were resettled by 2003
- The 3rd Chimurenga marked the genesis of a great rift between
Zimbabwe and the West especially Britain as they condemn land
acquisition as an illegal and a lawless act.
Answers which outline, fully explain and adequately assess the land
programme should be awarded marks in the region of 21 – 25.